suspected of the byshops were the more maliced no doubt therefore of the sayd byshops whiche were the more ready to finde take all occasions to worke agaynst them as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare For the bishop of Salisbury and archb of Yorke hauing no greater matter agaynst them then was declared with a grieuous complaynt went to the king complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of LoÌ„don What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done as ye haue heard before so may you iudge Now what followed after let vs heare The king incensed not a little w e the complaynt of the Bishops conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes and agaynst the whole Cittie of London a great stomache In so muche that the Mayor both the Sheriffes were sent for and remoued from theyr office Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden Gouernor of the citie who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens was also deposed and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington placed in that roome Moreouer so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes termes to be kept at Yorke that is to say the Chauncery the Eschequer the kinges benche the hamper and the common place where the same conâ—â—â—ued from Midsommer tyll Christenmas to the great decay of the Cittye of London which was an 1393. Thivdly an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester of whom mention was made before where was declared how the said Duke with the Earle of Arundell the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby with other were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king Whereupon the king watching afterward hys time came into Chelsford so to the place neare by where the Duke lay wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice And there through the kinges commaundement by secret meanes was put to death being strangled vnder a fetherbed the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis Wherby great indignation roâ—e in many mens hartes agaynst the king With the same Duke of Gloucester also about the same time was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundel who being condemned by parliament were then executed whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king an 1397. Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme Ouer and beside all these aboue premised fell an other matter whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe The banishment I meane of HeÌ„ry Erle of Darby and made Duke of Herford a little before being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of LaÌ„caster who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London and the Duke of Northfolke who was before Erle of Notingham and after by this king made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before At which time the king made 5. Dukes a Marques and foure Earles to wit Duke of Herforde whiche was before Earle of Darby Duke of Awmerle which was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Exester whiche was before Erle of Huntington and this Duke of North folke being before Earle of Notinghame as is aforesayd c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this About this present time the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against the king Wherupon casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other they appoynted to fight out yâ— quarrell a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer whiche after dyed at Uenice and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford for 10. yeares Beside these also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury by Acte of Parliament in the same yere for poynts of treason as ye haue heard before expressed page 512. col 2. All which turned to the great inconuenieÌ„ce of this king as in the euent following may appeare These causes and preparatiues thus premised it followed the yeare after which was an 1399. and last yeare of this king that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done tooke hys viage into Ireland In which meane time HeÌ„ry of Bollingbroke Earle of Darby and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel which before were both exiled returning out of Fraunce to Calice came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster after the death of hys father With â—hem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell beyng yet but yong These together setting out of Calice arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof much people gathered vnto them In this meane time as the Duke was houering on the sea to enter the land L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm hauing intelligence thereof called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer also I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene and Iohn Ruschell with diuers other consulting with them what was best in that case to be done Who then gaue their aduise whether wilful or vnskilfull it is not knowne but very vnfruitfull that he shold leaue london and go to S. Albons there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of LaÌ„caster who they sayd was uniustly expulsed The rest then of the counsayle I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene W. Stroupe Treasurer hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford left the Duke of York and the lord Chauncellor and fled to the Castell of Bristow Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme and were so hated of the people that it is to be thought that for the hatred of them more then for the king this commotion was among the people As this broyle was in England the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares being then in Ireland for hastye speed of returning into England left in Ireland both his busines and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym And so passing the seas landed at Milforde hauen not daryng as it seemed to come to London On the contrary side vnto Henry Duke of Herforde being landed
worldly kingdome with this kingdome of the Pope there is no difference saue onely that this kingdome of the Pope vnder hypocrisie maketh a face of the spirituall word which is the worde of God but in verye deede doth all things with the temporall sworde that is with outwarde forcement and coaction differing nothing from ciuile and secular regiment in all properties and conditions if it be well considered For as in an earthly kingdome first there is a Prince or some chiefe Magistrate appointed hauing dominion ouer his nobles and commons conteining all his subiects vnder his statutes and lawes with the which lawes notwithstanding he dispenseth at his pleasure vnder whom all other inferior Magistrates haue their order and place to them appointed to rule ouer the subiects and yet to be subiect vnder him So if the state and forme of the Pope be well aduised we shall see it altereth nothing from the same but onely in the names of the persons In ciuile gouernment al subiectioÌ„ is referred to one head ruler whose authoritie surmounteth all the rest and kepeth them vnder obedience In like maner the gouernement of the Popish Church is committed to one man who as chiefe steward ouerseer and ruler of Christes houshold in his absence hath supreame power ouer all Churches to moderate and direct all the affaires thereof But here staÌ„deth the difference in ciuill policy he is called a Kyng or Prince here he is called a Pope The King hath next vnto him his Dukes Earles The Popes nobilitie standeth in his Cardinals and Legats who though they be no Dukes in name yet in poÌ„pe and prid will not onely giue checke to them but also mate to Kings themselues it they might be suffered as did Theodorus Lancfrancus Ancelmus Thomas Becket and so would Thomas Woulsey haue done had not the King giuen him a necke to his mate betime In ciuile policie next to Dukes Earles foloweth the order of Lords Barons Knights Esquiers Gentlemen with Mayors Sheriffes CoÌ„stables Bayliffes Wardens c. The like race is to be seene also although vnder other names in the Popes policie of Primates Bishops Suffraganes Prouostes Deanes Canons Uicars Archdeacons Priests Deacons SubdeacoÌ„s Acolites Exorcists Lectors Dorekepers Singsters with other Clerks And as in the other vnder wardens cometh the order of Scauingers so neither doth the Popes Monarchy lacke his kaynilrakers to whome may well be compared the rablement of Abbotes Prouincials Priors Monkes Friers with their Couentes and Nonneries Moreouer from Iustices Iudges Laweyers Sergeants Attorneyes which be necessary offices in the coÌ„mon wealth what differeth the Popes Inquisitors Canonistes Doctours and Bachelers of the Popes lawe Comissaries Officials Proctors Promoters with such other which serue no lesse in spirituall Court in the consistorie then the other aforesaid doe in temporall Court or in the Yeldhall Now who so list to compare the glory and magnificence of the one with the glory of the other also the power and strength of the one regiment with the power of the other and so the ryches of the one wyth the ryches of the other I suppose he shall see no great ods betweene them both taking the Popes kingdome as it hath stood in his full ruffe yet doth stande where Churches are not reformed As for subtiltie and politike practise there is no man that doubteth that is indifferent nor that seeth not that hath his eyes but that the Popes hierarchie in holding vp their state far excelleth all the kingdomes of worldly Princes of whome all other may take example to learne Thus in comparing the Popes regiment with ciuile gouernance as they doe little or nothing disagre asunder So in comparing againe the same with the order of scriptures or with the regiment that was in the old auncient Church of Rome we shall see no resemblaunce betwene them As we read in the Apostles time all the armour of Christes ministers was spirituall and ful of godly power against the spirituall enimies of our saluation gouerning the Church then with peace patience humilitie true knâ—ledge of God the sword of the spirite the shielde of fayth the breastplate of righteousnes harty charitie sincere faith and good conscience so after the Apostles in the time of Ambrose by his owne testimonie is to be vnderstand that the armour of Churchmen was then preces lachrymae prayers and teares where now the armour of the popes Priesthoode is nothing els but ignis ferrum i. fire and sword wherewith they keepe all things vnder their subiection And here commeth the enorme and horrible abuse of excommunication suspension and interdiction in cases friuolous or worldly and for such as for which the ciuile magistrate will not commit any Citizens to the stockes the Popes censure will not sticke to commit a Christian to the deuill not to speak of their other vsurped dealings and doings in matters that belong to the ciuile sword be to them impertinent As in punishing whoredome and adultery in administration and probates of testamentes in bearing ciuile office as popes to be Senators of Rome and Emperour also sede vacante Cardinals to be Capitaines in warre and rulers of regions Byshoppes to be Presidentes or Chauncelours Priestes to be stewards in great mens houses or maysters of minutes or Clerkes of the market or gardiners to Gentlemen c. All which here I ouerpasse referring theÌ„ to the deeper consideratioÌ„ of such as haue more leisure to mark the order of their doings so to iudge of the same with indifferencie according to the rule of truth touched with Gods worde and publike examples of the auncient Church of Christ in the primitiue tyme. Thus hauing discoursed sufficiently so much as concerneth the maner of life title iurisdiction and gouernement of the Popes sea in all which pointes is to be sene how this latter Church of Rome hath receded from the true auncient Church of Rome now remaineth according to my promise and order prefixed consequentlye to proceede to the fourth and last point which is of doctrine wherein consisteth the chiefest matter that maketh with vs and against them in such sort as their doctrine standing as it doth neither they are to be reputed for true Catholikes being altered so far from them nor we otherwise then heretikes if we shoulde now ioyne with these For the more triall whereof let vs examine the doctrine rites of the sayd Church of Rome now vsed and compare the same with the teaching of the auncient Catholikes to the intent that such simple soules as haue beene hetherto and yet seduced by the false visour and image of this pretenced and bastardly church perceauing what lieth within it may be warned by tyme either to eschue the perill if they list to be instructed or if not to blame none but theÌ„selues for their owne wilfull destruction And albeit I coulde here charge the newfangled Church of the Pope
the bishops and of the clergie which I maintaine be right why be they set against me Why do they reprehēd me For if that I appealed to him before whome either it was not lawfull or els not expedient for me to do what seeme they by this but either to blame me causelesse or els to distrust your equity For me to be conuicted before your holinesse it had bene a double confusion Or wherein haue I deserued to be persecuted of them for whose cause I haue set my selfe to stande in their behalfe And if they had willed I had preuailed but it is ill with the head when he is left of his members and forsaken as if the eyes shoulde take the toung to speake against the head If they had had eyes to haue foresene the matter they might vnderstand themselues to speake their owne destruction and that the Princes did vse their helpe but to their owne seruitude And what so great cause of hatred had they against me to procure their owne vndoing in vndoing of me So while they neglected spirituall things in steade of temporall they haue lost them both What shoulde I speake more of this that I repugning them and appealing to your audience yet notwithstanding they durst presume to stand in iudgement and condemnation against me as children against their father Yea and not against me onely but against the vniuersall Church of God conspiring together with the Prince being with me offended And this suspection might also as well pertaine to you holy father But to this they will say that they owe their duety and seruice vnto the king as their Lord to whom they are bound vpon their allegeance To whom I answer that to him they stand bound bodely to me spiritually But to whom ought they rather to stand bound then to themselues And were it not better to sustaine the losse of corporall then of spirituall things But here they wil say againe at this time the Prince was not to be prouoked Howe subtily do these men dispute for their owne bondage Yea they themselues prouoke him by their owne excesse ministring wings vnto him to fight against them for he woulde haue rested if they had resisted And when is constancie more to be required then in persecution Be not a mans chiefe frendes most tried in persecution If they geue ouer still how shall they obtaine the victorie Sometime they must needes resist Condescend therefore holy father to my exile and persecution And remember that I also once was a great man in the time when it was and now for your sake thus iniuriously I am intreated Vse your rigour and restraine them by whose instigation the name of this persecution began And let none of these things be imputed to the king who rather is to be counted the repairer then the author of this businesse Besides this Epistle sent vnto the Pope he wryteth also an other letter sent to the King in Latine the tenour whereof he that is disposed to read may peruse in our former edition with the notes adioyned withall Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin he sent also one or two mo to the said king Henry the second much after the like rate sort The one thus beginning Loqui de Deo liberae mentis est valdè quietae Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum vtinam ad omnes pacificum c. which Epistle for that I woulde not ouercharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous I thought hore to omit The other he sent afterward wherof the wordes be these ¶ An other letter of Becket Archbishop of Canterburie sent to the king TO his Lorde and frende Henry by the grace of God king of England Duke of Normandy Aquitane Earle of Angeow Thomas by the same grace humble minister of the church of Cāterburie sometime his temporally but now more his in the Lord health and true repentaunce with amendement I haue long looked for that the Lord would looke vpon you and that you would conuert and repent departing from your peruerse way and cutte off from you your wicked and peruerse counsellours by whose instinction as it is thought you are fallen into that deepe wherof the Psalme speaketh A sinner when he commeth to the depth of mischiefes is without all care or feare And albeit we haue hetherto quietly suffred and borne considering and earnestly looking if there woulde any messenger come that woulde say Your soueraigne Lorde the king which nowe a long time hath erred and ben deceiued and led euen to the destruction of the church through Gods mercy with aboundant humility doth now againe make speede for the deliueraunce of the Church and to make satisfaction and amendement Yet notwithstanding we cease not day by day continually to call vpon almightie God with most humble deuotion that that which we haue long desired for you and by you we may speedely obtaine with aboundant effect And this is one poynte that the care of the Church of Canterburie whereunto God hath presently appoynted vs albeit vnworthy you being K. doeth specially constraine me in that as yet we are deteined in exile to write vnto your maiestie letters commonitorie exhortatorie and of correction But I woulde to God they were fully able to correct least that I be to great a cloker of your outragies if there be any as in deede there are for the which we are not a litle sorie I meane specially of them which are done by you in euery place about the Church of God and the Ecclesiasticall persons without any reuerence either of dignitie or person and least also that I appeare negligent to the great danger of my soule for without doubt hee beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence who neglecteth to correct that which an other ought to amend For it is written not onely they which doe commit euill but also they which consent therunto are coūted partakers of the same For they verely do cōsent which when they both might and ought doe not resist or at the least reproue For the errour which is not resisted is alowed and the truth whē it is not defended is oppressed neither doth it lacke a priuie note of society in him which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief 2 For like as most noble Prince a small Citie doeth not diminish the prerogatiue of so mighty a kingdome as your is so your royal power ought not to oppresse or chaunge the measure of the religious dispensatiō For it is prouided alwaies by the lawes that al iudgemēts agaynst Priests should proceede by the determination of Priestes For whatsoeuer Byshoppes they are albeit that they do erre as other men do not exceeding in any poynt contrary to the religion of faith they 3 ought not nor can in any case be iudged of the seculare power Truely it is the parte of a good and religious Prince to repaire the ruinous Churches to builde
experimentes it is manifest that some of your graces assistaunces haue reported to your maiesty many lyes of vs working mischiefe as much as in them lyeth not onely agaynst vs but agaynst you also and your whole Realme Be it knowne to your highnes that we haue bene alwayes willing to defend the health and sauegarde of your person with all our power and fealty due to your grace purposing to vexe to the vttermost of our power and estate not onely our ill willers but also your enemies and the enemies of your whole Realme If it be your good pleasure geue no credite to theÌ„ we shall be alwayes found your faithfull And we the Earle of Leiceister and Gilbert of Clare at request of the other for vs them haue put to our seales These letters being read and heard there was a counsell called and the king writ back to them and specially to the two Earles of Leicester and Glocester in maner and forme following HEnry by the grace of God king of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Aquitanie c. To Simon Mountfort and Gilbert de Clare and their confederates For as much as by the warre generall disquietnes by your meanes raised vp in our whole realme and also the burninges and other hurtfull enormities it appeareth manifestly that you keepe not your fidelitie to vs ward nor care any thing for our health or safety And for that ye haue inorderly greued our nobles and other our faythfull subiectes sticking faythfully and constantly to vs as you haue certified vs we accounting their losse as our owne and their enemies as ours And seing these my aforesayd faithfull subiects for the keeping of their fidelitie do assist vs manfully and faythfully agaynst your vnfaithfulnes we therefore care not for your fidelitie or loue but defie you as our and their enemies Witnes myselfe at lewes the day yeare abouesayd Also Richard king of Almaine and Lord Edward the sonne of king Henry writ also to the Barons in this wife Richard by the the grace of God king of the Romaynes alwayes Augustus and Edward the eldest sonne of the noble king of England al the other Barons and nobles constantly and faythfully in hart deede cleauing to the foresayd king of England to Simon Mountfort and Gilbert de Clare and to all and singuler other their adherents in their conspiracie By your letters whiche you sent to our Lord the noble king of England we haue vnderstanding that you defie vs although before any such word your defiaunce towardes vs was apparant inough by your cruell persecution in burning our possessions and spoyling our goodes we therefore geue you to witte that we all and euery one of vs as your enemies doe defie you all as our open enemies And farther that we will not cease where soeuer it shall lye in our power to the vttermost of our force and might to subuert your persons and all that you haue As touching that you laye to our charge that we geue neyther faythfull nor good counsell to our Lord the king you say not the truth And if your Lord Simon Mountfort or Gilbert de Clare will affirme the same in our Lord the kinges court we are ready to get safe conduit for you to come to the sayd Court to try and declare the truth of our innocency and the falsehood of you both as forsworne traytors by some man equall with you in nobilitie and stocke All we are contayned with the seales of the aforesayd Lordes the Lord Richard and the Lord Edward Dated the day aforesayd Both which letters beyng read they drew neare to the king for they were not farre distant from the place whiche is called Lewes And for that there wanted to the Kinges store prouision for their horses it was coÌ„manded them on tewsday to go forth to seeke for hay and prouender Which when they were gone forth were preuented most of them of their enemies and killed but the residue returning saw their enemies comming very early on that wednesday morning and making outcries stirred vp the king his hoste to arme themselues Then the Barons comming to the full playne descended there and girding trunming their horses made fit their harnies to them And there the Earle Simon made the Earle of Glocester and Robert Deuer and many other new knightes which being done he deuided and distincted his host into foure seueral battails And he appointed noble men to guide gouern euery battaile And ouer that first battayle were ordayned Captaines Henry Mountfort the eldest sonne of the Earle Simon Buidd his brother Lord Iohn de Bruch the younger Lord Humfry de Boun. Ouer the second battaile Lord Gilbert Clare Earle of Glocester Lord Iohn the sonne of Lord S. Iohn and Lord William of Mouncherisi And ouer the third in whiche the Londiners were at their request the Lord Nicholas Segraue was assigned Which required also very instanntly that they might haue that first stroke in the battayle at the aduenture come what come woulde But ouer the fourth battayle the Earle himselfe was captayne with the Lord Thomas of Pilnestone In that meane season came forth the kinges host preparing themselues to the field in three battayles of whiche Edward the kynges sonne led the first with the Earle of Warwicke and Malence the kings brother and the secoÌ„d the king of Alinaine guided with hys sonne Henry but the king with hys nobles guided the third And the fourth legion the king appoynted not by reason that he had left many of hys chiefe souldiours behinde him to keepe the Castell and towne of Tunebridge agaynst the Earle of Glocester And the most part of the kinges army were but young men for the king thought not that his BaroÌ„s had bene come so nigh hand Theyr armes being on both sides set in aray order they exhorted one an other on eyther party to fight valiantly after they buckled together the battaile was great many horsemen were ouerthrown euen in a moment But by and by Edward the kings sonne with his band as a fierce young gentlemen valiant knight fell vpon his enemies with such force that he compelled them to reâ—ule backe a great way so that the hinmost thinking by reason of their geuing backe that the foremost were slayne ran many away of them and taking water to passe ouer were almost threescore souldiours drowned a few of the being slaine all the rest fled Straight way the Londiners whiche had asked the first fight knowing not howe the battaile went tooke them to theyr hecles Whom Edward pursued with his band killing the himmost of them by the space of two or three miles For hee hated them because they had rebelled agaynst his father and disgraced his mother wheÌ„ she was caryed by barge vpon the Temse froÌ„ the tower to Windsore as is aboue touched pag. 000. Whilest that Prince Edward was thus in the chase of the LoÌ„doners who had the
our king Indictione prima the 9. yeare of hys popedome the daies of thursday and friday aforesayd these noble men being present the Lordes of Auia and Bolone the Lordes Martins and other Earles named afore Mathewe Dotera Peter the Lorde chamberlane Phillip the Lord of Wirtmos and Henry of Bolone knight and also M. Philip Archdeacon of Bengem Nicholas archdeacon of Remem William treasurer of Anioy Philip Beaspere Rainolde of Burbon and Iohn Montagre and many mo both clearkes and other specially required and called to be witnesse to this After these things thus in the Parliament decreed and agreed the Prelates of the cleargie consulting with themselues what was to be done in so doutfull a matter and dreading the Popes displeasure for this which was done already to cleare thēselues in the matter contriued among themselues a letter to the Pope partly to certify him what there was done and partly also to abmonish him what he should do the tenour of which their letter conteined these wordes following The forme of a Letter which the Prelates of France as well secular as religious sent to Boniface that hee should cease his enterprise wherein he proceeded against the King ¶ To the most holy Father and their dearest beloued Lorde the Lord Boniface the chiefe Bishop of the holy Romish churche and the vniuersall Churche his humble and deuout Archbyshops Abbots Priors Conuentuals Deanes Prouosts Chapters Couents and Colledges of the Cathedrall and collegiate churches regular and secular of all the Realme of France being gathered together doe offer most deuoute kissinges of your blessed feete WE are compelled not without sorrowe of heart and bitter teares to signifie vnto your holinesse that the most famous Prince our most deare Lorde Phillip by the grace of God the noble king of Fraunce when he heard and saw the Apostolicall letters sealed which were sent to him of late from your behalfe by the worshipfull man the Cardinall of Narbo your Notarie messenger and were presented by the same Cardinall to him certaine other of his barons Vpon the sight and perusing of which so bloudy letters being read and declared to them sitting by hym both our Lorde the king and the barons themselues were highly moued with great maruelling and great trouble In so much that the sayd our Lord the king by the aduice of his barons commanded to be called afore him the other barons then absent and vs also that is to wete al Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors conuentuals deanes prouosts chapters conuents and Colledges as well of Cathedrall or collegiate churches regular and secular also all the vniuersities and communalties of the townes of hys Realme that wee Prelates Barons Deanes Prouostes and two of the learnedst of euery Collegiate and Cathedrall Churche shoulde appeare personally and shoulde procure the rest likewise to appeare by their Stewarde Officers and sufficient proctours wyth full and sufficient Commission at the appoynted place and terme Further when we and the other Ecclesiasticall persons aforesayd and also the barons stewards officers and proctours and other of the comminalty of the townes that were thus called and when according to the forme of the foresaide calling by the kings commaundement we stoode afore the king this wednesday the tenth of this present of Aprill in S. Maries Church in Paris Our Lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainely to all men that it was signified to him from you among other things by the foresayd Cardinal letters that for his kingdome which hee and his auncetours hetherto doe acknowledge they holde of God only now ought in temporalties to be subiect to you and holde of you and that ye were not content with these so maruellous and strange wordes and not heard of from the beginning of the world of any dwellers within the same realme but that ye went about to put them in practise And that ye called to appeare afore you the prelates of the sayd realme and doctors of diuinitie and such prosessours of both lawes as were borne with in the saide realme for the correcting and amending of such excesses faultes arrogancies wrongs and harmes as ye pretend to be done to the ecclesiasticall Prelates and persones ecclesiasticall both regular and secular abiding within the Realme els where by our lorde the king himselfe and his officers or bailiffes by his peeres Earles Barons and other nobles with the communaltie people of the saide realme To the intent by this meanes the foresaid realme might be made strong with pretious rewels and durable treasures which are to be preferred before the bucklers or any armour of strong men that is to say by the wisedome of Prelates and wise men others through whose ripe faithful counsell and circumspect foresight the realme might be ruled and gouerned the faith might be stablished the ecclesiasticall Sacramēts might be ministred iustice might be executed which by them being robbed of their goodes and richesse and vtterly spoyled is in a doubtfull case and in ioepardie of miserable decay for euer to be destroyed Among these and diuers other griefes which were done by you and the Romish church to him to his realme and the French church both in reseruing and wilfull ordering of Archbishopprickes Byshoprickes and bestowing of great benefices of the Realme vpon straunge and vnknowen persons yea and oft vpon suspect persons neuer beeing at the churches or benefices aforesayde By reason whereof the decay of Gods worship ensued the godly wils of the founders and geuers are defrauded of their godly purpose the accustomed almes geuing is withdrawen from the poore of the sayd Realme the pouerishing of the Realme followeth and churches runne in daunger to be defaced while they remaine destitute of seruice the Prophets being taken away the fruites of them that serue them be appoynted to the commoditie of straungers And while prelates haue not to geue yea to reward men for their desertes noble men whose auncestors founded the Churches and other learned men cannot haue seruants and that for these causes deuotion began to be colde there was none at these dayes that would stretch out a liberall hand towardes the Churches and farthermore by the premisses an euill example was giuen Also he complayned of newe taxes of pensions newly laid on the Churches of immeasurable bondages exactions diuers extortions with other preiudiciall hurtful nouelties by which the generall state of the Church is chaunged in geuyng suffraganes as helpers to the higher prelates whereby neyther the Byshops themselues nor the suffraganes can doe their dueties but for them they might runne with giftes to the Apostolicall see He complayned also of diuers causes and some articles long since but true in the time that they were presented that were done and be done continually and also not purposing to suffer so great a disheriting of him aud his successours from the realme and so manifest a griefe they coulde not suffer any longer the euident losse of the
maister but also the whole couÌ„try of Heynault And further for that to such an expedition as appertained he sayd the prouince of Reynault was but a small matter to make accoÌ„pt of he woulde procure for the king greater ayde friendship in the Empire as the Duke of Brabant his cousin Germaine and a puissant Prince the Duke of Guerles the Archbishop of Colayne the Marques of Iuliers c. which are all good men of warre and able to make 10. thousand fighting men sayth he Which aunswere well liked the king and made him ioyous therof But this counsaile of the king as secret as it was came to Phillip the French kinges cares wherupon he stayd the voiage of the Crosie whiche then he had in hand sending forth countermaundes to stay the same til he knew farther the purpose of the king of England The king hereupon himselfe taketh shipping accompanyed as to a king appertained and when he had consulted with all the foresayd Lords of the Empire in this matter and vnderstood theyr fidelitie he made hys repayre to the Emperour at whose handes he was well intertayned honorable receaued whoÌ„ the Emp. appointed to be his Lieâ—etenant generall hauing thereby more authoritie both to will commaund such as for this his expedition he trusted vnto and had made conuention with This hearing Phillip prepared his army and rigged hys nauy that so soone as the K should enter into the dominioÌ„ of Fraunce they also might enter into EnglaÌ„d requiting like for like The king of England after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist according to his purpose prepared all thinges ready to such an expeditioÌ„ coÌ„ducting his army gathering a greater strength in the Empire as before to him was promised vsing the Emperours authoritie therein as his lieftenant general howbeit at the charge altogether of the K. of England The French king as soone as king Edward had landed his army at Mackline in Flaunders and hearing of the defiance which the king and other Noble men of the Empire had sent vnto him Sent certaine ships lying ready therunto and wayting for such oportunitie vppon the cost of England did so much that vpon a Sonday whilest the townes men were at the Church little looking for any such matter entred the hauen of Southampton tooke the towne and spoyled the same defloured maydens enforced wiues brent kild tooke captiues and caryed away riche Ipoyles and great booties to theyr ships and so agayn departed into Fraunce Further as the king of EnglaÌ„d had allied himselfe with the noble men of the Empire and had the friendly fauour of the Emperour also therunto so the French king made the like league and aliance with Dauid the king of Scots whom the king had so hardly delt with all in Scotland as partly before you had and kept the most part of Scotland vnder hys subiection Binding the sayd Dauid is well by writing as oth pledge that without his consent he should make no peace nor conclude any truce with the king of England who agayne assured hym of ayd and rescue and helpe and to recouer his kingdome dominioÌ„ to his vse and forth with sent certain garisons bands into Scotland to keepe play with the Englishmen and there to fortifie diuers places till further oportunitie serued Hee also fortified with men money vitayle and munitioÌ„ the town of Cambrey which he suspected would be besieged lying so neare vpoÌ„ that Empire as in deed it came to passe For King Edward departing from Macheline set forward his host towardes Heynault and by the way asseÌ„bled such power as in the Empirie he looked for marching forward still till that they came to Cambrey it besieged with 40000. men while that with an other company the Fleminges Brabanters and Holenders went to S. Quentin But in effect neyther there nor at Cambrey nor els where any thing notorious was achieued but the summer being well spent and little preuailing in the siege of Cambrey being of situation strong wel defenced therwall with men munition brake vp the siege marched further into the hart of Fraunce towardes Mutterell Which thing the French king hauing vnderstanding of prepared himselfe to geue battaile to the king of England who with an other great army came to UiroÌ„fosse where daies were appoynted to meet in battaile but in the end nothing was done nor attempted betweene the princes And the king of EnglaÌ„d without any battaile either geuing or taking returned with his army from thence to Gaunt Concerning the cause of the sodaine remouing of the K. out of Fraunce seemeth most specially to rise of the pope which at the same time sent downe his Legates for the order of a peace to be taken betweene the kings At Gaunt was gathered by the kings appointment all the nobles as well of England as of the Empire in counsaile together what was best to be done Where playn answere was made to the king of England that vnlesse he would take vpon him the claime and title of Fraunce as his lawfull inheritaunce and as King thereof prosecute his warres It might not be lawfull for them any further to ayde the king of England or to fight with him agaynst the French king for that the Pope had bound them in two millions of Florences of gold and vnder payne of excommunication that they should not fight against the lawfull king of Fraunce Whereupon the king thought good therfore presently to make open challenge to the Realme and Crowne of Fraunce and further to quarter intermingle the armes of Fraunce with the armes of England in one Scootchen Wherupon eftsoones K. Edward made answere vnto the Pope agayne directing vnto him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right title vnto the Crowne of Fraunce purging thereby hymselfe and hys cause vnto the Byshop The copy and tenour of which letter because it is to long to expresse it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Library of I. Stephenson Citizen of LondoÌ„ who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same Besides this letter to the pope he directed an other to the Pieres and Prelates of France he remayning yet at Gaunt in tenure as followeth * The letter of king Edward to the Nobles and commons of Fraunce EDward by the grace of God king of Fraunce and of England Lord of Ireland Vnto all Prelates and the Ecclesiasticall persons to the Pieres Dukes Earles Barons and to the commons of Fraunce greeting The high Lord and king aboue to whome although his will be in his owne power yet woulde that power should be subiect vnto law commaunding euery thing to be geueÌ„ vnto him which is his declaring thereby that iustice and iudgement ought to be the preparation of the kinges seate Wherefore seing the kingdome of Fraunce through the prouidence of God by the death of Charles last king of Fraunce of famous
continually was spoyled sackt and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about yet the French king being distant scarse the space of one mile froÌ„ vs either would not or els durst not when he might easily haue passed ouer the riuer make any resistaunce for the defence of his countrey and people And so our king iourneying forwarde came to Pusiacke or Poisy where the French king had likewyse broke downe the bridge and keeping on the other side of the riuer would rest in no place After whose comming to Poisie the foresayd chaplain and confessor to the king named Michaell Northburgh describing the kings voyage and the actes of the Englishmen from the town of Poisie to his comming to Calis in his letters writeth in this wise ¶ A Letter of W. Northburghe the Kyngs confessor describing the kings voyage into Fraunce SAlutations premised we geue you to vnderstand that our soueraigne Lord the king came to the towne of Poisye the daye before the Assumption of our Lady where was a certayne bridge ouer the water of Seane broken downe of the enemye but the king taried there so long till that the bridge was made again And whiles the bridge was in repayring there came a great number of men at armes and other souldiours were armed to hinder the same But the Earle of Northhampton issued out agaynst them flew of them more then one thousand the rest fled away thankes be to God And at an other time our men passed the water although with much trauell and flew a great number of the common souldiours of Fraunce about the Citty of Paris and countrey adioyning being part of the French kinges army and thorowly well appoynted so that our people haue now made other good bridges vpon our enemyes God be thanked without any great losse and damage to vs. And on the morrow after the Assumption of our Ladye the king passed the water of Sceane and marched toward Poâ—ye which is a towne of great defence and stronglye immured and a maruellous strong Castle within the same which our enemies kept And when our vaundgard was passed the towne our reregarde gaue an assault thereunto and tooke the same where were slayne more then 300. men at armes of our enemyes part And the next day following the Earle of Suffolke and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth vpon the commons of the countrey assembled and well armed and in fine discomfited them and slew of them more then 200. and tooke 60. Gentlemen prisoners besides others And after that the Kyng marched toward Graund Villers and while he was there encamped the kinges vaundgard was discried by the men of armes of the king Bename whereupon our men issued out in great haste and ioyned battell with them but were inforced to retyre Notwithstanding thankes be vnto God the Earle of Northhampton issued out and reskued the horsemen with other souldiours so that few or none of them were either taken or slayne sauing onely Thomas Talbot but had agayne the enemye in chase within 2. leagues of Amians of whom we tooke 8. and slew 12. of their best men at armes the rest being well horsed tooke the towne of Amians After this the king of England marched toward Pountife vpon Bartholomew day and came vnto the water of Som where the French king had layd 500. men at armes and three thousand foote men purposing to haue kept and stopped our passage but thankes be to God the king of England and his hoste entred the same water of Som where neuer man passed before without the losse of any of our men and after that encountered with the enemy and slewe of them more then two thousand the rest fledde to Abeuyle in which chase was taken many Knights Squiers and men at armes The same day Sir Hugh Spenser tooke the towne of Croylay where he and his souldiours flew foure hundred men at armes and kept the towne where they found great store of victuals The same night encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy vpon the same water for that the French kinges hoste came on the other side of the town neare vnto our passage But he woulde not take the water of vs and so marched towarde Abeuile And vpon the Friday next following the King beyng still encamped in the sayd Forest our Scuriers discried the french king which marched toward vs in foure great battelles And hauing then vnderstanding of our enemies as Gods will was a little before the euening tide we drew vnto the playne fielde and set our battelles in aray and immediately the fight began which was sore and cruell and indured long for our enemyes behaued themselues right nobly But thankes be geuen to God the victory fell on our side and the Kyng our aduersary was discomfited with all hys hoste and put to flight Where also was slayne the Kyng of Bename the Duke of Loren the Earle of Dabeson the Earle of Flaunders the Earle of Blois the Earle of Aarcot with his two Sonnes the Earle of Damerley the Earle of Nauers and his Brother the Lord of Tronard the Archbyshoppe of Myemes the Archbishop of Saundes the high Prior of Fraunce the Earle of Sauoy the Lord of Morles the Lord de Guis Segniour de S. Nouant Seigniour de Rosingburgh with sixe Earles of Almayn and diuers other Earles Barons Knightes and Squyres whose names are vnknowne And Philippe de Valoys himselfe with an other Marques which was called Lord Electour among the Romaynes escaped from the battell The number of the men at armes whiche were founde dead in the field beside the common Souldiours and footemen were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his hoste abode armed in the field where the battell was fought On the next morrow before the Sunne rose there marched towardes vs an other great hoste mightye and strong of the Frenchmen But the Earle of Northhampton and the Earle of Northfolke issued out agaynst them in 3 battels and after long and terrible fight them in likewise they discomfited by Gods great help and grace for otherwise it could neuer haue bene where they tooke of Knights and Squires a great number and flew aboue 2000. pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battell was fought The same night also the king encamped himselfe agayne in the forest of Cressy and on the morow marched toward Boleyne and by the way he took the town of Staples and from thence he marched toward Calis where he entendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same And therfore our soueraigne Lord the king willeth and commauÌ„deth you in all that euer you may to send to the said siege victuals coÌ„uenient For after the time of our departing froÌ„ Chaam we haue trauelled through the countrey with great perill and daunger of our people but yet alwayes had of victuall plenty thankes be to God therfore But now as the case standeth we partly need your helpe to be refreshed
touched In whome as some good vertues may be noted so also some vices may seeme to be mixed withall But especially this that he starting out of the steps of hys progenitors ceased to take part with them whiche tooke part with the gospell Wherupon it so fell not by the blind wheele of fortune but by the secret hand of him which directeth all estates that as he first began to forsake that mayntayning of the Gospell of God so the Lord began to forsake him And where the protection of God beginneth to fayle there can lack no causes to be charged withall whom God once giueth ouer to mans punishmeÌ„t So that to me considering the whole life and trade of this prince among all other causes alledged in storyes agaynst him none seemeth so much to be wayed of vs or more hurtfull to hym then this forsaking of the Lord and his word Although to such as list more to be certified in other causes concurring withall many and sondry defectes in that king may appeare in storyes to the number of 33. articles alledged or forced rather agaynst him In whiche as I cannot deny but that he was worthy of much blame so to be displaced therefore from his regall seate and rightfull state of the crowne it may be thought perhaps the causes not to be so rare so material in a prince which either could or els would haue serued had not he geuen ouer before to serue the Lord and hys word chusing rather to serue the humour of the Pope and bloudy Prelates theÌ„ to further the Lords proceedings in preaching of hys word And theÌ„ as I sayd how can enemies lack wher God standeth not to friend or what cause can be so little whiche is not able inough to cast downe where the Lords arme is shortned to sustayne Wherefore it is a poynt of principall wisedome in a Prince not to forget that as he standeth alwayes in neede of God hys helping hand so alwayes he haue the discipline and feare of him before hys eyes according to the counsayle of the godly King Dauid Psal. 2. And thus much touching the time and race of this K. Richard with the tragical story of his deposing The order and maner whereof purposely I pretermit onely contented briefly to lay together a fewe speciall thinges done before his fall suche as may be sufficient in a briefe somme both to satisfie the Reader inquisitiue of suche storyes and also to forwarne other Princes to beware the lyke daungers In suche as wryte the life and Actes of this Prince thus I read of him reported that he was much inclined to the fauouring and aduancing of certayne persons about him ruled all by theyr counsell whiche were theÌ„ greatly abhorred and hated in the realme The names of whome were Rob. Ueer Erle of Oxford whoÌ„ the king had made Duke of Ireland Alexander Neuile Archbishop of York Michiel Delapoole Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisiliam Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brembre with other These men being hated and disdayned of diuers of the nobles and of the commons the king also by fauouring them was lesse fauoured hymselfe In so much that the Duke of Gloucester named Thomas Woodstock the kings Uncle with the Erle of Warwicke and Earle of Darby stoode vp in armes against those counsaylors and abusers as they named them of the king In so much that the king for feare was constrayned agaynst hys minde to remoue out of his court Alexander Neuile Archb. of Yorke Iohn Foorde Byshop of Duresme Fryer Thomas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the kinges confessor with the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnell and Bemond Lord Ueer and diuers other And furthermore in the Parliament the same yeare following Robert Trisilian the Iustice was hanged and drawne Also Nicholas Brembre Knight Iames Salisbury also and Iames Barnese both Knights Ioh. Bewchampe the kinges Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire in like maner All these by the counsayle of the Lordes beyng cast in the parliament agaynst the kyngs mind did suffer which was in the 11 of his raign he being yet vnder gouernours but consequently after the same the king clayming his own liberty being come to the age of 20. began to take more vpon him And this was one thinge that stirred vp the kinges stomacke agaynst the Nobles Ex Chron. Alban 2. An other thing that styred hym vp as much against the Londiners was this for that he would haue borowed of them a M. pound and they denied him to their double triple disauantage as after ensued vpon it Ibidem An other occasion besides this betwene the king and the Londoners happened thus by reason of one of the Byshop of Salisburies seruauntes named Roman and a Bakers man who then carying a basket of horsebread in Fletstreet the foresayd Roman tooke a horselose out of the basket The Baker asking why he did so the Byshops lusty yeomcu turned backe agayne and brake his head whereupon the neighbors came out and would haue arested this Roman but he escaped away vnto the Byshops house Then the Constable would haue had him out but the Bishops men shut fast the gates that they shoulde not approche Thus much people gathered together threatning to brust open the gates and fire the house vnlesse they had the foresayd party to them brought out Wherby much adoe there was till at length the Mayor and Sheriffes came and quieted the rage of the commons sent euery man home to his house charging theÌ„ to keepe peace Here as yet was no great harme done but if the bishoppe for his part had beene quyet and had not styrred the coles of debate which were well slaked already all had bene ended without further perturbation But thâ— stomacke of the Byshop not yet digested although hys mâ—n had done the wrong hauing no great cause so to do whose name was Iohn Waltam being then Treasourer of England went to Thomas Arundell archbish the same time of Yorke and Lord Chauncellour of England to complayne of the Londoners Where is to be noted or rather reueled by the way a priuy mistery which although be not in this story touched of the writers yet it touched the hartes of the bishops not a little For the Londoners at that time were notoriously knowne to be fauourers of wickliffes side as partly before this is to be seene and in the story of S. Albones more playnly doth appeare where the author of the sayd history writing vpon the 15. yeare of King Richardes raygne reporteth in these wordes of the Londoners that they were Male creduli in deum traditiones auitas Lollardorum sustentatores religiosoruÌ„ detractores de cimaruÌ„ deteÌ„tores coÌ„munis vulgi depauperatores c. that is not right beleuers in God nor in the traditions of their forefathers susteyters of the Lollardes deprauers of religious men withholders of tythes and impouerishers of the common people c. Thus the Londoners being noted and
as is sayde in the North came the Earle of Northumberland Lord Henry Percy and Henry his son the Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Neuile and other Lordes moe to a great number so that the multitude rose to 60000. able souldiours Who first making towarde the Castle of Bristow tooke the foresayd Busshey Grene Scroupe and Bagot of whom three incontinent were beheaded Bagot escaped away and fled away to Ireland The king in this meane while lying about Wales destitute and desolate without comfort or counsayle who neither durst come to London neyther would any man come to him and perceauing moreouer the commons that were vp in such a great power agaynst hym would rather dye then geue ouer that they had begunne for feare of themselues Seing therforeno other remedy called to him L.T. Percye Earle of Worcester and stewarde of hys household willing him with other of hys family to prouide for themselues in tyme. Who then openly in the hall brake his white rod before them all commaunding euerye man to shift for himselfe Although Fabian and some other say that he did this of hys owne accord contrary to his allegeance The king compassed on euery side with miseryes shifted from place to place the Duke still following him tyll at length being at the Castle of Conewey the king desired to talk with Tho. Arundell archb and the Earle of Northūberland To whom he declared that he woulde resigne vp hys crowne in condition that an honourable liuing might be for hym prouided and life promised to 8. persons such as he would name Which being graunted and ratified but not performed he came to the Castle of Flint where after talke had with the Duke of Lācaster he was brought the same night by the Duke and his armye to Chester And from thence was conueyed secretly into the Tower there to be kept till the next parliament By the way as he came neare to London diuers euil desposed men of the city being warned thereof gathered themselues thinking to haue slayne hym for the great cruelty he had vsed before toward the Citty But by the pollicies of the Mayor and rulers of the Cittie the madnes of the people was stayd Not long after followed the Duke and also began the parliament In which Parliament the Earle of Northumberland with many other Earles and Lords were sent to the king in the Tower to take of him a full resignation according to hys former promise and so they did This done diuers accusations and articles were layd and engrossed agaynst the sayd King to the number of 33. some say 38. which for the matter not greatly materiall in them contayned I ouerpasse And that next yeare after was had to Pomferr Castle and there famished to death King Henry the fourth ANd thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his rightfull crowne The Duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundell the Archbishop to the feat royall who there standing vp and crossed himselfe on the forehead and the brest spake in wordes as followeth ¶ In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster clayme the Realme of England and the crowne with all the appurtenaunces as I that am descended by right lyne of the bloud comming from that good Lord King Henry the 3. And thorough the right that God of his grace hath sent to me with the helpe of my kinne and of my frendes to recouer the same which was in poynt to be vndone for default of good gouernance and due iustice c. ¶ After which wordes the Archbishop asking the assent of the people being ioyfull of theyr new king took the Duke by the hād placed him in the kingly throne which was an 1399 and shortly after by the foresayd Archbishop he was crowned also for king of England Ex Chron. De Alban The next yeare after followed a Parliament holden at Westminster in which Parliament one will Sautre a good man and a faythfull priest inflamed with zeeale of true Religion required he might be heard for the commoditie of the whole realme But the matter being smelt before by the Byshops they obtayned that the matter should be referred to the conuocation Where the sayd William Sautre being brought before the Byshops and Notaries thereunto appointed the conuocation was differred to the Saterday next ensuing When Saterday was come that is to say the 12. day of February Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury in the presence of his Counsayle prouinciall being assembled in the sayd Chapter house agaynst one fyr William Sautre otherwise called Chatris Chaplayne personally then and there appearing by the commaundement of the foresayd archbishop of Caunterbury obiected that the sayd sir William before the Byshop of Norwiche had once renounced and abiured diuers and sondry conclusions heretical and erroneous and that after such abiuration made he publiquely and priuily helde taught preached the same conclusions or els such like disagreeing to the catholique fayth and to the great perill and pernitious example of others And after this he caused such like conclusions holden and preached as is sayd by the sayd Syr William without renunciation then and there to be read vnto the sayd Archbishop by maister Robert Haull Chācellor vnto the sayd byshop in a certayne scrole written in tenour of wordes as followeth Syr William Chatris otherwise called Sautre parish Priest of the Churche S. Scithe the Uirgine in London publiquely and priuily doth holde these conclusions vnder written ¶ In Primis he sayth that he will not worship the crosse on which Christ suffered but onely Christ that suffred vppon the Crosse. 2. Item that he would sooner worship a temporal king then the foresayd wodden crosse 3. Item that he would rather worship the bodyes of the Saintes then the very crosse of Christ on which he hong if it were before him 4. Item that he woulde rather worship a man truely contrite then the crosse of Christ. 5. Item that he is bound rather to worship a man that is predestinate then an aungell of God 6. Item that if any man would visite the monumentes of Peter and Paule or go on Pilgrimage to the Toumbe of S. Thomas or els any whether els for the obtayning of any temporall benefite he is not bounde to keepe hys vowe but that he may distribute the expences of his vowe vpon the almes of the poore 7. Item that euery priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonical houres 8. Item that after the pronouncing of the Sacramental wordes of the body of Christ the bread remayneth of the same nature that it was before neyther doth it cease to be bread To which conclusions or articles being thus read the Archbish. of Caunterb required the same Syr William to aunswere And then the sayd William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions and a competent space to answere vnto the same Whereupon the
called vnto him the Archbishop of Yorke Richard London Henry Winchester Robert Chichester Alexander Norwich the noble prince Edmond the Duke of Yorke Rafe Earle of Westmerland Thomas Beaufort Knight Lord Chancellour of England and the Lord Beamond with other noble men as well spirituall as temporall that stood and sate by whome to name it would be long Before whome the said Iohn Badby was called personallie to answere vnto the Articles premised in the foresaid instrument Who when he came personallie before them the articles were read by the Officiall of the court of Cant. and by the Archb. in the vulgare tong expounded publikely and expresly and the same Articles as he before had spoken and deposed he still held and defended and said that whilest he liued he would neuer retract the same And furthermore he said specially to to be noted that the Lord duke of Yorke personallie there present as is aforesaid and euery man els for the time beeing is of more estimation and reputation then the Sacrament of the aulter by the priest in due forme consecrated And whilest they were thus in his examination the Archbishop considering and waying that he would in no wise be altered and seing moreouer his countenance stout and hart confirmed so that he began to persuade other as it appeared in the same These things considered the Archprelate whē he saw that by his allurements it was not in his power neither by exhortations reasons nor arguments to bring the said Iohn Badbye from his constant truth to his Catholique faith executing and doing the office of his great maister proceeded to confirme and ratifie the former sentence giuen before by the Bishop of Worcester against the said Iohn Badby pronouncing him for an open and publique hereticke And thus shifting their hands of him they deliuered him to the secular power and desired the sayd temporall Lords then and there present verie instantlie that they would not put the same Iohn Badby to death for that his offence nor deliuer him to be punished or put to death in y◠presence of all the Lordsabone recited These things thus done and concluded by the Bishops in the forenoone on the afternoone the Kings writte was not far behind By the force wherof I. Badby still perseuering in his constancie vnto the death was brought into Smithfield and there being put in an emptie barrell was bound with iron chaines fastened to a stake hauing drie wood put about him And as he was thus standing in the pipe or tonne for as yet Cherillus Bull was not in vre among the bishops it happened that the Prince the kings eldest sonne was there present Who shewing some part of the good Samaritane began to endeuour and assay how to saue the life of him whome the hypocriticall Leuites and Phariseis sought to put to death He admonished and counsailed him that hauing respect vnto himselfe he should spedelie withdraw himselfe out of these dangerous Laberinths of opinions adding oftentimes threatnings the which might haue daunted anie mans stomacke Also Courtney at that time Chancellor of Oxford preached vnto him and enformed him of the faith of holie Church In this meane season the Prior of S. Bartlemewes in Smithfield brought with all solemnitie the Sacrament of Gods body with twelue torches borne before and so shewed the Sacrament to the poore man being at the stake And then they demanded of him how he beleeued in it he answering that he knew well it was halowed bread and not gods body And then was the tunne put ouer him and fire put vnto him And when he felt fire he cried mercie calling belike vpon the Lord and so the Prince immediatelie commanded to take awaie the tunne and quench the fire The Prince his commandement being done asked him if he would forsake heresie to take him to the faith of holie Church which thing if he would doo he should haue goods inough promising also vnto him a yearelie stipend out of the kings treasurie so much as should suffice his contentation ¶ The description of the horrible burning of Iohn Badby and how he was vsed at hys death This godly Martyr Iohn Badby hauing thus consummate his testimony and martyrdome in fire the persecuting Bishops yet not herewith contented and thinking themselues as yet eyther not strong inough or els not sharpe enough agaynst tht poore innocent flock of Christ to make all thinges sure and substantiall on theyr side in such sorte as this doctrine of the Gospell nowe springing should be suppressed for euer layd theyr conspiring heads together hauing now a king for theyr own purpose ready to serue theyr turn in all poynts during the time of the same Parliamēt aboue recited yet cōtinuing the foresayd bishops and clergy of the realme exhibited a Bul vnto the kings maiestie subtily declaring what quietnes hath ben mayntayned within this realme by his most noble progenitours who alwayes defended the auncient rites and customes of the Church and enriched the same with large gifts to the honor of God and the realme and contrariwise what trouble and disquietnes was now risen by diuers as they termed them wicked and peruerse men teachinge and preachinge openlye and priuilye acertayne new wicked and hereticall kinde of doctrine contrary to the Catholicke fayth and determination of holye Church whervpon the king alwayes oppressed with blynd ignoraunce by the crafty meanes and subtile pretences of the clergie graunted in the sayd Parliament by consent of the nobilitie assembled a statute to be obserued called Ex officio as followeth The Statute Ex officio That is to say that no man within this Realme or other the kinges maiesties dominions presume or take vpon him to preach priuily or apertly without speciall licence first obteyned of the ordinary of the same place Curates in theyr owne parishe Churches and persons heretofore priuiledged and others admitted by the Canon law onely excepted Nor that any hereafter do preach mayntayne teach informe openly or in secret or make or write any booke contrary to the catholique fayth and determination of the holy Church Nor that any hereafter make anye conuenticles or assemblies or keepe and exercise anye maner of schooles touching this sect wicked doctrin and opinion And further that no man hereafter shall by any meanes fauour anye such preacher any such maker of vnlawfull assemblies or any such booke maker or writer and finally any such teacher informer or stirrer vp of the people And that all and singuler persons hauing anye the sayd bookes writinges or schedules contayning the sayd wicked doctrines and opinions shall within forty dayes after this present proclamation and statute really and effectually deliuer or cause to be deliuered all and singuler the sayd bookes and writinges vnto the ordinary of the same place And if it shall happen anye person or persons of what kinde state or condition soeuer he or they be to doe or attempt anye manner of thing contrarye to this
could by and by make men at his pleasure or els that he had Cadmus teeth to sowe to make so many harnest men to start vp at once But let vs consider yet further of these xx M. souldiours so sodenly without wages without vitall or other prouision coÌ„gregated together what they were froÌ„ wheÌ„ce out of what quarter countrey or couÌ„treys they came In an other kyngs dayes whensoeuer any rebellioÌ„ is against the king moued by the commons as when Iacke Straw and wat Tyler of Kent Essex rose in the tyme of kyng Richard 2. When William Mandeuill of Abingdon Iack Cade of Kent in the tyme of kyng Henry the 6. In the tyme of kyng Henry the 8. when the coÌ„motion was of rebels in Lyncolnshyre then in Yorkeshyre When in kyng Edward the 6. tyme Humfrey Arundell in Deuonshyre Captaine Kyte in Northfolke made styre against the king the couÌ„trey partes from whence these rebels did spring were both noted and also diffaimed In this so trayterous coÌ„motion therfore let vs now learne what meÌ„ these were and from what couÌ„trey or countreys in all England they came If they came out of any let the Chroniclers declare what countreys they were If they came out of none as none is named then let them come out of Outopia where belike this â—igment was first forged and inuented Wherfore seyng neither the countreys from whence they came nor yet the names of any of all these xx M. doe appeare what they were either in Chronicle or in recorde but remaine altogether vnknowen I leaue it gentle reader to thy iudgement to thinke thereupoÌ„ as thy wisedome shall lead thee It foloweth more in the foresaid preface And to destroy all other maner of estates of the same Realme of England as well spirituall as temporall c. By the course of this preamble it appeareth that the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle was a wonderfull cruell tirant and murderer who being not yet satisfied with the bloud of the king nor of the two Dukes his brethren would also make hauoke and swepestake of all maner of estates in the Realme of England What leaue no maner of estate aliue No neither Lord spiritual nor temporall but altogether should be destroied And what had all these estates done thus so miserably to be destroied Although percase the moode of this maÌ„ might haue bene incensed kindled against the king and the Lords spiritual by whom he had bene coÌ„demned as is aforesaid yet why should all other maner of other estates both spiritual and temporal be killed If none of all the estates in EnglaÌ„d neither Duke Earle Baron Lord Knight or other gentleman had bene his frend but all his enemies how then is it like that he hauing all the estates peeres nobles and gentlemen of the Realme against him and none to stand with him either could or durst attempt any commotioÌ„ against the whole power of the land he being but one gentleman onely with sir Roger Acton and maister Browne left alone At least good reasoÌ„ yet would that those hundreth Knightes should haue bin spared out of this bloudy slaughter whom he offred to produce vnto the king before for his purgation page 159. And finally if this was his purpose that all these estates both spiritual temporall should haue bin cut down what needed then that he should haue made himselfe a Regent when hee might as well haue made himselfe a king or what else he would being left then Prince alone The preamble as it began with vntruth and continued in the same figure heaping one vntruth vpon another so now endeth with another misreport as vntrue as the rest shewing declaring the intent of sir Iohn Oldcastle was also to destroy all maner of policie finally the lawes of the land c. We read of William CoÌ„querer otherwise named William Bastard who being a puisant Duke in his countrey wheÌ„ that the crown of EnglaÌ„d was alotted to him and he coÌ„ming ouer with all his peres nobles barons of his whole land into this Realme had with great difficulty obteined victorie against king Harold yet to alter and destroy the policy and the lawes of the land it passed his power Insomuch that it had not bin permitted vnto him to haue proceded so far as he did vnlesse he had first sworne to the nobles of this lande to retaine still the lawes of King Edward as he found them And albeit he afterward forsware himselfe breaking his othe in altering and changing many of the foresaid lawes yet wild he nild he could not so destroy them all for the which much war and great commotioÌ„s endured long after in the Realme but that he was constrained and also contented to allow and admit a great part of the said lawes of king Edward page 167. And if he being king and Conquerour with all his strength of Normands and Englishmen about him was too weake and insufficient to destroy all maner of policie and lawes of this land which he had conquered how much lesse then is it to be supposed that Sir Iohn Oldcastle being put a priuate subiect and a poore Knight and a condemned prisoner destitute and forsaken of al Lords Earles and Barons who to saue his owne life had more to do then he could well compasse would either take in hand or conceiue in his head anye such exployt after the subuersion of Christian faith and law of God after the slaughter of the king and of all maner of estates as well spirituall as temporall in the Realme of England after the desolation of holy Church to destroy also all maner of policie and finally the lawes of the land Which monstruous and incredible figment how true it may seeme to M. Cope or to some other late Chroniclers of the like credulitie I can not tell Certaine to me and as I thinke to all indifferent readers it appeareth as true as is the Uerse of the Satyre wherewith it may well be compared Nil intra est oleam nil extra est in nuce duri But heere will be sayd again perhaps that the matter of such preambles and prefaces being but pursuantes of statutes and containing but words of course to aggreuate and to geue a shew of a thing which they would to seeme more odible to the people is not so precisely to bee scande or exquisitely to be stand vpon as for the ground of a necessary case of trouth This is it M. Cope that I saide before and now doo well grant admit the same that such preambles or forefaces lyned with a non sequitur containyng in them matter but of surmise and wordes of course and rather monsters out of course and many tymes rising vpon false informatioÌ„ are not alwayes in themselues materiall or necessary probatioÌ„s in all pointes to be followed as appeareth both by this statute also by the statute of this kynges father an 2. Heur 4. chap. 15. beginnyng
dyed of no naturall pang but of some violent hand Some suspected him to be strangled some that a whole spytt was priuily forced into his body some affirme that he was styfeled betweene to fether beds After the death of this Duke and hys body being enterred at S. Albons after he had politikely by the space of 25. yeares gouerned this realme 5. of his housholde to wit one knight 3. Esquiers and a Yeoman were arreigned conuict to be hanged drawn quartered Who being hanged and cut downe halfe aliue the Marques of Suffolke there present shewed the charter of the kinges pardon and so they were deliuered Notwithstanding all this could not appease the grudge of the people saying that the sauing of the seruauntes was no amends for the murdering of the mayster In this cruell facte of these persons which did so conspire and consent to the death of this noble man whiche thought thereby to worke their owne safety the meruailous work of gods iudgement appeareth herein to be noted who as in all other like cruell pollices of maÌ„ so in this also turned al theyr pollices clean contrary So that where yâ— Queene thought most to preserue her husband in honor and her selfe in state thereby both she lost her husband her husband lost his realm the realm lost Angeow NormaÌ„dy the Duchy of Aquitane with all her partes beyond that sea Calice only except as in sequele of the matter who so will read the storyes shall right well vnderstand The next yeare following it followed also that that Cardinall who was the principall artificer and ringleader of all this mischiefe was suffered of God no loÌ„ger to liue Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set foorth in Edward Halle I omitte here to speake What he himselfe spake in his deathbed for example to other I thought not best to pretermit Who hearing that he shuld dy that ther was no remedy murmured grudged wherfore he shuld dye hauing so much riches saying that if the whole realm would saue hys life he was able either by pollicy to get it or by riches to buy it adding saying moreouer fit quod he will not death be hyred nor will money doe nothing wheÌ„ my nephew of Bedford dyed I thought my selfe halfe vp the wheele but wheÌ„ I saw mine other nephew of Glocester deceassed then I thought my selfe able to be equal with kinges and so ought to encrease my treasure in hope to haue worne the triple crown t. Ex Edou Hallo And thus is the rich byshop of Winchester with all his pompe and riches gone with the which riches he was able not onely to build scholes colledges and Uniuersities but also was able to susteine the kinges armies in warre as is specified in storyes without any taxing of the commons In whose seate next succeeded William Wanflet preferred to the byshopricke of Winchester who though he had lesse substaunce yet hauing a minde more godly disposed did found and erecte the Colledge of Mary Magdalen in Oxford For the which foundation as there haue ben and be yet many studentes bound to yeld gratefull thanks vnto God so I must needes confesse my selfe to be one except I will be vnkinde Among that other mischieuous aduersaries which sought and wrought the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester next to the Cardinall of Winchester who as is sayd dyed that next yere following was William de la Pole Marques of Suffolk who also liued not long after nor long escaped vnpunished For although he was highly exalted by the meanes of the Queene whose maryage he onely procured vnto the fauour of the king was made Duke of Suffolke magnified of the people and bare the whole sway in the realme whose actes and facts his vayne glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons to be recorded substantially to be registred in the rolles of the Parliament for a perpetuall renowne to him and all his posteritie for euer yet notwtstanding the hand of Gods iudgement still hanging ouer hym he enioyed not long this his triuÌ„phant victory For within 3. yeares after the death and ruine of the Cardinall the voyces of the whole commons of England were vtterly turned against him accusing him in the Parliament at the blacke Fryers for deliuery of the Duchye of Angeow and Barledome of Maine also for the death of yâ— noble Prince Humfry Duke of Glocester They unputed moreouer to hym the losse of all Normandye saying vnto him that he was a swallower vp and consumer of yâ— kings treasure the expâ—iler of al good and vertuous counsaylers from the king and aduancer of vicious persons apparant aduersaryes to the publicke wealth so that he was called in euery mouth a traytour a murderer and a robber of the kinges treasure The Queene albeit she tenderly loued the Duke yet to appease the exclamation of the commons was forced to committee hym to the tower where he with as much pleasure and liberty as could be remayned for a month whiche being expired he was deliuered and restored agayne into his old place former fauour with the kyng where at the people more grudged then before It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongest the rude people by one whom they called Blewbeard that the parliament was for that tyme adiourned to Leycester thinking to the Queene by force and rigour of lawe to repâ—esse there the malice and euill will conceiued against the duke But at that place few of yâ— nobilitie would appeare Wherfore it was againe reiourned vnto LondoÌ„ kept at Westminster where was a whole company a ful appearance with the king and Queene with them the duke of Suffolke as chiefe counsailour The commons not forgetting their old grudge renewed agayn their former articles and accusations agaynst the sayde duke agaynst the byshop of Salisb. syr Iames Fynics Lord Say and other When the kyng perceaued yâ— no glosing nor dissimulation would serue to appease the continual clamour of the importunate coÌ„mons to make some quiet pacificatioÌ„ first he sequestred from hym the Lord say treasurer of Englande other the Dukes adherentes from theyr offices Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolke for the terme of 5. yeares supposing by that space the furious rage of yâ— people would asswage But the hand of God woulde not suffer that giltles bloud of Humfrey Duke of Glocester to be vnreuenged or that flagitious person further to continue For wheÌ„ he shipped in Suffolke intending to be transported into Fraunce he was encountred with a shippe of warre belonging to the tower whereby he was taken and brought into Douer rode and there on the side of a ship boat one strake of his head which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1450. And thus haue ye heard the full storye and discourse of Duke Humfrey and of all hys aduersaries also of Gods condigne
of the realme onely rest in this For the king now hauing lost his frendly vncle as the stay staffe of his age whiche had brought him vp so faythfully from his youth was now therby the more open to his enemies they more emboldened so set vpon him As appeared first by Iacke Cade the Kentishe Captayne who encamping first in Blackheath afterward aspired to LondoÌ„ and had the spoyle therof the king being driuen into Warwickshyre After the suppressing of Cade ensued not long after the duke of York who being accompanied with 3. Erles set vpon the king next to S. Albons where the king was taken in the field captiue the Duke of York was by ParliameÌ„t declared protector which was in the yeare of our Lord 1453. After this folowed long diuision and mortal warre betwene the two houses of Lancastar and Yorke continuing many yeares At length about the yeare of our Lord 1459. the Duke of Yorke was slayne in battell by the Queene neare to the towne of Wakefield and with him also his sonne Earle of Rutlande By the which Queene also shortly after in the same yeare were discomfited the Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Northfolk to whom the keeping of the king was committed by the Duke of Yorke and so the Queene agayne deliuered her husband After this victory obteined the Northren men aduauÌ„ced not a litle in pride and courage began to take vpon theÌ„ great attemptes not onely to spoyle and robbe Churches and religious houses villages but also were fully enteÌ„ded partly by themselues partly by the inducemeÌ„t of theyr Lords and Captaynes to sacke waste and vtterly to subuert the City of London and to take the spoyle therof and no doubt â—ayth my history woulde haue proceeded in thyr coÌ„ceiued gredy inteÌ„t had not the oportune fauor of God prouided a speedy remedy For as these mischiefes were in bruing sodenly commeth the noble Prince Edward vnto LoÌ„don with a mighty army the 27. day of February who was the sonne and heire to duke of Yorke aboue mentioned accompanyed with the Earle of Warwicke and diuers moe King Henry in the meane time with his victory went vp to York when as Edward being at London caused there to be proclaymed certayn articles concerning his title to the crowne of England which was the 2. day of March. Wherupon the next day following the Lords both teÌ„porall spirituall being asseÌ„bled together the sayd articles were propouÌ„ded and also well approued The fourth day of the sayd moneth of March after a solemne generall procession according to the blinde superstition of those dayes the Bishop of Exceter made a Sermon at Paules Crosse wherin he commended and proued by manifold euideÌ„ces the title of Prince Edward to be iust and lawfull aunswering in the same to all obiections whiche might be to the contrary This matter being thus discussed Prince Edward accompanied with the Lordes spirituall temporall with much concourse of people rode the same day to Westminster Hall and there by the full consent as well of the Lordes as also by the voyce of all the Commons tooke his possession of the Crowne was called K. Edward the fourth These thinges thus accomplished at London as to such a matter apperteined and preparation of money sufficiently being ministred of the people and commons wyth most ready and willing mindes for the necessary furniture of his warres he with the Duke of Northfolke and Earle of Warwicke and Lord Fauconbrige in all speedy wise tooke his iourney toward king Henry who being now at Yorke and forsaken of the Londoners had all his refuge onely reposed in the Northren men When king Edward with his army had past ouer the Riuer of Trent and was commeÌ„ nere to Ferebrig where also the host of king Henry was not far of vpoÌ„ Palm sonday betwene Ferebrig and Tadcaster both the armyes of the Southren and Northren men ioyned together battell And althoughe at the first beginning diuers horsemen of king Edwardes side turned theyr backes and spoyled the king of cariage victuals yet the couragious prince with his Captayne 's little discouraged therewith fiercely and manfully set on theyr aduersaryes The whiche battell on both sides was so cruelly fought that in the same conflict were slayne to the nuÌ„ber as is reported beside men of name of 30000. of the poore commons Notwithstanding the coÌ„quest fell on king Edwardes part so that king Henry hauing lost all was forced to flye into Scotland where also he gaue vp to the Scottes the towne of Barwicke after he had raigned 38. yeares and a halfe The clayme and title of the Duke of Yorke and after him of Edward his sonne put vp to the Lords coÌ„mons wherby they chalenged the crowne to the house of York is thus in the story of Scala mundi word for word as hereunder is conteyned The title of the house of Yorke to the crowne of England EDward the 3. right king of Englande had issue first prince Edward the 2. W. Hatfield 3. Lionell 4. Iohn of Gaunt c. Prince Edward had Richard the 2. which dyed without issue W. Hatfielde dyed without issue Lionel duke of Clarence had issue lawfully begot Phillip his onely daughter and heyre the which was lawfully coupled to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March and had issue law fully begotte Roger Mortimer Eare of March and heyre Whych Roger had issue Edmund Earle of March Roger Anne and Alienor Edmund and Alienor died without issue and the sayd Anne by lawfull matrimonye was coupled vnto Richard Earle of Cambridge the sonne of Edmund of LaÌ„gley who had issue lawfully bare Richard Plantagenet now Duke of Yorke Iohn of Gaunte gate Henry which vnrightfully entreated king Richard then being aliue Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche sonne of the sayde Philip daughter to Lionell To the which Richard duke of Yorke and sonne to Anne daughter to Roger Mortimer Earle of March sonne and heyre to the sayde Philip daughter and heyre to the sayd Lionel the 3. sonne of king Edward the 3. the right dignity of the crowne apperteyned belonged afore any issue of the sayd Iohn of Gaunt Notwithstanding the sayd title of dignity of the sayde Richard of Yorke the sayd Richard desiring the wealth rest and prosperity of England agreeth and consenteth that king Henry 6. should be had and taken for king of England during his naturall life from thys time without hurt of his title Wherefore the king vnderstanding the sayd title of the sayde duke to be iust lawfull true and sufficient by the aduise and assent of the Lordes spirituall and temporall and the commons in the Parliament and by the authoritye of the same Parliament declareth approueth ratifieth confirmeth accepteth the sayde title for iust good lawfull and true and there unto geueth his assent and agreement of his free will and liberty And ouer that by the sayde aduise and
king and to put him beside his cusshion And although for a time he dissembled his wrathfull mood till he might spye a time conuenient and a world to set forwarde his purpose at last finding occasion somewhat seruing to his mind he breaketh his hart to his two brethren to witte the Marques Mountacute the Archbishop of Yorke conspiring with them how to bring hys purpose about Then thought he also to proue a farre of the mind of the duke of Clarence king Edwards brother likewise obteined him geuing also to him his daughter in Mariage This matter being thus prepared agaynst the kyng the first flame of this cōspiracy began to appeare in the north country Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering thēselues in an open rebellion finding certaines of their wicked purpose came down from Yorke toward London Against whom was appoynted by the king W. lord Harbert Earle of Penbroke with the Lord Stafford and certayne other Captaynes to encounter The Yorkeshyre mē geuing the ouerthrow first to the lord Stafford thē to the Earle of Penbrok and his company of Welchmē at Banbery fielde at last ioyning together with the army of the Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Clarence in the dead of the night secretly stealing one the kinges field at Wolney by Warwick killed the watch and tooke the king prisoner who first being in the castle of Warwicke then was conueyed by night to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshyre vnder the custody of the Archbishop of Yorke where he hauinge loose keeping and liberty to go on hunting meeting wyth syr William Standley syr Thomas of Brough and other his frendes was to good for his keepers and escaped the hands of his enemies and so came to York where he was well receiued from thēce to Lankester where he met with the Lord Hastinges his Chamberlayne well accompanied by whose helpe he came safe to London After this tumult when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace vnity although much labor was made by the nobility the Earle of Warwick raiseth vp a new war in Lincolnshyre the captaine wherof was Sir Rob. wels knight who shortly after being taken in battell wyth hys father and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded the residue casting away their coates ran away and fled geuing the name of the field called Losecoat field The erle of Warwicke after this put out of comfort and hope to preuayle at home fled out of England An. 1470. first to Calice then to Lewes the French king accompanyed with the Duke of Clarence The fame of the Earle of Warwicke and of his famous actes was at that time in great admiration aboue measure and so highly fauoured that both in England Fraunce all men were glad to behold his personage Wherfore the comming of this Earle of the Duke of Clarence was not a litle gratefull to the French king and no lesse oportune to Queene Margaret King Henryes wife and Prince Edward her sonne who also came to the Frenche Courte to meete and conferre together touching their affayres where a league betwene thē was cōcluded moreouer a mariage betwene Edward prince of Wales Anne the secōd daughter of the Erle of Warwick was wrought Thus all things fasting luckely vpō the Erles part beside the large offers and great promises made by the Frenche king on the best maner to set forwarde their purpose the Earle hauing also intelligence by letters that the harts almost of all men went with him and lōged sore for his presence so that there lacked now but onely hast with al speed possible to returne he with the duke of Clarence wel fortified with the French nauy set forward toward England For so was it betwene them before decreed that they two should proue the first venture and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her sonne should folow after The ariuall of the Earle was not so soone heard of at Dartmouth in Deuonshyre but great cōcourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receiue welcome hym who immediatly made proclamation in the name of kyng Henry the sixt charging all men able to beare armour to prepare themselues to fight agaynst Edwarde Duke of Yorke vsurper of the Crowne Here lacked no freendes strength of men furniture nor pollicy conuenient for such a matter When king Edwarde who before not passing for the matter nor seking how either to haue stopped his iāding or els straight wayes to haue encountred with him before the gathering of his frendes but passing forth the time in hunting in hauking in all pleasure daliance had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more dayly about the Erle and the Duke began now to prouide for remedy when it was to late Who trusting to much to his friendes and fortune before dyd nowe right well perceiue what a variable and inconstant thyng the people is especially here of Englād whose nature is neuer to be contēt long with the present state but alwayes delighting in newes seketh new variety of chaunges eyther enuying that which stādeth or els pitying that which is fallen Which inconstant mutability of the light people chaunging with the winde and wauering with the reede did well appeare in the course of this kinges story For he through the people when he was down was exalted now being exalted of the same was forsaken Wherby this is to be noted of all princes that as there is nothing in this mutable world firme and stable so is there no trust nor assurance to be made but onely in the fauor of God and in the promises of his word onely in Christ his sonne whose only kingdome shall neuer haue ende nor is subiecte to anye mutation These thinges thus passing in England on the Earles side agaynst king Edward he accompanyed with the Duke of Glocester his brother and the Lord Hastings who had maried the erle of Warwicks sister and yet was neuer vntrue to the king his maister and the Lord Seales brother to the Queene sent abroad to all his trusty frendes for furniture of able souldiors for defence of his person to wtstand his enemies Whē litle rescue few in effect would come the king himselfe so destitute departed to Lincolneshyre where he perceiuing his enemyes dayly to encrease vpon him all the countryes about to be in a tore making fiers singing songs crying king Henry king Henry a Warwicke a Warwicke and hearing moreouer his enemyes the Lancastrians to be within halfe a dayes iourney of him was aduised by his frendes to flie ouer the Sea to the Duke of Burgoyne which not long before had maryed king Edwardes sister ¶ Here might be thought by the common iudgement and pollicy of man peraduētnre that king Edward as he had in his handes the life of king Henry of his Queene and Prince so if hee had dispatched them out of the way
when as he might he had not fallen into this misery but because he tooke not the vauntage whiche time rather then godly reason gaue him therefore that sparing pitty of hys turned now to his confusion and ruine And certes I suppose no lesse but if the same case had fallen in these our pittlesse dayes in which charity now waxeth vtterly colde and humanitye is almost forgotten the occason of suche a tyme should not be so neglected But let vs here note and learn how godly simplicity alwayes in the end of thinges gayneth more then mans pollicy forsomuche as man worketh with the one but God worketh with the other And so farre is it of that the euēt and successe of thinges be gouerned by mans aduised pollicy or vnaduised affection in this world that that is iudged to be weaker that florisheth in man then that which is cast downe in the Lord as in the double case of both these kings may wel appeare And first let vs consider the case of king Edward who being so beset and compassed with euils and distresses on euery side first was compelled to take the washes betwene Lincolneshyre and Lynne which was no lesse daungerous to his life then it was vnsemely for his estate Being come to Linne in what perill was he there through the doubtfull mutabilitye of the townes men if he had beene known to his enemyes And how could he be but known if he had taried any space But though men and frends forsook him yet the mercy of God not forsaking the life of him which shewed mercy vnto other so prouided that at the same present there was an Englishe shippe and two hulkes of Holland ready to theyr iourney Thus king Edward wtout prouision without bag or baggage without clothsacke or male without store of money without rayment saue onely apparell for warre also without all frendes excepte onely his brother Duke of Glocester the Lord Scales Lord Hastinges with a fewe other trustye frendes to the number of 7. or 8. hūdreth persons tooke shipping toward Holland at which time he was in no lesse ieoperdy almost on the sea then he was on the land For certayne Esterlinges hauing many shippes of warre which lay rouing the same tune on the sea and had done much domage the yeare before as well to the Englishe Marchauntes as to the French nation spying the kinges ship with seuen or eight gallaunt shippes made sayle after the king and hys company The kinges shippe was good of sayle and gate some ground albeit not much of the Esterlinges that she came to the coast of Halland before Alquemare and there cast anker for otherwise being an ebbing water they coulde not enter the hauen The Esterlings with theyr great shippes approched as nere as they could possible come for the low water purposing at the flond to obtein their pray so were like to do if the Lord had not there also prouided Mounsiour de Groun ture gouernour for Duke Charles in Holland at that season to be personally present in the towne of Alquemare who hearing of the ieopardy of the king being there at anker prohibited the Esterlings on payne of death not to meddle with any English men which were the Dukes frendes and alies Thus K. Edward well chastised of God for his wantonnes both by sea and land but not vtterly geuē ouer frō his protection escaping so many hard chaūces was set on land with his company who there well refreshed newly apparelled were conducted to Hage Duke Charles at the hearing of the vnprosperous case and condition of king Edward his brother in lawe was greatly amased and perplexed in himself much casting and doubting what he should do For being then in war with the French king he could not well prouoke the Englishe nation agaynst him without his manifest greuaunce and decay neither yet could he without great shame and obloquy leaue the king his brother in that necessity Notwithstanding so he demannured himselfe through fayre speach pretending to the English men to ioyne part with the house of Lancaster being himselfe partly descended of the same family by his Graundmothers side that he both was his owne frend openly and the kinges friend couertly pretending that he did not and doing that he pretended not Whē tidings was spred in England of king Edwards flying innumerable people of al hands resorted to the Earle of Warwicke to take his part agaynst K. Edward a fewe onely except of his constant friends which tooke sanctuary Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife who desperat almost of all comfort tooke also sanctuarye at Westminster where she in great penury forsakē was deliuered of a fayre sonne called Edw. which without all pompe was baptysed like another poore womans childe the Godfathers being the Abbot and Prior of Westminster the Godmother was Lady Scroope To make the story short the Earle of Warwick hauing now brought all things to his appetite vpon the 12. day of October rode to the Tower which was then deliuered to him and there tooke king Henry out of the ward placed him in the kinges lodging The 25. day of the sayd moneth the Duke of Clarence accōpanyed with the Erles of Warwick Shrewsbury and the Lord Standley with a great company brought him in a long gown of blew veluet thorow the hye streetes of London first to Paules Church to offer then to the bishops palace of London and there he resumed agayne the crowne royall an 1471. which he did not long enioy After this followed a Parliament in the whiche king Edwarde with all his partakers were iudged traytours Queene Margarete with her sonne Prince Edwarde all this while was tarying for a fayre winde thinking long belike till she came to an euill bargayne as it proued after For king Edwarde within sixe monethes after his departure out of Englande vnto the Duke of Burgoyne whether by letters from his frendes sollicitate or whether by his aduēturous courage incited made instant sure to duke Charles his brother to rescue him with such power as he would bestow vpon him for he was fully resolued to defer the matter and to protract the time no longer The Duke damped in double feare in such a daungerous case notwithstanding ouercome by nature and affinity secretly caused to be deliuered to him 50000. Florence further caused foure great shippes to be appoynted for him in a hauen in Zeland where it was free for al men to come Also the same Duke had for him hired 14. shippes of the Esterlinges well appoynted taking band of them to serue him truely till he were landed in England and 15. dayes after Thus king Edwarde being furnished but onely with 2000. men of warre with more lucke then hope to speede sped his voyage into England and landed at Rauenspur in the coast of Yorkeshyre Although there was no way for the king with such a small
enemies ij or iij. dayes and he would follow with all possible speede with a puissaunt army Who accordyng to their cōmaundement defended the Citie with all their power but yet to litle purpose For the Citizens consulting with thēselues for their owne most indēnitie hauing no walles to defend thē thought best to take that way which seemed to thē most sure safe therfore concluded to take part with kyng Edward This was not so soone knowne abroad but the cōminaltie rāue out by heapes to meete kyng Edward to salute him as their king Wheupon the Duke of Somerset with other of kyng Henries Coūsaile hearing therof wonderyng at the sodayne chaunge of the world to shift for themselues fled away left there kyng Henry alone who the same day beyng caused by the Archbyshop of Yorke to ryde about London like a kyng was before night made captiue and reduced agayne to the Tower It was not long after these thyngs thus done at London but the cōming of the Earle of Warwicke was heard of who thinking to preuēt mischiefes with making speede came a litle to late missed of his purpose In the Earles army were Iohn Duke of Exceter Edmūd Earle of Somerset Iohn Earle of Oxford and Marques Moūtacute the Earles brother The Earle had now passed a great part of his iourney whē he hearing newes of the world so chaūged of the captiuitie of king Henry was not a litle thereat appalled in his mynde wherfore he stayd with his army at S. Albons to see what way further to take And for somuch as there was no other remedy but either he must yeld or one conflict must finish the matter he remoued to Barnet x. myles from S. Albons Against him set forth K. Edward well appointed with a strong army of piked able persons with artillerie engines instrumētes meete for the purpose bringing with him also kyng Hēry On Easter euē he came to Barnet there he embattelled himselfe In the mornyng vpon Easter day the battaile begā and fiercely cōtinued almost till noone with murder on ech side much doubtfull till both partes were almost wery with fightyng and murderyng King Edward thē desirous to see an end of or on with a great crew of new fresh souldiours set vpon his weried enemies Wherby the Earles mē although encouraged with wordes of their captaine stoutly fought but they sore woūded weried could not lōg hold out The Earle rushing into the middest of his enemies ventured so farre that he could not be rescued where he was strikē downe slayne and there lay he Marques Mountacute thinkyng to succour his brother whō he saw to be in great ieopardy was likewise ouerthrowne and slaine After that Richard Neuell Earle of Warwike his brother were gone the rest fled many were takē The number of them which were in this field slayne are iudged about x. thousand as Polydore Virgill reciteth Fabian numbreth of them that were slayne but xv hundreth The Duke of Somerset Earle of Oxford thinkyng to flye to Scotland turned to Iasper Earle of Pēbroke in Wales The Duke of Exceter hardly escaped to Westminster there tooke sanctuary For the death of the Earle of Warwike the K. was not so glad as he was sory for the Marques Mountacute whō he tooke to be his frend The corpes of these two were brought to the Church of Paules where they lay open in two coffins two dayes and then were interred Ex Polyd. alijs ¶ In the narration of this Hystory Polydore Virgill whom Hall followeth word for word doth some deale differ from Rob. Fabian Neither doe I doubt but both these had their authors by whō they were directed Notwithstādyng this I maruaile that Polydore writyng of so many thynges which he neuer saw doth not vouchsafe to cite vnto vs those writers of whom he borowed And more do I meruaile or rather lamēt if it be true that I haue heard that he not onely nameth no author vnto vs but also burned an heape of our English stories vnknowen after the finishyng of his in the dayes of kyng Henry the 8. But now to our text agayne All this while yet Queene Margaret with yoūg prince Edward her sonne was scarce come ouer beyng long let with contrary windes who at length in the moneth of Aprill arriuyng at Waymouth in Dorsetshire hearing the sorrowfull tidings of these thinges lately happened to her husbād and to the Earle of Warwike and his brother and of the prosperous successe of K. Edward was so dismayd diquieted and pierced with sorrow seyng all things contrary to her expectatiō so to frame agaynst her that she fared and tooke on with her selfe lamenting her husbād bewayling hir sonne cursing her comming and crieng out of Fortune as though blinde Fortune were she that gouerneth times and tides rewarding iust punishments to vniust deseruings of men and not the secret power and terrible iustice of almighty God Such was then the impaciency of that Queene being not able to beare the vehemency of her passion who rather should haue sorrowed the dolorous death of Duke Humfrey whome before she neglected but now she lacked that her senses failed her spirites were taken her speach decayed and life almost gone she fell to the ground as one that would rather dye then liue In this desolate case Queene Margaret learning now to know her friends frō her foes when it was too late fraught ful of heauines without solace or hope of remedy she with her son her company departed for her next refuge to a Monastery of Monkes called Beaulie in Hainshire there to take sanctuary priuiledge of the house Yet all harts were not sound nor subdued in England especially Edmond Duke of Somerset with Lord Iohn his brother Thomas Courtney Earle of Deuonshire Iasper earle of Pembroke Lord Wenlocke Iohn Longscrother being Prior of the Knights of Rhodes in Saint Iohns These hearing of the Queenes returne with speede resorted to her by whome she being somewhat quickened in her spirits and animated to warre began to take some hart and to follow their counsaile which was in all the whote hast to renew warre against King Edward being now vnprouided by reason his army was now dispersed and chiefest of his souldiours wasted Heere great hope of victory was shewed great promises made Although the Queenes mind was beeing more carefull for the yong Prince then for her selfe to sende him ouer into France before some proofe of triall made yet following the contrary counsaile of them and partly cut off by shortnesse of time which required haste she began with all expedition to gather power Likewise Iasper Earle of Pembroke posted into Wales to do the same King Edward hauing intelligence of all these doings first sendeth out certain light horsemē to espy abroad thorough the West parts what waies his enemies did take In the meane time he
vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London gathered a power such as hee could make about LoÌ„don and first coÌ„meth to Abyngdon from thence to Marlebridge hearing that the Queene was at Bathe thinking to encounter with them before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke whether he thought as they in deede intended that they woulde take But the Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie remoueth from Bathe to Bristow sending word in the meane while to the citizens of Gloucester that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie Which wheÌ„ it could not be obteined with her army she departeth froÌ„ Bristow to Teukesbery where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe willed the Queene there to stay in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast Although this couÌ„saile was against the consent of many other captaines who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate yet the mind of the Duke preuailed The place was prefixed the field pitched the time of battaile came the King was loked for who being within one mile of Tewkesbury with like industry policy as his enemies had done disposed his army likewise in their aray This celeritie of the King taking the time was to him great aduantage who otherwise if he had differed till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke had put the matter in great hazard Such a matter it is to take a thing in time Of this battayle Hall this reporteth adding more then Polidore that the D. of Somerset although he was stroÌ„gly intrenched yet through the occasion or policie of the Duke of Gloucâ—ster which had the fore ward of the kings part a little reculing back followed the chase supposing that the Lord Wenlock who had the middle ward would haue followed hard at his backe The duke of Glocester whether for shame rather then of policie espieng his aduaÌ„tage sodenly turned face to his enemies Whereupon the coÌ„trary part was estsoones discomfited and so much the more because they were separate froÌ„ their company Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case returneth to the middle ward where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still reuileth him and calleth him traytour and with his are striketh the braine out of his head Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor but sheweth not his author where he had it Polydore writing of this conflict writeth no more but this that the Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish the field was at last ouermatched and for that most part slaine or taken In which battaile were named to be slaine that Earle or Deuonshire the Lord Wenlocke Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother beside other Among theÌ„ that were taken was Queene Margaret fouÌ„d in her chariot almost dead for sorow Prince Edward Edmund D. of Somerset Iohn Prior of S. Iohns with xx other knightes all which were beheaded within ij dayes after the Queene only and the yong prince excepted Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence was demaunded of him how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him To this Edward Hall addeth more and saith that after the field was finished the King made Proclamation that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life and the Princes life to be saued Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise brought forth his prisoner c. And so the king demanding of the Prince as is said how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him he answered sayeng that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father to him descending whereat said Polydor the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence Richarde Duke of Gloucester and the Earle Lord William Hastings Who vpon the same vncourteously falling vpon the Prince did slaye hym Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King and for the paiment therof was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile and Naples c. King Edward for these prosperous warres rendred to God his hartie thanks and caused publikely through his realme solemne processions to be kepte three daies together And thus much and too much touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth which was done anno 1471. Ex Polid. alijs The same yeare and about the same tyme vppon the Ascension euen king Henry being prisoner in the Tower departed after he had reigned in all xxxviij yeares and vi moneths Polydore and Hall folowing him affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester the Kings brother for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother In the history intituled Scala mundi I finde these words Quod in turri in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus ibi sepultus est That is that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen there happely or quietly departing was brought by Thames in a boate to the Abbey of Chertesey and there buried Polydore after he hath described the vertues of thys king recordeth that king Henry the seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him froÌ„ Chertesey to Windsore and addeth moreouer that by him certayne myracles were wrought For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth sayth he laboured with Pope Iulius to haue him canonised for a Saint but the death of the king was the let why that matter proceeded not Edward Hall writing of this matter addeth more declaring the cause why king Henries sancting went not forward to be this for that the fees of canonising of a King were of so great a quantitie at Rome more then of another Bishop or prelaâ—e that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes then with the empouerishing of the realme to buy so deare pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender c. Ex Hallo which if it be true it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth and especially in heaueÌ„ why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in the market place of Rome and a King Saint so deare Againe if the valuation of things in all markets and buries be according to the
so done and that I wil make good on thy body traytour and therewith geuing a great rap on the boord for a token or watchword one cryed treason without and forthwith the chamber was full of harneysed men The protector then approchyng to the L. Hastinges arrested him as a traytour An other let flye at the Lord Standley who to auoyd the blowe shronke vnder the table or els his head had bene cleft a sonder notwithstanding he receaued such a wounde that the bloud ranne about hys eares There were in that counsaile the same time the Archbishop of Yorke and Doctour Morton Byshop of Ely by whose procurement afterward king Henry the vii was sent for into England and he made archbishop after that of Canterbury these with the Lord Standley diuersly were bestowed in diuers chambers The Lorde Hastinges was commaunded to speede and shriue hym a pace for before dinner the protector sware by S. Paule that he should dye and so incontinently without farther iudgement his head was striken of by whose counsayle the Queenes kindred were at the same time and daye beheaded at Pomfret After this tyrannous murder accomplished the mischienous protectour aspiring still to the crowne to set his deuises forward first through giftes and fayre promises dyd subordinate Doctor Shaw a famous preacher then in Lōdon at Paules Crosse to insinuate to the people that neyther king Edward with his sonnes nor the Duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten nor the very children of the Duke of York but begotten vnlawfully by other persons in adultery on y◠Duches their mother and that he alone was the true and onely lawfull heyre of the Duke of York Moreouer to declare and to signifie to the audience that K. Edward was neuer lawfully maried to the Queene but hys wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy and so the 2. childrē of king Edward to be base and bastardes and therfore the title of the crown most rightly to pertaine to the Lord protector That this false flatterer and loud lying preacher to serue the protectors humour shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place that reuerent auditorye the sacred word of God taking for hys theame Adulterae plantationes nō dabūt radices altas c which he most impiously did apply against the innocent children right heyres of this realm Whereupon such grudge and disdayne of the people wyth worldly wonder followed him that for shame of the people crying out of him in few dayes after he pyned way When this sermon would take no effect with the people the protector vnmercifully drowned in ambitiō rested not thus but wtin few dayes after excited the Duke of Buckingham first to breake the matter in couert talke to the Mayor and certayne of the heades of the Cittie picked out for the purpose that done to come to the Guildhall to moue the people by all flattering and lying perswasions to the same which shameles Shaw before had preached before at Paules Crosse. Whiche the Duke with all dilligence and helpes of eloquence being a man both learned and well spoken endeuored to accomplish making to the people a long and artificiall Oration supposing no lesse but that the people allured by his crafty iusinuations would cry king Rich. K. Ric. But there was no king Rich in their mouthes lesse in their hartes Wherupon the Duke looking to the Lord Mayor and asking what the silence ment contrary to the promise of the one the expectation of that other It was then answered of the Mayor that the people peraduenture wel vnderstood him not wherfore the Duke reiterating his narration in other wordes declared agayne that he had done before Likewise the thyrd time he repeted hys Oration againe and agayn Then the commons which be fore stood mute being now in a mase seeing this importunitie began to mutter softly among themselues but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips saue onely that in the nether end of the Hall certayn of the Dukes seruantes with one Nashfield and other belonging to the protector thrusting into the Hall among the prease began sodaynly at mens backes to cry king Richard k. Rich throwing vp theyr cappes whereat the cittizens turning back theyr heades marueiled not a little but sayd nothing The Duke and the Lord Mayor with that side taking this for sufficient testimony incontinent came blowing for hast to the protector then lying at Baynardes Castle Where the matter being made before was now so contriued that forsooth humble petition was made in the name of the whole commons and that with 3 sundry sutes to the humble and simpel protector that he although it was vtterly against his will to take it yet would of his humilitye stoupe so low as to receane the heauy kingdome of England vpon his shoulders At this their tender request and sute of the Lords and commōs made ye must know how the milde Duke seing no other remedy was contented at length to yeld although fore against his will ye must so imagine and to submit himselfe so low as of a protector to be made king not much herein vnlike to our prelates in that Popish churche who when they haue before well compounded for the popes Buls yet must they for maner sake make curtesy and thrise deny that for whiche they so long before haue gaped and so sweetly haue payed for King Richard the third vsurper ANd thus Richard Duke of Gloucester tooke vpon to be made proclaymed king of England the yeare aforesayd an 1483. in the mōth of Iune Who then comming to the Tower by water first made his sonne a childe of x. yeare old prince of Wales Iohn Haward a man of great industry seruice he aduaūced to be Duke of Northfolke Sir Tho. Haward his sonne he ordained Erle of Surry Also William Lord Barckeley was appoynted Earle of Notingham Frances L. Louell was made Uicunt Louell L. Stanley for feare of his sonne was deliuered out of the Tower and made Steward of the kings houshold Likewise the Archbishop of Yorke was set free but Morton Bishop of Ely was committed to the Duke of Buckingham by whome was wrought the first deuise to bring in Henry Erle of Richmond into England and to cōioin mariage betweene Elizabeth king Edwardes daughter and him whereby the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster were vnited together After the kingdome of England was thus allotted to king Rich. the vsurper as in maner aboue remembred he taried not long for hys coronation which was solemnised the month next ensuing the 6. day of Iuly The triumph and solemnitie of this vsurped coronation being finished al thinges to the same appertayning this vnquiet tyraunt yet coulde not thinke himselfe safe so long as yong Edward the right king hys brother were aliue Wherefore the next enterprise which he did set vpon was this how to rid these innocent babes out of
the part of K. Richard whome all good men hated as he no otherwise deserued The king hauing perfect knowledge the Earle to be encamped at Tamworth embatled himselfe in a place neare to a village called Bosworth not farre from Leicester appointing there to encounter with his aduersaries Here that matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning that Lord Stanley which was the Erles father in law had maryed his mother to what part he would encline For although his hart went no doubt with the Earle had secret conference with him the night before yet because of his sonne and heyre George Lord Straunge being then in the hāds of king Richard least the king should attempt any preiudiciall thing against him durst not be seene openly to goe that way where in hart he fauoured and therefore closely kept himselfe betweene both till the push came that hys helpe might serue at a pinch The number of the Erles part exceeded not to the one halfe of the side of king Richard When the time and the place was appointed where the two battailes should encounter and ioyne together fore stripes and great blowes were geuen on both sides and many slayne If number multitude might gouerne the successe of battaile king Richard had double to the erle But God is he not man that geueth victorye by what meanes it seemeth to his diuine prouidence best In what order and by what occasion this field was wonne and lost the certain intelligence we haue not certainly expressed but onely by the historye of Polydore Vergile whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word In the which history it doth appeare that as these 2. armies were coupling together king Richard vnderstanding by his espials where the earle of Richmond was and how he was but slenderly accompanied and seeing him to approch more neare vnto him he rather caryed with courage then ruled with reason set spurres to the horse and raunging out of the compasse of hys ranckes pressed toward the Erle setting vppon him so sharpely that first he killed sir William Brandon the Erles standard bearer father to the Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke thē after ouerthrew sir Iohn Cheny thinking likewise to oppresse the Erle But as the Lorde by his secret prouidence disposeth the euent of all thinges as the earle with his mē about him being ouermatched began to dispayre of victory sodeinly oportunely came syr William Stanley with 3. thousand well appointed able men whereby king Richardes men were driuen backe he himselfe cruelly fighting in the thick of his enemies was there slaue brought to his confusion and death which he worthely deserued In the meane time the Earle of Oxford who had the guiding of the forewarde discomfited the forefrunt of king Richards hoast and put them to flight in which chase many were slayne of noble men especially aboue other Iohn Duke of Northfolke Lord Ferrers sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenaunt of the Tower c. Lord Thomas Haward Earle of Surrey there submitted himselfe and although he was not receaued at first to grace but long remayned in the Tower yet at length for his fidelitie was deliuered and aduanced to his recouered honour and dignitie againe This king Richard had but one sonne who shortly after the cruell murder of king Edwardes sonnes was taken with sicknes and died The wife of the sayd king Richard whether by poyson or by sickenes dyed also a little before the field of Bosworth After whose decease the storie of Polydore of sir Tho. More affirmeth that he intended himself to mary the Lady Elizabeth his own brothers daughter and so to preuent the Earle of Richmond Moreouer as touching the Lord Stanley thus reporteth the story that king Richard being in Bosworth fielde sent for the Lord Stanley by a purseuaunt to auaunce forward with his company and come to hys presence otherwise he sware by Christes passion that he would strike off his sonnes head before dinner The L. Stanley sent word agayne that if he did he had more sonnes aliue Wherupō the kyng immediately commaunded the Lord Strange to be beheaded which was the very time whē both y◠armies were within fight were ready to ioyne together Wherfore the kinges counsailers pondering the tyme and the case perswaded the king that it was now time to sight not to doe execution aduising him to delay the matter tyll the battail were ended And so as God would king Richard breaking hys othe or rather keeping hys othe for he hymselfe was slayne before dyner the Lord Straunge was cōmitted to be kept prisoner within the kinges tente who then after the victory gotten was sought out and brought to his ioyfull father And thus haue ye the tragicall life and end of this wretched king Richard Henry the Erle of Richmond after harty thankes geuen to almighty God for hys glorious victorye obteined proceeded to the towne of Leicester where was brought to him by the Lord Straunge the Crowne and put on the Earles head In the meane time the dead corpes of king Richarde was shamefully caried to the towne of Leicester being naked and despoyled to the skinne being trussed behinde a purseuaunt of armes was caryed like a hog or a dog hauing his head armes hanging on the one side of that horse and the legges on the other side all sprincled with myre bloud And thus ended the vsurped reign of king Richard who reigned two yeares and two monthes Ex Polydo Thom. Moro. King Henry the vij WHen king Henry by the prouidence of God had obtayned this triumphant victory Diademe of the realme first sending for Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwicke sonne to George Duke of Clarence committing him to safe custody w e in the tower frō Leicester remoued to Lōdon not long after according to his oth promise made before espoused to him the yong Ladye Elizabeth heyre of the house of Yorke whereby both the houses of Yorke and Lancaster were conioyned together to the no little reioysing of all English hartes no lesse quyet vnto the realme which was an 1485. This king reigned 23. yeares and 8. monthes and being a Prince of great pollicie iustice and temperance kept his realm in good tollerable rule order And here interrupting a little the course of our Englishe matters we will now the Lord willing enter the story aboue promised of Maximilian the Emperour matters of the Empire especially such as pertayneth to that Church Maximilian Emperour IN the yeare of our Lord. 1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hartes of the Germayns who had complained before of theyr greuances and could not be heard and therfore misdoubting that hys house after his decease should haue the lesse fauour amonge them for that cause in hys life tyme did associate hys sonne Maximilian to
Ann. 1371. The tyme of I. Wickliffe Anno. 1372. Ex Caxtono A description of Wickliffes timâ— All good things defled spotted with superstition The captaines of the church seduced as well as the inferior sort Palestina denied holy for Christes walkyng there Richard K. of England Fredericke the Emperor of Rome Philip kyng of Fraunce Pope Vrbano Lambert Pope The knowledge of the Gospell grosely expounded by the Romapistes The rysing vp of Wickliffe in a troublous tyme. Wickliffe a Deuine in Oxford Wickliffe depriued of his benefice at Oxford by S. Sudbery Ex Chron. D. Albani Duke of Lancaster Lord H Percy great maintayners of I. Wickliffe Alice Perris the kings concubine The K. bewitched by a woman thorough the helpe of a Fryer The propertie of an whore 12. Gouernours assigned about the kyng Ex Chron. Monastery Albani A practise of the prelates against the Duke of Lancaster W. Wickham B. of Wint. depriued Byshops holde together Liberties of the Church a great matter B of Winâ— sent for to the conuocation I. Wickliffe sent for by the Duke of Lancaster Example â—â— W. Rufus Ex hosie Monastery D. Albani The slaunderous pene of Polydore Wickliffe falsly charged with ambition by Polydore Wickliffe beginneth to touch the matter of the sacrameÌ„t The latter writers of the Church to be misdoubted The accideÌ„ces not to be in the sacrament without the substance Ex host Monarchs D. Albans ex accommodato â— Math. Archsepis â—ant Striuing for the Lordes to passe by the people W. Courtney Bishop of London The wordes of the B. of London to the L. Percy I. Wickliffe bid to sitte downe before the Byshops Wickliffe denied by the Byshop of London to sit downe Strife betweene the L. Marshall and Byshop of London The people set in a stiâ—re Strife betweene the Duke of I aÌ„caâ—er B. of London The B. ouergoeth the Duke in â—coulding This B. of London was W. Courtney sonne to the Earle of Deuonshire The Duke â—â—â—eateneth to draw out their B. by the heare out of the Church Londiners take part with their Byshop Petitions put vp in the Parliament against the Citie of LoÌ„don Hasty counsaile of the LoÌ„diners The Oration of Lord Fiâ—walter to the Londiners The Citizens of LoÌ„don breake vp the L. Peters house at Sauoy Gods prouision in sauing his seruantes The house of the Duke of â—aÌ„caster searched of the Londiners The Duke and L. Percy fiye to the Prince A priest in the Duke of Lancasters house cruelly killed The villany of the Londiners against the Duke The message of the princesse to the Londiners The Duke reuenged of the Londiners The Londiners caused to beare a Taper of waxe in procession in honour of the Duke A story of the Byshop of Norwich Example of pride in the popes clergie The courtesie of the townesmen toward the Byshop The stoâ—â— answere 〈◊〉 the Byshop to the township The towne of Lennam riseth against the Bishop Pride will haue a fall Power vsurped will neuer stand The vsurped power of the pope would haue a bridle Anno. 1377. The death of K. Edw. The commeÌ„dation of K. Edward Anno. 48. Edward tertij Couentrie and Lychfield Norwytch Surren Ebor. Sarisbu The Deanry of Salisbury Treasorer of the Church of Sar. Canterbury Bath Welles An. 2. Rich. 2. The Archdeaconry of Stowe The Archdeaconry of Northampt In the Archdeaconry of Oxen. In the Archdeaconry of Brick In the diocesse Norwitch In the diocesse of Sar. In the diocesse of Canterbury In the diocesse of Yorke In the diocesse of Durham K. Richard 2. The bishops take â—atage of tyme. The first article colâ—â—ccted out of Wickliffeâ— sermons The articles of Iohn Wickliffe sent to the pope Pope Gregory theâ—â— Wickliffe called before the Archbishop of Cant. Anno. 1378. Edmunde Stafforde bringer of the Popes Bull. The masters of Oxford doubt whether to reâ—â—â—ue or reâ—â—t the Popes Bull. The Popes mad Bull sent to Oxford The Pope coplayning of Iohn Wickliffe Marsilius â—atauinus Ioan de Ganduno outed 〈…〉 Here the wilde Bull striketh Simon Sudburle Archb. of Cant. W. Courtney bishop of London Three sundry letters of the pope to one person about one matter The Popes letter to King Richard agaynst I. Wickliffe Here is prisoning but no teaching Certayne conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe The story brags of the Byshops ouerthrowne Wickliffe againe called before the Byshops Lewes Clifford Iohn Wickliffe againe deliuered from the Byshops The protestation of Iohn Wickliffe Exposition of Iohn Wickliffe vpon his coÌ„clusions Exposition of the secoÌ„d conclusion Ingratia gratisicante finaliter Note here he speaketh onely of the right of things in the country 〈◊〉 come and aâ—t in this exile The power of all priestes toward God equall Ordo sacerdotaelis non susciâ—it maius minus Potestas ordinis Potestasregiminis 16. q. 7. filijs The death of Pope Gregorie 11. Vâ—banus 6. Pope A schisme in Rome Was not here a ioly agreement Theodo 〈◊〉 a Niem dâ— schismaâ—â— Rebellion in England by Iacke Strawe Simon the Archb. beheaded W. Courtney Archb. of Cant. Barton Chauncelour of Oxford Anno. 1380. An edict against the Wicliuistes Anno. 1382. The mandate of the Archb. Ex Registro Archb. W. Courtney â—This article eyther is slanderously reported or els can hardly be defended * He meaneth church goods not to be so peculiar to ministers but that they may be taken away if they so deserue ¶ This article peraduenture was not so straightly ment of him as it waâ— gathered of theÌ„ as is aforesayd * This article expoundeâ—â— the ix article aboue A letter of the Archb. of Cant. against Wickliffe Had ye tryed them by the truth you shuld haue found theÌ„ otherwise Druta Fulmina He that killeth you shal thinke he doth God good seruice Yea rather for the honour of your pope and destruction of Christian fayth An earthquake what time Wickliffe was examined Ex chron mon. Albanensii Determiâ—â—tion vpon the aâ—ticles of Wicklâ—â—â—e A letter of the Archb. of Cant. to the Chauncelour of Oxford Make sure worke Another letter of the Archb. to the Commissary of Oxford M. Iohn Asâ—eton examined The answere of Iohn Asheton M. Asheton monished again to appeare xx of Iune Hertford Repington appear The protestation of Hereford and Asheton exhibited to the Archb. Articles with the answeres Farther examinationâ— against the sayd Nic. Phil. and Iohn Nic. Herford Phil. Repington Iohn Asheton examined 20. Iunij an 2382. The iudgement of the â—â—toâ—s vpâ—â— these 〈◊〉 Admonition and citaon of the Archb. against the â—â—minates An other day assigned for the examinates to â—ppeare Prâ—cesse â—ade by the Archb. agaâ—nst Iohn Asheton I. Asheton seuerally examined The Archb. and his Friers dâ—e flee the English tongue for the people Whether materiall bread remaineth the sacrament M. Tho. Hilman suspected to be a fauourer of I. Asheton The 20. day of Iune Dayes geuen to Tho. Hilman to answere 28. day of Iune an 1312. The 1. day of Iuly an 1312. The answere of Tho.
the Cardinall The Card. a deceauer of the king a briber The Card. purchaseth a pardon against his premuniri Prelates holde one with an other Malice burst out Paules steepleset on fire by lightning Anno. 1445 The death of Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The builâ—ing of Alsolne Colledge and Barnard Colledge in Oxforde Anno. 1447 The storie death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester Duke Humfrey coÌ„mâ—nded for his learning Petrus de Monte. De Virtutum et Vitrorum differentia ad D. Humfredum Lapiscastellius De compatatione Audiorum etrei militarus ad D. D. Humfredum A false miracle espied Dissimulatâ—on wel punished Commen-dation of Duke Hum-frey The good Duke of Glocester Polyd. Hist lib. 23 Halâ— in 25. Hâ—n 6. The enemies to the Duke of Glocester The malicious working of the cardinall against the Duke of Glocester W. De la Pole Duke of Suffolke the cause of the Duke of Glocesters death The vnprofitable mariage betweene K. Hen. 6. and Queene Margaret Queene Margaret mortall enemy to the Duke of Glocester The malice of a woman A snare to catch the innocent Anno. 1447. A parliament at Bery The cruel death or martyrdome of the good Duke of Glocester The iudgement of god vpon theÌ„ which persecuted the Duke of Glocester Anno. 1448. The death of the Cardinall and maner of the same The wordes of the Cardinall of Winchester at his deâ—th Will. Wanflet Bishop of Wint. Magdalen Colledge in Oxford builded Gods punishment vpon the Marques of Suffolke The 〈◊〉 glory of mans 〈◊〉 foâ—gethâ—â—g himselfe in honour The commons vncoÌ„ stant The Duke of Suffolke accuâ—ed by the coÌ„monâ— The Duke of Suffolke againe accused Example of Gods iudgement and of bloud reuenged The Duke of Suffolke beheaded Publicam instâ—umentum nomine Regis An instru ment by the thing against the admitting the Popes legate Anno. 1450. The arte of printing inuented Ex Tipographia per Matsheum Iudiâ—em Carmen Anâ— Campani Printing camâ— of God Printing likened to the giftes of tongues The time considered when Printing was founde Double confusiâ—â— vpon the Pope by printing The fruit profite of printing Good counsaile to the Pope So preached the vicar of CroydeÌ„ in K. Henry the 8. dayes at Paules crosse saying that either we must roote out printing or else printing will roote out v 8. Triple commodity by printing When Gunnes were first inuented Anno. 1458. The losing of Constantinople The tirannie of the Turke toward his owne men The cowardnes of Duke Iustinian The Emperour of CoÌ„stantinople flaine CoÌ„staÌ„tinople wonne of the Turkes The bloudy victory of the Turkes The horrible in aÌ„ny of the Turkes Constantinople called new Rome A warning to all Christendome by Constantinople The story of Reinold Pecocke The citatioÌ„ of the Arch. Tho. Bowcher alias Bourâ—chet Pecocke appeareth at Lambeth before the Archb. Great labour to reduce Pecocke from his opinioÌ„s The retractation of B. Pecocke Ex regist His Articles The articles of Reynolde Pecocke mentioned by Thomas Gascoigne Ex Tho. Gascoig lib. De Dictionario Theolog part 3. B. Pecocke deteyned in prison Polydoâ—e noted Eugenius warred against Sâ—ortia and diuers other Pope Fâ—â—â—x Pope Nicholas 5. Emperours are but kinges of Romaines before they be crowned by the Pope Ex Platina de vitis The example of Idolatrie punished The fruit of Idolatry Mat. Palmerius a Florentine martyr Toling of Aues S. Edmund of Cant. canonised Pope Pius 2. Promotion choketh religion The Prouerbes of Pius Mariage of priestes allowed by Aeneas Syluius Ex epist. 54. Pii sâ—cund ad Gasparum Schlick The way to exclude schisme is concord of princâ—s The Popes Clergie wil not abyde the fyre eyther for prince or pope The breath of this pestilent seate corrupteth all that sit in it whatsoeuer they were before Aeneas Syluius now puffed vp with worldly pompe and glorie impugneth the trueth whiche he did before both know and professe Dâ—scord betwene Pope Pius the Archbishop of Mentz Anno. 1458. Pope Paulus 2. Ex Stanislao Rutheno Vide Cent. 8. Bal. The feast of the conception and presentation of our Lady Beades brought in Wesellus Groningensis The pope licenseth the whole familie of a certaine Cardinall to play the Sodomites three monethes in the yeare Pope Innocentius 8. 8. men and 6. we men condemned of heresie by Pope Innocentius 8. George king of Boheme condemned of heresie Mischieues to England after the death of the Duke of Glocester Angeow Main Normandy and Gascoyne recoueâ—ed of the Frenchmen Iacke Cade The Duke of Yorke agaâ—â—st kyng Henry Anno. 1459. The Northern men intended the subuersion of London Ex historia manuscripta cui titulus Scala mundi London rescued by prince Edw. Anno. 1461. The title of Edward to the crowne proued at Paules crosse K. Edward taketh possession of the crown The fierce and cruell battaile betweene king Henry 6. K. Edward 4. King Henry 6. conquered Barwicke geuen to the Scottes by K. Henry 6. The title of the house of Yorke Rich. Plantagenet Ex Scala mundi Leaden Hall bilded The Standard in Chepe The Conduite in Fletstrete New gate builded The Colledge of Eton and the kings Colledge in Cambridge founded The king reiecteth the popes Bulles Ex Getuslo codic cuâ— initium Nomâ—na custodum c. et ex Fabiano Example of Gods rodde and iudgement Anno. 1461. King Edward 4. Queene Margaret fledde the lande Anno. 1462. K. Edward sitteth his own person in the kings bench iudging Anno. 1463. K. Henry 6. againe repulsed in the battaile of Exham K. Henry 6. taken arested committed to the Tower Anno. 1465. The kyngs lodeine mariage with Queene Elizabeth The first falling out betweene K. Edwarde the Earle of Warwick Conspiracie against king Edward K. Edward take prisoner by the Earle of Warwicke The rebellion in Lincolnshire repressed The Earle of Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence fly into Fraunce The Earle of Warwick the Duke of Clarence returne into England The receiuing of the Earle of Warwicke into England K. Henry againe proclaymed kyng The inconstant leuitie of the people of England The constant hart and â—â—nth of the Lord Hastinges K. Edward forsaken of his people in his neede The weake state of king Edward Whether godly simplicitie or mans policie be stronger The double case of these two kings considered K. Edward taketh the Washes God prouideth K. Edward taketh shipping K. Edward near taken of the Esterlings God againe prouideth K. Edward deliuered from the Esterlinges Charles Duke of Burgoyne K. Edwardes brother in law Queene Elizabeth taketh sanctuary Prince Edward borne in sanctuary K. Henry 6. brought out of the tower K. Henry restored again to his kingdome K. Edward returneth againe into England K. Edward onely with 2000. souldiours commeth to Rauenspurre alias Rauensport The dissembling policy of king Edward K. Edward commeth to Yorke K. Edward repelled by the citizens of Yorke K. Edward chaungeth his title The gentle and fayre wordes of K. Edward Two conditions put to K.
Parris anno 1260. Petrus Ioannis a Minorite who was burned after hys death anno 1290. Robertus Gallas a Dominicke Frier anno 1291. Robert Grosthead Byshoppe of Lincolne which was called Malleus Romanorum anno 1250. Lord Peter de Cugnerijs anno 1329. To these we may adde more our Gulielmus Ockam Bongratius Bergomensis Luitpoldus Andraeas Laudensis Vlricus Hangenor Treasurer to the Emperour Ioannes de Ganduno anno 1330. mentioned in the Extrauagantes Andraeas de Castro Buridianus Euda Duke of Burgundy who counselled the french king not to receiue the new found constitutions and extrauagantes of the Pope into his realme Dante 's Alligerius an Italian who wrote agaynst the Pope Monkes and Fryers and agaynst the donation of Constantine anno 1330. Taulerus a Germayne preacher Conradus Hager imprisoned for preaching agaynst the Masse an 1339. The author of the booke called Poenitentiarius Asini compiled about the yeare 1343. Michael Cesenas a gray Fryer Petrus de Corbaria with Ioannes de Poliaco mentioned in the Extrauantes and condemned by the Pope Ioannes de Castilione with Franciscus de Arcatara who were burned about the yeare of our Lord. 1322. Ioannas Rochtaylada otherwise called Haybalus with an other Frier martyred about the yeare 1346. Franciscus Petrarcha who called Rome the whore of Babilon c. an 1350. Georgius Ariminensis an 1350 Ioannes de Rupe Scissa emprisoned for certayne prophesies against the Pope an 1340. Gerhardus Ridder who also wrote against Monks and Friers a book called Lacryma Ecclesiae an 1350. Godfridus de Fontanis Gulielmus de Landuno Ioannes Monachus Cardini Armachanus Nicholaus Orem preacher an 1364. Militzius a Bohemian which then preached that Antichrist was come and was excommunicate for the same an 1366. Iacobus Misnensis Mathias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne and a writer against the Pope an 1370. Ioannes Mountziger Rector of the Vniuersitie of Vlme anno 1384. Nilus Arch. of Thessalonica Henricus de â—ota Henricus de Hassia c. I do but recite the principall writers and preachers in those dayes Howe many thousandes there were which neuer bowed their knees to Baall that is knowne to God alone Of whome wee finde in the writings of one Brushius that xxxvi Citizens of Maguntia were burned an 1390. Who following the doctrine of the Waldenses affirmed the Pope to be the great Antichrist Also Massaeus recordeth of one hundred and fourty which in the prouince of Narbon were put to the fire for not receiuing the decretalles of Rome besides them that suffered at Paris to the number of xxiiij at one time anno 1210. and the next yeare after were foure hundred brent vnder the names of Heretiques Besides also a certayne good Heremite an Englishman of whome mention is made in Iohn Bacon Dist. 2. Quest. 1. who was committed for disputing in Paules Church agaynst certaine Sacramentes of the Church of Rome an 1306. To discend now somewhat lower in drawing out the discent of the Churche What a multitude here commeth of faythfull witnesses in the time of Iohn Wickleffe as Ocliffe Wickliffe an 1376. W. Thorp White Puruey Patshall Payne Gower Chaucer Gascoyne WilliaÌ„ Swinderby Walter Brute Roger Dexter William Sautry about the yeare 1400. Iohn Badby an 1410. Nicholaus Tayler Rich. Wagstaffe Mich. Scriuener William Smith Iohn Henry W. Parchmenar Roger Goldsmith with an Ancresse called Mathilde in the Citie of Leicester Lord Cobham Syr Roger Acton knight Iohn Beuerley preacher Iohn Husse Hierome of Prage Scholemaister with a number of faithfull Bohemians and Thaborites not to be told with whoÌ„ I might also adioyne Laurentius Valla and Ioannes Picus the learned Earle of Mirandula But what do I stand vpon recitall of names which almost are infinite Wherfore if any be so farre beguiled in his opinion to thinke the doctrine of the church of Rome as it now standeth to be of such antiquitie that the same was neuer impugned before the time of Luther and Zuinglius now of late let him read these histories or if he thinke the sayd historie not to be of sufficient credite to alter his perswasion let him peruse the Actes and Statutes of Parliamentes passed in this realme of auncient time and therein consider and conferre the course of times where he may finde and read An. 5. Regis Richardi 2. in the yeare of our Lord. 1380. of a great nuÌ„ber which there be called euill persons goyng about from town to town in freese gownes preaching vnto the people c. which preachers although the wordes of the Statute do terme there to be dissembling persons preaching dyuers Sermons contayning heresies notorious errours to the emblemishment of Christen faith of holy Church c. as the words do there pretend yet notwithstanding euery true Christian reader may conceaue of those Preachers to teache no other doctrine then nowe they heare theyr owne Preachers in Pulpits Preache agaynst the Bishoppe of Rome and the corrupte heresies of his Churche Furthermore he shall finde likewise in Statut. An. 2. Henr. 4. Cap. 15. in the yeare of our Lord. 1402. another lyke company of good Preachers and faythful defenders of true doctrine agaynst blynd heresie and errour Whom albeit the wordes of the Statute there through corruption of that time do falsely terme to be false and peruerse Preachers vnder dissembled holines teaching in those dayes openly and priuely new doctrines and hereticall opinions contrary to the faythe and determination of holy Churche c. yet notwithstanding whosoeuer readeth histories and conferreth the order and discent of times shall vnderstand these to be no false teachers but saythfull witnesses of the truth not teaching any newe doctrines contrary to the determination of holy Church But rather shall finde that Churche to be vnholy which they Preached agaynst teaching rather it selfe hereticall opinions contrary both to antiquitie and veritie of Christes true Catholicke Churche Of the lyke number also or greater of lyke true faythfull fauourers and followers of Gods holy worde we find in the yeare of our Lord. 14â—2 specified in a letter sent from Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Martin 5. in the fift yeare of his Popedome where mention is made of so many here in Engand infected as he sayde with the heresies of Wickleffe and Husse that without force of any army they could not be suppressed c. Whereupon the Pope sent two Cardinals to the Archbishop to cause a tenth to be gathered of all spirituall and Religious men and the money to be layde in the chamber Apostolicke and if that were not sufficient the residue to bee made vppe of Chalices Candlestickes and other implementes of the Churche c. What shall neede then any more witnes to proue this matter when you see so many yeares agoe whole armyes and multitudes thus standing agaynst the Pope who thoughe they bee termed here for heretickes and schismatickes yet in that which they call heresie serued they the
or detract an other Moreouer it is signified to vs also that some there be of them which when they ought like good shepherds to giue their liues for the Lordes flocke yet are puffed vp with such pride that without all reason they presume to rent and teare the Lords flocke with whippings and beatings whose vnreasonable dooynges Saint Gregory bewailing thus saith Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt That is what shall become of the sheepe when the pastors themselues be Woolues But who is ouercome but he which exerciseth cruelty Or who shall iudge the persecutor but he which gaue patiently his backe to stripes And this is the frute which commeth to the Church by such persecutors also which commeth to the clergy by such despitefull handling of their Byshoppes or rather Infidels For why may ye not call them Infidels of whome Saint Paule thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie that in the latter dayes there shall certaine depart from the faith geue heede to spirits of errour and doctrine of deuils of them that speake false through hypocrisie and hauing their consciences marked with an hote yron forbidding to marry and commaunding to abstaine from meates c. And this is if it be well marked the whole handfull of the darnell and cockell growing amongest the corne this is the couente of all madnes that whiles they of the Clergye be compelled to relinquish the coÌ„pany of their own lawful wiues they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women and wicked ministers of other sinnefull filthinesse These bee they which bring into the Church of God this heresie as blinde guides leading the blinde that it might be fulfilled which the Psalme speaketh of as foreseeing the errors of such men accursing theÌ„ after this maner let their eyes be blinded that they see not bow down alwais their backe For as much then O Apostolical Sir as no man which knoweth you is ignorant that if you through the light of your discretion had vnderstanded and seene what poysoned pestilence might haue come into the Churche thorough the sentence of this your decree they would neuer haue conseÌ„ted to the suggestions of certaine wicked persons Wherefore we counsell you by the fidelitie of our due subiection that wyth all diligence you would put away so great slauÌ„der from the Church of God and through your discret discipline you will remooue this Pharisaicall doctryne from the flocke of God so that thys onely Sunanite of the Lords vsing no more adulterous husbaÌ„ds do not separate the holy people and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ through an vnrecouerable diuorsement seing that no man without Chastitie not only in the virgines state but also in the state of matrimony shall see our Lord who with the father and the holy ghost lyueth and raigneth for euer Amen ¶ By this Epistle of Byshop Huldericke aboue prefixed the matter is plaine gentle Reader to conceiue what was then the sentence of learned men concerning the mariage of ministers but that here by the way the Reader is to be admoninished that this Epistle which by errour of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas the first in my mind is rather to bee attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3. After this pope Nicolas succeded Hadrianus 2. Ioannes ix Martinus ij After these came Hadrian the third and StepheÌ„ the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred that no Emperour after that time should intermedle or haue any thing to do in the election of the Pope And thus began the Emperors fyrst to decay and the Papacie to swell and ryse aloft And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time Then to returne where we lefte touching the storye of King Ethelwolfe About the latter ende of his reigne the Danes which before had inuaded the Realme in the time of king Egbert as is aboue declared now made there reentre againe with 33. shippes arriuing aboute Hamshyre through the barbarous tyranny of whoÌ„ much bloudshed and murther happened here among englishmen in Dorcet shire about Pourtchmouth in Kent in Eastangle in Lindesey at Rochester about London and in Westsâ—xe where Ethelwolfe the king was ouercome besides diuers other vnder kings and dukes whome the Danes dayly approching in great multitudes in dyuers victories had put to flight At length king Ethelwolfe with his sonne Ethelbaldus warring against them in Southrey at Oclea draue them to the sea where they houering a space after a while brast in againe with horrible rage and crueltie as hereafter Christ willing shall be declared so much as to our purpose shall serue professing in this history to write not of matters externe and politike but onely pertaining to the Church The cause of this great affliction sent of God vnto this realme thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certayne olde wrytten storye which hath noe name the wordes of which writer for the same cause as he thought to recite them writing as he saith ad cautelam futurorum I thought also for the same here not to be omitted albeit in all partes of his commendation I doe not fully with him accorde The wordes of the writer be these In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua religio clarissime respeÌ„duit ita vt Reges Reginae et Principes ac Duces Consules Barones c. In English thus In the primitiue Church saith he of the Englishmen RelygioÌ„ did most clerely shine in so much that kings Queenes Princes and Dukes Consuls Barons and Rulers of Churches incensed with the desire of the kingdome of heauen laboring and stryuing among themselues to enter into Monkery into voluntarye exile and solitary life forsoke all and followed the Lord. Where in processe of time all vertue so much decayed among them that in fraude and trechery none seemed like vnto them Neither was to them any thing odious or hatefull but pietie and iustice Neither any thing in price or honor but ciuill warre and sheddyng of innocent bloud Wherfore almighty God sent vpon them pagane and cruell nations like swarmes of Bees which neyther spared women nor children as Danes Norwagians Gothes Sueuians Vandals and Fresians Who from the beginning of the reigne of king Ethelwolfe till the comming of the Normandes by the space neere of 230. yeares destroyed their sinfull land from the one side of the sea to the other from man also to beast For why they inuading England oft times of euery side went not about to subdue and possesse it but onely to spoyle and destroy it And if it had chanced them at any time to be ouercome of Englishmen it auailed nothing when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready vpon a sodaine and vnawares to approche vpon them c. Historia Cariana Thus farre haue ye the wordes of mine author declaring the cause which prouoked Gods anger whereunto may be adioyned the wickednes not
and such as be mad receiue their health agayne if they worship the tombe of this Elfleda c. The like fainings and monstrous miracles we reade also in chronicles of doting Dunstane drowned in all superstition if he were not also a wicked sorcerer First how he beyng yet a boy chased away the deuil set about with a great company of dogs and how the Angels did open the church dore for him to enter Then how the Lute or Harpe hanging vpon the wall did sing or play without any finger these wordes Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum qui Christi vestigiâ— sunt sequuti qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum Item where a certayne great beame or maisterpost was â—â—â—ed out of the place he with making the signe of a Crosse set it in right frame agayne Moreouer how the sayd Dunstane being tempted vpon a tyme of the deuil with the cogitation of women caught the deuill by the nose with a whore paire of tongs and helde him fast Item how ofte heauenly spirits appeared to him and vsed to talke with him amiliarly Item how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar of the death of king Egelred of the death of Editha and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester Also how our Lady with her fellowes appeared visibly to hym singing this song Cantemus Domino sociae cantemus honorem Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio Agayne how the Angels appeared to him singing the Hymne called Kyrâ—â— Rex splendens c And yet these prodigious fantasies with other mo are written of him in Chronicles and haue bene beleued in Churches Among many other false and lying miracles forged in this corrupt tyme of Monkery the fabulous or rather filthy legeÌ„d of Editha were not to be ouerpassed if for shame and honesty it might well be recited But to cast the dyrt of these Pope holy monkes in their owne face which so impudently haue abused the church of Christ and simplicitie of the people with their vngratious vanities let vs see what this miracle is how honestly it is told Certayne yeres after the death of Editha saith Will. of Malmes which yeres Capgraue in his new Legend reckoneth to be thirtene the said Editha also S. Denys holding her by the hand appeared to Dunstan in a vision willing and requiring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton should be taken vp shrined to the entent it might be honored here in earth of her seruants according as it is worshipped of her spouse in heauen Dunstan vpon this comming from Salisbury to Wilton where Editha was interred commaunded her body to be taken vp with much honor solemnitie Who there in opening her tombe as both Malmes and Capgraue with shame enough recorde found all the whole body of this Editha coÌ„sumed to earth saue only her thombe her belly the part vnder the belly Wherof the said Editha expounding the meaning declared that her thombe remained found for the much crossing she vsed with the same The other partes were incorrupted for a testimony of her abstinence and integritie c. Ex Malmes Capgrauo What Sathan hath so enuied the true sinceritie of christian faith and doctrine so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales such filthy vanities Idolatrous fantasies as this Such Monkes with theyr detestable houses where Christes people were so abhominably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women whether they deserued not to bee rased and pluckt downe to the ground let all chaste Readers iudge But of these matters enough and to much ¶ Here followeth the Epitaphe written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntington vpoÌ„ the prayse and commendation of king Edgar Autor opum vindex scelerum largitor honorum Septiger Edgarus regna superna petit Hic alter Salomon legum pater orbita pacis Quod caruit bellis claruit inde magis Templa Deo templis monachos monachis dedit agros Nequitiae lapsum iustitiaeque locum Nouit enim regno verum perquirere falso Immensum modico perpetuumque breui Among his other lawes this king ordained that the Sonday should be solemnised from Saterday at ix of the clocke till Monday morning King Edward called the Martyr AFter the death of Edgar no smal trouble arose amoÌ„gst the Lordes and Bishops for succession of the crowne the principall cause wherof rose vpon this occasion as by the story of Symon of Durham and Roger Houeden is declared Immediately after the decease of the king Alferus Duke of Mercia and many other nobles which held with Egelrede or Ethelrede the onely right heyre and lawfull sonne of Edgar misliking the placing and intrudyng of Monkes into churches the thrusting out of the seculare Priestes with their wiues and children out of their auncient possessions expelled the Abbots and Monkes and brought in againe the foresayd priestes with theyr wyues Against whom certayne other there were on the contrary part that made resistance as Ethelwine Duke of Eastangles Elfwoldus his brother and the Erle Brithnothus saying in a councell togither assembled that they would neuer suffer the religious Monkes to be expulsed and driuen out of the Realme which held vp all Religion in the land and therupon eftsoones leuied an army whereby to defend by force the Monasteries such as were within the precinct of Eastanglia In this hurly burly amongst the Lordes about the placing of Monkes and putting out of Priests rose also the contention about the crowne who should be their king the bishops and such lordes as fauoured the Monkes seeking to aduance such a king as they knew would inclyne to their side so that the lordes thus deuided some of them would haue Edward and some consented vpon Egelred the lawfull sonne Then Dunstane Archb. of Cant. Oswold Archb. of Yorke with other their fellowbishops Abbots and diuers other Lordes and Dukes assembled in a councel together In the which councell Dunstan coÌ„myng in with his crosse in his hand bringyng Edward before the Lords so perswaded them that in the ende Edward by Dunstans meanes was elected consecrated and annointed for theyr kyng And thus hast thou good Reader the very truth of this story according to the writing of authors of most antiquitie which liued nerest to that age as Osberne and others which Osberne liuyng in the dayes of William Conquerour wrote this story of Dunstan through the motioÌ„ of Lanfranâ—us and alledgeth or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were writteÌ„ before his tyme. Besides which Osberne we haue also for witnesse hereof Nic Trinet in his English story written in French and also Ioannes Paris in his French story written in the Latine tong where he plainly calleth Edward non legitimum filium that is no lawfull sonne Whereunto adde moreouer the testimony of Vincentius
crescat emendatio secundum Weram eius Regi sicut cognationi Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum tunc excedat emendatio patrini sicut manbota Domini Si Episcopi filiolus sit sit dimidium hoc c. And thus much by the way for Priestes wyues and their children Now to the purpose agayne of our matter which is to declare how the Duke and Nobles of England expulsed the Monkes out of the Monasteries after the death of kyng Edgar Whereof let vs heare what the Monkish story of the Abbey of Crouland recordeth Monachis de quibusdam Monasterijs eiectis clerici sunt introducti qui statim monasteriorum maneria ducibus terrae distribuebant vt sic in suas partes obligati eos contra monachos defensarent Tunc de monasterio Eueshamensi monachis expulsis clerici fuerant introducti Terraeque tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt quibus Regina nouercali nequitia stans cum clericis in regis opprobrium fauebat Cum monachis autem Rex sancti Episcopi persistebant Sed tyranni fulti Reginae fauore potentia super monachos triumphabant Multus inde tumultus in omni angulo Angliae factus est Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crouland c. That is The Monkes beyng expelled out of certayne Monasteries the Clarkes agayne were brought in who distributed the Manors or Fermes of the sayde Monasteries to the Dukes and Lordes of the land that they beyng obliged to them should defēd them against the Monkes And so were the monkes of Euesham thrust out and the seculare Clarkes placed the landes of the church giuen to the Lordes with whom the Queene the Kings stepmother holding the same time tooke part also with the sayd Clerkes against the king On the contrary part stood the king the holy bishops taking part with the monkes Howbeit the lordes pieres of the Realme staying vpon the fauour and power of the Queene triumphed ouer the monkes c. Thus as much ado there was through all quarters of the realme about the matter among the Lordes so arose no lesse contention betwene the priests monkes of England The Priestes complainyng to the Kyng and Dunstane layd for themselues that it was vncomely vncharitable yea and vnnaturall to put out an old known dweller for a new vnknowen and that God was not pleased that to be taken from the auncient possessor which by God was geuen him neither that it could be to any good man accepted to suffer any such iniury to be done least peraduēture the same thing wherein he was preiudiciall to an other might after reuert redound vpon himself at length The monkes on the other side layd for their part the Christ allowed neither the old dweller nor the new commer nor yet looked vpon the person but who so would take the crosse of penaunce vpon him and follow Christ in vertuous liuing should be his disciple These such other were the allegations of the monkes But whether a monkes coule or a wiueles life make a sufficient title to enter into other mens possessiōs or no I referre it to the iudgemēt of the godly The troublous cares in mariage the necessary prouision for house keepyng the vertuous bringing vp of children the daily helping of pouertie and bearing of publike charges with other manifold perturbations and combraunces daily incident to the state of matrimony might rather appeare to godly wyse men to come nearer to the right crosse of penance then the easie loytring idlenes of monkery In the end vpō this controuersie was holden a Councell of Bishops other of the Clergy First at Reading or at Winchester as Guliel saith where the greater part both of the nobles commōs iudged the priestes to haue great wrong and sought by all meanes possible to bring thē agayne to their old possessions and dignities Iornalensis here maketh rehearsall of an Image of the Crucifixe or a roode standing vpon the frater wall where the Councell was holden To this roode Dunstane requireth them all to pray beyng belike not ignorant of some spiritual prouisiō before hand In the middest of their prayer the roode or els some blind monke behynd him in a trūke through the wall is reported to speak these words Absit hoc vt fiat absit hoc vt fiat iudicastis benè mutaretis non benè In remembraunce whereof these verses were written vnder the roodes feete Humano more crux praesens aediditore Coelitus affata quae perspicis hic subarata Absit vt hoc fiat vt cae tera tunc memorata Of this Dunstanicall or rather Satanical oracle Henricus maketh no mention nor Ranulphus nor yet Houedenus nor Fabian in their histories Gulielmus in his booke de Regibus reporteth it but by hearesay in these wordes saying Aliae literae docent c. Wherfore the lesse it seemeth to be of credite Albeit if it were of credible truth yet it prooueth in this matter nothing els but Dunstan to be a Sorcerer as Polydorus Virgilius also himselfe seemeth to smell something in this matter Notwithstanding for all this yet the strife ceased not In so much that a new assembly of the Clergy and other was appointed after at a place called the streete of Calue where the Councell was kept in an vpper lofte In this Councell many grieuous complaints were obiected as Malmes buriensis saith against Dunstane But yet he kept his opinion and would not remooue from that which hee began to maintaine And while they were there in great contention and argument which way should be admitted and allowed if it be true that in the stories is written sodenly the ioyses of the lof◠failed the people with the nobles fell downe so that certaine were slaine many hurt But Dunstane they say onely standing vpon a poast of the sollar which remained vnbroken escaped without dāger Which thing whether it so happened to portend before the ruine of the Realme and of the nobles as Henry Hunting doth expoūd it which after ensued by the Danes or whether it was so wrought by Dunstanes sorcerie as was not vnpossible or whether it were a thing but fained of the monkish writers and not true all this I leaue to the Readers to thinke therein what them liketh The stories say further that vpon this the matter ceased and Dūstan had all his will These things thus done at Calue it hapned not long after the same that king Edward whom the writers describe to be a vertuous and a meeke prince much pitifull beneficiall to the poore about the iiij yeare of hys raigne came vpon a season from hunting in the forest alone with out the company of his seruaunts to the place in the West countrey where Alfeith his mother with her sonne Egelred did lye When the Queene the mother was warned of his comming by her men anone she calleth a seruaunt
After him followed Pope Benedictus the sixt who in like maner was apprehended by Cynthius a Captayne of Rome cast in prison where he was straÌ„gled or as some say famished to death Then came Pope Donus the ij After whom Bonifacius the vij was Pope who likewise seeing the Citizens of Rome to conspire agaynst him was constrained to hide himselfe And seeing no place there for hym to tary tooke the treasure of S. Peters Churche and so priuily stale to Constantinople In whose stead the Romaines sâ—t vp P. Iohn the xv Not long after Boniface returning agayne from Constantinople by hys money treasure procured a garrisoÌ„ or company to take his part By whose meanes the foresayd Pope Iohn was taken his eyes put out and so throwne in prison where he was as some say famished some say he was slayne by Ferrucius Neither did Boniface raigne many dayes after but sodenly dyed whose carkase after hys death was drawne by the feete through the streetes of Rome after the most despitefull maner of the people shriking and exclayming against him an 976. Next pope after him was Benedictus the vii by the consent of the Emperour Otho the 2. and raigned xix yeares In the tyme of this pope Hugh Cappet the French king tooke Charles the right heyre to the crowne by the treason of the Bishop of Laou and when hee had imprisoned him he also committed to prison Arnoldus Archbishop of Raynes and placed in hys rowme Gilbartus a monke of Florsake a Nicromanser who was schoolemaister to D. Robert the kinges sonne But this pope Benedictus calling a Councell at Remis restored the sayd Arnoldus agayne and displaced Gilbertus which after by the help of Otho was made Archbishop of Reuenna and at length was Pope as in processe hereafter Christ graunting shal be declared After Benedictus succeeded in the sea of Rome Pope Iohn the xvi dyed the viij month of hys Papacy Next to whom came Iohn the xvii And after him Gregory the .v. in the yeare of our Lord. 995. This Gregory called before Bruno was a Germane borne and therefore the more malaced of the Clergy people of Rome WherupoÌ„ CresceÌ„tus with the people and Clergy conuenting agaynst the sayd Gregory set vp Pope Iohn the xviij Gregory vpon the same sped himselfe in all conuenient hast to the Emperor Otho the iij. in Germany Who hearing the complaint of Gregory and vnderstanding his wrongs set forward with his army well appointed to Italy gate the Citie there tooke both Crescentius the Consull and Iohn the Pope Which Iohn first hauing his eyes put out was depriued after of his life Crescentius the Consul was set vpon a vile horse hauing his nose and eares cut off and so was led through the Citie his face beyng turned to the horsetayle afterward hauyng his members cut off was hanged vpon a gibbet Pope Gregory thus being restored to his former state raigned iiij yeares in his Papacie although Marianus Scotus and Martinus say that he sate but ij yeares c. During the which time he assembled a councell in Rome where he to stablish the Empire in his owne country by the consent and counsail of Otho ordeined vij Princes of Germany to be electors of the Emperor which order yet to this day remaineth What be the names of these vij electors and what is their office thus I finde in these verses expressed Maguntinensis Treuerensis Coloniensis Quilibet Imperij fit cancellarius horum Et Palatinus Dapifer Dux portitor ensis Marchio praepositus camerae Pincerna Bohemus These vij he ordained to be electors 3. bishops 3. princes to wit the Palatine the duke of Saxonie the Marques Brandenburgh To whom was added also the king of Boheme to geue the odde voice if the euen voices could not agree This constitution being first begon an 997. was after established in Germany by Otho the Emperour the yeare of the Lord 1002. And thus much by the way or rather digression concerning the rages and tumultes of the Romish church Now to our matter agayne King Egelred or Elred KIng Edward thus being murthered as is aforesayd the crowne fell next to Egelrede his yonger brother sonne to king Edgar by the foresayd Queene Alfrith as we haue declared This Egelred had a long raigne geuen of God which dured the terme of 38. yeares but very vnfortunate and full of great miseries And he himself by the histories seemeth to be a Prince not of the greatest courage to gouerne a common wealth Our English stories writing of him thus report of his raigne That in the beginning it was vngracious wretched in the middle and hatefull in the latter end Of this Egelred it is read when Dunstane the Archbishop should christen him as hee dyd hold him ouer the Fonte something there happened that pleased not Dunstan whereupon he sware per sanctaÌ„ Mariam iste ignauus homo erit i. By the mother of Christ he wil be a Prince vntoward and cowardlike Chron. de CroulaÌ„d I finde in William of Malmesbury Lib. 2. de Regi That this Egelred beyng of the age of x. yeares when he heard hys brother Edward to be slayne made suche sorow weping for him that his mother falling therewith in a rage tooke waxe candles hauing nothing els at hand wherwith she scourged him so sore well neare till he swounded that after the same he could neuer abide any waxe candles to burne before him After this about the yeare of our Lord 981. the day of his coronation beyng appoynted by the Queene the mother and the nobles Dunstan the Archb. of Cant. who first refused so to doe with Oswald Archb. of Yorke were enforced to crowne the king And so they did at RingstoÌ„ In doing wherof the report of stories go that the said Dunstane should say thus prophesieng vnto the king that for so much as he came to the kingdome by the death of his brother and through the conspiracie of the wicked conspirators and other Englishmen they should not be without bloudsheding and sword till there came a people of an vnknown tongue and should bring them into thraldome neither should that trespasse be clensed with out long vengeaunce c. In the Chronicles of Crouland I finde these wordes Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum per mortem fratris tui quem occidit mater tua propterea audi verbum Domini hoc dicit Dominus NoÌ„ deficiet gladius de domo tua saeuiens in te omnibus diebus vitae tuae interficiens de semine tuo de gente tua vsque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum Cuius ritum linguam gens tua non nouit nec expiabitur nisi longa vindicta multa saÌ„guinis effusione peccatum matris tuae peccatum virorum pessimorum qui consenserunt consilio eius nequam vt mitterent manum in
permanere deberent Francorum reges solo regio nomine contenti A quo responsum est illos decet vocare reges qui vigilanter defendunt regunt Ecclesiam Dei populum eius c. In English thus The king because he is the vicar of the hiest king is appointed for this purpose to rule the earthly kingdom and the lords people and aboue al things to reuerence his holy church to gouerne it and to defende it from iniuries to plucke away wicked doers and vtterly to destroye them Which vnlesse he doe the name of a king agreeth not vnto him but he loseth the name of a King as witnesseth Pope Iohn to the which Pope Pipinus Carolus his sonne being not yet kings but princes vnder the French King being not very wise did write demanding this question whither the kings of France ought so to continue hauing but onely the name of a king Unto whome Pope Iohn answereth againe that it was conuenient to cal thē kings which vigilāly do defend and gouerne the church of God and his people following the saying of King Dauid the Psalmograph He shal not dwel in my house which worketh pride c. Moreouer the king by right by his office ought to defend conserue fully wholly in all amplenesse wtout diminution all the lands honors dignities rights and liberties of the crowne of his kingdome And further to reduce into their pristine state all suche thinges as haue bene dispersed wasted and lost which appertaine to hys kingdome Also the whole and vniuersall lande wyth all Ilelands about the same vnto Norwey and Denmarke be appertaining to the crowne of his kingdome and be of the appurtenances and dignitie of the King making one monarchie and one kingdome which somtime was called the kingdom of Britains and now the kingdom of England such bonds and limites as is abouesaid be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdome Moreouer in the foresaid lawes of this king Edward it followeth in the same booke where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King addeth in these wordes A king sayth he ought aboue al things to feare God to loue and to obserue his commaundements and cause them to be obserued through his whole kingdome He ought also to kepe chearish maintaine gouerne the holy church wtin his kingdome with al integritie and liberty according to the constitutions of his auncetors and predecessors and to defend the same against all enemies so that God aboue all things be honored euer be before his eies He ought also to set vp good lawes and customes such as be wholesome and approued such as be otherwise to repeale them and thrust them out of his kingdom Item he ought to do iudgement and iustice in his kingdome by the counsell of the nobles of his realme All these things ought a King in his own person to do taking his othe vpon the Euangelist and the blessed reliques of saintes swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realme as well of the temporaltie as of the spiritualtie before he be crowned of the Archbyshops Bishops Three seruants the king ought to haue vnder him as vassals fleshly lust auarice and greedie desire Whom if he kepe vnder as his seruants and slaues he shal reigne wel and honorably in his kingdom Al things are to be done with good aduisement and premeditation and that properly belongeth to a king For hastie rashnes bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of the Gospell Euery kingdome deuided in it selfe shall be desolate c. After the duetie and office of Princes thus described consequently followeth the institution of subiects declared in many good necessary ordinaunces very requisite and cōuenient for publique gouernment Of the which lawes William Conquerour was cōpelled thorough the clamor of the people to take some but the most parte he omitted contrary to his owne oth at his coronation inserting and placing the moste of his owne lawes in his language to serue hys purpose and whych as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remaine Nowe the Lorde willing let vs proceede in the storie as in order followeth * King Harold HArolde the seconde sonne of Earle Godwine and laste king of the Saxons notwithstanding that diuers of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling the next heire after Edmund Ironside yet he through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar and forgetting also his promise made to duke William toke vpon him to be king of England An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager sonne of Canutus king of Norway Dēmark heard of the death of king Edward he came into England with 300. shippes or mo who then ioyning with Tostius brother to the sayde Harold king of England entred into the North partes claimed the land after the death of Edwarde But the Lords of the countrey arose and gaue them battail notwithstanding the Danes had the victory And therfore Harold king of Englād prepared toward them in all hast gaue them an other strōg battel and there had the victory where also Harold the Dane was slaine by the hand of Harold king of Englande And Tostius was also slaine in the battell After this victorie Harold waxed proude couetous and would not deuide the praies to his Knightes that had deserued it but kept it to himselfe whereby he lost the fauour of many of his knights and people In this meane time William Duke of Normādy sent Ambassades to Harolde king of Englande admonishing him of the couenauntes that were agreed betweene them which was to haue kept the land to his vse after the death of Edwarde But because that the daughter of Duke William that was promised to Harolde was dead Harolde thought him thereby discharged and sayd that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden concerning an others land without the consent of the Lordes of the same and especially for that hee was thereunto for neede or for dread compelled Upon these answeres receaued Duke William in the while that the messengers went and came gathered his knightes and prepared his name and had the assent of the Lordes of his lande to aide and assist him in his iourney And ouer that sending vnto Rome to pope Alexander cōcerning his title viage into england the pope cōfirmeth him in the same and sent vnto him a banner willing him to heare it in the ship wherein himselfe should saile Thus Duke William being purueied of al things cōcerning his iourney sped him to the sea side and tooke shipping at the hauen off Ualery where he taried a lōg time or he might haue a conuenient winde For the which his souldiours murmured saying it was a woodnesse a thing displeasing God to desire to haue an others mans kingdome by strength and namely whē God was against it in sending contrary wind c. At
maintaining of Monkery falsly being perswaded that remission of theyr sinnes remedy of their soules therein did lie in building monasteries erecting churches and cloysters and in placing monks in the same and such other almes deedes and workes of deuotion Wherin appeareth how ignorāt that time was of the true doctrine of Christes faith and of free grace of the Gospell which promiseth life remedy and iustification not by any deuout merits of oures nor by any workes either of the lawe of God or of the inuentions of man but onely and freely by our faith vpon Christ Iesus the sonne of God in whom only consisteth al the promises of God Amen Nowe remaineth as in the former booke before so in this likewise to prosecute the order race of Archbishops of Canterbury as we haue done the race of kings beginning with Etheredus who succeded next after Celnocke the seuententh Archbishop of that Sea mentioned where we last left before Pag. 131. The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterburie from the time of king Egbert to William Conquerour 18. Ethelredus 18  19 Pleimūdus 29 This Pleimundus was scholemaster to king Altrede 20. Athelmus 12. 21. Vlfelmus 23  22. Odo 20. By the players of thys Oddo the Monkish stories say that the sworde of King Ethelstane was brought again into his scabberd As touching the Epistle of thys Odo sent to other Byshoppes vide pag. 251. 23. Elfius or Elfinus 1 This Elfius first bishop of Winchester came to the sea of Cant. by the commaundement of King Edgar some say by bribes contrary to the mind of Odo Wherupon in the first day of hys consecration he insulting vppon the tomb of Odo with despite shortly after wēt to Rome for his pal where in his iorny vpon the alps he died for colde in so much that his horses being killed he put in their warme bellies yet could get no heate Malms 24 Dunstan 20. Of this Dunstane many monkish miracles be fained as of the harpe vpon the wall playing by it self Gaudent in Coelis c. of our ladie with her companie appearing to him singing Cantemus domino sociae Cantemus honorem Dulcis amor christi personet ore pio Also of the Angels singing Kyrieleyson c. Item of holding the Deuill by the nose with a paire of tonges tempting him with women Malmes Item of seeing the holy Ghost at his masse in likenesse of a Doue Item in deliuering the soule of Edwine from the Deuill Item in foreseeing the death of King Edred by the death and falling of his horse Item of his mother being great with Dustane when all the candels of others went out her onely candle remained light many other like fables c. ¶ Polydorus maketh Dunstane to be the 23. archb 25. Ethelgarus 1 This Siricus was the counseller to king Egelred to redeme peace of the Danes with a great tribute 26. Elfricus 11 27. Siricius 5 28. Elphegus 6 Elphegus because he denied to paye to the Danes a tribute was stoned to death at Greenewich of some is called a martyr 29. Liuingus 7 30. Egenoldus 17 31. Edsius 11 32. Robertus 2 This Robertus caused Godwine and his sonnes to be banished accusing them of Treason But afterward they being restored he went to Rome and at his returne died 33. Stigandus 17 Stigandus being an English man in the time of W. Conquerour the Normane was by the craft of the sayd William conueied into Normandie where a while with great honour he was entertained At length the sayde William procured secreately the popes letters to depose him that hee might place Lanfrancus in his roume This Stigandus died at length in prison 34 Lanfrancus 19 The ende of the thirde Booke THE FOVRTH BOOKE CONTEINING other 300. yeares from William Conquerour to the tyme of Iohn Wickliffe wherein is described the proude and misordered raigne of Antichrist beginning to stirre in the Church of Christ. WILLIAM Duke of Normandie surnamed Conqueror base sonne of Duke Robert the sixth Duke of Normandie nephew vnto king Edward after the foresaid victorie against Harold the Englishmen obtained was receiued king ouer the Realme of Englande not so much by the assent as for feare and necessitie of time For els the Londiners had promised their assistance to Edgar Atheling to the vttermost of their power But being weakened wasted so greatly in battailes before and the Duke comming so fast vppon them fearing not to make their partie good submitted themselues Whereupon the saide William of a Duke made a King was crowned vpon Christmas day the yeare of our Lorde 1067. by the handes of Aldredus Archb. of Yorke Forsomuch as at that time Stigandus Archb. of Canterb. was absent or els durst not or woulde not come in the presence of the king A litle before the comming in of this Duke a terrible blasing starre was seene the space of 7. daies which was the yere before In record wherof as well of the conquest of the Duke as of the blasing starre these verses yet remaine Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus Cum pereunt Angli stella monstrante cometa Which king thus being crowned did reigne ouer the realme of England the space of 21. yeres and one moneth with great seuerity cruelnes towarde the Englishmen burdening them with great tribute and exactions which was to pay of euery hide of grounde containing 20. acres 6. shillings By meane wherof certaine parties of the land rebelled and specially the citie of Exceter But at last William ouercame them and wan the city and punished them grieuously But for that for other sterne deedes of William diuers of the Lordes departed to Scotland wherfore he kept the other Lordes that taried the straiter and exalted the Normanes geuing to them the chiefe possessions of the land And for so much as he obteyned the kingdome by force and dent of sword he chaunged the whole state of the gouernance of this common weale and ordeined new lawes at his owne pleasure profitable to himself but greuous hurtful to the people abolishing the lawes of king Edward Wherunto notwtstanding he was sworn before to obserue maintaine For the which great commotions and rebellions remained long after among the people as hystories record to haue the sayd lawes of king Edwarde reuiued againe Ouer and besides this he builded 4. strong castles 2. at Yorke one at Notingham another at Lincolne which garrisons he furnished with Normanes About the third yere of his reigne Harold Canutus sonnes of Suanus King of Denmarke entered into the North countrey The Normanes wythin Yorke fearing that the Englishmen woulde aide the Danes fired the suburbes of the towne wherof the flame was so big and the winde so strong that it tooke into the city and brent a great part therof with the minster of S. Peter Where no doubt many worthy workes and
with him slaine also as appeareth in the battaile as also of theÌ„ who were planted aduanced by the said Conqueror in the lands possessioÌ„s of English Lordes whome he either expulsed or els beheaded The names of which Normands here folow vnderwritten ¶ Out of the Annales of Normandie in French wherof one very Auncient written Booke in Parchment remayneth in the custody of the writer hereof THe day after the battaile very early in the Morning O do bishop of Bayeux song Masse for those that were departed The Duke after that desirous to know the estate of his battaile and what people he had therein lost and were slaine he caused to come vnto him a Clarke that had written their names when they were embarked at S. Valeries and commaunded him to call them all by their names who called them that had bene at the battaile and had passed the seas with Duke William And hereafter followeth their names The names of those that were at the Conquest of England O Do Bishop of Baycuix Robert Conte de Mortaign These two were brethren to Duke William by their mother Baudwin de Buillon Roger Conte de Beaumont surnamed with the beard of whom desceÌ„ded the lign of Meullent Guillaume Malet Le Sire de Monfort fin Rille Guill de Viexpont Neel de S. Sauueur le Viconte Le Sire de Fougiers Henry Seigneur de Ferieres Le Sire Daubemare Guillaume Sire de Romare Le Sire de Lithehare Le Sire de Touque Le Sire de la Mare Le Sire de Neauhou Le Sire de Pirou Rob. Sire de Beaufou Le Sire Danou Le Sire de Soteuille Se Sire de Margneuilleâ— Le sire de Tacaruille Eustace DaÌ„bleuille le sire de MaÌ„gneuille Le Sire de Grantmesnil Guillaume Crespin Le Sire de S. Martin Guill de Moulins Le Sire de Puis Geoffray Sire de Mayenne Auffroy de Bohon Auffroy Maugier de Cartrait Guill de Garennes Hue de Gournay Sire de Bray Le Conte Hue de Gournay EuguemoÌ„t de l'aigle Le vicoÌ„te de Touars Rich. DauuereÌ„chin Le Sire de Biars Le Sire de Solligny Le Bouteiller Daubigny Le Sire de Maire Le Sire de Vitry Le Sire de Lacy. Le Sire du val Dary Le Sire de Tracy Hue Sire de MoÌ„tfort Le Sire de Piquegny Hamon de Kayen Le Sire Despinay Le Sire de Port. Le Sire de Torcy Le Sire de Iort Le Sire de Riuiers Guillaume MoyoÌ„ne Raoul resson de ringueleiz Roger Marmion Raoul de Guel. Auenel des Byars Paennel du Monstier Hubert Rob. Bertran le Tort Le Sire de Seulle Le Sire de Doriual Le Sire de Breual Le Sire de S. Iehan Le Sire de Bris. Le Sire du homme Le Sire de Sauchoy Le Sire de Cailly Le Sire de Semilly Le Sire de Tilly. Le Sire de Romellâ—â— Mat. de Basqueuille Le Sire de pruaulx Le Sire de Gonis Le Sire de Sainceaulâ— Le Sire de Moulloy Le Sire de MoÌ„ceaulx The Archers du â—al de Reul Bresheul of 〈◊〉 other places Le Sire de S. Saen i. de S. Sydonio Le Sire de Kiulere Le Sire de Salnaruille Le Sire de Rony Eude de Beâ—â—ugieu Le Sire de Oblie Le Sire de Sacie Le Sire de Nassie Le Visquaius de Chaymes Le Sire du Sap. Le Sire de Glos. Le Sire de Mine Le Sire de GlaÌ„uille Le Sire de Breenâ—â—â— Le Vidam de Baitay Raoul de Morâ—mont Pierre de Baillend Sire de Fiscampi Le Sire de Beansault Le Sire de Tillieres Le Sire de Pacy Le Seneschalde Torcy Le Sire de Gacy Le Sire Doully Le Sire de Sacy Le Sire de Vacy Le Sire de Tournecut Le Sire de Praeres Guillaume de Coulombieres 〈◊〉 Sire de Bollebec Rich Sire Dorbec Le Sire de BoÌ„neboz Le Sire de Tresgoz Le Sire de Montsiquet Huerle Bigot de Maletor Le Sire de la Haye Le Sire de Brecy Le Sire de Mombray Le Sire de Saye Le Sire de la Ferte Bouteuillain Troussebout Guillaume Patric de la Laund Hue de Moltemer Le Sire Danuillers Le Sire Donnebaut Le Sire de S. Cler. Rob. le filz Herneys Duc d'Orleans Le Sire de Harecourt Le Sire de Creuecoeur Le Sire de Deyncourt Le Sire de Brimetot Le Sire de Combray Le Sire Daunay Le Sire de Fontenay Le Conte Deureux Le Sire de Rebelchil Alain Fergant Conte de Bretaigne Le Sire de S. Vallery Le Conte Deu. Gaultier Giffard coÌ„te de Longueuille Le Sire Destouteuille Le Conte Thomas Daubmalle Guill CoÌ„te de Hoymes Darques Le Sire de Bereuille Se Sire de Bâ—eante Le Sire de Frean uille Le Sire de Pauilly Le Sire de Clere. Toustan du Bee Le Sire de Maugny Roger de Montgomery Amaury de Touars Ouer and besides the great number of Knights and Esquiers that were vnder them In the same battail betwene the sayd William the bastard Duke of Normandy on the one part and King Harold on the other part there were slain on King Harolds side of Englishmen 66654. And on Duke Williams side there were slaine 6013. men as it is to bee found in the Chronicles of S. Peter of Westminster besides those that were drowned in the Riuer of Thames When as the aboue named and many other great Lordes were so called some of them appeared other some did not For some of them were slayne there in the held and others so wounded that they could not come forth to shew themselues Then gaue the Duke commaundement that the dead should be buried and those that were sicke comforted and eased the best that myght be c. Out of the Auncient Chronicles of England touching the names of other Normands which seeme to remayne aliue after the battaile and to be aduaunced in the Seignories of this land IOhn de Maundeuile Adam Vndenile Bernard de Freuile Rich de Rochuile Gilbard de Frakuile Hugo de Douile SymoÌ„d de Roteuile R. de Euyle B. de Kneuuile Hugo de Moruile R. de Coleuile A. de Waruile C. de Karuile R. de Roteuile S. de Stoteuile H. Bonum I. Monum W. de Vignoum K de Vispount W. Bailbeof S. de Baleyne H. de Marreys I. Aguleyne G. Agilon R. Chamburlayne N. de Vendres H. de Verdon H. de Verto C. de Vernon H. Hardul C. Cappan W. de Camuile I de Cameyes R de Rotes R. de Boys W. de Waren T. de Wardboys R de Boys W. de Audeley K. Dynham R. de Vaures G. Vargenteyn I. de Hastings G. de Hastank L. de Burgee R. de Butuileyn H. de Malebranche S. de Malemain G. de Hauteuile H Hauteyn R. de Morteyn R. de Mortimere G. de Kanouile E. de Columb W. Paynel C. Panner H. Pontrel I. de Riuers T. Reuile W. de Beauchamp R. de Beaupale E.
doings of whom you as a beardles boy of smal knowledge haue not rightly conceiued who in dede despising Princes comandements haue deserued euerlasting reward Wherby is to be noted what difference is to be sent betweene the hose of Princes then and the hose of seruingmen now There is a certaine Chronicle in olde English meter which among other matters speaking of William Rufus declareth him to be so sumptuous excessiue in poinpous apparel that he being not contented with a paire of hose of a lowe price which was iii. shillings caused a paire to be bought of a marke whereupon his chamberlaine procuring a paire much worse then the other before sayd That they costenid a marke and vnneth he them so bought Ye belamy quoth the king these are well bought Appendix Historiae After the tune of this king William the name of kings ceased in the country of Wales among the Britaines since king Ris. who in the raigne of this king the yeare of oure Lorde 1093. was slaine in Wales Ex continuatione Roger. Houeden King Henry the first HEnry first of that name the third sonne of W. Conquerour succeeding his brother Rufus began his raigne in England the yere of our Lord 1100. who tor his knowledge science in the 7. liberal arts was surnamed Clerke or bewclerke In whome may wel appeare howe knowledge and learning doth greatly conduce to the gouernement and administration of any realme or country At the beginning he reformed the state and condition of the clergie released the grieuous paiments reduced againe king Edwards laws with emendation therof he reformed the old and vntrue measures made a measure after the length of his arme he greatly abhorred excesse of meats drinks many things misused before his time he reformed and vsed to vanquish more by counsaile then by sworde Suche persons as were nice and wanton he secluded from hys court This man as appeareth litle fauoured the vsurped power of the Bishop of Rome Soone after he was King he maried Matilde or Maude daughter of Malcolin king of Scots and of Margaret his wife daughter of Edward the Dutlaw as is before specified being a profesied Nunne in Winchester whom notwithstanding wont the popes dispensation he maried by the consent of Anselme By the which Maude he receaued 2. sonnes William and Richard 2. daughters Maude Mary which Maude afterward was maried to Henry the v. Emperour c. In the second yere of his reigne Robert his elder brother Duke of NormaÌ„dy who being occupied in the Christen warres against the Turkes and being elect as yee heard king of Hierusalem hearing of the death of Rufus refused the kingdom therof For the which as is thought he neuer sped wel after Thus the saide Robert leauing of the Lordes busines and returning into Normandy made there his preparation and came ouer into England with a great hoste to chalenge the Crowne But by mediation of the Lordes it was agreed that Robert shoulde haue yearely during his life iij. M. markes as was likewise promised him before by R. Rufus his brother And whether of them ouer liued the other to be others heyre And thus Robert departed again vnto NormaÌ„dy to the great discontentation of his Lords there But in few yeares after the forenamed tribute of iij. M. Markes through the meanes of Queene Maude was released to the King his brother In proces of time variance falling betwene king Henry and the sayd Robert his brother at length Robert in his warre was taken prisonner and brought ouer into England was put into the Castel of Cardise in Wales where he continued as prisoner while he liued In this time as about the iij. yeare of this king the hospitall of S. Bartholomewe in Smithfield was founded by meanes of a minstrell belonging to the King named Rayer And after was finished by Richard Whittyngton Alderman and Maior of London This place of Smithfield was at that day a lay stowe of all ordure or filth the place where the felones other transgressors of the kings lawes were put to execution Diuers strait lawes were by this king prouided especially against theeues and felones that who so were taken in that fault no money should saue him from hanging Item that who so did counterfait false money shoulde haue both his eyes and nether partes of his body cut off Item in the same Councell was decreed an order for Priestes to be sequestred from their wiues whych before were not forbidden according as the wordes of mine author doe purporte whose wordes be these Anselmus prohibuit vxores sacerdotibus Anglorum ante non prohibitas Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est quibusdam periculosum ne dutrimundicias viribus maiores appeterent in immundicias horribâ—les ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent c. Hen. Hunt Item it was then decreed that Monkes and Priests should beare no rule ouer lay persons Item it was then decreed concerning broydering of heare and wearing of garments Item that the secrete 〈◊〉 act betwene a yong lad and a yong maid should not stand with other things mo concerning the excommunication of Sodomites c. In the storie of William RuÌ„fus before was declared how Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury departing out of the realme went vnto the Pope who after the death of King William was sent for againe by the foresayde King Henrie and so returned againe and was at the Councell of the King at Westminster where the king in the presence of the Lordes as well temporall as spiritual ordeined and inuested 2. Bishops Roger Bishop of Salisburie Roger bishop of Hereford During which parliament or couÌ„cel of the king Anselmus in his conuocation deposed and displaced diuers Abbots and other Prelates from their roumes and dignitics eitherfor that they lawfully came not by them or vprightly did not administer the same After this councel and the other before set forth by Anselmus Herbert bishop of Norwich had much adoe with the priests of his diocesse For they would neither leaue their wiues nor yet geue ouer their benefices Whereupon hee wrote to Anselme the Archbishop for counsaile what was to be done therein Which Anselme required him as he did other mo the same time by wryting to perswade the people of Norfolke and Southfolke that as they professed Christianitie they shoulde subdue them as rebels against the church and vtterly to driue both them and their wiues out of the countrey placing Monkes in their rowmes as by the Epistles of the said Anselme doth appeare Whereof certaine parcels shall hereafter by the grace of Christ ensue for the better euidence of this and the other his actes aboue recited The like businesse also had Gerarde the Archbishop of Yorke in depriuing the priestes of his prouince from their wiues which thing with all his excommunications and thundrings he coulde hardly bring about Upon this ruffeling of
filling the Popes coffers But as touching this visitation to make short sayth the story it tended not to any reformation so much as to the deformatiō of the vniuersal order Dum omnes qui in diuersis or bis partibus vnicam Benedicti secuti fuerant regulam per nouas constitutiones ita inueniantur vbique discordes quòd ex omnibus coenobijs vel alijs religiosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma viuendi cōcordes i. While all they which before through all partes of the world followed onely the rule of Benedict now through new deuised constitutions are found in all places so deuided diuers that of all monasteryes and other churches of religion scarse may two be foūd which do agree in one rule and institution of life All this while that Hubert aboue mentioned was secluded from the king Peter B. of Winchester bare all the rule and aboue al other alone was accepted This bishop being in such principall fauor with the king as by whose councell all thinges were administred remoued the naturall seruitours that were Englishmen out of their offices and placed other straungers namely of Pictauia and of other countryes in theyr roome Amōg whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall which supplyed the roome of Richard Lord great Marshall of England for the which cause the sayd Lord Richard was mightely offended Also Walter Treasurer of the kinges house was not onely expelled but also mersed at an hundreth pound put frō all his holdes and munitions which he had by the kinges patent graunted to him Moreouer by the counsell of the sayd Bishop of Winchester all the olde councellers as well Bishops as other Earles and Barons and all the nobles were reiected frō the king in such sort that he would heare folow no mās councell but onely the sayd Peter Bishop of Winchester and his cosin Peter de Riuallis Whereby it came to passe that all the greatest holdes and munitions in the Realme were taken from the old kepers and committed to the custodye of the sayd Peter Then the Bishop of Winchester to plant and pitch himselfe more strongly in the kings fauor adioyned to his felowship Stephen Segraue succeeding in the place of Hubert the iustice also Robert Passelew who had the keeping of the treasure vnder the foresayd Peter Riuall So by these three all the affayres of the realme were ordred Moreouer to make theyr party more sure by them was prouided that souldiours and seruitors from beyond the Sea as Pictauians and Britans were sent for to the number of two thousand which were placed partly about the king partly were set in Castles holdes within the Realme and had the ouersight and gouernment of Shyres and Baronies who then oppressed the nobles of the land accusing them to the king for traytours whom the simple king did lightly beleue committing to them the custodye of his Treasures the sitting in iudgements and the doing in all thinges And when the nobles thus oppressed came to complayn of their iniuries to the king by the meanes of the Byshop of Winchester theyr cause was nothing regarded In so muche that the sayd Winchester moreouer accused certayne Bishops also to the king so that he did flee and shunne them as open traytors and rebels These things standing thus out of order Richard the noble Marshal of England with other of the nobles ioyning with him seing these oppressions and iniuries dayly growing contrary to the lawes and wealth of the realm came to the king and blamed him for retayning such peruerse counsell about him of the Pictanians and other foreners to the great preiudice of his naturall subiects and of the liberties of the Realme humbly desiring and beseeching him that he with as much speed as might be would reforme redresse such excesses whereby the whole realme seemed to lie in daunger of subuersion Otherwise if he refused to see correction thereof he with other peeres and nobles would withdraw themselues from his counsell so long as he maintayned the societie of those foreners and strangers about him To this Peter Winchester aunswering agayne sayde that the king right wel might cal vnto him what foreners and straungers him listed for the defence both of his kingdome and of his crowne and what number of them he would as by whom he might be able to bridle his proude and rebellious subiectes and so to keepe them in awe and good order Whē the Earle and the nobles could get no other aunswere of him in great perturbatiō they departed promising among themselues in this cause which so touched the state of the whole Realme the would constantly ioyne together to the parting of their life After this the foresayd Petrus Bishoppe of Winchester with his cōplices ceased not by all meanes to inflame the kinges hart to hatred and contempt of his naturall people whom they so vehemently peruerted that he coūting them no other then his enemies sought by all diligence the vtter destruction of thē sending dayly for moe garisons of the Pictauians that in short space they replenished weineare the whole land whose defence the king onely trusted vnto neither was any thing disposed in the Realme but through the guiding of this Peter and of the Pictauians The king thus garded and strengthened with these foreine aliens and straungers proclaimed aparliamēt to be holden at Oxford where the nobles were warned to be present They considering the indignation of the king cōceiued would not appeare Agayn they were required the first second and third tune to present themselues The assembly proceeded but they came not for whom the king looked In this assembly or Parliament it was playnely told the king by a Dominick Fryer preaching before him that unlesse he remoued from him the Bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall his kinsma he should neither could long enioy peace in his kingdome This although it was bluntly spoken of the Frier against the Bishop yet this remedy he had the frier had nothing to lose Yet was ther another Chaplein of the Court who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter being a pleasaunt conceited man thus merely came to the king asking a question what was the thing most pernitious daungerous of all other thinges to them that trauaile by the seas That sayd the king is best knowne to suche as trauayle in that kinde of trafficke Nay sayth he this is easy to be folde The king demaunding what it was forsooth quoth he stones and rockes alluding merely but yet truely to the Bishop of Winchester whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus For so Petrae in Latine signifieth stones Rupes rockes Notwithstanding the king either not perceiuing the meaning or not amending the fault again signifieth to his nobles to speake with him at Westminster But they fearing some trayne to be layd for them refused to appeare
dyed which was shortly after the birth of Fredericke committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife to Phillip his brother chiefe gouernour of Hetruria and to the Byshop of Rome then Innocentius the third Constantia not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickely and growing into age and thereby not so well able to gouerne the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire resigned and willed by her testamēt the safety both of her sonne Fredericke and also of his dominions to the protectiō and gouernment of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to haue prouided c. This pope Innocent assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor his Segniories became in stead of a patron and protector to him to hys dominions both an enemy and cōspiratour The examples are many One is he perswaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus whō Henry put from the kingdome of Sicile to recouer the same agayne and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kinges ayde whereupō one waltherus being of noble house of the Earles of Brenno which in the prouince of Barrencecis had great liuing and marying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicile as is said now by the instigation counsell ayd of the french king with the pope well hoping to recouer the kingdom entred and inuaded with great power Campania Apuha At which tyme also the same worthy protectour Innocentius the third sent his legates with letters of excōmunication agaynst all those that woulde not admit and take the sayd Waltherus for their king In other was that where the princes Electors and other nobles as before is sayd had promised by their othe to Henricus that they woulde make Fredericke hys sonne Emperor after his discease whō the Pope saw to put their indenour therunto to bring it to passe absolued thē all frō the othe which they had taken and geuen for the election of Fredericke the Emperour as one not content he shoulde obtain the same And further he raysed slaunders and defamations agaynst Phillip whom the electors had chosen to gouerne the Empire during the minoritie of Frederick hys nephew He wrote hys Epistle which is yet extant to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor who for that he gaue place to Phillip he went about to procure that Otho the sonne of Hēry Leo should be made Emperor the the Princes Lords electors of Germany wold crown him forthw t after the maner of Aquisgrane He depriued al such Bishops as he knew to fauour Phillip as Emperor in the defence of hys nephewes right But Phillip whose cause was better his skill in martial affayres greater in power strength mightier after diuers and great cōflicts the maruellous disturbaunce and vastation of the whole Empire by Gods helpe put the other to the worse All which calamities and mischiefes Conradus Lichtenanus at that tyme liuing in his Annales most pitifully complayneth of and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherentes to be the chiefe authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischiefe as such that for to make themselues rich by the spoyle thereof sought by all meanes and desired the same Not long after a peace was concluded betwene Phillip Otho and Phillip reconciled again to the pope who within a while after betwene Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slayne And then was Otho agayn brought to the Imperiall seate and newe elected for Emperour with the counsell and consent of this Innocent the thyrd and so continued till that a great variaunce and discorde chaunced to ryse betweene the sayd Otho the pope Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all meanes howe agaynst him likewise hee might worke mischiefe and bring him to hys end The occasion of this sodayne chaunge and alteration my author maketh no mentiō of but that Otho now being of great power inuaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick as Flamminia Picenum Umbria Hetruria but chiefly Campania and Apulia for that those properly appertayned to the inheritaunce of Fredericke Thus you see how first by the counsell and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation besides his secret conspiracies this good Fredericke and hys domininions were hurt and indamaged Then agayne through his default what damage he sustayned by Otho who by him and hys meanes was made so strong as he was notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Fredericke and his dominions At this tyme. Fredericke was come to the age of xx yeares who in hys youth by the prouision of Constantia his mother was so well instructed in letters and in other artes and vertues so imbued that at these yeares there appeared and did shyne in hym excellent giftes both of wisedome and knowledge He was excellently well scene in the Latine Greeke tongues although at that time learning began to decay barbarousnes to encrease He had also the Germayn tong the Italian tongue and the Saracen tongue He day exercised and put in practise those vertues which nature had planted in him as pietie wisedome iustice and fortitude in so much that well he might be compared and accompted amongest the worthiest and most renowmed Emperours hys predecessours Fazellus the historician of Sicilia in this tyme writeth that Fredericus was agayne after this had in great honor and estimation with Innocētius but yet notwithstanding he had no sure confidence in him for that he had the suspected name of Fredericke hys graundfather often in remembrance and for that occasion was much desirous to haue him farre from Italy When Fredericke had gathered his power he purposet to set vpon Otho his enemy of which thing Otho hearing as he was painfull in trauell came out of Italy with his army into Germany thinking to haue met Frederick at the riuer of Rhene and to haue stopped his passage but he was deceiued of his expectation and Fredericus was crowned as the maner of Aquisgrane is before he came And after that Fredericke in the winter tyme tooke hys iorny to Francosert and after many meetinges in Norico had and that Otho was dead he set the Empire in a stay and the whole coūtry of Germany he in a maner appealed And then with all hys nobles and princes he returned to Rome and of Honorius the third was with great solemnitie consecrated and called Augustus whiche Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papall Sea and was a great helpe to Fredericke although he loued hym not in this behalfe to reuenge hym selfe vpon Otho After the consecration of Fredericke the second he gaue many great and liberall giftes as well to the Byshop of Rome hymselfe as also to the court of Rome besides Also he gaue assured by his Charter to the Church of Rome the Dukedome of Fundanum For by the vnsatiable couetousnes of the Romish
his dignities honours titles prerogatiues kingdomes whole Empire And that he had no occasion hereunto as well Pandolphus Colonutius as the letters of the Emperour himselfe do both right well declare For it may appear he dedicated as it were himself to his vtter ruine and destruction when he did sollicitate agaynst Fridericus Iacobus Tewpolus the Uenetian Duke Whom for the displeasure he took with y◠Emperor in the imprisoning of his sonne was in good hope he should allure vnto him he being in so troublous a time such a comforter ayder vnto him that as Blondus writeth in a certein Epistle gratulatory he calleth him Lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia and Lord of the halfe of the Romane Empire And calling vnto him the Uenetian and Benwetian Legates made a peace betwixt them whiche for certeine causes about their sea costes were at variaunce and couenaunted with them vpon this condition that at their publique charges they should rig and man 35 gallyes which should spoyle and burne all alongst the Sea coastes of the kingdomes and dominions of Fredericke But the Pope when he saw the good will and fidelitie which the Duke of Uenice bare vnto the Emperour and saw also what ayd the Emperour had of him neyther that he was like to wynne him to hys purpose then had he recourse agayne to his old crafty practises subtleties And further deuised to put forth an Edict at Rome to the vniuersal Church and people the beginning whereof is Ascēdit de mari bellica bestia wherein he declareth the causes wherfore he curseth and geueth the Emperour to y◠deuill of hell hath deiect him from all his princely dignitie He in the same accuseth him of so many so huge a heape of mischiefes as to nominate thē my hart detesteth And besides that he restrayneth his soueraigne Lord Emperor of the appellatiō which euery priuat man by law may haue He slaundereth him of treason periury cruelty sacrilege killing of his kinde and all impietie he accuseth him for an hereticke a schismatike and a miscreant And to be briefe what mischiefe so euer the Pope can deuise with that doth he charge him and burden him All this doth he sayth the Pope that when he hath brought our holines and all the Ecclesiasticall estate to beggary he might scoffe at and deride the Religion of Christ which as a miscreant he detesteth And nowe for that the Pope had a great and speciall trust in Albertus Behauus of the noble house called Equestri as crafty apostle as the best as one whom he saw ready to leane to his lust To him the Pope deliuered two othe◠mandates in seueral letters sealed in which he commaundeth al Bishops Prelates other of the Clergy that they should solempnly recite the same in their churches insteed of their sermon that by his decree he had excommunicate Fridericke out of the fellowship of Christen men put hym from the procuratiō or gouernment of the Empire that he had released al his subiectes of their allegeāce fidelitie towardes him And farthermore chargeth thē all other Christen men vnder the payne of cursing dānation that neither they succour the Emperour nor yet so much as wish him well Thus he being the Popes speciall trusty seruiture made to his hand caused a most horrible confusiō and Chaos of publique quietnes as shall after appeare Amongst al other noble men of Germany at that time towardes the Emperour was Otho the gouernour of Rhenus and Duke of Boiora both most seruiceable and also a Prince of great honour riches and estimatiō This prince both with fayre promises also rewards he entised from hym for that being made by him to beleue that Ludouicus his father of whō we spake before was by the Emperour murthered and slaine And the same Otho againe caused 3. other Princes Dukes to reuolte from the Emperour to the Pope which were neighbours neare adioyning vnto him as Uuenceslaus and Belus princes of the Ungarians and Henry Duke of Polonia To whom came also Fridericus Austriacus hys sonne who because he was proscript or outlawed of hys father and had hys dukedome wasted and brent as you heard was easly won vnto the pope These gathering a Councell whē they had thought to haue translated the Empiere vnto the Kyngs sonne of Denmarke desired to haue the popes Legates to be sent from hym to the effect of that election The Emperour was at Patauium when these newes were brought vnto him what the pope had done at Rome Therefore he commaunded Peter to Uineis hys Secretary vpon Easter day to make a Narration to the people of his great liberall munificence to the byshops and church of Rome again of the iniuries of them towards hym in recompence thereof of hys innocencye also in that whereof he had accused hym and of the vnseemelines of such an act or deede of the right vse of the ecclesiastical censure of the errours and abuse of the church of Rome By which Oratiō of hys he so remoued the cloud from many mens hartes of blynde superstition and the conceaued opinion of holines of the church of Rome and Byshops of the same and also of theyr vsurped power and subtill perswasion that both they playnely sawe and perceaued the vices and filthynes of the Church of Rome and Byshops of that sea as also theyr fraudulent deceites and flagitious doynges most vehemently lamenting and complaynyng of the same Albertus maketh mention of certayne Uerses whiche were sent and written betweene the Byshop of Rome and the Emperour The which verses in the latter of this present history of Fridericke you shall finde The Emperour moreouer both by hys letters Legates geueth intelligence to all Christen kynges to the Princes of hys owne Empire to the Colledge of Cardinals and people of Rome as well of the fayned crymes wherewith he was charged as also of the cruelty of the Byshop of Rome agaynst hym The copy of whiche letter or epistle followeth here vnder inserted The Emperour to the Prelates of the worlde IN the beginning and creation of the world the ineffable foreknowledge and prouidence of God who asketh councell of none created in the firmament of Heauen two lightes a greater and a lesse the greater he created to gouerne the day and the les to gouerne the night which two so do their proper offices and dueties in the Zodiake that although oftentimes the one be in an oblique respect vnto the other yet the one is not enemy to the other but rather doth the superior cōmunicate his light with the inferior Euē so the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed vpon the earth two regimentes that is to witte Priesthoode and kingly power the one for knowledge and wisdome the other for defence That man which was made of two partes ouer wanton and dissolute might haue two raignes to gouerne
shoulde we be accused for such an enemy of our mother the true church as is layd vnto her sonnes charge by such a Byshopp Which true and mother Church with all reuerence we honour and benignity embrace so beautified and adourned with Goddes most holy Sacraments Some singular persons notwihstanding fayning themselues to be our brethren by that mother and yet are not but of a strumpet begot such I say as are subiect and slaues to corruptible things putting thē from amongst vs we vtterly reiect Especially for that iniuries by them done are not only transitorie and mundane wherwith our maiestie is so molested vexed greued Wherefore we cannot so easily mitigate our moode neyther ought we in very dede so to do and therefore are we inforced the more to take the greater reuenge of them You therefore that are men of graue and deliberate counsail hauing the excellēt gift as from God of wisdom and vnderstāding Refuse you that raoring enemie of ours in these his proceedings whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable wisely comparing things past with those to come Otherwise you that are vnder our subiection as well of the Empire as other our dominions shall feele and perceiue both of my chiefe ennemie and persecutour as also of the princes that are his fautors and adherents what reuenge by sword Fredericus Augustus shall take vpon them God so permitting This done hee denounceth a solemne Parliament or councel of al the princes other nobilitie of the Empire at Aegra whether came Conradus Cesar Moguntinus Presul the Saxon Dukes the Lordes of Brandeburgh Misna Thuringus and the Legates of all the nobles of Brabant to aid the Emperor But the princes of Boiemus and Palatinus being dissuaded by the legates vnto whom the Austrians had ioyned thēselues refused to come to the Councel holden at Aegra And being at their wittes ends not knowing well what they might doe forsoke at last the Emperor and toke part with the pope and the other conspirators Then Fredericus Austriacus the Emperors second sonne whom he disherited as ye heard by the aid of the Boiors and Bohemians recouered againe the Dukedomes of Austria and Styria putting to flight and discōfiting the Emperors bandes and garrisons which he had there And although the Cardinals especially that honest man Albertus Boiemus had allured vnto the pope Otho the duke of Boioria as ye heard diuers other noble men of Germanie yet notwythstanding certaine bishops in Boioria as Eberhardus Iuuanensis and Sigrefridus Seginoburgensis being at that time the Emperors Chauncelour Rudicenis Ratheuiensis Conradus Frisingensis and others left not or yet forsoke the Emperor All which the foresayd Albertus not onely did excōmunicate but also by processe sought to bring them vp to Rome before the pope Geuing commaundement to their Collegioners and cloysterers that they should depriue them of their offices chuse such others in their steade as would obey the Pope All which things the Pope vnderstanding by Albertus and of thys their fidelitie to the Emperor corroborated and confirmed the same his doings commaunding them to chuse other byshops in their stedes But the bishops prelates with one consent contemning the popes mandates writs and also the curses and threatnings of Albertus accused reproued greatly blamed his temerity also tiranny which he vsurped against the churches of Germanie and especially against the good Emperor that without his consent he durst be so bolde as to meddle in churches cōmitted to the Emperors gouernment against the old auncient customes and that he had excommunicated the Emperor without iust cause that he had condemned the Emperors faithful subiects as enemies to the Church for standing with their liege and soueraigne Prince which allegiance to violate without horrible iniquitie they might not and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations had also in that quarel geuen such defiance to the Emperor They accused and condemned the same Albertus also for a most impudent impostor and wicked varlet and for a most pestiferous botch soare of the christian common weale and giue him to the deuil they do as a ruinous enemie as wel of the church as of his owne natural countrey and further thinke him worthy to haue his reward with the rest of the popes pursiuants being the most wicked inuentors deuisers of mischief that were in al Germanie This done they make relation hereof to the Emperor by their letters and further they aduertise all the princes of Germanie especially those which were of the Popes faction or rebellion were the fauorers of Albertus that they should take hede and beware in any case of his subtill deceites pernitious deceiuable allurements nor that they should assist the pope for al his words against the Emperor And doutles by the counsaile of the high prelate or Archb. of Boioria whose name was Iuuanerisis and by his industry and persuasion Fredericus Austriacus was againe reconciled vnto the Emperor his father from whose aide and obedience after that by no promises threatnings bribes nor paines no nor for the execrable curses of the Popes owne holy month he would be induced or remooued But Albertus prosecuteth stil his purposed mischief alluring inciting by al meanes possible and that not amongst the worst but the best frendes to the pope enemies to the Emperor To some he gaue their tithes to fight against the Emperor to other some he gaue the gleebe landes of benefices and to other some hee gaue the spoile of such colledges and monasteries as tooke not part with the pope and to some other also he gaue the colleges monasteries themselues And assuredly I finde by Iohannes Auentinus lib. 7. annalium Boiorum that there were certen of the popes owne birdes that had their ecclesiasticall tithes taken from them and other some had the rents and reuenues of their colleges pluckt away by force to the maintenance of the Popes quarel against the Emperour Hereby was there a windowe opened to do what they listed euery man according to hys rauening and detestable lust and all things lay open vnto their gredy and insatiable desires Who listeth to heare more hereof let him reade Auentinus in his Booke before noted and there shall he see what vastation grew therby to the whole state of Germanie who largely entreateth of the same While these things were thus in working in Germanie Fredericke leauing in Lumbardie Actiolinus wyth a great part of his hoste hee passing with the rest by Apeninum came to Hetruria and set the same in a stay after that he had alaide certaine insurrections there and from thence to Pysas where he was with great amitie and honor receiued and welcomed This citie was alwaies assured and faithfull to the Emperours of Germanie The Pope vnderstanding of the Emperours comming into Hetruria and knowing what power the Emperour had also left in Lumbardie hee with
so much to be troden downe by the Romanes and the popes messengers they thought therby somthing to bridle as with a snaffell the Popes messengers from their vntemperate ranging into this land Ex Flor. Hist. ¶ Heere by the way is to be noted that vnto the death of this foresayde Fulco Byshop of London continueth the history of Mathew Paris monk of S. Albons which was to the yeare of grace 1260. The residue was continued by an other Monke of the same house but not wyth such like commendation worthy to make any autentike story as I haue seene it noted in a written booke It were to tedious and curious in order to prosecute what happened in euery yere through this kings raigne as how it was prouided by the king that whosoeuer coulde despend 15. li. land by yere should be â—ound to make to the king a souldiour that watch should be kept euery night in Cities that who soeuer was robbed or otherwise damnified in any countrey he that had the custody shuld be compelled to make vp the losse againe or els to pursue the malefactor which was An. 1253. witnessing Flores hist. Item how the king making his viage into â—ascone his expenses were reckened to mount 270000. marks beside 30000. Markes bestowed vpon his brethren by the mother side beside other great gifts geuen abroad By reason wherof great taxes and colonies and tenthes were required of his subiects especially of the Churchmen who were wont to receiue tithes of other nowe were constrained to geue tithes to the laitie Flores Hist. An. 1254. Item howe in the yeare next following the Londoners offring a 100. li. for a gift to the king with a precious cup of gold at his returne out of Fraunce were shortly after compelled by the King to pay 3000. Marks for the scape of a certaine prisoner being a clerke condemned which clerke being graunted of the King to the Bishop and he hauing no prison sufficient for him borrowed of the Londiners to haue him kept in the prison of Newgate who escaping thereout they as is sayde were demaunded this recompence aforesaide Anno 1255. Item how the king greatly complaining of his debt the same yeare required the whole tenthes which shoulde be gathered in 3. yeres to be takeÌ„ vp all at once To whose request the nobles and commons agreed to straine themselues so that the Charter of their liberties and customes might be ratified fully by him confirmed And so for that yeare they were Flores Hist. Item howe Pope Alexander the 3. to destroy the city Michera with king Menfrede the sonne of Fredericke the Emperor sent foorth the same yere Octauianus his Cardinall with a puissant armie who comming to the City with his siege through the counsaile of Marchisius one of the chiefe Captaines discharged a great part of his hoste whereby the most of the Popes army was slaine and destroyed almost all saue onely the familie of Marchisius An. 1255. Flor. Mat. Paris Many other thynges during the time of thys King might be congested as the rising of Lewlynus King of Wales and of the welshmeÌ„ against the king and wasting the land vnto the towne of Chester who destroyed diuers of the Englishmen horsemen taken in the Marrys wyth whom at length they fel to agremeÌ„t by the meanes of Octobonus that his successors should be called princes onely of Wales and shuld do the king his homage And the king of him to receaue 3000. Markes And this being stablished in wryting was confirmed by the Popes seale An. 1257. Ex Polychron About the same time such famine oppressed the land and lacke of victuals that a summe of corne was then solde for 26. shillings in somuch that the pouerty were forced to eat nettle rootes thissell rootes whatsoeuer they could gette Ex Eulogio Although some refer this to the yere 1262. Hereunto moreouer might be adioyned how Pope Alexander abusing and mocking the kings simplicity made him beleeue that he would make his sonne Edmund king of Apulia so that he would sustaine the charges and costes thereof to maintaine the warre which thereto shoulde appertaine Whereby the king cast in a sodaine hope caused his sonne incoÌ„tinent to be proclaimed king of Apulia And vpon the same sent vp to the pope all the riches he could wel make in his realme And thus was the realme manifolde waies miserably unpouerished to enrich the pope Ex Florâ— Hist. About which season Rich. Earle of Exceter the kings brother was made king of Almaine by the Electours Here might be shewed moreouer and added to the stories aboue how the yere next following which was 1259. as Nicholas Triuet wryteth the King entering into France required the restitution of such lands in Normandie and Angiew as of olde righte was due vnto him and wrongfully with holden from him But the French King againe alledged saying that the couÌ„trey of Normandie by old time was not geueÌ„ away from the crowne of France but vsurped and by force extorted by Rollo c. In coÌ„clusion the King fearing and suspecting the hearts of his nobles and looking for none other but for rebellion at home durst not try with them but was compelled to agree with them vpon such peace conditions as he coulde get which was this That he shoulde haue of the French king xiii C. M. of Turen poundes with somuch lands els as came to the value of xx M. pound in yearely rent so should he resigne fully and purely to the handes of the French king all such landes and possessions which he had in Fraunce Wherby the King geuen ouer his stile and titles which hee had in those partes ceased then to be called Duke of Normandie or Earle of Angiew Albeit if it be true that Gisburn wryteth the king afterward repenting of his deede did neuer receaue the money in all his life neither did hee cease during his life to entitle himselfe Duke of Normandie But after him hys sonne Edward and his successour in their stile left out the title to be called Duke of Normandie c. Ex Gisburn Beside many other matters omitted here I ouerpasse also the sore and vehement conflict not betwene the â—rogs and the mise which Homer writeth of but the mighty pitched field fought in the yeare of our Lorde 1259. betweene the young students and scholers of the Uniuersitie of Oxford hauing no other occasion as I read in Math. Pariens but onely the diuersitie of the Countrey where they were borne For the Northern men ioyning with the welshmeÌ„ to try their manhoode against the Southerne part fel both parts together in such a broile with their ensignes warlike aray that in conclusion diuers on both sides were slaine This heauy bloudy coÌ„flict during and increasing amoÌ„g them the ende was this that the Northern lads with the welsh had the victorie After that fury and fiery fiercenesse had done what it could the victorers
the king is counsailed to that whereby his fame and renowne is maintained 4. Fourthly when a king is counsailed to that wherby his conscience is not wounded c. And this is the order of his whole tractation Nowe remayneth with like breuity to recite the reasons and argumentes in order whereby he proueth the premisses with the subdiuision of euery member and part thereof Wherein the studious reader may note both the subtile proceedings of these popish prelates and also the feeble and impotent ground whereupon they build Whose building as by this discourse and many other may appeare wholy finally tendeth to this to maintaine their liberties pompe and estimation aboue all other secular princes and persons First as concerning feare to be geuen to God which hee deuideth in 3. partes in geuing in honouring and restoring for the first hee proueth that princes ought to geue largely and wythout measure to the Church by these arguments By the testimonie of Iustinian although nothing is good whych is too much yet c. pag. 361. col 2. I aunswere that in the time of Iustinian goodes then geuen to the Churche were the goodes of the poore Wherein was vsed faithfull distribution voluntarie geuing and necessary charitie But nowe in our Popish Churches reuenues and landes geuen neither are distributed to the poore and yet are men compelled against their will to geue still And againe so little necessitie is nowe to geue to such that the most wealthes of Realmes almost is in their handes and houses in so much that they flowing in such wealth are nowe waxed so proude that kinges can scarse beare any rule for them as was prooued before pag. 3 30. col 2. that the Popes reuenues heere in England mounted to more then three times double the stint of the kings crowne Wherefore by the counsaile of Iustinian it was so then and then myght stand quòd Religio peperit diuitias But nowe as the time is altered so that counsaile holdeth not postquam nunc filia deuor auit matrē That is after that the daughter hath deuoured the mother Finally concerning mens geuing to the Church in these our popish daies foure faultes I note First that they geue superfluously more then sufficient is to necessitie of life Secondly that they geue to such as abuse it wickedly Thirdly that in geuing to them that neede not noble men in meane time defraude their poore neighbors which nede in dede and yet doe not complaine Fourthly because of thys title of geuing men haue vsed and yet doe vse to put great hope of saluation therein contrary to the Testament of God in Christes death whereof examples are before Pag. 361. col 2. Abel offered of the best to the Lorde and was blessed of God Ergo euery great man that woulde be blessed of God must offer of the best he hath vnto the Church Aunswere This argument as it is farre fet so it is soone answered wherein 3. notes are to be obserued First that he which offereth vnto the church of God doth not therein offer vnto God immediatly as Abel did Secondly neither is this to be graunted that hee which offereth to all Churchmen offereth by and by to the Church of God For many times the Churchmen are one and the Church of God is an other Laurence the Martyr shewing forth the church of god brought out the poore of the Parishe and not of the priestes of the Church Pag. 72. col 1. The thirde note is this that if noble persons should offer vnto God by the example of Abel that which is the best and fattest of the flocke then should they offer vnto the Lord of their flocke onely and not of their landes Yea and to note the very truth they are taught thereby to offer to God neither cattel nor landes but that which is the very best that is their owne bodies for a liuely sacrifice to God Hee that offerd vp to God a proude heart and killed it with the axe of humilitie geueth vnto him the best and fattest bullocke he hath in all his flocke With like reason I aunswere also the place of Numeri 18. and of Paral. cap. vlt. that to offer vp or to seperate vnto the Lordes treasurie is not nowe to geue to Priestes and Chaplaines of the Churche whyche peraduenture haue more then they doe well occupie but to giue liberally to the communion of Sainctes which are needy and are the true treasurie of the Church in deede as Laurence the true treasurer sayd supra pag. 72 Pag. 362 col 1. By Gods commaundement we are bound of duetie to honour our temporall fathers Ergo by the same duety we are bounde much rather to honour our spirituall fathers that is Priestes and Prelates Aunswere A father in common speche is diuersly taken as by age by nature by office And to al these we of duety are bound to yeeld honour reuerence obedience submission all be it not all after one sort nor in like degree For as we are bound to honour our father and mothers so aged men elders haue also their honour and name of fathers So Magistrates and spirituall teachers in their kinde haue their honour and reuerence And S. Paule sayeth that such are worthy of double honour qui benè praesunt qui laborant in sermone But in thys two thyngs are to be noted wherein this honour consisteth and howe farre it extendeth These spirituall fathers of the Churche thinke they be not honoured inough vnlesse Kings and Emperors geue and surrender vnto them all the temporall rule gouernement to doe what they list and none to controll them And vnlesse noble men and subiects indue them wyth temporall landes and possessions so much as they woulde haue And this they call honour which they define onely by geuing temporally where in deede it rather consisteth in geuing spiritually as to haue a reuerent opinion of their ministration to yeld a prompt obedience to their doctrine to reuerence them as the ministers of God and not to despise defame or molest their persones whereof S. Paule also about the same place speaketh wryting to Timothe Let no man despise thy youth c. Also to Titus 2. Let no man despise thee c. And this is to honour our spirituall fathers Secondly to consider howe farre this honour extendeth as no man doeth denie but these pastours are worthy their double honour which rule wel so if they administer not their office wel they are vnder the ouersighte of the king bearing the Temporall sworde worthy of double punishment And yet to consider thys double honour in them that rule well howe farre it doth extend if it be compared to the honour due to our parentes case of necessitie will soone decide it For be it that our parentes on the one side and pastour of the other stande in extreeme neede of the sonnes supportation wherein he can helpe but the one nature
also slue and killed aboue 130. Knightes being all men of great possessions and prowesse and tooke other small cities and townes to the number of 300. Yet for all thys Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns nor relieue his owne men but of hys great armie hee lost which is to be marueiled at being in the midst of his own countrey by famine other inconueniences for want of water more then 20000. men without any battaile by hym geuen Whereupon at the treatie of the sayde Phillip by hys embassadours to the king sent and by the mediation of the Lady Iane sister to the sayd Philip mother to the Earle of Henault whose daughter king Edwarde as you heard had married A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one yeare was concluded the king of Englande being very vnwilling and loth therunto Yet notwythstanding partly by the instance of the foresayd Lady but specially for that the king was greatly disappoynted through the negligence of his officers in England which sent hym not ouer such mony as he neded for the continuance of hys warres and paiment of his soldiors wages the articles being somewhat reasonable he agreeth to the truce therof the coÌ„ditions of which truce there concluded heere followe vnder wrytten 1. First that during the sayde truce no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breache of the same 2. Item that during the sayd respite or truce eyther of the Princes their helpers coadiutors and allies whatsoeuer shall remaine and be in the quiete possession of all such possessions holdes territories and landes as at thys preâ—ent day they kepe and enioy within the realme and dominion of Fraunce in what maner so euer they haue atchieued the same during the sayd truce 3. Item that the sayd princes their aiders coadiutors and allies whatsoeuer shall passe safely from one country to an other and all marchants with theyr marchandise as well by sea as by land as accustomably they haue ben wont except such banished men as haue ben banished out of that sayd realmes or any of them for other causes then the warres betwene the sayd princes 4. Item that the said two princes shal not procure either by themselues or any other any practice or other molestation to be made the one to the other by the byshop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoeuer eyther for the warres begon or any other cause nor for the seruice of any of their allies coadiutors and aiders or any of them And that our holy father the Pope nor any other shal disturbe or molest either of the sayd two kings during the sayd time 5. Item that immediatly after the truce be proclaimed in both the hostes that they may stand bound of either side to kepe and obserue al and euery such article as shal be therein contained 6. Item that wythin 20 dayes next and immediately ensuing eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen and other their lands these articles of truce to the intent they may be the better obserued kept and knowne 7. Item if by any the sayd princes their allies people or coadiutours any siege be layd in Gascoyne or the Dutchy of Guyen or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Gersey or any other that the same sieges be raised so soone as they shall heare of thys truce 8. Item that suche as are theeues and fugitiues out of the Countrey of Flaunders shall not returne during the truce and if they do that then such as appreheÌ„d them shal see iustice done vpon them and forfaite all the goodes they haue in Flaunders 9. Item it is accorded that the debtes due to Arras Tresponois or other titles of Fraunce shal neither be demaunded nor executed during the sayd truce 10. Item that all suche prysoners as haue bene taken during these warres shal be released out of prison sent home vpon theyr faith and othe to returne if they be not raunsomed during the sayd truce And if any shal refuse so to doe that then the Lord vnder whom he is shall constraine him to returne againe to prison 11. Item that all the bandes whatsoeuer they be whyche be made before thys sayde truce in the time of warre whether they be of goods spirituall or temporall be released wtout restitucion during the sayd truce 12. Also that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect betwene the Englishmen Scots their Lords aiders and allies and the same to endure vntill the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist. And that certain persons be appointed by a certaine day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirme the same truce vnder such coÌ„ditions as haue bene accustomed in those partes And if the said Scottes refuse so to doe that then they to haue no aide out of Fraunce during the sayd truce 13. Item that this sayd truce be proclaimed in England and in ScotlaÌ„d wythin the 26. dayes after the date therof 14. Item it is accorded that within this truce be contayned Espamels Chatellon Geneuos the Byshop and the towne of Cambrey and castels of the same c. In witnes wherof we Iohn by the grace of God king of Bohemia and Earle of Luxemburgh Adulphe Byshop of Liege Raoule Duke of Loreine Ayemes Earle of Sauoy Iohn Earle of Darminacke on the one party And B. Duke of Brabante C. Duke of Gelre D. Marques of Iuliers sir Iohn of Henault and sir Beawmount on the other party betwixt the high puissant princes of France and England Have scaled thys instrument of truce and peace and deliuered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline on monday the 25. day of September the yere of grace 1340. This truce thus finished king Edwarde brake vp hys campe remoouing his siege from Tourney came againe to Gaunt FroÌ„ whence very early in the morning he with a small company tooke shipping and by long seas came to the tower of LoÌ„don very few or none hauing vnderstanding thereof And being greatly displeased with diuers of his counsel and high officers for that through their default he was constrained against his will not hauing money to maintaine hys warres to condescende vnto the foresayde truce he commanded to be apprehended and brought vnto him to the tower the Lorde Iohn Stonhore chiefe iustice of England and syr Iohn Poulteney with diuers others and the next morning he sent for the Lorde K. Byshop of Chichester and the Lord Wake the Lorde Treasurer diuers other such that were in authority and office and commanded them al to be kept as prisoners in the said tower onely the sayd byshop excepted whom for feare of the constitution of Pope Clement whych commaunded that no Byshop should be by the king imprisoned he set at libertie suffered him to goe his way in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight
English men Upon the Friday folowing they which were besieged in the towne of Calis seeing the king to be retyred vpon whose helpe they trusted being also in great penury famine for lack of victuals otherwise in much misery vehemently distressed surrendered the towne to the kinges handes who like a mercifull Prince onely deteining certeine of the chiefe the rest with the whole coÌ„mons he let go with bagg baggage diminishing no part of their goods shewing therein more Princely fauour to them then they did of late in Queene Maries dayes vnto our men in recouering the sayd towne of Calis agayne After the winning thus of Calis as hath bene premised king Edward remaining in the sayd towne a certaine space was in consultatioÌ„ concerning his voyage proceding farther into Fraunce But by meanes of the foresayd Cardinals truce for a certayne time was takeÌ„ and instrumentes made so prouided that certayne noble meÌ„ as well for the french K. as for the king of England should como to the Pope there to debate vpon the Articles Unto the which king Edward for peacesake was not greatly disagreing Which was an 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh The next yeare folowing which was an 1348. fell a sore plague which they call the first generall pestilence in yâ— realme of England This plague as they say first springing froÌ„ the East so spreading westward did so mightely preuaile here in this land beginning first at Dorcester the countryes thereabout that euery day lightly 20. some dayes 40. some 60. moe dead corses were brought layd together in one pitte This beginning the first day of Angust by the first of Nouember it came to LondoÌ„ Wheras the vehement rage therof was so hoate and did increase so much that from the first day of February til about the beginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield aboue 200. dead corses euery day were buried besides them which in other Churchyardes of the Cittye were layd also At leÌ„gth by the grace of Christ ceasing ther it proceded from thence to the Northparts Where also the next yeare after an 1349. it swaged After this in the next yeare insuing an 1350. the towne of Calis was by treason of the keper of the Castle almost betrayed and wonne from the English men Within the compasse of which yere dyed Philip the French king After whom king Iohn his sonne succeeded in the crowne Who the next yeare after vnder false precence of frendship caused the Constable of FrauÌ„ce Erle of Ewe to be beheaded who being taken prisoner before in warre by English men and long deteined in prison in England was liceÌ„sed by king Edward to visite his country of Fraunce In the same yere the town of Gwines was takeÌ„ by EnglishmeÌ„ while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleepe The yeare next folowing the Marshall of Fraunce with a great army was put to flight by Syr Roger Bentele Knight and Captayne in Britaine hauing but onely 600. Souldiours with him In this battell were taken 9. Knightes Esquires and Gentlemen 140. The French men Britaines by this victory were exceedingly discouraged and there pride cut downe In the yere after was Henry first made Duke of LaÌ„caster which before was Earle of Derby and Lancaster Also diuers good ordinaunces were appoynted in the Parliament at Westminster Which afterby auarice and parciall fauour of the head men were agayne vndone Concord and agreement about the yeare 1354. began to come well forward instruments were drawne vpon the same betwene the 2. kings But that the matter being brought vp to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the FreÌ„ch men partly by the winking of the Pope which euer held with the French side the conditions were repealed which were these That the king of England all the Dukedome of Aquitanie with other lands there should be to him restored without homage to the French king And that king Edward agayn should surrender to him all his right and title which he had in Fraunce whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult which folowed after betwene the two Realmes It folowed after this the yeare of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king that king Iohn his sonne had grauÌ„ted the Dukedome of Aquitine to Charles his eldest sonne Dolphin of Vienna sent ouer Prince Edward with the Earle of Warwick of Salisbury of Oxford and with them a sufficient number of able souldiors into Aquitania Where he being willingly receiued of diuers yâ— rest be subdued partly by force of sword partly receiued submitting themselues to his protection Not long after this in yâ— same yere word being brought to king Edward that Iohn the FreÌ„ch king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to geue him battayle gathered his power set ouer to Calis with his 2. sonnes Leo nell Earle of Wilton and Iohn of Gaunt Earle of Richmond with Henry Duke of Lancaster c. who beyng come to S. Omers the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his coÌ„ming the nerer he approched to them the further they retyred backe wasting destroying behind them to the inteÌ„t that the english army in pursuing theÌ„ should finde no victuals By reasoÌ„ wherof king Edward folowing him by yâ— space of 9. or 10 dayes vnto HadeÌ„ wheÌ„ neither he could â—inde his enemy to fight nor victuals or forage for his army he returned vnto Calis where warre agayne being offered in the name of the king vpon vnstable conditions and yet the same not performed king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy froÌ„ Calis crossed the seas into England where he recouered agayne the towne of Barwicke which the Scots before by subtle traine had gotten At which time was grauÌ„ted vnto the king in Parliament 50. s. for euery sacke or packe of woll that should be caried ouer for the space of 6. yeares together By the which graunt the king might despend euery day by estimation aboue 100. marks sterling And for as much as euery yere 100000. sacks of woll were thought to be exported out of the Realme the sum thereof for 6. yeres space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. pouÌ„d sterling The same yeare when king Edward had recouered Barwick and subdued Scotland Prince Edward being in Gascony made toward the FreÌ„ch king Who notwithstanding by the way all bridges were cast downe great resistaunce made yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword after much slaughter of the Frenchmen many prisoners taken at length ioyning with the French king at Poytiers scarse with 2000. gaue the ouerthrow to the French king with 7000. men of armes and mor. In which conflict the French king himselfe and Philip hys sonne with L. Iames of Bourbon the Archb. of Senon II Earles 22. Lordes were
taken Of other warriors and men of armes 2000. Some affirme in this conflict were slayne 2. Dukes of Lordes and noble men 24. of men of armes 2002. of other souldiours aboue 8000. The commoÌ„ report is that mo FrenchmeÌ„ were there taken prisoners then was the number of them which took them This noble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no litle admiration to all men It were too long and litle pertayning to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doinges of this king with the circumstances of his victoryes of the bringing in of the french king into England of his abode there of the raunsome leuied on him and of Dauid the Scottish king of which the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes that other at 100000. marks to be payd in 10 yeres how the staple was after translated to Calis with suche like I referre them that would see more to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing of S. Albans of Iohn Froysard AdaÌ„ Merimouth who discourse all this at large Thus hauing discoursed at large al such marshal affairs and warlicke exploytes incident in the reigne of this king betwixt him and the realmes of Fraunce and Scotland Now to returne agayne to our matters ecclesiasticall followeth in order to recapitulate and notifye the troubles contentions growing betwene the same king the Pope and other ecclesiasticall persons in matters touching the church in order of yeares remayuing in the Tower taken out of the recordes as followeth As where first in the 4. yeare of his reigne the king wrote to the Archbi of Canterbury to this effect That whereas King Edward the 1. his graund father did geue to a Clerke of his owne being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York the Archbishopricke of Yorke being then vacant and in the kinges handes in the quiet possession whereof the sayde Clerke continued vntill the Pope misliking therewith woulde haue displaced him and promoted to the same dignitye a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest preiudice of the crown of England The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of Yorke not to suffer any matter to passe that may be preiudice to the donation of his graundfather but that his owne Clerke should enioy the sayd dignity accordingly vpon payne of his highnes displeasure The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops folowing vide to the Bishop of Lincolne Bishop of Worcester Bishop of Sax Monser Marinion Archdeacon of Richmond ArchdeacoÌ„ of Lincolne the Prior of LeweÌ„ the Prior of Lenton to maister Rich of Bintworth to â—â— Iherico de Concoreto the Popes Nuncio to M. 〈◊〉 of Calma And with all wrote his letters to the Pope touching the same matter consisting in three partes First is the declaration and defence of his right and title to the donatioÌ„ and gift of all maner of temporalties of offices prebendes benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England Secondly in expostulating with the Pope for intending himselfe into the auncient right of the crowne of England intermedling with such collations contrary to right reason and the example of all his predecessours which were Popes before Thirdly intreating him that he would heÌ„ceforth absteyne and desist from molesting the Realme wyth such nouelties and straunge vsurpations and so much the more for that in the publique Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed vpon by the vniuersall assent of all the estates of the Realme that the Kyng should stand to the defence of all such rightes and iurisdictions as to his crowne appertayned After this in the 9. yeare of the Reigne of this Kyng Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certayne other matters and requestes to the King whereunto the King aunswering agayne declareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more ouer that his purpose was to haue seÌ„t vnto him certain Ambassadors for congratulatioÌ„ of the sauâ—e But being otherwise occupyed by reason of warres could not attend hys holynesse requestes notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of Ascention next whereupon the asseÌ„bly of his clergy and other estates he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadours to his holynesse accordingly The next yeare after which was the 10. yeare of his reigne the King writeth an other letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had grauÌ„ted him one yeres tenth for the supportation of his warres and for that the Pope also had the same time to take vp the payment of 6. yeares tenth graunted him by the Clergy a litle before therefore the Pope woulde vouchsafe at his request to forbeare the exaction of that money for one yeare till that his tenth for the necessities of his warres were dispatched The same yere he wrote also to the Pope to this effect That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwiche did nominate a Clerke to be Bishop of Norwich and seÌ„t him to Rome for his inuestiture without the Kinges knowledge therefore the Pope woulde withdraw his consent not intermedle in the matter appertaining to the Kings peculiar iurisdiction and prerogatiue After this in the 16. yeare of this King it happened that the Pope sent ouer certayne Legates to heare and determine matters appertayning to the right of patronages of Benefices which the King perceiuing to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of hys subiectes writeth vnto the sayd Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceede therein nor attempt any thing vnaduisedlye otherwise then might stand with the lawfull ordinaunces customes of the lawes of his realm and liberty of his subiectes Writing moreouer the same yeare to other Legats being sent ouer by the Pope to treate of peace betweene the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repayre to the french King who had so oftentimes broken with him and proue what conformitye the french king would offer which if he found reasonable they should soone accord with him otherwise exhorted theÌ„ not to enter into the land nor to proceede any further in that behalfe The yeare following which was the 17. of his reigne ensueth an other letter to the Pope agaynst his prouisioÌ„s and reseruations of benefices worthy here to be placed specified but that the summe thereof is before set downe to be found in the page 386. The yeare following another letter likewise was seÌ„t by the King to the Pope vpon occation takeÌ„ of the church of Norwich requiring him to surcease his reseruations and prouisions of the Bishoprick within the Realme and to leaue the elections thereof free to the Chapters of suche Cathedrall Churches according to the auncient grauntes and ordinaunces of his noble progenitors Proceeding now to the 19. yeare of this kinges reigne there came to the presence of the king certayne Legats froÌ„ Rome complayning of certayne
vnto this time whiche was about the yeare of our Lord 1367. the offices here in England as the Lord Chauncellor Lord Treasurer of the priuy seale were wont to be in the handes of the clergy But about this yeare through the motion of the Lords in the Parliamēt and partly as witnesseth mine author for hatred of the clergy all the sayd offices were remoued from the clergy to the Lordes temporall After the death of Pope Urbane next succeeded Pope Gregory the 11. who among his other acres first reduced agayne the papacy out of Fraunce vnto Rome which had from thence bene absent the space now of 70. yeres being therto moued as Sabellicus recordeth by the answere of a certain bishop whom as the Pope saw standing by him asked why he was so long from his charge and church at home saying not to be the part of a good Pastor to keepe him from his flocke so long Wherunto the Bishop aunswering agayne sayd And you your selfe being the chiefe Bishoppe who may and ought to be a spectacle to vs all why are you from the place so long where your Church doth lye By the occasion whereof the Pope sought all meanes after that to remoue and to rid his Court out of Fraunce againe to Rome and so he did This 11. Gregory in a certayne Bull of his sent to the Archb. of Prage maketh mētion of one named Militzius a Bohemiā saith in the same bull that this Militzius should hold apinion teach an 1366. that Antechrist was alredy come Also that the said Militzius had certayn cōgregations folowing him that in the same congragation were certain harlots who being conuerted frō theyr wickednes were brought to a godly life Which harlots being so conuerted he vsed to say were to be preferred before al the holy religious virgins And therfore commaunded the archbishop to excōmunicate and persecute the sayd Militzius which in foretime had bene a religious man of Prage and after forsook his order and gaue himselfe to preaching and at length was by the foresayd Archb. imprisoned Iacobus Misnensis a learned man and a writer in the time of I. Hus maketh mention of this Militzius and calleth him a worthy and a famous Preacher Also citeth many things out of his writings In the which writinges thys good Militzius thus declareth of himself how he was moued vrged by the holy Ghost to search out by the sacred Scriptures concerning the comming of Antechrist And that he was compelled by the same holy spirite at Rome publickly to preach and also before the Inquisitor there to protest plainly that the same great Antechrist which is prophesyed of in y◠holy Scriptures was alredy come Moreouer his saying was that the church through negligēce of the pastors was desolate did abound in temporall riches but in spirituall riches to be empty Also that in y◠Church of Christ where certayne Idols which destroyd Ierusalē and defaced the Temple but hypocrisye caused that those Idols could not be sene Also that many there were which denied Christ because that knowing the truth yet for feare of mē they durst not confesse their conscience c. And thus much of good Militzius liuing in the time of Gregory 11. and king Edward the third an 1370. The which king of England holding a Parliamēt in the 3. yeare of this Pope sent his Embassadours to hym desiring him that he from thenceforth would abstayne frō his reseruatiōs of benefices vsed in the court of England And that spiritual men within his realme promoted vnto Bishopricks might freely enioy theyr electiōs within the realme and be confirmed by theyr Metropolitanes according to the auncient custome of the realme Wherfore vpō these and such other like wherein the king and the realme thought thēselues greued he desired of the Pope some remedy to be prouided c. Wherunto the Pope returned acertayne answere agayne vnto the king requiring by his messengers to be certified agayn of the kings mind cōcerning the same But what answere it was it is not in the story expressed saue that the yere folowing which was 1374. there was a tractation at Burges vpon certain of the said articles betwene the king the Pope which did bāg two yeares in suspēse so at length it was thus agreed betwene them that the pope should no more vse his reseruatiōs of benefices in England and likewise the king shoulde no more cōferre and geue benefices vpon the writ Quare impedit c. But as touching the freedome of elections to be confirmed by the Metropolitane mentioned in the yeare before therof was nothing touched As touching these reseruations prouisiōs and collations with the elections of Archbishops Bishops beneficed men and other wherwith the Pope vexed this realme of England as before you haue heard The king by the consent of the Lordes and commons in the 25. yeare of hys raigne enacted that according to a statute made in the 30. yeare of his graundfather Edward the first wherein was made an act against the rauenous pillage of the Pope thorough the same prouisions reseruations collations c. but not put in execution By the which prouisions the state of the realme decreased more and more the kings royaltie prerogatiue greatly obscured and diminished innumerable treasure of the realme transported aliens straungers placed in the best and fattest by shoprickes abbeyes and benefices within the realme And suche as eyther for their offices in Rome as Cardinalships such like could not be here resident or if resident yet better away for causes infinite as partly haue bene touched before Not onely reuiued the sayde statute made by Edward the first hys graundfather but also inlarged the same Adding therunto very strayt and sharpe penalties against the offenders therin or in any part therof as exemptiō out of the kings protection losse of al their lands goods and other possessions and theyr bodies to be imprisoned at the kings pleasure And farther who so euer was lawfully conuict or otherwise for want of appearance by proces directed forth were wythin the lappes of this statute or premunire for so bare the name therof shuld suffer al and euery such molestation iniuries as men exempted frō the protection of the king In so much that who so euer had killed such mē had bene in no more daunger of lawe therefore then for the killing of an outlaw or one not worthy to liue in a commō weale Lyke vnprofitable members were they then in that tyme yea of ignoraunce esteemed in thys common weale of Englande as would offer themselues to the wilfull slauery and seruile obedience of the pope which thyng in these dayes yea and that amōgst no small fooles is coūted more then Euangelicall holynes He that list to peruse the statute and would see euery braunch and article therof at large discussed and handled wyth the penalties therfore due Let him read the
that tune men did striue and fight for the crosse at Hierusalem as it had bene for the chief and onely force and strength of our faith It is a wonder to reade the monumentes of the formore times to see and vnderstand what great troubles calamities thys crosse hath caused almoste in euery Christian common wealth For the Romish champions neuer ceased by wryting admonishing and coūsailing yea and by quarelling to moue stirre vp Princes mindes to warre battail euen as though the faith beleefe of the gospell were of small force or little effect wtout that wooden crosse This was the cause of that expedition of the most noble prince K. Rich. vnto Ierusalem Who being taken in the same iourney and deliuered vnto the Emperour could scarsly be raunsomed home againe for xxx M. markes pag. 248. In the same enterprise or iourney Fridericus the Emperour of Rome a man of most excellent vertue was muche endamaged in the same iourney an 1179. And also Philip the king of Fraunce scarsly returned home againe in safety not without great losses so much did they esteeme the recouery of the holy citie and crosse Upon this alone all mens eyes minds deuotions were so set and bent as though either there were no other crosse but that or that the crosse of Christ were in no other place but onely at Hierusalem Such was the blindnesse and superstition of those daies which vnderstood or knew nothing but such as were outwardly sene wheras the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries what was the cause why that Urbanus did so vexe and torment himselfe Because that Antioche with the holy crosse was lost out of the hands of the Christians For so we doe finde it in the Chronicles at what time as Ierusalem with king Buido and the crosse of our Lord was taken and vnder the power of Sultan Urbanus toke the mater so greuously that for very sorow he died In whose place succeeded Lambertus which was called Gregory the 8. by whose motion it was decreed by the Cardinals that setting apart all riches and voluptuousnes they should preach the crosse of Christ and by their pouerty and humility first of all shuld take the crosse vpon them go before others into the lād of Ierusalem These are the words of the history wherby it is euident vnto the vigilant reader vnto what grosenes the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel was degenerate and growen vnto in those daies How great blindnes darknes was in those dayes euen in the first primacy supremacy of the bishop of Rome as though the outward succession of Peter and the Apostles had ben of greater force and effect to that matter What doeth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule It is much more to be regarded that euery man should labor and study with all theyr endeuor to followe the life confession of Peter And that man seemeth vnto me to be the true successour of Peter against whom the gates of hel shall not preuaile For if that Peter in the gospell do beare the type figure of the christian church as all men in a maner do affirme what more foolish or vaine thyng can there be then thorough priuate vsurpation to restraine and to binde that vnto one man which by the appoyntment of the Lorde is of it selfe free and open to so many Thus in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkenes of ignoraunce what time there seemed in a maner to be no one so litle a sparke of pure doctrine left or remaining This foresayd wickliffe by Gods prouidence sprang and rose vp thorough whom the Lord would first waken and raise vp agayne the worlde which was ouermuch drowned and whelmed in the depe streames of humaine traditions Thus you haue heere the time of wickliffes originall Which Wickliffe after he had now by a long time professed deuinity in the vniuersity of Oxford and perceiuing the true doctrine of Christes Gospell to be adulterate and defiled with so many filthy inuentions of Bishops sectes of monkes and darke errours And that he after long debating and deliberating with himselfe with many secrete sighes and bewailing in hys mind the generall ignorance of the whole world could no lōger suffer or abide the same but that he at the last determined with himselfe to healpe and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide and out of the way But for so much as he saw that this daungerous medling could not be attempted or stirred wythout great trouble neyther that these things which had bene so long tune with vse and custome rooted and grafted in mennes mindes coulde not be sodenly plucked vp or taken away he thought with himselfe that this matter should be done by litle litle Wherfore he taking his original at small occasions thereby opened himselfe a way or meane to greater matters And first he assailed his aduersaries in logicall metaphisical questiōs disputing with them of the first forme fashion of things of the increase of time and of the intelligible substance of a creature with other such like sophemes of no great effect but yet notwithstanding did not a little helpe and furnish him which minded to dispute of greater matters So in these matters first began Regningham a Carmelite to dispute and argue against Iohn Wickliffe By these originals the way was made vnto greater poynts so that at the length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments and other abuses of the Church Touching whych thinges this holy man tooke great paynes protesting as they saide openly in the scholes that it was hys chiefe and principall purpose and intent to reuoke and call backe the Church from her Idolatry to some better amendment especially in the matter of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ. But this bile or sore could not be touched wythout the great griefe and paine of the whole world For first of all the whole glutte of Monkes and begging Friers were set on a rage or madnes which euen as Hornets wyth their sharpe stings did assayle this good man on euery side fighting as is sayd for their aultars paunches and bellies After them the priests and then after them the Archb. tooke the matter in hand being then S. Sudbury who for the same cause depriued him of his benefice which then he had in Oxford Notwythstanding he being somwhat friended supported by the king as appeareth continued and bare out the malice of the Friers and of the Archb. all this while of his first beginning till about the yeare of our Lorde 1377. After whych time now to prosecute likewise of his troubles conflict first I must fetch about a little compasse as requisite is to inferre some mention of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne and Lord Henry Percy whych were
wherfore he was depriued were these That the Pope had no more power to excommunicate any man then hath an other That if it be geuē by any persō to the pope to excōmunicate yet to absolue the same is as much in the power of an other priest as in hys He affirmed moreouer that neyther the king nor any temporall Lord could geue any perpetuity to the church or to any ecclesiasticall person for that when such ecclesiasticall do sinne habitualiter continuing in the same still the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take away from them that before hath bene bestowed vpon thē And that he proued to haue bene practised before here in England by Williā Rufus which thing sayd he if he did lawfully why may not the same also be practised now if he did it vnlawfully then both the church erre sayth he doth vnlawfully in praying for him But of his assertions more shall follow Christ willing hereafter The story which ascribeth to him these assertions being taken out as I take it of that monastery of S. Albons addeth withall that in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent but a dissembler saith he and an hipocrite Why he surmiseth him to be an hypocrite the cause was this First because he resorted much to the orders of the begging Friers frequenting and extolling the perfection of their pouerty Secondly because he and his felowes vsually accustomed in their preaching to go baretoote and in simple russet gownes By this I suppose may sufficiently appeare to the indifferent the nature and condition of Wickliffe how far it was frō the ambitiō pride which in the slaundrous pen of Polydore Virgil reporting in his 19. book of him that because he was not preferred to higher honors and dignities of the church conceiuing therfore indignation agaynst the clergy became theyr mortall enemy How true this was he onely knoweth best that rightly shall iudge both y◠one and the other In the meane time by other circūstaunces partes of his life we may also partly cōiecture what is to be thoght of that mā But howsoeuer it was in him either true or false yet it had bene Polidors part either not so intemperatly to haue abused his pen or at least to haue shewed some greater authority and ground of that his report For to follow nothing els but flying fame so rashlye to defame a man whose life he knoweth not is not the part of a faythful story writer But to returne from whēce we digressed Beside these his opinions and assertions aboue recited with other mo which are hereafter to be brought in order He began also then something nearely to touch the matter of the Sacrament prouing that in the sayd Sacrament the accidences of bread remayned not without the subiect or substaunce both by the holy Scriptures and also by the authoritye of the doctors but specially by such as were most aunciēt As for the latter writers that is to say such as haue written vpon that argumēt vnder the thousand yeres since Christes time he vtterly refused saying that after these yeares Sathan was losed set at liberty And that since that time the life of man hath bene most subiect and in danger of errors the simple and playne truth to appeare and consist in the Scriptures wherunto all humam traditions whatsoeuer they be must be referred and specially such as are set forth published now of late yeares This was the cause why he refused the latter writers of decretals leaning only to the Scriptures auncient doctors most stoutly affirming out of them that in the Sacramēt of the body which is celebrate with bread the accidēce not to be present with out the substaunce That is to say that the body of Chryst is not present without the breade as the common sorte of Priestes in those daies did dreame As for his arguments what they were we wyll shortly at more oportunity by Gods grace declare them in an other place But herein the trueth as the Poet speaketh very truely had gotten Iohn Wickeliffe great displeasure and hatred at many mens handes and specially of the Monkes and richest sort of Priestes Albeit through the fauor and supportation of the duke of Lancaster and Lord Henry Percy he persisted hitherto in some meane quiet against their woluish violence eruelty Till at last about the yeare of our Lord. 1376. the Byshops still vrging and inciting their Archbishop Symon Sudberye who before had depriued him and afterward prohibited him also not to stirre any more in those sorts of matters had obteined by processe and order of citation to haue him brought before them Whereunto both place and time for him to appeare after theyr vsuall forme was to him assigned The Duke hauing intelligence that Wickliffe his client should come before the Bishops fearing that he being but one was to weake agaynst such a multitude calleth to him out of the orders of Friers foure Bachelers of Diuinity out of euery order one to ioyne them with Wickliffe also for more surety When the day was come assigned to the said Wickliffe to appeare whiche day was Thursday the 19. of February Iohn Wickliffe accompanied with the foure Friers aforesayd and with them also the Duke of Lancaster and Lord Henry Percy Lord Marshal of England the said Lord Percy also going before them to make rowme and way wherewith wickliffe should come Thus wickliffe through the prouidence of god being sufficiently garded was comming to the place where the Bishops sate whome by the way they animated and exhorted not to feare nor shrink a whit at the company of the bishops there present who were all vnlearned said they in respect of him For so proceede that wordes of my foresaid author whom I follow in this narration neither that he shold dread the concourse of the people whom they would themselues assiste and defend in such sort as he should take no harme With these wordes and with the assistaunce of the nobles wickliffe in hart encouraged approcheth to that church of S. Paule in London where a mayne prease of people was gathered to heare what shold be sayd done Such was there the frequencie and throng of the multitude that the Lordes for all the puissance of the high Marshall vnneth with great difficulty could get way through In so much that the bishop of London whose name was William Courtney seeing the stir that the Lord Marshal kept in the Church among the people speaking to that Lord Perry sayd that if he had knowne before what maistries he would haue kept in the church he would haue stopped hym out from comming there At which wordes of the Byshop the Duke disdayning not a little aunswered to the Byshop agayne and sayd that he woulde keepe such maisterie there though he sayd nay At last after much wrastling they pierced through and came to our Ladies chappell Where the Dukes and Barons were
sitting together with the Archbishops other Bishops Before whome the foresayd Iohn Wickliffe according to the maner stode before theÌ„ to know what shold be laid vnto him To whome first spake the Lord Percy bidding him to sit downe saying that he had many things to answer to and therfore had need of some softer seat But the bishop of London cast eftsoones into a fumish chase with those words sayd he should not sit there Neither was it sayd he according to law or reason that he which was cited there to appeare to answere before his ordinary should sit downe during the time of his aunswere but shold staÌ„d Upon these words a fire began to heat kindle betweene them In so much that they began to rate and to reuile one the other that the whole multitude therewith disquieted began to be set on a hurrey Then the Duke taking the Lord Percies part wyth hasty wordes began also to take vp the bishop To whom the Bishops again nothing inferiour in reprochful checks and rebukes did render require not onely to him as good as he brought but also did so far excell him in this rayling arte of scolding that to vse the words of mine author Erubuit Dux quòd non potuit praeualere litigio i. that the Duke blushed and was ashamed because he could not ouerpasse the Bishop in brawling and rayling and therefore fell to playn threatning manasing that bishop that he would bring down the pride not onely of him but also of all the prelacie of Englande And speaking moreouer vnto him Thou sayd he bearest thy self so brag vpon thy parentes which shall not be able to helpe thee They shall haue enough to do to helpe themselues For his parentes were the Earle and countesse of Deuonshire To whom the byshop again aunswered that to be bold to tell truth his confidence was not in his parentes nor in any man els but onely in God in whoÌ„ he trusted Then the Duke softly whispering in the care of him next by him sayd that he woulde rather plucke out the Bishop by the heyre of his head out of the Church then he would take this at his hand This was not spoke so secretly but that the Londiners ouerheard him Wherupon being set in a rage they cryed out saying that they would not suffer theyr bishop so coÌ„temptuously to be abused But rather they woulde loose their liues then that he should so be drawen out by the heyre Thus that councell being broken with scolding and brawling for that day was dissolued before 9. of the cloke And the Duke with the Lord Percy went to the Parliament Where the same day before dinner a bill was put vp in the name of the king by the Lord Thomas Wostock and Lord Henry Percy that the Cittie of London shoulde no more be gouerned by a Mayor but by a Captayne as in times before And that the Marshall of England shold haue al the adoe in taking the Arestes within the said Citty as in other citties beside with other petitions moe tending to the like derogation of the liberties of London which bill being read standeth vp Iohn Philpot Burgesse then for the citâ—y saying to theÌ„ which read the bill that that was neuer seene so before adding moreouer that the Mayor woulde neuer suffer any such things or other arest to be brought into the citty with mo such wordes of like stoutnes The next day following the Londiners assembled theÌ„selues in a councell to consider among them vpon the Bill for chaunging the Mayor and about the office of the Marshall also concerning the iniuries done the day before to theyr Bishop In which meane time they being busy in long consultation of this matter sodenly and vnawares entred in the place two certaine Lordes whether to come to spy or for what other cause the author leaueth it vncertayne the one called Lord Fizwalter the other Lord Guy Brian At the first comming in of theÌ„ the vulgare sort was ready forthwith to flee vppon them as spies had not they made theyr protestation with an othe declaring that their comming in was for no harme toward them And so were compelled by the citizens to sweare to the city their truth and fidelity contrary to the which othe if they shoulde rebell contented to forfeit whatsoeuer goods and possessions they had within the citie This done theÌ„ began the Lord Fizwalter in this wise to perswade and exhort the Citizens first declaring how he was bound and obliged to them and to theyr Citty not for the othe onely now newly receiued but of old and ancient good will from his great graundfathers tyme. Beside other diuers dueties for the which he was chiefly bound to be one of their principall fautors for so muche as what so euer tended to their damage and detriment redounded also no lesse vnto his owne for which cause he coulde not otherwise chuse but that as he did vnderstand to be attempted against the publike profite and liberties of the Cittye he must needs communicate the same to them who vnlesse they with speedy circumspection do occurre and preuent perils that may and are like to ensue it would turne in the end to theyr no small incoÌ„moditie And as there were many other thinges whiche required their vigilant care and diligeÌ„ce so one thing therr was which he could in no wise but admonish them of which was this necessary to be coÌ„sidered of them all how the Lord Marshall Henry Percy in his place within himselfe had one in ward and custody whether with the knowledge or without the knowledge of them he coulde not tell this he coulde tell that the sayd Lord Marshall was not alowed any suche ward or prison in his house within the liberties of the Citty Which thing if it be not seeke to in time the example therof being suffered would in fine breede to such a preiudice vnto their customes and liberties as they shoulde not hereafter when they would reforme the iniurie thereof These words of the Lord Fizwalter were not so soone spoken but they were as soone taken of the rash Citizens who in al hasty fury running to their armour weapons went incontinently to the house of the Lord Percy where breaking vp the gates by violence they tooke out the prisoner burned the stockes wherein he sate in the midst of London Then was the Lord Percy sought for whome sayth the story they woulde doubtlesse haue slayne if they might haue fouÌ„d him With their bils and iauelins al corners and priuy chambers were searched beds hangings torne a sunder But the Lord Percy as God would was then with the Duke whome one Iohn Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner The Londiners not finding him at home and supposing that he was wyth the Duke at Sauoy in all hasty heat turned their power thither running as fast as they could to the Dukes house Where also
in like maner they were disapoynted of their cruell purpose In that meane while as this was doyng coÌ„meth one of the Dukes men ruÌ„ning post hast to that Duke to the Lord Percy declaring what was done The Duke being then at his oysters without anye further tarying and also breaking both his shinnes at the forme for haste tooke boate with the Lord Percy and by water went to Kingstone where then the princesse with Richard the yong Prince did lye Who there declared vnto the Princesse all the whole matter coÌ„cerning the outrage of the Londiners as it was To whom she promised againe such an order to be taken in the matter as shoulde be to his contentation At what time the commons of London thus as is sayd were about the Dukes house at Sauoy meâ—teth with theÌ„ a certain priest who marueling at the sodain rage concourse asked what they sought To whome aunswere was geuen agayne of some that they sought for the Duke and Lorde Marshall to haue of them the Lord Peter de la Mare whom they wrongfully had deteined in prison To this the Priest aunswered agayne more boldly then oportunely That Peter sayd he is a false traytour to the king and worthy long since to be hanged At the hearing of these words the furious people with a terrible shoute cryed out vpon him that he was a traytour and one that tooke the Dukes part and so falling vpon him with theyr weapons striued who might first strike at him Who after they had wounded him very sore so being wounded they had him into prison where within few dayes vpon the sorenes of his wounds he dyed Neither would the rage of the people thus haue ceased had not the bishop of London leauing his dinner come to them at Sauoy and putting them in remembraunce of the blessed tyme as they terme it of Leut had perswaded them to cease and to be quyet The Londiners seeing that they could get no vantage against the Duke who was without theyr reach To bewreke theyr anger they tooke hys armes whiche in most despitefull wise they hanged vp in the open places of the city in signe of reproch as for a traitour In so much that when one of his gentlemen came through the Citty with a plate conteyning the Dukes armes hanging by a lace about his necke the cittizens not abiding the sight therof cast him froÌ„ his horse and pluckt his scutchine from him had were about to work the extremitie against him and not the mayor rescued him out of theyr handes and sent him home safe vnto the Duke his mayster In such hatred was then the Duke among the vulgar people of London After thys the princesse vnderstanding the hartes and broyle of the Londiners set against the foresaid Duke sent vnto London 3. Knightes syr Albred Lewer sir Symon Burle and sir Lewes Cliffort to entreat the citizens to be reconciled with the Duke The Londiners answered that they for the honour of the princesse would obey and do with all reuereÌ„ce what she would require But this they required enioyned the messeÌ„gers to say to the Duke by word of mouth that he should suffer the byshop of Winchester afore mentioned and also the Lord Peter de la Mare to come to their aunswere to be iudged by theyr pieres Wherby eyther they might be quite if they were giltles or otherwise if they be found culpable they might receaue occording to theyr desertes after the lawes of the realme What griefe and displeasure the Duke conceiued and reteyned in his minde hereof Agayne what meanes sute the Londiners for their part made to the old king for their liberties What rymes and songes in London were made agaynst the Duke Howe the Bishops at the Dukes request were mooued to excoÌ„municate those malicious slaunderers And moreouer howe the Duke at last was reuenged of those contumelies iniuries How he caused them to be brought before the king How sharply they were rebuked for their misdemeanour by the worthy oration of the Lord Chamberlayne Robert Aston in the presence of the king Archbishops Byshops with diuers other states the Kinges children and other nobilities of the realme In conclusion how the Londiners were compelled to this at length by the common assent and publike charges of that citty to make a great taper of waxe whiche with the Dukes armes set vpon it shoulde be brought with solemne procession to the church of S. Paule there to burne continually before the Image of our Lady And at last how both the sayd Duke and the Londiners were reconciled together in the beginning of the new king with the kisse of peace in the same reconcilement publikely denounced in the church of Westminster and what ioy was in the whole citty therof These because they are impertinent and make to long a digressioÌ„ from the matter of Wickliffe I cut off with breuitie referring the reader to other historyes namely of S. Albones where they are to be found at large As these aforesayd for breuitie sake I passe ouer so will I not be long and yet cannot omitte that which happened the same tyme and yeare to the Bishop of Norwich to the intent that this posteritie now may see to what pryde the clergy then of the Popes Church was growne to The same time as this broyle was at LoÌ„don the Bish. of Norwich a litle after the time af Easter comming to the towne of Lennam belonging to his Lordship being not contented with the olde accustomed honour due vnto him vsed of his predecessours before in the same town required moreouer with a nue and vnused kind of magnificence to be exalted In so much that when he saw the chiefe Magistrate or Mayor of that towne to go in the streetes with his officer going before him holding a certayne wand in his hand tipped at both endes with black horne as the maner was He reputing himselfe to be Lord of that towne as he was and thinking to be higher then the highest commaunded the honour of that staffe due to the Mayor to be yelded born before his Lordly personage The Mayor or Bailiffe with other the townesmen courtuously answered to him again that they were right willing and contented with all theyr hartes to exhibite that reuerence vnto him and woulde to do if he first of the king and counsaile coulde obtayne the iustome and if the same might be induced after any peaceable way with the good willes of the commons and body of the town Other els sayd they as the matter was dangerous so they durst not take in hand any such newe alteration of ancient customes and liberties least the people whiche is alwayes inclinable and prone to euill do fall vpon them with stones driue them out of the towne Wherefore kneeling on theyr knees before hym and humbly they besought him that he would require no such thing of them that he would saue his owne
the church of mertock annexed therunto worth by yeare lx.li. Item the Lord Cardinall of Agrifolio is archdeacon of Tawnton in the church of wels and is worth by yeare with the procurations and the Prebend of Mylinerton to the same annexed Lxxx li Like maiter is also found in the time of king Richard the 2. vpon what occasion it is vncertayne But as it seemeth by Recorde of that time A new Pope being come in place he would take no knowledge of anye matter done by his predecessors that might anye way abridge his commoditie And therefore this king was forced to beginne a new as may appeare by this following L. Cardinall of Agrifol is prebendary of the Prebend of Soringhame together with a portion of S. Marye of Stowe to the same annexed the fruits whereof by commoÌ„ estimat be worth by yeare Clxv li Maist. Iohn Uicar of Coringhame and mayster Robert person of Ketelthorpe and W. Thurly be Fermoures L. Cardinall Albanum is Prebendary of the Prebend of Sutton the fruites whereof be commonly esteemed worth by yeare CCCC markes Roger Skyret of Buckinhame and William Bedeford of Sutton do farme the same PrebeÌ„d The L. Cardinal Blandacen is Prebendary of the prebend of Nassington worth by estimacion CCC markes Robert of Nassington and Iohn sonne of Robert of Abbethorpe do occupy the same Prebend L. Cardinal NonmaceÌ„ is parson of Adderbury worth by estimacion C.li. Adam Robelyn clerke is his proctor and occupyeth the same L. Cardinall of S. Prebendary of Thame worth yearely by common estimacion CC. markes Iohn Heyward and Thomas a lay man doe occupye the same Prebend L. Peter de Yeuerino Cardinall is Prebendary of Aylesbury worth yearely by common estimacion lxxx marks Holy Duse of Alesbury doth occupy the same Prebend The Cardinall of S. Angeli hath the Archdeaconry of Suff. and is worth by yeare by common estimation a huÌ„dreth markes L Cardinall Neminacem Treasorer of the Church of Sar. hath the Archdeaconry of Sar. the Church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed which is let to farme to Grace late wife of Edmunde Sawyne deceased paying yearely 1. markes he hath also in the same Archdeaconry and couÌ„tye the sayde Churche of Alwardburye with the Chappels of Putton and Farle to the same annexed which is let to ferme to the L. Pryor of the house of Ederose for the yerly rent of xxiii li he hath also the Prebend of Calne in the said Archdeaconry and County worth by yeare C.ll. and fermour therof is Raymunde Pelegrini L. Cardinall of Agrifolio hath the Archdeaconrye of Berck worth by yeare 120. markes and remayneth in hys owne handes Item he hath the Prebende of worth worth by yeare a hundreth pound Raymund Peregrine is fermour there L. Cardinall Gebanen hath the Prebendes of Wodford and Willeford Countye of Wiltshyre lett to ferme to Iohn Bennet of Sar. worth by yeare xl markes Lord Andomar de Rupy is Archdeaconry of Caunterbury to the which Archdeacon belong the Church of Lymin within the same Dioces worth by yeare after the Taxation of the tenth xx.li. The Churche of Tenham worth by yeare after the sayd taxation Cxxx li.vi.s.viii.d â—he Churche of Hakington neere Caunterbury worth by yeare xx markes The Churche of S. Clement in Sandwitche worth by yeare after the taxation aforesayd viij markes The church of Saint Mary in Sandwich worth by yeare viiij pound of the whiche the sayd Archdeacon receaueth onely vi markes The profites of all which premisses S. William Latimer knight hath receaued together with the profites arising out of the Iurisdiction of the Archdeaconry worth by yeare xx.li. Anglicus of the Church of Rome priest and Cardinall hath the deanry of the Cathedrall Churche of Yorke worth by yeare CCClxxiij li.vi.s.viii.d And the Prebende of Southcane valued yearely at C.lx. markes L. Cardinall Gebauen doth hold the churche of Wermouth and Archdeaconry of Durhame worth by yeare CC. marks And Iohn of Chambre and Thomas of Harington of Newcastell bee the fermors and proctours of the sayd Cardinall Ex Bundello Breuium Regis de An. 2. Rich. 2. parte 1. King Richard the second AFfter king Edward the third succeeded hys sonnes sonne Richard the second beyng yet but yong of the age of eleuen yeares who in the same yeare of his fathers decease in great pompe and solemnitie was crowned at Westminster an 1377. who following his fathers steppes was no great disfauorer of the way doctrine of wickliffe albeit at the first beginning partly through the iniquitie of tyme partly through the popes letters he could not doe that he would NothwithstaÌ„ding something he did in that behalf more perhaps then in the end he had thanke for of the Papistes as more by the grace of Christ shall appeare But as times do chaunge so changeth commonly the cause and state of man The bishop nowe seeing the aged king to be taken away during the time of whose olde age all the gouernment of the realme depended vpon the Duke of Lancaster And now the sayd Byshops agayne seeing the said Duke with the Lord Percy the Lord marshall to geue ouer their offices and to remayne in their priuate houses without intermedling thought now the time to serue them to haue some vauntage against Iohn wickliffe who hetherto vnder the protectioÌ„ of the foresayd Duke and Lord Marshall had some rest and quiet Concerning the story of whiche Wickliffe I trust gentle reader it is not out of thy memory what went before pag. 427. how he being brought before the Byshops by the meanes of the Duke and Lord Henry Percy the councell was interrupted and brake before ix of the clocke By reason whereof Wickliffe at that tyme escaped without anye further trouble Who not withstanding being by the bishops forbid to deale in that doctrine any more continued yet with his fellowes going barefoot and in long frise gownes preaching dilligentlye vnto the people Out of whose sermons these articles most chiefelye at that time were collected That the holy Eucharist after the consecration is not the very body of Christ but figurally That the churche of Rome is not the head of all churches more then any other churche is Nor that Peter hath anye more power geuen of Christ then anye other Apostle hath Item that the Pope of Rome hath no more in the keyes of the Church then hath any other within the order of Priesthoode Item if God be the Lordes temporall may lawfullye and meretoriously take away theyr temporalties from the churchmen offending habitualiter Item if any temporall Lord doe know the Churche so offending he is bound vnder payne of damnation to take the temporalties from the same Item that the Gospell is a rule sufficient of it selfe to rule the life of euery christian man here without any other rule Item that all other rules vnder whose obseruances diuers religious persoÌ„s be gouerned do ad no more perfection to the gospell then
doth the white colour to the wall Item that neyther the Pope nor any other Prelate of the church ought to haue prisons wherin to punish transgressours Beside these articles diuers other conclusions afterward were gathered out of hys writings and preachings by the byshops of England which they sent diligently to Pope Gregory at Rome where the sayde articles being red and perused were condemned for hereticall and erroneous by 23. Cardinals In the meane time the Archb. of Cant. sending foorth hys citations as is aforesayd called before hym the sayde Iohn wickliffe in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster and Lord Percy who vpon the declaration of the Popes letters made bound him to silence forbidding him not to entreat any more of those matters But then through the disturbaunce of the Bishop of London and the Duke and lord Percy that matter was soone dispatched as hath bene aboue recorded pag. 427. And all thys was done in the daies last yere of king Edward the 3. and pope Gregory the eleuenth The next yeare folowing which was the yeare of our Lord 1378. being the first yere of king Richard the second The sayd Pope Gregory taking hys time after the death of king Edward sendeth his bull by the hands meanes peraduenture of one master Edmund Stafford directed vnto the vniuersity of Oxford rebuking theÌ„ sharply imperiously and like a Pope for suffring so long the doctrine of Iohn Wickliffe to take roote and not pluckyng it vppe wyth the crooked cicle of their Catholike doctrine Whych Bull when it came to be exhibite vnto their handes by the Popes messenger aforesayd the proctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie ioyning together in consultation stood loÌ„g in doubt deliberating with themselues whether to receiue the Popes Bull with honour or to refuse and reiect it wyth shame I cannot here but laugh in my minde to behold the authours of this story whom I follow what exclamations what wondrings and maruels they make at these Oxford men for so doubting at a matter so playne so manifest of it selfe as they say whether the popes Bull sent to them froÌ„ Rome was to be receaued or coÌ„trary Which thing to our monkish writers seemed then suche a prodigious wonder that they with blushing cheekes are feyne to cut of the matter in the middest with silence The copy of this wilde Bull sent to them from the Pope was this Gregory the Bishop the seruant of Gods seruaunts to his welbeloued sonnes the Chauncellour and Vniuersitie of Oxford in the diocesse of Lincolne greeting and Apostolical benediction WE are compelled not onely to meruell but also to lament that you considering the Apostolicall seate hath geuen vnto your vniuersitie of Oxford so great fauour and priueledge and also for that you flow as in a large sea in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures and ought to be champions and defenders of the ancient and Catholicke fayth without the which there is no saluation by your great negligence and slouthe will suffer wylde cockle not onely to grow vp among the pure wheate of the florishing field of your Vniuersitie but also to wake more strong and choke the corne Neither haue ye anye care as we are enformed to extirpe and plucke the same vp by the rootes to the great bleblemishing of your renowmed name the perill of your soules the contempt of the Church of Rome and to the great decay of the auncient fayth And further which greueth vs the encrease of that filthy weed was more sharpely rebuked iudged of in Rome then in England where it sprang Wherefore let there be meanes sought by the help of the faithful to roote out the same Greuously it is come to our eares that one Iohn Wickliffe parson of Lutterworth in Lincolne dioces a professour of diuinitie would god he were not rather a maister of errours is runne into a kinde of detestable wickednes not onely and openly publishing but also vomiting out of the filthy dungeon of his brest diuers professions false and erroneous conclusions and most wicked and damnable heresies Whereby he might defile the faythfull sorte and bring them from the the right path headlong into the way of perdition ouerthrow the state of the Churche and vtterly subuert the secular policy Of which his mischieuous heresies some seem to agree onely certayne names and termes chaunged with the peruersâ—â—â— opinions and vnlearned doctrine of Marcelius of Padua Iohn of Gandune of vnworthy memory whose bookes were vtterly abolished in the realme of England by our predecessour of happy memory Iohn 22. Which kingdome doth notonely florishe in power and aboundance of faculties but is much more glorious and shyning in purenes of fayth Accustomed alwayes to bring forth men excellentlye learned in the true knowledge of the holye scriptures ripe in grauitie of manners men notable in deuotion and defenders of the Catholicke fayth Wherefore wee will and commaunde you by our writing Apostolicall in the name of your obedience and vpon payne of priuation of our fauour indulgences and priueledges graunted vnto you and your vniuersitie from the sayd see Apostolicall that hereafter ye suffer not those pestilent heresies that those subtile and false conclusions and propositions misconstruing the right senses of fayth and good workes how soeuer they terme it or what curious implication of wordes soeuer they vse any longer to be disputed of or brought in question Least if it be not withstoood at the first and plucked vp by the rootes it might perhaps be to late hereafter to prepare medicins when a greater number is infected with the coÌ„tagion And further that ye apprehend immediately or cause to be apprehended the sayd Iohn Wickliffe and deliuer him to be deteyned in the safe custodie of our well beloued brethren the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the byshop of London or eyther of them And if you shall finde any gaynesayers corrupted wyth the sayde doctrine whiche God forbid in your sayd vniuersitie wythin your iurisdiction that shall obstinately stand in the sayd errours that then in lyke manner ye apprehend them and committe them to safe custodie and otherwise to doe in this case as it shall appertayne vnto you So as by your carefull proceedynges herein your negligence past concernying the premisses may now fully be supplyed and recompensed with present diligence Whereby you shall not onely purchase vnto you the fauour and beneuolence of the seate Apostolicall but also great reward and merite of almightie God Yeuen at Rome at S. Maries the greater xi Kalend. of Iune and in the seuenth yeare of our consecration ¶ Beside this Bull sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford the sayd Pope Gregory directed moreouer his letters the same tyme to the Archbyshoppe of Canterbury Symon Sudbury to the Byshoppe of London named William Courtney with the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe therein inclosed commauÌ„dyng them by vertue of those his letters Apostolicall and straitly enioyning them to cause
crying with many an other Frier with great instaunce to geue the dome vpō me to burne me boughten dry wood before as men tolden in that towne these sleightes and swearing and mony geuing as men faiden with fauor of the bishop by what law I wor not but sothly not by Gods law they sayden they held me as conuicted and might not haue forth my purgatiō So as I fully forsooke them and neuer graunted that I sayd them Ouer this they made me sweare neuer to hold them teach them ne preach them priuily ne apertly and that I would go to certayne Churches to reuoke the conclusions that I neuer sayd in sclaunder of my selfe by great instance of the Fryers And so for drede of death and for fleshly counsell that I had I assented and so I did And also they maden me to sweare that I should not preach by instance of the Fryers within that diocesse withouten licence asked granted and neuer sithen I did And now the same conclusions bene rehearsed to me agayne whether by Fryers counsell I will not deme God wot but in slaunder of me it is and therefore I will answere now with Gods helpe to the conclusions Of the which the first is this That men mowen asken theyr debtes by charitie but in no maner for debt to imprison any man and that he so emprisoning is accursed So I sayd not but thus I haue sayd and yet say with protestation put before that who so pursues his brother with malice prisoneth him cruelly for debt without mercy that fayne woulde pay it if he might he sinneth agaynst Christes teaching estote misericordes sicut pater vester misericors est The second conclusion that false Friers and lecherous priestes putten vppon me was this that if the parochiens know her Curate to bene a lechour incontinent and an euill man they owen to withdraw from him tithe and els they bene fautours of his sinnes Thus I sayd not but on this wise and yet I say wyth protestation put before that if it be knowne openly to the people that persons or Curates come to her benefice by simonie and liuen in notory fornicatiō and done not their office her dueties to her parochiens by good ensample of holy life in true preaching liuing residence wendyng away frō his cure occupied insecular office he owes nought to haue of the parochiens tithes ne offrings ne hemowes not to hold him for her Curate ny hemowes not to geuen him tithes left they bene gyltie to GOD of consent and mayntayning of her open sinne Nemo militans deo implicat se negotijs secularibus 1. q. 1. ca. quisquis per pecuniā dist 8 o. ca. Siquis The thirde conclusion was this that friers and priests putten vpon me that tithes purely bene almesses And in case that curates bene euill men they mowen leefully be geuen to othermen by temporal Lords and other temporalties bene done away from men of the Church actually and openly trespassing This I sayd not in these termes but thus I saye with protestation made before that it were medefull and leeful to secular Lordes by way of charitie and power geuen to him of God in default of prelates that amend not by gods law cursed curates that openly misusen the goods of holy church that ben poore mēs goods and customably agaynst the law of God the which poore men Lordes ben holden to maintaine and defend to take away withdrawe from such curates poore mens goods the which they wrongfully holden in helpe of the poore and their owne wilful offeringes and their bodely almes deedes and geue them to such that duely serue God in the Churche and bene needy in vpbearing of the charge that prelates shoulden doe and done it not Alter alterius onera portate sic adimplebitis legem Christi And as anenste taking away of temporalties I say thus with protestation made before that it is leefull to Kynges Princes Dukes and Lordes of the worlde to take away fro popes Cardinals fro Bishops and prelates possessions in the Churche theyr temporalties and theyr almes that they haue geuen them vppon condition they shoulden serue God the better when they verely sene that their geuing and their taking bene cōtrary to the lawe of God to Christes liuing and his Apostles and namely in that that they taken vpon them that shoulden be next followers of Christ and his Apostles in poorenes meeknes to be secular Lords against the teaching of Christ and Sainct Peter Luc. xxii Reges gentium Et. 1. Pet. 5. Neque dominantes in clero And namely when such temporalties maken them the more proud both in hart and in araye then they shoulden bene els more in strife and debate agaynst peace and charitie and in euill ensample to the world more to be occupied in worldly busines Omnem solicitudinem proiicientes in eum And drawes them from the seruice of God from edifying of Christes Church in empouerishing and making lesse the state and the power of kings princes Dukes and Lordes that God hath set them in in wrongfull oppression of commons for vnmightfulnes of realms For Paule sayth to men of the Church whose lore Prelates shoulden souerainly followen Habentes victum vestitum hiis contenti simus The fourth conclusion is this that Friers and priests putten vppon me falsely that an euill Curate cursing hys Soget for withholding of tithes is naught els but to take with extortion wickedly and vnduely mony from thē Thus said I not but thus I said and yet do with pro testation made before that an euil Curate cursing his parochiens vnmighty to pay their tithing with vengeance without pitty for his singuler worldly winning agaynst charitie and not for heed of their soules there he is holde by his power reasonably to helpe his needy parochiens and doth nought of the goodes of the Churche wickedly and vnduely he withholdes from them that which is due to them by the law of God Dimittite dimittetur vobis date dabitur vobis verùm mihi vindictam ego retribuam dicit dominus The fift conclusion is this that Friers and Priestes falsely putten vpon me that no man may curse anye man but if he were were him cursed of God ne the commers with him rennen not into sentence of cursing in any maner Thus sayd I not but thus I sayd and say with protestation put before that no man ought to curse any man but for charitie and with charitie Omnia vestra cum charitate fiant And sikerly I say that no wrongfull cursing of Pope or any Prelate in earth bindes anenst God but when they wrongfully and wittingly cursen men for that men will not do their singular wil vnreasonable bidding with highnes of hart and cruelty standing pacience and charity in them that they cursen wrongfully he is blessed of almighty God and they themselfe bene cursed Math. 5. Beati
that which iustice should perswade And the sayd William appeared neither by himselfe nor by proctor but onely by a seruaunt whose name we know not he sent a certayn schedule of paper made like an indenture vnto vs to excuse him After which schedule sene read and with ripe deliberatioÌ„ wayed and in any wise notwithstaÌ„ding we adiudged the sayd William after he was ofteÌ„ called long euen to the due hour taried for by no meanes appering worthely for his obstinacy for his stubbernnes assigned vnto him the 29. day of Iuly in the Church of Ponsley to appeare before vs with the foresayd sauegard to aunswere more fully to suche articles and otherwise to heare receiue and do as before is noted ¶ The second dayes act Upon Saterday being the 29. of Iuly and in the yeare of the Lord aforesayd we Iohn by Gods permission the fore remembred Bishop in the Church of Pontesbury of our Dioces at sixe of the clock or there about sitting in iudgement made the sayd WilliaÌ„ of Swinderby to be opeÌ„ly called that as was to him appointed aud assigned he should appere before vs to answere to the foresayd articles more fully and to declare the sayd articles as the darknes of his aunsweres did worthely require And that the sayd William being called long for a due time looked for did make no meanes to appere and so we pronounced him to be obstinate and for his obstinatnes to ouercome his malice of our exceeding fauor thought good to appoynt and dyd appoynt the 8. of August theÌ„ next following at Cleobury Mortemere of the same our dioces vnto the sayd William for the same thing ¶ The third dayes act Upon Tewsday the 8. of August the yeare aforesayd I Iohn by Gods permission Bishop of Hereford aforesayd in the Church of Cleobury Morâ—emere about 6. of the clocke sitting in iudgement caused the foresayd WilliaÌ„ Swinderby to be called many times openly to do and receiue about the premisses according to the appoyntment of the same day that iustice should aduise which William did not appeare at all WherupoÌ„ we after that the sayd WilliaÌ„ was called and often proclaymed and long looked for but not appering at all did iudge him worthely as of right apperteined obstinate and for his obstinatnes assigned him the 16. day of the same moneth of August next folowing in the parish Church of Whithorne of the same our dioces to bring forth or to see brought forth all lawes muniments and other kinds of proofes to see also witnesses brought forth admitted and sworne by whom and which thinges we intend to proue the foresayde articles or at least wyse some of the same ¶ The fourth dayes act UpoÌ„ wednesday the 16. day of the moneth of august the yeare aforesaid we Iohn the bishop in the parish Church of Whithorn aforesayd of our dioces sitting in iudgement caused the sayd William Swinderby often times to be called who as is aforesayd appeared not at all whom after that hee was so called proclaymed long looked for yet by no means appering we pronouÌ„ced to be obstinate We receiued also by certayne faithfull Christians and zealous men for the catholicke fayth of our dioces a certayne proces made and had at an other time agaynst the same William before the reuerend father in God and Lord Lord Iohn by the grace of God Bishop of Lincolne confirmed by the hanging on of the seale of the same reuerend father the Lord Bishop of Lincolne The tenor wherof word for word is contayned before And these faythfull Christians moreouer agaynst the obstinatenes of the sayd William Swynderby brought forth discreet meÌ„ M. William Leuiet parson of the parish Churche of Kyuersâ—y and also Edmunde Waterdon parish Chaplaine of the Chappell of N. Roger Newton and Hugh Sheppert lay men of the dioces of Lincolne asking instantly that they might be receiued for witnesses to proue some of the foresayd articles who agaynst the obstinatenes of the sayd William Swinderby we thought good to receiue and did receiue and their othes to the holy Gospels of God being layd handes on corporally in our hand And did diligeÌ„tly â—ramine them in proper person seuerally in forme or law whose sayinges depositions are afterward brought in at the instance of the same faythfull Christians we assigned the second day of SepteÌ„ber then next folowing to the sayd William Swinderby to say and alledge agaynst the sayd proces witnesses and their sayinges in the sayd Church of Whythorne decreeing that a copy should be made for him of these thinges that were brought forth and of the depositions of the witnesses Here we fayle in our copy till the Register come to our handes agayne by the dore but wendith vpon an other halfe he is a night theefe and a day theefe And there he relieth how he that â—ieth from theyr flock is not the shepheard but an hired maÌ„ and it pertayneth not to him of the sheepe ☞ To the second conclusion that he saien is errour or heresy that toucheth taking away of the temporalties and of Lordships of priests that bene euill liuers I say me seemeth that the conclusion is true is thys that it were medefull and leefull to secular Lords by way of charity and by power geuen to them of God in default of Prelates that amend naught by Gods law cursed Curates that openly misuse the goodes of the holye Church that ben poore mens goods and customably ayens the law of God the which poore men Lords ben holden to mayntayne and defend to take away and to draw from such curates poore mens goodes in helpe of the poore and theyr owne wilfull offeringes and theyr bodely almose deedes of worldly goodes and geue them to such as duely seruen God in the Churche and bene ready in vpbearing of the charge that prelats shoulden do and done it not And as anences taking away of temporalties I say thus that it is leefull to Kinges to Princes to Dukes and to Lords of the world to take away from Popes from Cardinals froÌ„ Bishops Prelates and possessioners in the Church theyr temporalties and theyr almes that they haue geueÌ„ theÌ„ vpon conditioÌ„ that they shoulden serue God the better wheÌ„ they verely seen that theyr geuing taking bene coÌ„trary to the law of God contrary to Christes liuing and his Apostles and namely in that that they takeÌ„ vpon theÌ„ that they shouldeÌ„ be next folowers of Christ his apostles in poorenes and meeknes to be secular Lords against the teaching of Christ and of S. Peter Truely me semeth that all Christen men and namely Priestes shoulden take keepe that their doing were according with the law of god either the old law either the new The Priestes of the olde law wern forbidden to haue Lordshippes among theyr brethren for God sayd that he would be theyr part and theyr heritage And Christ that was the highest Priest of the new
Richard againe in the raigne of this king that many yeares after he was rumored to be aliue of them which desired belike that to be true which they knew to be false for the which diuers were executed For the space of sixe or vij yeares together almost no yeare passed without some conspiracy against the king Long it were here to recite the bloud of all such Nobles and other which was spilt in the raigne of this king as the Earle of Kent Earle of Salisbury Earle of Huntington named Iohn Holland c. as writeth the story of S. Albans But the English writers differ something in their names and make mention of 4. Earles of Surrey of Excester of Salisbury and Lord Spenser Earle of Gloucester Ex Lib. cui tit Calendarium Bruti And the next yeare following Syr Ihon Clarendon knight with two of his seruauntes the Priour of Laund with 8. friers were hanged and quartered And after these Henry Percy the younger the Earle of Worcester named Thomas Percy his vncle Lord of Kinderton and L. Richard de Uernoua The Earle of Northumberland scarce escaped with his pardon an 1403. In the which yeare the prison in Cornhill called the tonne was turned into the conduit there now standing To let passe other moe hanged and quartered the same time as Blount knight Benet Kely knight and Thomas Wintersel Esquier Also the same yeare was taken and executed sir Bernard Brokes knight sir Iohn Shilley knight Syr Iohn Mandelyn and William Frierby After all these L. Henry Earle of Northumberland and L. Bardolfe conspiring the kings death were taken in the North and beheaded which was in the 8. yere of this king Henry This ciuil rebellion of so many nobles other against the king declared what grudging heartes the people then bare towarde this king Henry Among whome I cannot pretermit heere also the Archb. of Yorke named Richarde Scrope who with the L. Moubrey Marshal of England gathered a great company in the North countrey against the foresaid king to whom also was adioyned the helpe of L. Bardolfe Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Ex Chron. D. Albani And to stirre vp the people more willingly to take their partes they collected certaine Articles against the said king to the number of 10. and fastned them vpon the doores of Churches and Monasteries to be read of all men in English Which articles if any be disposed to vnderstand for somuch as the same also containe a great part of the doings betweene king Henry king Richard aforesayde I thought for the better opening of the matter heere vnder to inserte the same in such forme as I founde them in the historie of Scala mundi expressed ¶ Articles set vp on Church doores against king Henry the fourth IN the name of God Amen Before the Lorde Iesus Christ iudge of the quicke and dead c. We A.B.C.D. c. not long sithens became bounde by othe vppon the sacred Euangelicall booke vnto our soueraigne Lorde Richarde late king of England and France in the presente of many prelates potentates and nobilitie of the realme that wee so long as we liued should beare true allegeance and fidelity towardes hym and his heires succeding hym in the kingdom by iust title right and line accordyng to the statutes and custome of this realme of England By vertue wherof we are bound to foresee that no vices or hainous offences arise in the common weale do take effect or wyshed ende but that we ought to geue our selues and our goodes to wtstand the same without feare of sword or death whatsoeuer vpon paine of periurie which paine is euerlasting damnation Wherfore we seing perceiuing diuers horrible crimes and great enormities daily without ceassing to be committed by the children of the deuill and sathans soldiours against the supremacie of the Church of Rome the libertie of the church of England and the lawes of the realme against the person of king Rich. and his heires against the prelates noble men religion and comminaltie and finally against the whole weale publike of the realme of England to the great offence of the maiesty of almighty God and to the prouocation of his iust wrath and veÌ„geance towards the realme and people of the same And fearing also the destruction both of the Churche of Rome and England the ruine of our couÌ„try to be at hand hauing before our eyes the iustice the kingdom of God calling alwaies on the name of Iesus hauing an assured confidence in his clemency mercy and power haue here taken vnto vs certain articles subscribed in forme folowing to be proponed tried and heard before the iust iudge Iesus Christ and the whole world to his honour the deliuery of the church the cleargy and comminalty and to the utility profite of the weale publick But if which God forbid by force feare of violence of wicked persons we shal be cast in prison or by violent death preuented so as in this worlde we shall not be able to proue the saide articles as we would wish then do we apeale to the high celestiall iudge that he may iudge discerne the same in the day of his supreme iudgement 1. ¶ First we depose say except and entend to proue against the Lord Henry Derby sonne of the Lord Iohn of Gaunt late Duke of Lancaster and commonly called king of England himselfe pretending the same although without all right and title thereunto and against his adherents fautours and complices that euer they haue bene are and will be traytors inuaders and destroyers of Gods Church in Rome England Wales and Ireland and of our soueraigne Lord Richard late King of England his heires his kingdom and common wealth as shall hereafter maniâ—estly appeare 2. Secondarely we depose c. against the said Lord HeÌ„ry for that he had conceaued deutied conspired certaine hainous crimes and traiterous offences against his sayd soueraigne Lord Richard his state and dignitie as manifestly did appeare in the contention betwene the said Lord Henry and yâ— Lord Thomas Duke of Northfolke begon at Couentry but not finished throughly Afterwards he was sent in exile by sentence of the said king Richard by the agreement of his father the Lord Iohn Duke of Lancaster by the voice of diuers of the Lords temporall nobilitie of the realme and also by his owne consent there to remaine for a certaine time appointed vnto him by the said Lords and withall he was bound by othe not to returne into EnglaÌ„d before he had obteined fauour grace of the kyng Not long after when the king was departed into Ireland for reformation of that countrey apperteining to the crowne of England but as then rebelling agaynst the same the sayd Lord Henry in the meane time contrary to his oth and fidelitie and long before the time limited vnto him was expired with all his fautours and inuaders secretly entred into the Realme swearing
assents together Which done he exhorted the Archbishop that for so much as his garrison had bene now long in armour and from home he would therefore discharge the needeles multitude of his souldiers and dismisse them home to their worke and busines and they would together drinke and ioyne hands in the sight of the whole company Thus they shaking hands together the Archbishop sendeth away his souldyers in peace not knowing himselfe to be circumuented before he was immediately arested by the handes of the foresayde Earle of Westmerland and shortly after the king comming with his power to Yorke was there beheaded the monday in Whiâ—sonweeke and with him also Lord Thomas Moubray Marshall with diuers other moreouer of yâ— citie of Yorke which had taken their parts After whose slaughter the King proceedeth farther to persecute the Earle of Northumberland Lord Thomas Bardolph Who then did flie to Barwicke From thence they reincoued to Wales At length within two yeares after fighting against the kyngs part were slayne in the field an 1408. In the which yeare diuers other also in the Northparts for fauouring the foresaid Lords were likewise condemned by the kyng and put to death Among whome the Abbot of Hales for the like treason was hanged The kyng after the sheddyng of so much bloud seeyng himselfe so hardly beloued of his subiects thought to kepe in yet with the Clergy with the Bishop of Rome seeking alwaies his chiefest stay at their hands And therfore was compelled in all things to serue their humour as did appeare as well in condemning William Sawtre before as also in other which coÌ„sequeÌ„tly we haue now to intreat of In the number of whom commeth now by yâ— course of time to write of one Iohn Badby a Tailor and a lay man who by the crueltie of Thomas Arundel Archbishop and other Prelates was brought to his condemnation in this kings reigne an 1409. according as by their owne registers appeareth followeth by this narration to be seene ¶ Iohn Badby Artificer IN the yeare of our Lord. 1409. on Sonday beyng the first day of March in the afternoone The excommunication following of one Iohn Badby Taylour beyng a lay man was made in a certaine house or haull within the precinct of the preaching friers in LondoÌ„ in an vtter cloister vpon the crime of heresie other articles repugnant to the determinatioÌ„ of the erroneous church of Rome before Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and other his assistants as yâ— Archbishop of Yorke of London of Winchester of Oxford of Norwich of Salisbury of Bath of Bangor Et meneuensis Episcopi and also Edmond Duke of Yorke Thomas Bewford the Chauncelour of England Lord de Roos the clerke of the rolles a great number of other Lords both spirituall and temporall being then at the selfesame time present Maister Morgan read the articles of his opinions to the hearers according as it is contemed in the instrument read by the foresayd M. Morgan the tenour whereof followeth and in effect is such In the name of God Amen Be it manifest to all men by this present publike instrument that in the yeare after the incarnation of our Lord according to yâ— course and coÌ„putation of the Church of England otherwise in the yere 1409. in the second indictioÌ„ in the third yeare of the Popedome of the most holy father in Christ Lord Lord Gregory xi by that diuine permission Pope the secoÌ„d day of Ianuary in the Chappell Caruariae of S. Thomas Martyr high vnto the Cathedrall Church of Worcester being situate in the said Dioces in the presence of me the publicke Notary and of the witnesses vnder written the foresayd Iohn Badby a lay man of the sayd Dioces of Worcester appearing personally before the reuerend father in Christ and Lord Lord Thomas by the grace of God Byshop of Worcester sitting in the said Chappell for chiefe Iudge was detected of and vpon the crime of heresie being heretically taught openly maintayned by the foresayd Iohn Badby That is that the Sacrament of the body of Christ consecrated by the Priest vpon the aulter is not the true body of Christ by the vertue of the wordes of the Sacrament But that after the Sacramentall words spoken by the Priest to make the body of Christ the materiall bread doth remaine vpon the aulter as in the beginning neither is it turned into the very body of Christ after the Sacramental words spoken of the Priest Which Iohn Badby being examined and diligently demanded by the foresaid reuereÌ„d father coÌ„cerning the premisses in the end did answere that it was impossible that any Priest should make the body of Christ that he beleued firmely that no Priest could make the body of Chrst by such words Sacramentally spoken in such sort And also he said expressely that he would neuer while he liued beleue that any Priest could make the body of Christ sacramentally vnlesse that first he saw manifestlie the like body of Christ to be handled in the hands of the priest vpon the aulter in his corporall forme And furthermore he sayd that Iohn Rakier of Bristoll had so much power authoritie to make the like body of Christ as any priest had Moreouer he said that wheÌ„ Christ sat at supper with his disciples he had not his body in his hand to the intent to distribute it to his disciples and he said expresly that he did not this thing And also he spake many other words teaching fortifieng the heresie in the same place both greeuous and also out of order and horrible to the eares of the hearers sounding against the Catholike faith Upon which occasion the same reuerend father admonished and requested the said Iohn Badby oftentimes and very instantlie to charity for so much as he would willinglie that he should haue forsaken such heresie and opinion holden taught and mainteined by him in such sort against the Sacrament to renounce and vtterly abiure them and to beleeue other things which the holy mother the Church doth beleeue And he informed the said Iohn on that behalfe both gentlie and also laudably Yet the said Iohn Badby although he were admonished and requested both often and instantlie by the said reuerend father said and answered expresselie that he would neuer beleeue otherwise then before he had said taught and answered Wherevpon the foresaid reuerend father Bishop of Worcester seeing vnderstanding and perceiuing the foresaid Iohn Badby to maintaine and fortifie the said beresie being stubborne and proceeding in the same stubbornes pronounced the said Iohn to be before this time conuicted of such an heresie and that he hath bin and is an hereticke and in the end declared it in these words In the name of God Amen We Thomas Bishop of Worcester do accuse thee Iohn Badby being a lay man of our Dioces of and vpon the crime of heresie before vs sitting for cheese iudge being oftentimes confessed
King that the citations whereupon such priuations inhabilitations are graunted were made within the Realme and that if such Ordinaries or such presented or others doe pursue the contrary that then they and theyr procurators fautours and counsellours doe incurre the paines contained in the statute made against prouisors in the 13. yere of the raigne of the late Richard king of England the second by processes to be made as is declared in the statute made against suche prouisors in the 27. yeare of the raigne of king Edward predecessour to our Lorde the king that nowe is any royall licences or grauntes in any maner to the contrary notwithstanding and that all other statutes made against prouisors and not repealed before this present Parliament be in their full force and be firmly kept in all poyntes That the kings counsell haue power by authoritye of Parliament in case that any man finde himselfe griened in particular that he may pursue and that the said counsel by the aduise of the iustices do right vnto the parties This to endure vntil the next parliament reseruing alwayes vnto the king his prerogatiue and libertie Item that no Popes collector thenceforth should leuy any money within the realme for first fruites of any ecclesiasticall dignitie vnder payne of incurring the statute of prouisions Besides in the sayd Parliament holden the 11. yeare of this king is to be noted how the commōs of the land put vp a Bill vnto the kyng to take the temporall landes out from spirituall mens handes or possession The effecte of which Bill was that the temporalities disordinately wasted by men of the Churche might suffice to finde to the K. xv Earles xv C. Knightes vi M. CC. Esquires and a C. houses of almose to the reliefe of poore people moe then at those dayes were wythin England And ouer all these foresayd charges the king might put yearely in his cofers xx M. pounde Prouided that euery Earle should haue of yerely rent iii. M. marke and euery Knight C. marke and iiii plough landes Euery Esquier xl marke by yeare with ii plough landes euery house of almose C. marke wyth ouersight of two true seculars vnto euery house And also with prouision that euery towneship should keepe all pore people of their owne dwellers whych might not labour for theyr liuing with condition that if moe fell in a towne then the towne might maintaine than the said almes houses to relieue such towneships And for to beare these charges they alledged by theyr sayd bil that the temporalties being in the possession of spiritual men amounted to iii. C. and xxii M. marke by yeare Wherof they affirmed to be in the see of Cant. with the abbaies of Christes church of S. Augustines Shrewsbury Coggeshale and S. Osus xx M. marke by yere In the see of Yorke and Abbeyes there xx M. marke In the see of Winchester and abbeys there xx M. marke In the see of London with abbeys and other houses there xx M. marke In the see of Lincolne wyth the abbeys of Peterborowe Ramsey and other xx M. marke In the see of Norwych with the abbeys of Bury and other xx M. marke In the see of Ely Spalding and other xx M. marke In the see of Bathe wyth the abbey of Okinborne and other xx M. marke In the see of Worcester wyth the abbeys of Euisham Abingdon other xx M. marke In the see of Chester with the precinct of the same with the sees of s. Dauid of Salisbury and Exceter wyth their precinctes xx M. marke The abbeis of Rauens or Reuans of Fountains of Bernons and diuers other to the number of v. moe xx M. marke The abbeys of Leicester Walthan Gosborne Merton Ticetir Osney and other vnto the number of vi mo xx M. marke The abbeys of Douers Batil Lewys Couentry Dauentre Tourney xx M. marke The abbais of Northhampton Thortō Bristow Killingworth Winchcombe Nailes Parchissor Frideswide Notly and Grimmisby xx M. marke The which foresaid sommes amount to the full of iii. c. M. marke And for the odde of xxii M. marke they apointed Hardford Rochester Huntingdō Swineshed Crowland Malmesbury Burton Teukesbury Dunstable Shirborne Taunton and Biland And ouer this they alleaged by the sayde bill that ouer and aboue the said summe of iii. C. and xxii M. marke diuers houses of religion in England possessed as many tēporalties as might suffice to find yerely xv M. priests and clerks euery priest to be allowed for his stipend vii marke by the yeare To the which Bill no answer was made but that the king of this matter wold take deliberation aduisement and wyth that answer ended so that no further labor was made These things thus hitherto discoursed touching suche actes and matters as haue bene incident in the lyfe time of this king followeth next the 13. yeare of his raigne In the which yeare the sayd king Henry the 4. after that hee had sent a little before a certaine company of captaines souldiours to aide the duke of Burgundy in Fraunce among whome was the Lord Cobham keping his Christenmas at Eltham fell greeuously sicke From thence he was conneied to London where he began to call a parliament but taryed not the end In the meane time the infirmitie of the king more and more increasing he was takē and brought into a bed in a fair chamber at Westminster And as he lay in his bed he asked how they called the same chamber and they answered and sayde Ierusalem And then he sayde it was his prophecie that he should make his ende in Ierusalem And so disposing himselfe towarde hys ende in the foresayd chamber he died vpon what sicknesse whether of leprosie or some other sharpe disease I haue not to affirm Ex vetust Chron. Anglico cuius initium That all men called The like prophecy we read that pope Siluester 2. pa. 180. to whom being inquisitiue for the time and place where he should die it was answered that he shuld die in Ierusalē Who then saying Masse in a Chappel called likewise Ierusalem perceiued his end there to be nere and died And thus K. Henry the 4. successor to the lawful K. Richard 2. finished hys life at Westminster and was buried at Cant. by the tombe of Thomas Becket c. An. 1413. ¶ King Henry the fift AFter thys Henry the 4. reigned Henry the 5. hys sonne which was borne at Munmorth in Wales of whose other vertues and great victories gotten in Fraunce I haue not greatly to intermeddle Especially seeing the memory of hys worthy prowesse being sufficiently described in other writers in this our time may both content the reader and vnburden my labor herein Especially seing these latter troubles and perturbatious of the Churche offer me so much that vnneth any vacant laisure shal be left to intermeddle wyth matters prophane After the coronatiō then of this new king which was the 9. day of April called then
presents what you haue done in the premisses how you and they haue executed this our commaundement We will that you and they duety and distinctly certify vs the busines being done by you and theyr letters patentes according to this tenour Dated in our Manor of Maidstone the 10. of October an 1413. and in the 18. yeare of our translation Thus haue you here the iudiciall proces of the bishops agaynst this most noble christen knight described by their owne letters and stile After all this the sentence of death being geuen the Lord Cobham was sent away Syr Robert Morley carying him agayne vnto the Tower where as after he had remayned a certaine space in the night season it is not known by what meanes he escaped out and fled into Wales where as he continued by the space of 4. yeares ¶ A defence of the Lord Cobham agaynst Nich. Harpsfield set out vnder the name of Alanus Copus As I was entring into this story of the Lord Cobham after the tractation of all the former historyes hetherto passed hauing next to set vpon this present matter luckely and as God woulde in such oportunity of season as may seeme God to worke himselfe for defence of his Sayntes commeth to my handes a certayne booke of new found dialogues compiled in latine by Nich. Harps field set out by Alanus Copus an english man a persoÌ„ to me vnknown obscure hetherto vnto that world but now to purchase himselfe a name with Erostratus or with the sonnes of Enachun commeth out not with his fiue egges but with his sixe rayling dialogues In the which dialogues that sayd Alanus Copus Anglus whether he vnder the armour of other or other vnder the title or his name I knowe not nor paâ—e not vncurteously behauing himselfe intemperately abusing his time study and pen forgetting himself neglecting all respect of honesty and milde modestly neither dreading the stroke of God nor passing for shame neither fauoring the liuing nor sparing the dead who being aliue as they neuer offended him so now cannot aunswere for theÌ„selues being gone thus prouoking both God and man agaynst him alter an vnseemely sort and with a foule mouth and a stincking breath rageth and fareth agaynst deade mens ashes taking now that spoyle of theyr good name after theyr bodyes lye slayne in the field His gall and choler being so bitter agaynst them that he cannot abide any memory after them to remayne vpon the earth In so much that for the hatred of them he spurneth also agaynst me and fleeth in my face for that in my Actes and Monumentes describing the history of the Churche I would say any thing in the fauour of them whome the Romish Catholickes haue so vnmercifully put to death The answere to whose book although it woulde require a seuerall tractation by it selfe as if Christ graunt space and leysure hereafter it shall not be forgotten yet because such oportunity of the booke is offered to me at this present comming now to the matter of the Lord Cobham Sir Roger Acton other with whom he first beginneth to quarell it shall be requisite a little by the way to cope with this Cope whatsoeuer he be so much as trueth shall geue me for theyr defence to say something And here to cut of all the offalles of his raylinge talke and vnhonest rebukes whiche I leaue to scoldes and men of his profession agaynst they liste to braule let vs briefly and quietly consider the matter for discussing of the truth Wherin first I shall desire the Reader with equality and indifferency to heare both the partes to speake as well what the Martyrs hence gone and slayne could say for themselues if they were present as also what this man here doth obiect against them now being gone And so according to the same to iudge both vpon them as they deserue and of me as they shall please Now to the scope of maister Copes matter which is this whether this foresayd sir Iohn Oldcastle L. Cobham first to beginne with him is rather to be commeÌ„ded for a Martyr or to be reproued for a traytor And whether that I in writing of him and of sir Roger Acton wyth other moe in my former edition haue belt fraudulently and corruptly in coÌ„mending theÌ„ in these Acts Monumentes or no. Touching the discussion whereof first I trust the geÌ„tle M. Cope my frend neither will nor wel caÌ„ deny any part of all that hetherto touching that story of that L. Cobham hath ben premised who yet al this while was neither traitor to his country nor rebell to his prince as by the course of his hystory hetherto to the reader may well vnderstaÌ„d First in the time of king Henry the fourth he was sent ouer to FrauÌ„ce to the Duke of Orlyance he did obey Afterward K. Henry the fift coÌ„ming to the crowne he was of him like wise well liked and fauored vntill the time that Tho. Arundel with his clergy coÌ„playning to the king made bate betwene theÌ„ Then the Lord Cobham being cited by the Archbyshoppe at his citation woulde not appeare But sent for by the king he obeied and came Being come what lowly subiection be shewed there to the king the pag. 558. declareth After he yelded an obedient coÌ„fessioÌ„ of his fayth it would not be receiued Then did he appeale to the bishoppe of Rome for the which the king tooke great displeasure with him so was he repealed by the king to the Archb. and committed to the tower which also he did obey FroÌ„ theÌ„ce he was brought to his examination once or twise there like a constant martyr and witnesse of the trueth he stood to his confession and that vnto the very sentence of death defined agaynst him If this be not the effect of a true Martyr let Alanus Copus say what he wil or what he can This I say at least I doubt whether the sayd Alanus Copus Anglus put to the like triall himselfe would venter so narrow a poynt of martirdome for his religion as this christian knight did for his Certes it hath not yet appeared To proceed after this deadly senteÌ„ce was thus awarded agaynst him the sayd Lord CobhaÌ„ was theÌ„ returneth agayne vnto the tower which he with patience and meeknes did also obey from the which tower if he afterward by the Lordes prouideÌ„ce did escape whether hath Alanus Copus herein more to prayse God for offring to him the benefite or to blame the man for taking that which was offred What Catholicke in all Louen hauing his house ouer hys head on fire will not be glad to haue if he might the dore set open to flee the peril ' or els why did Alanus Copus flye hys country hauing so litle need if this maÌ„ bleding almost vnder the butchers are might not enioy so great an offer of so lucky deliueraunce Thus hitherto I trust the cause of the Lord Cobham standeth firme and
Arragon were twise present your self in the chapter house and disputed twise most subtilly and twise declared your minde what you thought in that matter What do you desire any more Also out of the territory of that Duke of Millaine there was present the Archbish. of Millaine who albeit he be no Ambassador yet howe famous a Prelate he is you are not ignorant When he had spoken these words the Archbishop being somewhat mooued sayd vnto him My Lord Cardinal you supply the roume of a president no better then I doe the place of a Dukes Oratour and began to taunt him wyth many words But the Cardinall as he was a man moste pacient and woulde not be prouoked to anger by no meanes sayd this is it that I euen now desired For if the Archb. be an Ambassador then hath the Duke no cause to complaine which had his Oratour present at the discussing of those matters I passe ouer other Princes because they doe not complaine Notwythstanding the most Christian Kynge of Fraunce had there the Byshop of Lyons a graue and sober man his Ambassadour at the disputation As for other princes I see no cause why they shuld be taried for which knowing the councel to be congregate for such matters as pertaine vnto faith do not thinke it absurd that the doutfull matters of fayth shoulde be declared in the Councell Whereunto if they had bene willing to come they would haue bene present or this Why this matter should neede so much discussing as some will haue I doe not vnderstand For if I be wel remembred Panormitane and also Ludouicus haue oftentimes affirmed in this place euē the very same thing which the conclusions signifie And if any of them now will go about to gaynsay it it will happen vnto them as it did vnto Didimus To whom when as on a time hee repugned agaynst a certayne historye as vayne and friuolous hys own book was deliuered vnto him wherin the same was written So likewise these two men meaning Panormitane Ludouicus the Prothonotary Although they be excellently learned eloquent yet may they be confuted by their owne writinges Besides this there are Synodall Epistles and decrees of this Councell whiche are full of such cōclusions What is it then whereupon any difficultie can be raysed What is it that may be impugned Shal we now bring that againe in doubt whiche hath so often bene declared affirmed and decreed But say they the princes Ambassadours are absent whiche are byshops by whose presence the decrees should be of more authority Wel they are not onely absent which are gone to Mentz but almost an infinite number of others dispersed throughout the whol world whō if we should tary to looke for nothing at any tyme should be decreed They are al called vnto the councel they might haue come if they would To those that are present power is geuen and they ought to debate these matters If any man will say that they which are absent are about the affayres of the common wealth truely we sent them not thither but they went rather agaynst the will of the Councell then with the consent therof And admit that they had bene sent by the Councel yet were not our power so much restrayned but that we might reforme the Church for otherwise there should neuer any thing be done in the Councell for somuch as alwayes some are sent out by the Councell and some are alwayes to be looked and taryed for and therfore we must eyther do nothing at all or sende out no Prelates from the Councell Where as he sayd that Prelates and specially Bishops are cōtemned that is most far from the truth for they haue the chiefe and first places They speake first and geue their voices first of all vnto all thinges and if so be they do speake learnedly and truely all the inferiors without any gaynesaying did soone follow their mynde Neither peraduenture shall it be founde vntrue that there was neuer any Synode which dyd more amplifie the power authoritie of Byshops then this For what haue the Byshoppes bene in our dayes but onely shadowes Might they not well haue bene called shepheardes wtout the sheep What had they more thē their miter and their staffe when as they could determine nothing ouer their subiects Uerely in the primitiue Church the Byshops had the greatest power authoritie but now was it come to that poynt that they exceeded the cōmon sort of priestes onely in theyr habite and reuenewes But we haue restored them agayn to their old state we haue reduced the colation of benefices agayn vnto thē we haue restored vnto thē the confirmation of elections we haue brought agayn the causes of the subiectes to be heard into their handes haue made them bishops which were none before What cause is there then that the Byshops should say they are contemned of the Councel Or what iniurious thing haue we at anye time done vnto them But Parnormitan sayth that forsomuch as most bishops are on hys parte and few agaynst hym the conclusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the inferiours but let Panormitan remember himself that this is no new kinde of proceeding This order of proceeding the Councell ordeined from the beginning neither hath it bene chaunged at any tyme since And this order Panormitan in times past hath pleased you well enough when as the multitude did followe your minde But now because they do not followe your mynd they do displease you But the decrees of the Councels are not so mutable as the wils of mē Know ye moreouer that the very same bishops which doe consent with you in word and do not consent with you in minde neither spake the same secretly which they now do openly They do fear that which you told them at home in their country that except they would follow your minde they shoulde displease the king They feare the power of the Prince to be spoyled of theyr temporalties neither haue they free libertye to speak as is requisite in Councels Albeit if they were true Bishops true pastors of soules they woulde not doubt to put their liues in venture for their sheepe neither be afeard to shed their bloud for their mother the Church But at this present the more is the pittie it is to rare to finde a Prelate in this world whiche doth not preferre hys temporalities before hys spiritualties with the loue wherof they are so withdrawne that they study rather to please Princes then God and confesse God in corners but Princes they will opēly confesse Of whome the Lord speaketh in hys Gospell Euery one sayth he that confesseth me before men I will confesse him before my father which is in heauen And contrariwise the Lord will not confesse him before his father which is afeard to confesse the Lord before men Neither is it true which Panormitan sayth most bishops to be on
spoken the order and course of times requireth to intermixt withall the residue pertaining to the matters concluded betweene this Councell and the Bohemians declaring the whole circumstances of the Ambassade their Articles disputations and answeres which they had first in the said Councel then in their own countrey with the Councels Ambassadours also with theyr petitions and answeres vnto the same Touching the story of the Bohemians how they being sent for came vp to the Councell of Basill how they appeared and what was there concluded and agreed partly before hath bin expressed pag. 675. Now as leisure serueth frō other matters to returne againe vnto the same it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh so farre as both breuitie may be obserued and yet the reader not defrauded of such things principally worthy in the same to be noted and knowne The Bohemians then as is before declared hauing alwaies the vpper hād albeit they were accused by the new Bishop Eugenius yet it was thought good that they should be called vnto Basill where as the Councell was appointed Wherupon Cardinall Iulian sent thether before Iohn Pullumair Doctour of the law Iohn de Ragulio a Diuine Who cōming vnto Basill in the moneth of August anno 1431. called by their letters vnto the Councell Iohn Abbot of Mulbrun and Iohn Belhusius Monke of the same cloister which men for the dexteritie of their wit and experience and knowledge of countreis were very meete and necessary for Ambassades Within a few daies after Iulianus also came thether as he had promised and immediatly sent out Iohn Belhusius and Hammon Offenbourg a Senatour of Basill first vnto the Emperour Sigismund being at Felokirch and afterward vnto Friderike Duke of Austrich for the appealing of the wars betweene him Phillip Duke of Burgony This done to the intent that peace being had not onely the Ecclesiasticall Prelates but also the Marchants might haue safe accesse vnto Basill and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation They going on this Ambassade receiued letters from the Sinode to be deliuered vnto the Emperour Sigismūd whereby the Bohemians and Morauians were called vnto the Councell These letters he by and by caused to be carried vnto Boheme But for so much as he hymselfe went into Italy to receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Bishop he left William Duke of Bauaria as his Deputy to be protectour vnto that Councell Furthermore when as the Synode vnderstood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians after their most shamefull flighte they sent Iohn Niderius a Diuine Iohn Belhusius to comfort the people which ioined vpon Boheme and earnestly to moue the Morauians Bohemians which were before called to come vnto the Councell They departing from Basill about the end of October tooke their iourney toward Monacum a towne of Bauaria Where after they had saluted Williā Duke of Bauaria and his brother Ernestus and Albert the sonne of Ernestus and had declared the Cōmission of their Ambassade and had shewed vnto Duke Williā how that as soone as he should come vnto Basill the protection of the Councel should be committed vnto him by the Emperour they exhorted Fridericke Marques of Brandenberg and Iohn Duke of Bauaria the Senate of Noremberg and other Princes and Lords partly by letters from the Councell and partly by wordes of mouth that they should by no meanes take any truce with the Bohemians for that it might be hurtfull vnto the Church and said they should haue ayd out of hand They desired them also in the name of the Councell that if the Bohemians would sende their Ambassadours vnto Basill they would guide them euery man through his countrey in safety which they promised to do It is incredible how all men reioiced that the Bohemians was sent for After this when as they counselled with the Senate of Noremberg touching the sending of the Councels letters vnto Boheme it seemed best first of al to inquire of the rulers of Egra whether the Bohemiās had made any answer to the former letters of the coūcell which they had sent The rulers of Egra being aduertised by these letters sent him which caried the Councels letters into Boheme vnto Noremberg He reported how reuerētly the Councel of the greater city of Prage receiued y◠letters and how he was rewarded Wherupon they conceiued great hope of the good successe of the Ambassade Therefore the Ambassadours vsing the Councel of the Senate of Noremberg and diuers others sent the messenger backe agayne vnto Egra wyth theyr owne priuate letters and with letters of the Councell for there was no better meane to send the letters vnto Boheme Much trauaile was taken by them of Egra Friderike Marques of Brandenberg and Iohn Duke of Bauaria in this matter for that they were very desirous that peace might be had amongst all Christians The copy of those letters whereby the Synode did call the Bohemians vnto the Councell and other letters exhortatorie of the Ambassadours and the Bohemians answere vnto the same for breuities cause we haue heere pretermitted The Bohemians not in all points trusting vnto the Ambassadours required by their letters that the Councels Ambassadours with the other Princes would come vnto Egra whereas their Ambassadours shoulde also be present to intreate vpon the safe conduict and other matters The day was appointed for the meeting the Sonday after Easter which was the xxvij day of Aprill Then came the Ambassadours of the Councell vnto Egra with the noble Princes Friderike Marques of Brandenberg and Iohn Duke of Bauaria with other nobles almost to the number of 252. horsse But none of the Bohemians were present because the inhabitants of Pilsana and the Lord Swambergius had not sent their safe conduict When they vnderstood this by their letters they brought to passe that the Ambassadours of the Bohemiās Nicolaus Hunpeltzius secretary of the greater Citie of Prage and Mathew Clumpezane President of Piesta should be brought forth by them of Egra and the Elenbogenses and so they came vnto Egra with xix horse the viij day of May. The next day after Henry Tocgye receaued the Bohemian Ambassadours before the Marques with an eloquent Oration taking this part of the Gospell for his Theame Pax vobis i. Peace be with you Then they propounded what great iniuries they had hetherto receiued at their hands which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either partie and that they were glad that yet now at the length there was some hope that they should be heard After this they conferred as touching the safeconduict The Bohemiās required pledges and that not of the common sort but Princes nobles Which thing for so much as it did not content the Ambassadours and that the matter should so be put of the common people of Egra began to cry out that it was long of the Ecclesiasticall Princes that a concord was not made with the Bohemians Then
noted and accused of Nicromancie wrote a booke in purgation of himselfe intituled de Innocentia sua Also an other booke intituled Contra vulgi superstitiones recorded in Centu 8. Bale cap. 4. Whereupon it is not credible that he which wrote professedly agaynst the superstitions of the people was ouertaken with that filth of Nicromancie himselfe The fourth coniecture because this accusation against the Duches of Glocester Duke Humfries wife began not before but after the grudge kindled betweene the Cardinall of Wint. and Duke Humfrey her Husband An other coniecture may be hereof for that if the Duches had entended any suche haynous treason against the kings life as by burning of a waxe candle to consume him it is not like neyther was there anye such neede that she would haue made so many priuy to such a pernicious coucell as the Witch of Eye M. Rog. Bolingbroke M. Tho. Southwest and Iohn Hume Sixtly it is not to be supposed if anye such hie treason had bene wrought or pretended agaynst the kinges person by these that eyther the Duches should so escape with bearing a taper and banishment or that Iohn Hume shoulde be pardoned hys life the fact being so haynous that neyther any durst aske hys pardon nor if it had bene asked it had not bene like to be graunted To these we may also adde an other supposall rising vpon the wordes and forme of theyr accusation as it standeth in Harding Polychronicon and other moe wherein they were accused for working sorcery and inchantmentes agaynst the church and the king Now what sorcery can be wronght agaynst the church that is the whole multitude of Christians let the reader iudge and by the truth of this consider also the truth of the other which was agaynst the king Furthermore if by this Church is ment the Cardinall of Wint as like it is then it may be coniecturall that all this matter rose of that Cardinall who was then a mortall enemy to the house of Gloucester c. Eightly And that all this was done and wrought by the sayd Cardinall of Wint. the witch concerning Eye maketh the matter the more suspitious seeing that towne of Eye as Fabian witnesseth was neare beside Wintchester and sea of that Byshop Moreouer for so much as Polydore Virgill among other story authors being a maÌ„ as may be supposed rather fauouring the Cardinalls parte then the Dukes made no mention at all touching this treason hys licence therof may minister matter not also to muse but onely to coniecture that he had found something whiche made hym to miststrust the matter Otherwise it is vnlike that he wold haue so mewed vp the matter and passed it ouer without some mention Finally and briefly The frequent practises and examples of other times may make this also more doubtfull coÌ„sidering howe many subtile pretences after like forte haue bene sought and wrongfull accusations brought agaynst many innocent persons For not to repeate the like forgeries agaynst the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acron c. why may not this accusation of the Duches and Onley be as false as that in the time of king Edward the 5. whiche was layd to the charge of the Queene and Shores wife by the Protectours for inchaunting bewitching of his withered arme which to be false all the world doth know and but a quarell made only to oppresse the life of the L. Hastings the L. standley c. And thus mayest thou see gentle reader according to the wise mans saying Nihil nouú esâ—e sub soleâ— Nihil que dictum quod non sit dictum prius xc Althoughe these with many mo coniectures may be alledged in some part of Defence of this Duches and of her Chaplaines and Priestes yet because it may be not vnpossible againe the matter laide against them to be true I leaue it therfore at large as I finde it saying as I saide before that if it be true which the stories say in this matter thinke I beseech thee gentle Reader that I haue saide nothing hereof Onely because the matter may bedisputable and not vnpossible to be false I haue but moued thereof a questioÌ„ and brought my coniectures leauing the determi natioÌ„ and iudgement hereof to thy indifferent and free arbitrement And if M. Cope be so highly offended with me because in my first edition of Actes and Monumentes I durst name the Lady Eleanor Cobham and Roger Onely let him take this for a short auÌ„swer because my leisure serueth not to make long braules with him that if I had thought no imperfectioÌ„s to haue passed in my former editioÌ„ before I would neuer haue taken in hand the recognition thereof now that secoÌ„d time wherby to sponge away such motes as I thought would seeme great stombling blockes in suche mens walkes which walke with no charitie to edefie but with malice to carpe and reprehend neither admonishing what they see amisse in others neither tarying while other men reforme themselues finally finding quarels where no great cause is iustly geuen And here an end with M. Cope for this time Forsomuch as in the processe before mentioÌ„ was touched concerning the grudge betweene the Cardinall calâ—ed the rich Cardinal of Wintchester and the good duke Humfrey duke of Glocester the kings vncle and protector of that realme order of story now requireth to open some parte of that matter more at large Wherein this first is to be vnderstand that long before great flames of grudge and discorde did burst out betweene these two For as the noble hart of the Duke could not abide the proud doinges of the Cardinall so much againe the Cardinall in like maner sore enuied disdayned at the rule of the Duke of Glocester Notwithstanding by the meanes of the Duke of Bedford the brasting out betweene them was before appealed cured yet not so but that vnder imperfect amitie priuy hatred as sparcles vnder the imbers did still remaine So that the Cardinal ioyning with the Archbishop of Yorke attempted many thinges of their owne presumption contrary to the consent not onely of the king being then vnder age but also of the protectour gouernor of the realme Wherwith the Duke like a true harted prince being not without iust cause offended declared in writing to the king certaine complaintes contained in 21. Articles wherein the Cardinall and Archbishop had transgressed both against the king his lawes The tenour whereof more at large is in other stories expressed the briefe abstract therof followeth in a short summarie here to be seene ¶ Certaine pointes or articles obiected by the Duke Humfrey against the Cardinall of Winchester FIrst complayned to his soueraigne Prince his right redoubted Lord duke Humfrey his vncle and protector of the realm that the bishop of Winchester in the dayes of his father king Henry the 5. took vppon him the state of a cardinall being denyed
by the king saying that he had as liefe set his owne crowne beside hym as to see him weare a cardinals hatte and that in Parliamentes he not beyng contented with the place of a bishop among the spirituall persons presumed aboue hys order whiche the sayd Duke desired to be redressed 2. Item whereas he being made Cardinal was voyded of his bishopricke of Winchester he procured from Rome the Popes Bull vnknowing to the king whereby he took agayne his bishopricke contrary to the common lawe of this realme incurring therby the case of prouision and forefeiting all his goodes to the king by the law of premuniri facias 3. Item he complayned that the said Cardinall with the Archbishop of Yorke intruded themselues to haue the gouernaunce of the king and the doing vnder the king of tēporall matters excluding the kings vncle and other temporall Lordes of the kinges kinde from hauing knowledge of any great matter 4. Item whereas the king had borowed of the Cardinall 4000. pounds vpon certayne Iewels and afterward had his mony ready at the day to quite his iewels the Cardinall caused the treasurer to conuert that mony to the payment of an other armye to keepe the Iewels still to hys owne vse and gayne 5. Item he being then bishop of Winchester and Chancellour of England deliuered the king of Scottes vpon his own authoritie contrary to the act of parliament wedding his nece afterward to the sayd king Also where the said king of Scottes shoulde haue payd to the king forty thousand pounds the cardinall procured x. thousand marks therof to be remitted and yet the rest very slenderly payd 6. Item the sayd cardinall for lending notable sommes to the king had the profite of the port of Hampton where he setting his seruauntes to be the Customers wolle and other marchaundise was vnder that clok exported not somuch to his singular vauntage being the chiefe marchant as to the greate preiudice of the king and detriment to his subiectes 7. Item the cardinall in lending out great summes to that king yet so differed and delayed the loane thereof that comming out of season the same did the king litle pleasure but rather hinderaunce 8. Item where iewels plate were prised at a 11. thousand poundes in weight of the sayd Cardinall forfeited to the king the cardinall for loane of a little peere gat him a a restorement thereof to the Kings great dammage who better might haue spared the commons if the somme had remayned to him cleare 9. Item where the kinges father had geuen Elizabeth Bewchampe CCC markes of liuelode with this condition if the wedded with in a yeare the Cardinall notwithstanding she was maryed two or three yeares after yet gaue her the same to the kinges great hurt and diminishing of hys inheritaunce 10. Item the Cardinall hauing no authoritie nor interest to the crown presumed notwithstanding to cal before him like a King to the kinges high derogation 11 Item that the Cardinall sued a pardon from Rome to be freed from all dismes due to the Kyng by the church of Winchester geuing thereby example to the Clergye to withdraw their disines likewise and lay all the charge only vpon the temporaltie and poore commons 12. 13. Item by the procuring of the sayd Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke great goodes of the kings were lost and dispended vpon needles Ambassades first to Arras then to Calice 14. Item it was layd to the charge of the sayd Cardinall and archbishop that by their meanes goyng to Calice the ii enemies of the king the Duke of Orleance and Duke of Burgoyne were reduced together in accorde alliaunce who being at warre before betwene themselues and now cōfederate together ioyned both together agaynst the kings townes and countryes ouer the sea to the great daunger of Normandy and destruction of the kinges people 15. Item by the archbishop of Yorke and the Cardinall perswasiōs were moued opēly in the kings presence with allurementes and inducementes that the king shoulde leaue hys right his title and honour of his crowne in nominating him king of Fraunce during certayne yeeres that he shoulde vtterly absteyne and be content onely in writing with Rex Angliae to the great note and infamye of the king and of all his progenitours 16. 17. Item through the sleight and subtlety of the sayde Cardinall and his mate a new conuention was intended betweene the king and certayne aduersaryes of Fraunce Also the deliueraunce of the Duke of Orleance was appointed in such sort as therby great disworship inconueniēce was like to fall rather of the kinges side then of the other 18. Item that the Cardinall had purchased great landes and liuelodes of the king the Duke being on the other side the sea occupyed in warres whiche redounded little to the worship and profite of the king and moreouer had the kinge bound to make him as sure estate of all those landes by Easter next as could be deuised by any learned councel or els the said cardinal to haue and enioy to him and his heyres for euer the landes of the Duchie of Lancaster in Northfolke to the value of 7. or 8. hundred markes by the yeare 19. Item where the Duke the kinges vncle had oftenoffered his seruice for the defence of the Realme of France and the duchie of Normandy the Cardinall euer laboured to the contrary in preferring other after this singular affection whereby a great part of Normandy hath bene lost 20. Itē seeing that Cardinall was risen to such riches treasure which could grow to him neyther by his Church nor by enheritāce which he then had it was of necessitie to be thought that it came by his great deceites in deceiuinge both the king and hys subiects in selling offices prefermentes liuelodes captaynships both here and in that realm of Fraunce and in Normandy so that what hath beu there lost he hath bene the greatest causer thereof 21. Furthermore when the sayd Cardinal had forfeited al hys goods by the statute of prouision he hauing the rule of the king and of other matters of the realme purchased frō the pope a charter of pardon not onely to the defeating of the lawes of the Realme but also to the defrauding of the king who otherwise might and should haue had where with to susteine his warres without any tallage of his poore people c. When the king heard these accusations he committed that hearing therof to his counsaile whereof that most part were spirituall persons So what for feare and what for fauour the matter was wincked at delied out and nothing said thereunto and a fayre countenaunce was made to that Duke as though no displeasure had bene taken nor malice borne in these spirituall stomaches But shortly after the smoke hereof not able to keepe in any longer within the spiritual brestes of these charitable churchmen brast out in flames of
had him walke traytour and made him to be set openly in the stockes For though he could haue seene sodenly by miracle the difference betwene diuers colours yet could he not by the sight so sodeinly tell the names of al these coulours except he had known them before no more then the names of all the men that he shuld sodaynly see By this may it be seene howe Duke Humfrey had not onely an head to disserue and disseruer trueth from forged and fayned hipocrisie but study also and dilligence lykewise was in him to reforme that which was amisse And thus much hetherto for the noble prowesse vertues ioyned with the like ornamentes of knowledge literature shining in this Princely duke For the which as he was both loued of the poore commons and wel spoken of all men no les deseruing the same being called the good Duke of Glocester so neither yet wanted hee his enemies and priuy enuiers whether it was through the fatall and vnfortunate lucke of the name of that house which is but a vayn friuolous obseruation of Polydore Halle which followeth hym bringing in the examples of Hugh Speser of Thomas of Woodstock sonne of â— Edward the thyrd of this Duke Humfry and after oâ— king Richard the thyrd Duke likewise of Gloucester or whether it was that yâ— nature of true vertue coÌ„monly is suche that as the flame euer beareth his smoke and the body his shadow foâ— the brightnes of vertue neuer blaseth but hath some disdayne or enuy wayting vpon it or els whether it was rather for some diuorcement from his wife or for some other vice or trespasse done as seemeth most like truth which God as well in dukes houses correcteth as in other inferiour parsons especially where he loueth But howsoeuer the cause is to vs vnknowne this good Duke of Glocester albeit beyng both that kinges sole vncle hauing so many well willers thorough yâ— whol realme yet lacked not hys Sathan lacked not his secret maligners Of whom specially was HeÌ„ry Beuford Cardinal Bish. of Wintchester and Chaunceller of England who of long time disdayning and enuying the rule and authoritie of this Duke first had disposed and appoynted himselfe to remoue the kings person from Eltham vnto Winsor out of the Dukes handes and there to put in such gouernours as him listed After that enteÌ„ding the Dukes death he set men of armes and Archers at the end of London bridge and for barring the hye waye wyth a draw chain set men in chambers sellers and windowes with bowes and arrowes and other weapons to the purposed destructioÌ„ both of the duke his retinue if God had not so disposed to turne his iourny an other way Beside other manifold iniuries and molestations the Ambitious Cardinall seeking by all meanes to be Pope procured such trouble agaynst him that great deuision was thereby in the whole Realme in somuch that all the shops within yâ— city of London were shut in for feare of the fauourers of these two great personages for each part had assembled no small number of people For the pacifying whereof that archbishop of Caunterbury and the Duke of Dumber called the prince of Portingall rode 7. tymes in one day betwene those two aduersaryes Such were then the troubles of this tumultuous diuision within the realme and al by the excitation of this vnquiet Cardinall Ouer and beside this Cardinall afore mentioned an other Capitall enemy to the said Duke was William de la Pole first Earle then Marques at last Duke of Suffolke a man very ill reported of in storyes to be not only that orgaÌ„ instrument of this good mans death but also to be the noyance of the common wealth ruine of the realme For by him and hys onely deuise was first concluded the vnprofitable and vnhonourable mariage betweene the kyng Lady Margaret daughter of the Duke of Angeow where as the king had concluded contracted a mariage before with the daughter of the Earle of Armiâ—â—k vpon conditions so much more profitable and honourable as more conuenient it is for a Prince to mary a wise with riches frends then to take a mayd with nothing disherite himselfe hys realme of old rightes ancient inheritance which so came to passe And all this the good Duke did well foresee declared no lesse but hys counsel would not be taken Wherupon followed first the geuing away the Duchy of Angeow the Citie of Mayne with the whoâ—e Country of Mayne to Reyner Duke of Angeow father of the Damoâ—ell called then K. of Sicile of HierusaleÌ„ hauing therof no peny profite but onely a vayne name to play withal An other sore enemy and mortall plague to this Duke was the Queene her selfe lately before maried to the king Who being of haute stomack and all set vpon glory of wit and wilynes lacking nothing and perceiuing her husband to be simple of wit and easy to be ruled tooke vpon her to rule and gouerne both the king kingdome And because the aduise counsaile of Humfrey duke of Glocester was somewhat a stay that her authoritie and regimeÌ„t could not so fully proceede and partly because the sayd Duke before dyd disagree from that mariage this manly women and couragious Queene ceased not by all imaginations and practises possible to set forwarde his destruction hauing also for her helper herein the Duke of Buckingham c. These being his principall enemies and mortall foes fearing least some commotion might arise if such a Prince so ueare the kinges bloud and so beare to the people of all men so beloued shold be openly executed put to death deuised how to trap him and circumueÌ„t him vnknowing and vnprouided For the more speedy furtherance wherof a Parliament was suÌ„moned to be kept at Bery an 1447. sacre â—rom the citizens of London as William Lindall in his booke of practise writeth Where resorted all the peres of the realme and amongst them the Duke of Gloucester thinking no harme to any man lesse to himselfe Who on the second day of the Sesâ—on was by the Lord Beamonde high Constable then of Englande accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham and other arrested apprehended and put in ward and vpon the same all his seruaunts discharged and put from him of whome 32. of the principall being also vnder arrest were dispersed into diuers prisoÌ„s to the great murmuring and greuance of the people After this arrest thus done and the Duke put in to Warde the night after saith Halle 6. nightes after sayth Fabian and Polychron he was found dead in hys bed the 24. of Febru ary and his body shewed to the Lordes and Commons as though he had bene taken naturally with some sodayne disease And although no wouÌ„d in his body could be seene yet to al indifferent persons it might wel be iudged that he
punishment vpon them for their bloudy cruelty But before I remoue from the sayde story of the foresayde Duke and of the proud Cardinall his enemy I will hers by the way annexe a certaine instrument by the kyng and aduise of his counsayle made agaynst the sayde Cardinall taking vpon him to enter into this realme as Legate froÌ„ the Pope contrary to the old lawes and customes of thys realme as by the wordes of the sayd instrument here in Latine may well appeare In Dei nomine Amen Per presens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat euidenter quod an Dom. 1428. Indictione septima pontificatus Sanct. in Christo pat D. nostri D. Martini c. Ego Richardus Candray procurator nomine procuratorio Christianissimi principis Domini Henrici Dei gratia Regis Angliae Franciae Domini Hiberniae Domini mei supremi de assensu pariter aduisamento Illustris potentis Principis Humfridi Ducis Gloucestriae Comitis Penbrochiae protectoris defensoris regni Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae caeterorum dominorum meorum de consilio suae Regiae celsitudinis ac consiliuÌ„ eiusdem facientiuÌ„ hac vice representantiuÌ„ dico allego in his scriptis propono quod dictus Christianissimus princepsdominus meus supremus suique inclytissimi progenitores dicti regni Angliae Reges fuerunt sunt tam speciali priuilegio quam consuetudine laudabili legitimeque praescripta nec non a teÌ„pore per teÌ„pus cuius contrarij memoria hominum non existat pacifice inconcusse obseruata sufficienter dotati legitimeque muniti quod nullus Apostolicae se dis Legatus venire debeat in regnum suum Angliae aut alias suas terras dominia nisi ad Regis Angliae pro tempore existentis vocationem petitionem requisitionem inuitationem seu rogatum Fueruntque sunt dicti Christianissimus princeps dominus meus supremus ac sui inclyti progenitores huiusmodi Reges Angliae in possessione quasi iuris facti priuilegij consuetudinis praedictorum absque interruptione quacunque toto omni tempore supradicto pacificè quiete Romanis pontificibus per totum tempus supradictum praemissa omnia singula scientibus tolerantibus iisdem consentieÌ„tibus tam tacite quam expresse ac extra omnem omnimodam possessionem quasi iuris facti LegatuÌ„ huiusmodi vtpraefertur in regnum Angliae aut alias suas terras et dominia mittendi nisi ad vocationem petitionem requisitionem Rogatum Regis Angliae pro tempore existentis Et quia reuerendis in Chri. pat D. D. Henricus Dei gratia c. sancti Eusebij praesbyter Cardinalis sanctaesedis Romanae Legatum se affirmans more Legati insignijs Apostolicae dignitatis vtens absque vocatione petitione requisitine inuitatione aut rogatu Christianissimi domini nostri Regis praedicti inclytum regnum Angliae de facto est ingressus protestor igitur palam publico in his scriptis nomine vice quibus supra ac omnium ipsius domini nostri Regis subditorum quod non fuit aut est intentionis praefati Christianiss principis domimini supremi ac dictorum dominorum meorum de coÌ„silio in derogationem legum iurium consuetudinum libertatum priuilegiorum dicti D. nostri Regis ac regni ingressum huiusmodi dicti reuerendiss patris vt Legati in Angliam authoritate ratificare vel approbare seu ipsum vt Legatum sedis Apostolicae in Angliam contra leges iura consuetudines libertates priuilegia praedicta quouismodo admittere seu recognoscere aut exercitio legationis suae huiusmodi aliquibusue per ipsum vt Legatum sedis Apost actis seu agendis attentatis seu attentandis aduersus praemissa leges iura consuetudines libertates priuilegia in aliquo consentire sed dissentire sicque dissentit dictus dominâ— noster Rex atque dissentiunt dicti domini mei de consilio per presentes c The summe and effecte whereof in Englishe is this that in the yeare of our Lord. 1428. as the King with Duke Humfrey Lord protectour the rest of the counsayle were in the Dukes house in the Parish of S. Bennets by Paules warfe one Richard Candray procuratour in the kinges name and behalfe did protest and denounce by thys publicke instrument that where as the kyng and all hys progenitours kinges before him of thys realme of EnglaÌ„d haue bene heretofoâ—e possessed tyme out of mynde with speciall priuiledge and custome vsed and obserued in thys Realme from tyme to time that no Legate from the Apostolicke sea should enter into thys land or anye of the kynges dominions without the calling petition request inuitement or desire of the kyng and for so much as Henry byshop of Wint. and Cardinall of S. Eusebius hath presumed so to enter as Legat from the Pope beyng neyther called sent for required or desired by the kyng therfore the sayd Richard Candray in the kynges name doth protest by this instrument that it standeth not with the kinges minde or intent by the aduise of hys counsayle to admit approue or ratifie the coÌ„ming of the sayd Legate in anye wise in derogation of the rightes customes and lawes of this hys realme or to recognise or assent to any exercise of this hys authoritie Legantine or to anye actes attempted or hereafter by hym to be attempted in this respect coÌ„trary to the foresayd lawes rightes customes and liberties of this Realme by these presentes c. And thus much as an Apendix annexed to the story of Duke Humfrey and the Cardinal of Wint. extracte out of an olde written volume remaining in the handes of maister William Bowyer ¶ The benefite and inuention of Printing IN following the course and order of yeares we find this foresayd yeare of our Lord. 1450. to be famous and memorable for the diuine and miraculous inuention of printing Nauclerus and Wymselingus folowing him referre the inuention thereof to the yeare 1440. In paralipom Abbatis Vrsp. it is recorded this facultie to be found an 1446. Auentinus and Zieglerus do say an 1450. The first inueÌ„tour thereof as moste agree is thought to bee a Germayne dwelling first in Argentine afterward Cittizen of Mentz named Iohn Faustus a goldsmith The occasioÌ„ of this inuention first was by engrauing the letters of the Alphabet in mettal who then laying blacke incke vpon the mettall gaue the forme of letters in paper The man being industruous and actiue perceiuing that thought to proceed further and to proue whether it woulde frame as well in words and in whole sentences as it did in letters Which when he perceaued to come well to passe he made certayne other of his counsaile one Iohn Guttemberge Peter Schafferd binding them by their othe to keepe silence for a season After x. yeares Iohn Guttemberge compartner with Faustus began then first to broch the matter at Strausbrough The Arte beyng yet
authority declareth calleth stablisheth affirmeth and reputeth the sayd Richard of Yorke very true and rightfull heyre to the crowne of England and Fraunce and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henryes late contrary to this aduise be annulled repelled damned cancelled voyd and of no force or effect The king agreed and consented that the sayd Duke and hys heyres shall after his naturall life enioy the crowne c. Also that all sayinges and doinges agaynst the duke of Yorke shall be hygh treason and all actes of Parliamentes contrary to this principall act be voyd and of none effect c. And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6. Who now lacked his vncle and protector Duke of Glocester about him But commonly the lacke of such frendes is neuer felt before they be missed In the time of this king was builded the house in Lōdon called Leadē hall foūded by one Simon Eyre Maior once of the sayd City of London an 1445. Also the standard in cheape builded by Iohn Wels an 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield an 1438. Item Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whittington an 1422. Moreouer the sayde Henry 6. founded the Colledge of Eton and another house hauing then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge now called the kinges Colege Ex Scal. mundi In the reigne of this Henry 6. it is not be passed ouer in silence which we finde noted in the Parliament rolles how that Lewes Archbishop of Rhoen after the death of the late Bishop of Eley had graūted vnto him by the popes Bulles during his life all the profites of the sayd bishoprick by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopricke Lewes the foresayde Archbishop sheweth his Buls to the king who vtterly reiected his Bulles Notwithstanding for his seruice done in Fraunce the king graunted to hym the administration aforesaid the which to all intents at the petition of the sayd Lewes should be affirmed to bee of as great force as though he were bishop touching profits liberties and hability Neither agayn is here to be ouerpast a certayn tra gicall Acte done betweene Easter and Whitsontide of a false Britone an 1427. Which murdered a good widdow in her bed who had brought him vp of almes without Algate in the suburbes of London and bare away all that she had afterward he tooke succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke but at the last he tooke the crosse forswore the kings land And as he went his way it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed and women of the same parish came out with stones and cannell dong and there made an end of him in the hye streete so that he went no further notwithstandinge the Constables and other men also which had hym vnder gouernaunce to conduct him forwarde for there was a great company of them so that they were not able to withstande them Kyng Edward the fourth KIng Edward after his conquest and victorye achieued agaynst king Henry returned again to London where vpon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul being on Sonday he was crowned king of England raigned 22. yeares albeit not without great disquitnes and much perturbation in his reigne Queene Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland was also fayne to flye the land and went to her father Duke of Angeow From whence the next yeare following she returned again to renue warre against king Edward with small succor and lesse lucke For being encountred by the Earle of Warwicke about Nouember she was driuen to the seas agayne and by tempest of weather was driuen into Scotland In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certayne widow for rape sate his owne person in Westminster hall vpon his owne Bench discussing her cause Ex Scal. mundi The yeare folowing king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scottes and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recouer the crowne vnto whom the Lord Radulph Percy Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward did adioyn themselues but the Lord so disposing king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battaile of Exham by the Lord Mountacute having then the rule of the North where the Duke of Somerset Lord Hungerford Lord Rosse with certayne other were taken The Lord Radulph Percy was slayne the residue fled Albeit the history of Scal. mūdi referreth this battel to the yeare 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which moneth of May were beheaded the duke of Somerset Lorde Hungerford Lord Rosse L. Philip Wentworth L. Tho. Husly L. Tho. Findern beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king Hēry 6. Queene Margaret finding no resting place here in England took her progres agayne from whence she came learning in her own country to drinke that drinke which she her selfe had brued here in England And not long after the next yeare an 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paule king Henry being founde knowne in a wood by one Cantlow as they say was arested by the Earle of Warwicke and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London In this meane time king Edward after the motion of mariage for him being made and first the Lady Margaret sister to Iames the 4. K. of Scottes thought vpon but that motion taking no effect afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle being intended but she being vnder age the Earle of Warwick turning then his legation and voiage to the French king Lewes the II. to obteyne Lady Bona daughter of the duke of Sauoy and sister to Carlot the French Queen and obteining the same had cast fauour vnto one Elizabeth Grey widow of Syr Iohn Grey knight slain before in the battell of S. Albōs daughter to the Duches of Bedford and Lord Riuers and first went about to haue her to his concubine But she as being vnworthy as she sayde to be the wife of such a high personage so thinking her selfe to bee to good to be his concubine in such sort wanne the kings hart that incontinent before the returne of the Earle of Warwicke he maried her at the which mariage were no moe then onely the Duches of Bedford two gentle women the priest clark Upō this so hasty vnlucky mariage ensued no litle trouble to the king much bloudshed to the realme vndoing almost to all her kyndred and finally confusion to the K. Edwardes 2. sonnes which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also depriued of theyr liues For the Earle of Warwicke who had bene the faythfull frend and chiefe maynteiner before of the king at the hearing of this maryage was therwith so greuously moued and chaffed in hys mind that he neuer after sought any thing more then how to worke displeasure to the
price dignity of the thing that is bought what reason is it seing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale then the sancting of any Pope in heauen but that Kings should be aboue Popes also vpon the earth Sed extra iocunt◠as I do not doubt but that K. Henry was a good a quiet prince if he had not otherwise bin abused by some so touching the ruine of his house I thinke not contrary but it came not without the iust appointmēt of the Lord either for that Henry of Lancasters house were such enemies to Gods people for the burning of the Lord Cobham and many other or else for the vniust displacing of King Richard 2. or else thirdly for the cruell slaughter of Humfrey the good Duke of Gloucester his vncle whereof sufficiently hath bene said before During the time of these doings being about the yeare of our Lord 1465. There was here in England a certaine Frier Carmelite who about the tearme of Michaell the Archangel preached at Paules in London that our Lord Iesus Christ being heere in this present worlde was in pouertie and did beg To whose opiniō and doctrine the prouinciall of that order semed also to incline defending the same both in his reading and preaching with other Doctours moe and brethren of the same order vnto whom also adioined certaine of the Iacobites and stifly did take their partes On the cōtrary side many doctours also lawyers both in their publicke lectures preaching to the vttermost of their cunning did withstād their assertion as being a thing most pestiferous in the Church to be heard Such a bitter cōtention was among them that the defendent part was driuen for a while to keepe silence Much like to those times I might well resemble these our dayes now present with our tumultuous contention of formes and fashions of garments But I put my selfe here in Pythagoras schoole and keepe silence with these Friers In the story moreouer it foloweth that this beggerly questiō of the begging Friers whether Christ did begge or no went so far that at length it came to the Popes eares Paulus 2. who was no beggar ye may be sure After that the fame of this doctrine mounting ouer the Alpes came flieng to the court of Rome which was about the Assumption of the virgin Mary that yeare next folowing an 1465. it brought with it such an euill sinell to the fine noses there that it was no neede to bid them to stirre for begging to them was worse thē hie heresie Wherfore the holy father pope Paulus the 2. to represse the sparkles of this doctrine which otherwise perhaps might haue set his whole kitchin on fire taketh the matter in hand estsoones directeth downe his Bull into England insinuating to the Prelates here Haeresim illam pestiferè asserentem quod Christus publice mendicauit esse antiquitus a Romanis pontificibus cum suis Concilijs damnatam eam pro damnata vndique declarandam conculcandam c. That is that this heresie which pestiferously doth affirme that Christ did openly begge was condemned of old time by the Bishops of Rome and his Councels and that the same ought to be declared in all places for a damned doctrine and worthy to be troden downe vnder all mens feete c. This was in the same yeare when Prince Edward King Edwards sonne was borne in the Sanctuary at Westminster an 1465. As touching the rest of the doings and affaires of thys king which had vāquished hetherto ix battailes himselfe being present how afterward he through the incitemēt of Charles duke of Burgoine his brother in law vētred into France with a puissant army how the Duke fayled him in his promise also how peace betwene the two kings was at length cōcluded in a solēne meeting of both the sayd kings together which meeting is notified in stories by a white doue sitting the same day of meeting vpō the top of king Edwards tent also of the mariage promised betwene the yong Dolphin Elizabeth K. Edwards eldest daughter but afterward broken of the French kings part moreouer as touching the death of the duke of Burgoine slaine in war of his daughter Mary neece to King Edward spoiled of her lands possessions wrōgfully by Lewes the French king maried after to Maximilian furthermore as touching the expeditiō of king Edward into Scotlād by reason of King Iames breaking promise in marieng with Cecilie the ij daughter of king Edward of driuing out his brother how the matter was composed there of the recouery againe of Barwicke of these I say such other things mo partly because they are described sufficētly in our cōmon english stories partly also because they be matters not greatly perteining to the Church I omit to speake making of thē a supersedeas Two things I finde here among many other specially to be remembred The first is concerning a godly and constant seruant of Christ named Iohn Goose which in the time of this king was vniustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill an 1473. in the moneth of August Thus had England also his Iohn Hus as well as Boheme Wherein moreouer this is to be noted that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reigne of any King to be assigned hetherto wherin some good mā or other hath not suffred the paines of fire for the Religion true testimonie of Christ Iesus Of this said Iohn Goose or Iohn Hus this moreouer I find in another English monumēt recorded that the sayd Iohn being deliuered to Robert Belisdone one of the Shiriffes to see him burnt the after noone the Shiriffe like a charitable man had him home to his house and there exhorted him to deny sayth the story his errours But the godly man after long exhortation heard desired the Shiriffe to bee content for he was satisfied in his conference Notwithstādyng this he desired of the Shiriffe for Gods sake to geue him some meate saying that he was very sore hungered Then the Shiriffe commaunded him meate whereof he tooke and did eate as he had bene toward no maner of daunger and sayd to such as stoode about him I eate now a good and a competent dinner for I shall passe a litle sharpe shower ere I goe to supper And when hee had dyned he gaue thankes and required that he might shortly be lead to the place where hee should yeld vp his spirite vnto God Ex Polychron ¶ The burnyng of Iohn Goose. The second thyng herein to be noted is the death of George Duke of Clarence the kynges second brother Of whom relation was made before how he assisted K. Edward his brother agaynst the Earle of Warwicke at Barnet field and helped him to the crowne and now after all these benefites was at lēgth thus requited that for what cause it is vncertaine he was apprehended and cast into
be ioyned Emperour with him with whom he reigned the space of 7. yeares till the death of the sayd Fridericke hys father who departed an 1494. after he had reigned ouer the Empire 53. yeares lacking onely but iii yeares of the reigne of Augustus Caesar vnder whome was the byrth of our Lord and Sauiour Christ. This Maximilian as he was a valiaunt Emperoure prudent and singularly learned so was hys reigne intangled in many vnquiet and difficile warres first in the lower Countryes of Flaunders and Brabant where the saide Maximilian was taken captiue but shortly after reschued deliuered agayne by hys father 1487. It was signified before how this Maximilian by the aduise of that Burgundians had to wife Mary the onely daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned by whome he had 2. children Phillip and Margarete an 1477. Whiche Mary not long after about the yeare of our Lorde 1481. by a fall from her horse fell into an agew and departed Other warres many mo the same Maximilian also achieued both in France in Italy in Hungary and diuers besides So happy was that education of this Emperour in good letters so expert he was in tongues and sciences but especially such was his dexteritie and Promptnes in the latin stile that he imitating the exaÌ„ple of Iulius Caesar did write and comprehend in Latine historyes his owne actes and seates done and that in such sort that when he had geuen a certayne tast of his history to one Pircamerus a learned man asking his iudgemeÌ„t how his warlike stile of Latine did like him the sayd Pyrcamerus did affirme and reporte of him to Iohn Caron the witnes and writer of this story that he did neuer see nor read any Germane storye a thing more exactly and that in such hast done as this was of Maimilian Moreouer as he was learned himselfe so was he a singular patrone and aduauncer of learned studentes as may well appeare by the erecting and setting vp the vniuersitie of Wittenberge By this Emperour many in those dayes were excited to the embrasing as wel of other liberall artes as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of historyes whereby diuers were then by him first occasioned in Germany to set their mindes to exercise their dilligence in collecting explicating matters pertayning to the knowledge of history as well of ancient as also of latter times as namely Cuspinianus Nauclerus Conradus Peutingerus Manlius and other Here now it began right well to appeare what great benefite was broched to the world by the Arte and facultie of Printing as is before mentioned Through the meanes of which printing the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men as bothe may appeare by this Emperour being so induced himselfe with such excellent knowledge of good letters and also by diuers others famous and worthy wittes whiche began now in this age exceedingly to encrease and multiplye as Baptista Mantuanus Ang. Politianus Hermolaus Barbarus Picus Mirandula and Franciscus his cousin Rodol Agricola PoÌ„tanus Philippus Bero aldus Marsilius Ficinus Volateranus Georgius Valla with infinite other Among whom is also to be numbred Weselus Groningensis otherwise named Basilius who was not longe after Ioan de Wesalia aboue recited both muche about one tyme and both great friendes together This Weselus dyed the yeare of our Lord. 1490. After that Ioannes Doctor De Wesalia aforesayd was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him thought that the Inquisitour woulde come and examine hym also as he himselfe in a certaine Epistle doth write He was so notable and worthye a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi That is The light of the worlde Concerning his doctrine first he reprehended the opinion of the papistes as touching repentaunce which they deuided in three partes of the which three partes satisfaction and confession he did disalow Likewise Purgatorye and supererogation of workes pardons he did disproue both at Rome and at Paris He spake agaynst the popes indulgences by the occasion whereof diuers of the Popes court perswaded by him began to speake more freely agaynst the same matter then he himselfe had done The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he disalowed and likewise the supremacy of the Pope he vtterterly reiected as appeareth in a booke of his De Sacramento poenitentiae denying vtterly that any supreme head or gouernour ought to be in the world ouer all other affirming also saying many times that the pope had no authoritie to do any thingby commaundement but by truth that is so farre as trueth goeth with hym so farre hys sentence to stand neither that he ought to preuayle by commaunding but onely by teaching so as euery true christian Bish. may preuayle ouer an other Also in some place in his writings he denyeth not but that popes and their spirituall Prelates proceeding agaynst Christes doctrine be playne Antichristes such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastitie taken vpon them he sayd they might wel breake their vow Also the sayd Weselus witnesseth that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas did resiste and westand the popes indulgences calling them in theyr wrytinges playne Idolatry mere fraude and erroure adding moreouer that vnles the seueritie of some good Diuines had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope innumerable erroures had ouerflowne the church Amongest these workes of Weselus there is a certaine Epistle of one written to hym â—in which the authour of the Epistle confesseth that in hys time there was a certayne learned man at Paris called maister Thomas de Curselis a Deane who being in the councell of Basill whereas diuers began to aduaunce the power of the pope to farre declared and affirmed to be sayd to him of Christ Quicquid ligaueris super terram erit ligatum in coelo c. Et non quicquid dixeris esse ligatum That is What soeuer thou shalt bynde vpon earth shall be bound in heauen but not what soeuer thou sayst to be bound As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not binde therfore because he so sayth except truth and righteousnes go also with him then he doth so bynde in deed There is a certayne booke of this man amongst diuers others which he intiruleth De subditis superioribus in that which he disputeth greatly against that pope his Prelates affirming that the pope vnlesse hys faith doctrine be found ought not to be obeyed He affirmeth also that the pope may erre and when he erreth men ought by all manner of meanes to resist him Item that great superfluous riches in the clergy do not profite but hurt that church That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rentes of the Church and the Church it selfe to vnworthy Ministers by Simony for hys owne profite and gayne wherby it
that they did not yeld themselues in time Thus the turke whether they yelded to hym or not neuer spared the people and flocke of Christ. As the false cruell Turk was thus raging in Hungary and intended further to rage without all mercy and pitie of the Christians and easely might then haue preuayled and gone whether he would for that Charles the Emperour and Franciscus the french king were the same tyme in warre and hostilitie and also other Christen Princes as Henry Duke of Brunswike against Iohn Fredericke Duke of Saxonie also Princes and rulers were contending among themselues beholde the gracious prouidence of our Lord and God toward vs who seeing the misery hauing pittie of hys poore Christians sodeinely as with a snafle reined this raging beast and brought him out of Europe into his owne country againe by occasion of the Persians who were then in great preparation of war agaynst the turkes had inuaded hys dominion By reason wherof the turkes was kept there occupyed fighting with the Persians a long continuance Whiche warres at length being atchiued and finished wherein the sayd Turke lost great victoryes with slaughter of many thousandes of his Turkes he was not onely prouoked by the instigation of certaine euil disposed Hungarians but also occasioned by the discord of Christian Princes to returne agayn into Europe in hope to subdue all the partes thereof vnto his dominion Whereunto when he had leuyed an armye incredible of such a multitude of turks as the like hath not lightly bene heard of see agayne the mercifull prouidence protection of our God toward his people And as the Turke was thus intending to set forward with this innumerable multitude against the Christians the hand of the Lorde sent such a pestilence through all the turkes army and dominions reaching from Bithynia and from Thracia to Macedonia and also to Hungary that all the turkes possessions almost seemed nothing els but as a heape of dead corses whereby his viage for that time was stopped and he almost compelled to seeke a new army Beside this plague of the Turkes aforesayde whiche was worse to them then any warre other lets also and domesticall calamities through Gods prouidence happened vnto Solymannus the great rouer and robber of the world which stayd him at home from vexing the christians especially touching hys eldest sonne Mustapha This Mustapha being hated and partly feared of Rustanus the chiefe counsailour about the Turke and of Rosa the turkes concubine after his wife was diuers times complayned of to his father accused at length so brought into suspicion and displeasure of the turke by them aforesayd that in conclusion hys father caused him to be sent for to hys pauilion where 6. Turkes with visours were appoynted to put hym to death Who comming vppon hym put after theyr manner a small corde or bowstring full of knottes about hys necke so throwing him downe vpon the ground not suffering hym to speake one word to hys father with the switch therof throtcled strangled him to death his father standing in a secret corner by and beholding the same Whiche facte being perpetrate afterward when the Turke would haue geuen to an other sonne of hys and of Rosa called Bianger the treasures horse armour ornamentes and the prouince of Mustapha his brother Bianger crying out for sorow of his brothers death phy of thee sayth he to hys father thou impious and wretched dog traytour murderer I cannot cal thee father take the treasures the horse and armour of Mustapha to thy selfe and wyth that taking out hys dagger thrust it through hys own body And thus was Solyman murderer parricide of hys owne sonnes which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1552. Wherein notwithstanding is to be noted the singular prouidence and loue of the Lord toward his afflicted christians For this Mustapha as he was couragious greatly expert and exercised in all practise of warre so had he a cruell hart maliciously set to shed the bloud of christians Wherfore great cause haue we to congratulate to geue thanks to god for the happy taking away of this Mustapha And no lesse hope also and good comfort we may conceaue of our louing Lord hereby ministred vnto vs to thinke y◠our mercifull God after these sore afflictions of his Christians vnder these 12. Turks afore recited now after this Solyman intendeth some gratious good worke to Christendom to reduce release vs out of this so long miserable turkish captiuitie as may be hoped now by takyng away these yong impes of this impious generation before they should come to worke theyr conceaued malice against vs the Lord therefore be glorified and praysed Amen Moreouer as I was in writing hereof oportunely came to my handes a certayne writing out of Germanye certifyeng vs of suche newes victory of late atchieued against the turke as may not a little increase our hope and comfort vs touching the decay and ruine of the Turks power tyranny against vs. Which newes are these that after y◠turkish tyrant had besieged with an army of 30000. men the famous strong town and castle of Iula in Hungary lyeng 40. dutch myles beyond the riuer Danubius which cittye had by the space of 6. weekes susteined many grieuous assaultes God through hys great mercy goodnes so comforted the sayd towne of Iula and the poore Christians therein at theyr earnest prayers that the Turke with all hys hoste was driuen backe by the handes of the generall called Karetshim Laslaw and his valiaunt company who not onely defended the said town but also constrayned the Turks to retyre to the great shame and confusion with a great slaughter of the turkish rable For the whiche the euerlasting God be praysed for euer The maner of the ouerthrow was this As the foresaid generall did see his aduauntage with Captayne George and other horsemen of the Sclesians and Hungarians they set on the rereward of the Turkes and killed about 8000. of thē and tooke also some of their artillery and followed them so fast y◠the Turkes were constrayned to flye into a marishe ground and to breake the wheeles of the rest of theyr artillary to saue themselues and therwith they got a very rich booty rescuing besides and taking from the Turks a great number of christian prisoners Like thankes also are to be geuen to God for the prosperous successe geuen to Magotschie the valiaunt Captaine of Erla who making toward the Turkes and recountring with the Tartarians slue of them about 8. hundreth Not long after this it happened through the like prouidence of our God a turkish Captayne called Begen accompanyed with a thousand freshe horsemen came newly out of Turky to go toward the citty named Quinque Ecclesiae or Finffenkyrchen with whome the Erle of Serin by the way did encounter and in the right setting vpon hym killed the captayne and tooke
first beast heere in this prophesy of the Apocalypse described Fourthly it foloweth more And he causeth the earth and all the inhabitants therein to worship and honour the first beast which had a deadly wound and was cured c. The interpretation of this part as also of all the other parts of the same chapter standeth vpon the definition of the first beast for being graunted as it can not be denied that the first beast signifieth the Citie and Empire of Rome it must consequently follow that the Bishop whome we call the Pope of the same Citie of Rome must be vnderstoode by the second beast for somuch as neither Turke nor any other but only the Bishop of Rome hath holden vp the estimation and dignity of that Citie which began to be in ruine and decay by the Uandalians Gothes Herulians and Lombards about the yeare of our Lord 456. but afterward by the Bishop of Rome the pristine state and honor of that Citie reuiued againe and flourished in as great veneration as euer it did before And that is it which the holy Ghost seemeth heere to meane of the first beast saieng That he had a wound of the sword and was cured For so it followeth Fiftly And he caused all the inhabitants of the earth to make the image of the beast which had the stripe of the sword and liued And it was geuen to him to giue life to the image of the beast and to make the image thereof to speake and to cause all them that worshipped not the image of the beast to be killed forcing all persons both little and great rich and poore bond and free to take the marke of the beast in their right hand or in their forheads and that none might buy or sell but they which had the marke or the name of the beast or the number of his name c. By geuing life to the image of the beast and making it to speake is to be presupposed that the beast was at a neare point of death and lay speachles before insomuch that the Citie of Rome began to lose and change his name was called a while Odacrie of Odacer King of the Herulians which by dent of sword surprised the Romans and yet notwithstanding by the meanes of this Romane Prelate the said Citie of Rome which was then ready to geue the Ghost so recouered his maiestie and strength againe that it is hard to say whether Rome did euer ruffle and rage in his tirannie before in the time of Nero Domitian Diocletian and other Emperors more tragically then it hath done vnder the Pope or whether that Rome had al Kings Queenes Princes Dukes Lords and all subiects more vnder obedience and subiection whē the Emperors raigned or now in the raigne of the Pope And therefore it is said not without cause of the holy Ghost That it is geuen to him to geue life and speach to the image of the beast causing all them to be slaine which will not worship the image of the beast c. As for example heereof who seeth not what numbers and multitudes of Christian men women and children in all Countreys haue bene put to the fire and sword Stories of all times will declare what hauocke hath bene made of Christen bloud about the preheminence and maioritie of the Sea of Rome what Churches and Countreys both Greekes and Latin haue bene excommunicated what Kings haue bene deposed and Emperors stripped from their Imperiall seate and all because they would not stoupe and bend to the Image of the beast that is to the maiesty and title of Rome aduanced vp so highly now by the Bishop thereof as it was neuer higher before in the raigne of Nero or Dyoclesian Wherefore taking the first beast to signifie the Empyre of Rome which can not be denyed it is playne that the second beast must necessarily be applied to the Pope and not to the Turke for as much as the Turke seeketh nothing lesse then the aduancement of that Empire but rather striueth against it to plucke it downe The sixt and last argument is grounded vpon the number of the name of the beast expressed by the holy Ghost in the same Prophecie by the letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In which letters a though there lyeth great darcknesse and difficultie to be vnderstoode yet certaine auncient Fathers whiche were Disciples and hearers of them which heard S. Iohn himselfe as Irenaeus and other do expound the sayd letters coniecturally to containe the name of the beast and to be the name of a man vnder this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where as els no other name lightly of any person either in Greeke or Latine will agree to the same saue onely the foresayd name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Although some latter writers geuing their coniectures vpon the same doe finde the name of Lateranus in Hebrew Letters to aunswere to the same number Some fayne other names as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made wordes which signifie nothyng as Diclux or Luduuic by Romane letters c. But of all names properly signifying any mā none commeth so neare to the number of this mistery if it go by order of letters as doth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aforesayd And this much by the way and occasion of Nicolaus de Lyra Paulus Burgen Matthias Dorinkus the author of Fortalilium fidei and other Cōmentaries moe o◠the same faction who writyng vpon this xiij Chapter of the Apocalipse and not considering the circumstaunces thereof both are deceaued themselues and deceaue many other applying that to the Turke which can not otherwise be verified but onely vpon the Pope as may appeare sufficiently by the premisses Not that I write this of any incode or malice either to the Citie of Rome or to the person of the Byshop as beyng Gods creature but beyng occasioned here to entreate of the Prophecies agaynst the Turkes would wishe the Readers not to be deceaued but rightly to vnderstand the simple Scriptures according as they lye to the entent that the true meanyng therof beyng boolted out it may be the better knowen what Prophecies directly make agaynst these Turkes what otherwise In the which Prophecies agaynst the Turkes now to proceede let vs come to the 20. Chapter of the Apocalipse wherein the holy Scripture seemeth playnly and directly to notifie the said Turkes The wordes of the Prophecie be these And I saw an Angell descendyng from heauen hauyng the key of the bottomlesse pit and a great chayne in his hand and he tooke the Dragon the old Serpent which is the deuill and Satanas and bound him vp for a thousand yeares and cast him in the pit and sealed him vp that he should not seduce the people any more til the thousand yeares were expired and after that he must be let loose for a litle while c. And it followeth after And
proceding in his Prophesies shall the K. of Romanes after he hath reigned in IerusaleÌ„ a sabbate of times a half that is saith Mer. x. yeres a halfe take the crown froÌ„ his hed and yeld it vp to the Crosse in Golgotha where Christ was crucified and shall die And the Crosse with the crowne shal be taken into heauen which shal not appeare againe before the comming of the Lord. Fourthly it foloweth then moreouer in the Prophesies of Method Whych declareth that when the weeke or sabbate half weke of times shal end and wheÌ„ the K. of Romanes shall geue vp his crowne in Ierusalem die Then immediatly shal Antichrist the son of perdition begin to appeare be borne in Iewry of the tribe of Dan wherof also came Iudas Iscarioth he shal be borne saith Methodius in Chorosaim shal be bred in Bethsaida shal raign in CapernauÌ„ to the which 3. cities Christ the Lord gaue his 3. Vae And wheÌ„ great tribulatioÌ„ shal increase multiply in the daies of this Antichrist al lordship dominion shal be destroied the Lord shall sende his 2. faithful deare seruants Enoch and Hely to reproue and detect the false seducing lying forgeries of this Antichrist openly before all meÌ„ so that the people seing theÌ„selues falsly beguiled seduced by this son of perditioÌ„ coÌ„ming out of the teÌ„ple diseÌ„blingly to the destructioÌ„ of many shal leaue flie froÌ„ him ioyn theÌ„ selues to the said 2. holy prophets Which son of perdition Antichrist seing his procedings so to be reproued brought into coÌ„teÌ„pt in his fury anger shal kil the 2. Prophets of God And then shal appeare saith Methodius the signe of the comming of the sonne of man and he shall come in the clouds of heauenly glory and shall destroy the enemie with the spirite of his mouth c. Interpretation TO these prophesies testimonies of Methodius what credite it is to be geuen I leaue it to the Reader But if the meaning of his Prophesies goe by such order of times as is set disposed in his booke he semeth to describe vnto vs 4. principall states and alterations of times to come The first state and alteration is by Mahumete and the Saracens which be the ofsprings and sonnes of Ismael comming out of Arabie in the time of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople An. 630. which rebelling against Heraclius increased preuailed still more more against the Christians both in Asia and Africa and also in many places in Europe especially in Spayne and Italy The seconde state alteration he Prophesieth to come by the Turke which first comming out of the farre partes of Seythia the is out of the North first ouercame the Saracenes subdued the Persians and afterward ioyning together w e the Saracens conquered the kingdome of Hierusalem about the yeare of our Lorde 1187 then subdued Syria and moste part of Asia c. And these be they whych Methodius seemeth to meane of speaking of the vile and miserable people closed vp of the Lord God at the intercession of Alexander the great captaine in the North betwene 2. mountaines the deepâ—â—nosse of 12. cubites wast that filthy corrupt nation shuld pollute the early with their wickednes Wherby are ment those Turkes which comming out froÌ„ the vttermost partes of the North that is out of Scythia and the mountaines of Caucasus or els Ismaels were withholden kept backe of Almighty God for Christes cause that they myght not harme his Church alongspace during the time of xii C. yeares yea and then the sinnes of the Christians so deseruing they were permitted of almighty God to breake out and to inuade the church who nowe ioyning together with the Saracens haue wrought and daily do woorke all these greuances against our Christian brethren as we se this day is come to passe and more is like to folow except the haÌ„d of the Lord which let them out do plucke them in againe Moreouer in the meane space betwene the reigne of the Saracens and the Turks where Methodius speaketh of the R. of Romaines which should restore quietnes to the church should raigne in Hierusalem a sabbate of tunes and halfe a sabbate thereby seemeth to be vnderstand the viage of Christian Princes out of the west partes of Europe vnder Gotfridus Duke of Lotharing his 2. brethren and many other christen Princes with 300. M. footmen and 100. M. horsemen who fighting against the Saracens recouered againe from them the Citie of Hierusalem in the yeare of our Lorde 1099. Which citie before had bene in their possession the terme of 490. yeres After which victory got first Gotfridus then Baldwinus his brother and other after them to the number of 9. Christen kings reigned in Hierusalem the space of 88. yeres and after that through the discord of the Christians not agreeing amoÌ„gst themselues both Hierusalem and Syria with other parts of Asia besides were subdued and wonne of the Turkes whych to this day they keepe yet still And this was in the yeare of our Lord. 1187. About which yeare and time as foloweth in Methodius when the Citie of Hierusalem shall be wonne of the Turkes then shall Antichrist begin to be borne of the tribe of Dan of whom came Iudas Iscarioth and shal be borne in Chorosaim and bredde in Bethsaida and reigne in Capernaum Meaning that this Antichrist or sonne of perdition shal be full of Gods malediction noted by Iudas Iscariothe and these 3. Cities against whome were spoken thrise Vae of the Lord. And heere is moreouer to be noted that Methodius sayth not that Antichrist shall be borne among the Saracens or Turkes but among the people of God and of the tribe of Israel Whereby is to be collected that Antichriste shal not come of the SaraceÌ„s nor Turks but shall spring vs among the Christians and sayeth Methodius shall seeme to come out of the Temple to deceiue many c. whereby the Pope may seeme rather then the Saracene or the Turk to be described for so much as the Pope being elected norished and raigning in the middest of Gods people at Rome sitteth in the temple and very place of Christ and no doubt deceiueth many c. And nowe to come to the time assigned of Methodius here is to be added also that which we read in Antoninus Par. 3. that about this said present time a certaine Bishop of Florence preached that Antichriste was then comming But the pope commanded him to keepe silence to speake no more therof Now why the pope so did why he could not abide the preaching of Antichriste I referre it to them which list to muse more vpon the matter This is certain that about this time heere assigned by Methodius came Petrus Lombardus Gratianus and Pope Innocent the thirde the first authors patrons of traÌ„substantiation At which time also began
of the storie aboue prefixed AN. 632. Began the kingdom of the Saracens or Arabians after the death of mahumet the fiâ—ft ringleader of the mischief which Savacens reigning in Babylon ouer Persia and Asia continued about 198. yeres An 667. Ierusale was taken of the Saracens These SaraceÌ„s after they had subdued Ormisda K. of Persia set vp to them selues a new kingdom calling their chiefe prince Calipha which signifieth a general Lord and vnder him Seriphes that is an vnder prince And againe vnder him their Soldan whych is a ruler or captaine vnder the which Soldanes all the prouinces were deuided And thus ruled obey the space abouesayd of 198. yeres An. 703. The Egyptians being weary of their subiection vnder the Romaines called for helpe of the Saracene Calipha and so casting of the Romains submitted themselues to the law of the Saraces and had also their Calipha and theyr Babylon called Cairus where their Calipha continued vnto Saraco or Syracinus 447. yeres An. 810. Mauginetus or Muchumetus the chiefe Sultan of Persia being at variance with Imbrael the Sultan of â—abiâ—on feut for the aid of the turkes out of Sâ—ychia â—â— whoÌ„ when he had got the victorye against the Babilonians the sayd Turkes shortly after conquered the Persians and subdued their countrey within the space of 20â— yeres An. 830. The SaraceÌ„s being â—â— pussed â—â— of Asia by the turkes wandered aboue Afrike Spayne and Italy and were 〈◊〉 uers places dispersed and 〈◊〉 An. 830. The Turke after they had expulsed the Saraâ—â—â—our of Asia began to reigne in Asia in Persia in Arabia and there reigned without interruption til the comming of the Tartarians the space of 192. yeres An. 1009. The Turkes wanne the city of Herusalem froÌ„ the Saraâ—ens which citie the Sultan of Egipt want againe 〈◊〉 the Turkes shortly after possessed the same till the comming of Gotfeldus An. 1051. Began the first king of the turkes called â—aduke to raign in Asia and ioyned league with Calipha of Egypt and there raigned till the conquest of Gotfridus and the Christians the space of 46. yeres An. 1078. SolymaÌ„nus nephue to Aspasalem the turkish king in Asia otherwise called Turquinia subdued Capadocia which hath continued now since the space of 500. yeres An. 1099. Gotfridus Bulion duke of Lotharing a christeÌ„ prince taking his voiage into Asia with 700000. Christen soldiours first got the city of Nicea against the Sultane of the Turkes then Lycaonia Cilicia Syria afterwarde Mesopotamia and Comagena then Autiochia An. 1098. and the next yere recouered Hierusalem being then in the hands of the Saracens whych they a little before had wonne from the Turkes as is aforesayde After this Gorfridus succeded viij christian kings which kept the kingdome of Hierusalem and Asia both from the Turkes and Saracens the space of 88. yeres An. 1100. The Georgians which be a people of Armenia the greatye vaÌ„quisheâ—â— the Turks out of the kingdom of Persia afâ—â—â— they had cutte their king in pieces wherby the Turks flying to Cappadoria there remained vnder Solynian ioyned them selues to the Solban of Egypt and waxed the strong in Asia minor couted now Turquinia An. 1170. When Americus the vii king of Hierusalem after Goufridus had ouercome the Calipha or Sultan of Egypt the Sultan being ouercome called for the help of Saracon the Sultane of Syria Thys Saracon after he had expulsed the christians out of Egypt â—â—oned his power against the Sultane of Egypt and vanquishing him tooke to him selfe the kingdome of Egypt Which kingdom he with his posteritie did holde till the comming of the Tartarians and the Mamaluches about the space of 88. yeres An. 1187. Saladinus the nephew of Saracon the Sultane of Egypt perceauing the dissention among the Christian states of Palestina got Antioche where he slewe Raymundus the Prince with hys owne hands Then got Tiberias From thence went to AccoÌ„ where he tooke Guido king of Hierusalem and Master of the Templares prisonners for whose raunsome the Turke had Ascalon yelded vp to him of the Christians That done he subdued Hierusalem whych had bene in the handes of the Christians before the space of An. 1189. Friderike Emp. Philip French king Rich king of Englande made their viage into Asia where Friderike washing in a riuer at Lilicia died In this voiage at the siege of Accon Saladinus wanne the fielde of our men of whome 2000. were slaine in the chase Accon at length was got of the Christians King Richarde got Cyprus The two kings tell at strife Phillip retired home without any good doing king Richarde laide siege to Hierusalem but in vaine and so returning homewarde was taken neare to Uienna in Austria after hee had taken truce before wyth the Soldane vppon such condition as pleased hym And thys good speede had the Popes sending out against the Turkes An. 1215. There was an other Councell holden at Rome by pope InnoceÌ„t 3. where was enacted a newe article of our faith for transubstantiation of bread and wine to be turned into the body and bloud of our sauiour In this Councell also great excitation was made by the Pope great preparation was through al Christendom to set forward for recouery of the holy laÌ„d A mighty army was collected of Dukes Lordes knights bishops Prelates that if Gods blessing had gone wyth them they myght haue gone throughout all Asia and India Anno 1219. The Christians after 18. monethes siege gotte a certaine towne in Egypte called Damiata or Elipolis wyth much a do but not much to the purpose For afterward as the christian army of the popes sending went aboute to besiege the Citie Cairus or Babylon the Sultane throughe his subtile traine so intrapped and inclosed them wythin the daunger of Nylus that they were constrained to render agayne the Citie Damiata with their prysonners and all the furniture thereof as they found it into the Souldanes hande and glad so wyth their liues to passe forwarde to Tyrus An. 1221. In the meane time the Egyptian Turke caused the Citie of Hierusalem to be rased that it should serue to no vse to the Christians What great thing els was done in that viage it doth not greatly appere in stories All be it Fridericus the 2. Emperour was not vnfrutefully there occupied and muche more myght haue done had it not bene for the violence and persecution of the Bishop of Rome against him whereby he was enforced to take truce wyth the Sultan for 10. yeres and so returned After which things done not many yeares after at lengthe the last citie of all belonging to the Christians which was Ptolomais or Aâ—â—â—s was also taken from them by the Sultane so that now the christians had not one foote left in all Asia An. 1203. Thus the Christians being driuen out of Asia by the Sultans Turkes yet the sayd Turkes and Sultanes did not long enioy their victorie For estsoones the Lord stirred vp against them
Hemeaneth Panormitan which did conclude without the examination of the 12. meÌ„ Paul would geue to Peter no respite when he swarned awry Marke the great Constancie and Christian zeale of this man An exortation to constancie The Bishop of Burgen seeketh concorde How men be readie to heaâ—â— newes Note the godly policye of the Cardinall The conclusion of the councell The holy Ghost working against the Pope The sorow of Panormitane for impugning the trueth The Bishop of Lyons Bargé The iust aunswer of the Councell The aunswere of them both The forme of the decree is written and approued The policie of the Cardinall Arelatensis The Bishop of Tournon The Bishop of Cócen speaketh Marke what the truth must suffer O maruelous despight and contumely in a Bishop for it Arelatensis had kept whoores or concubines he would haue praysed him but to maintaine learned meÌ„ was a great offence The fathers of the councells slaunde tred by Panormitane 4. signes to know the good from the badde Looke if it benot spoké of them in the Gospel where mention is made of the beast which is fallen into the ditche What is it that ambition will not doe Abbot Virgiliacensis Lodouicus the prothonotarie in labouring to seeme learned forgot to be good The Apostles principally gathered the Crâ—de The oration of Cardinal Arelatensis To the imperiall Ambassadonâ—s To the Ambassadours of Fraunce To the Bishop of Coâ—cen To Lodouicus the prothonotary Nicolas Picenius an Italian Articles of the Creede not all put in by the Apostles but some by the couÌ„cels The Article of the holy Ghost put in by the councell of Lyons Panormitan wounded with his owne darts Arelatensis concluded not but at the request of the proctours These 4. deputations were 4. sortes of chosen 〈◊〉 which did disâ—â—â—e and determine those thinges which the fathers did conclude vpon Verely this is no Babilonical Cardinal but of the immaculate spouse Iesus Christ. He speaketh to the whole couÌ„cell Euery man may determine in matters of faith hauing the scripture on his part Contention in the councell abâ—ut reading of the protesâ—ation How God worketh by occasioÌ„ Albiganensis readeth the protestation but none could hear him The affaires of the councell are read Eneas Syluius being present collected this Arelatensis coÌ„cludeth here as he did also before not without the consent of the deputies according to the order of the Councel * Eneas you dyd not so praise this councell after you were byshop your selfe The Byshop of Lubecke Conrade Winsperge a Baron Panormitaâ— the Achilles of the Eugenians and Arelatensis the Hector of the councell The Papists extoll that which maketh for their purpose but the contrary they contemne whether it be scripture or prophane Arelatensis answere to Panormitan This deputation of faith was that coÌ„pany of chose meÌ„ which dyd determine matters of faith Saint Hierome vnto Nepotianusi de vita clericals Marke how politickly and sincerely he doth confute hys aduersaries No man hath heretofore more then Panormitane published the errours of Eugenius whom he now so greatly deseÌ„deth The Session proclaymed In all Italy there were scarsly two prelates found which sought the commoditie of the vniuersall church in Spaine there was none Prayers made with teares Amongest 400. doctors that were present ther was not one yll worde The 33. Session The Embassadours consent to the former Session Two kindes of iniustice O Aeneas you should haue vsed such sinceritie when you were Pope Beholde the princes Ambassadours declare Eugenius an enemy vnto the truth Arelatensis commendeth the Ambassadours This Councel was gathered to take away the ambition of the Bishoppes of Rome that they shuld not think they might do all things according to theyr own pleasure and further so reuoke them â—â—o the care of temporal things vnto spirituall things which now they regarded not The councell doth deliberate vpon the popes election I.x. dayes must be delayd after the sea is voyde Note the Christian zeale of tâ—â—fe meÌ„ which would refuse no daunger for Gods cause Iohn Segouius Dangerous honestie preferred before secure vtilitie A great pestilence in Basil. Lodouicus the prothonotary dyed of the plague The exhortation of those which dyed The Byshop of CoÌ„stance dyeth The Abbot Dona a true Abbot Eneas the author hereof escaped death hardlye The inuincible constancie and fortitude of the Cardinall Arelatensis The commendation of ArelateÌ„sis The councel of Marcus The godly â—he of Arelatensis The other Electours take their othe A scrutinie is a priuie election by voyces Amedeus Duke of Sauoy Prayer for vnitie and concord Let lying Pogius be ashamed of his false inuectiue against Amedeus Commendation of Amedeus Pope elect To haue a wife is no let for a good man to be elected Pope Popes haue ben maried Read the 5 Epistle of Ignatius and you shal see that the Apostles had wyues Baptista Mantuanus maketh mention how that Hilarius Byshop of Pictauia had a wife Eccle. 4. Schisme in the Church Good it were that temporall dominions were deuided from the Church Amedeus Duke of Sauoy chosen Pope Pope Felix 5. The numbâ— of people aâ— the coronation of P. Felix The popes two sonnes seruing at the coronation The valuation of the popes crown The Popes dinner and seruice Volat. lib. 3. A note for our gentlemeÌ„ lords to learne how to huÌ„t and what dogges to keepe The death of SigismuÌ„d the Emperour Albertus 2. Emperour Anno 1438. The death of Albertus 2. The plague at Basill in time of the councell Aeneas Siluius sick of the plague at Basil. The coÌ„stant zeale of Arelatensis to the truth Aeneas Sil. epist. 183. The welthy prelats slide away from the councel Welthie prelates afrayde of truth â—ide quam plebe carere malunt Promotions choke the clergie 60. thousand crownes offred by pope â—ugenius for the betraying of Arelatensis Arelatensis taken and rescued Gods defeÌ„ce toward hys seruantes Ex paraelip Abb. Vrsper The story of the Bohemians prosecutâ—d The Bohemians inuited to come to the councell The Bohemians laboureâ— to come to the Councell The Ambassadours of the Bohemians and of the councell meete together at Egra The Bohemians require pledges Princes bound to the Bohemians The Bohemians require the Emperour to be â—â—â—sent at the â—â—â—cell The Bohemians send two ambassadours to the councel Good iustice vpon a slaunderous rayler The gentlenes of the Bohemians Ambassadours The Bmbassadours of the Bohemians turn home The Bohemians 〈◊〉 vp to the councell other solemne Ambassadours The oration of the Cardinall Iulian to the Bohemians Vide supra pag. 675. The first article of the Bohemians by the first Ambass The second article of the Bohe. by the secoÌ„d Ambass The third article of the Bohe. by the third Ambassadour The fourth article of the Bohe by the 4. Ambass The oration of the Abbot of Sistertia offeÌ„siue to the Bohemians Iohn Ragusinus replyeth against the first article The Bohemians displeased with Ragusinus Egidius Carlerius answereth against the second Article
Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article Iohn Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter The oration of Cardinal 〈◊〉 Nicolas the 2. propounder charged by the Cardinall for the commeÌ„cing of Ioh. Wickliffe A prudent answere of the Bohemians to the Cardinall Iulian. The Ambassadours of the Bohemians return without agreement The coÌ„ming of the Legates to Prage Ioh. Rochezanus speaketh Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. Polomas answereth to the Bohemians The Bohemians reply againe to Polomar Polomar extolleth the Councelles Generall councelles may erre and haue erred Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. The Ambassadours of the councel and the Bohemians could not agree A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Councell A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemians concernyng the first 3. articles The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Punishing of publicke offences how and by whom Note here the popes addition The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the councell Liberty of preaching how farre and to whom at extendeth The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Temporal possessions in the clergie mens handes The papists staÌ„d hard for their temporal Lordships The Bohemians take a deliberatioÌ„ of the fourth article A declaration of the councel touching the fourth article of the communion Consecrat dist 2 quia pissus This is to set vp the church aboue the scripture The holie communion requireth amendment of lyfe Holy things nothing profit the wicked The reuereÌ„t receiuing of the sacraments Receiuing vnder one kinde for auoiding two perils Error grounded vpon errour Causes why to minister vnder one kinde Receiuing in both kindes permitted to the Bohemians The condition annexed Doubtes or questions of the Bohemians Aunswere Permission of both kindes granted to the Bohemians not of sufferance but by full authoritie Punishing of offences considered How and by whom offeÌ„ders ought to be punished To doe that God commaundeth is obedience and no sin though it be extraordinary The Israelites dyd steale from the Egyptians without sinne Sampson killed himselfe without sinne Of extraordinary commaundementes no generall lawes to be made Obiection Aunswere How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie and wherin The Pope wil be iudged by his own law Obiection Aunswere Obiection Aunswere Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true preachers Remedie of appeale Obiection Aunswere Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie after a double respecte â—el per se â—el per alium Obiection Aunswere Coactiue power whether in belongeth to the clergie and how The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly 12. q. 1 cap. expedit The clergie be administratours not Lordes of the temporalties of the Church The agreement betweene the Bohemians and the Councell Anno. 1438. Certaine petitions of the Bohemians put vp to the CouÌ„cell Anno. 1438. The communioÌ„ in both kindes to be generally graunted To haue a good and lawfull pastor and Bishop Free communioÌ„ vnder both kindes to be permitted to all princes The Gospells Epistles to be read in the vulgare tongue The scriptures read in the Slauons tongue of olde time Incorporations to be graunted to vniuersities an vnlawfull request A request for necessary reformation discipline The coÌ„ception of our Lady brought into the Church The visitation of our Lady brought in Vowsons giftes of benefices before they were voide debarred by the couÌ„cell which vowsons here ar called expectatiue graces IncoÌ„uenieÌ„ces that rise by vowsons of benefices No controuersies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. daies iourney from thence No fâ—â—uolous appeales to be made to the Pope Against the superfluous number of errours Against the popes first fruites Pragmatica Sanctiâ— per Carolum 7. An Acte made for the conuersion of the Iewes An Acte for studying the Hebrue Latine and Chaldey Against priestes that kept Concubines An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius translated into Englishe the â—atine wher of inextant in the former edition of this booke Ex Orth. Grat. The corruption of the Church of Rome detected The authoritie of the councell of Basill expended The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope in the commendation of the councell of Basill Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra What the church is Eugenius prouoketh the Church A strong argument against Eugenius The cause of the long delay of the Prelates The councel of Sene. An epistle of Eneas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill The tâ—â—â—nal seate standeth not in one Bishop The authoritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Emperour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eugenius to vndoe the Councell of Basill The Pope stirreth vp warre The Dolphin driueâ— away by a few Germaines The dissolution of tho Councell of Basill Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour great grand father to this Ferdinando The Legaâ— of the Greekes coÌ„descend first to the popes law The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doctrine The inconuenience of discorde Ex Cochleo lib. 8. hist. Hussit Ex Antonin 3. part tit Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5. Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him Psal. The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainardus against the souldiours of Boheme Certaine thousandes of the BohemiaÌ„ souldiors brent Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem cap. 51. England noÌ„ted of crueltie Burning slaying in England Anno 1439. R. Wiche Priest Martir Ex Fabian part 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei The bishops coÌ„sult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri facias The king aunswere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri A briefe aunswere to Cope concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham To the third obiection Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4. To the 4. obiection M. Coperay leth without a cause See the former edition pag. 371. The 5. obiection The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here pretermitted A question whether Eleanor the Duches was culpable in treason agaynst the king Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true 1. Coniecture 2 Coniecture 3 Coniecture 4 Coniecture 5. Coniecture 6. Coniecture 7 Coniecture 8. Coniecture 9. Coniecture 10. Coniecture A briefe aunswer to Maister Copes cauillations concerning Duke Humfreyes wyfe The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. Duke Humfrey Lorde protectour Anno. 1440. Eâ— Polycâ—ra Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king Wint. incurreth the law of premuniâ—i Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings gouernour The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes vpon his owne authoritie The Cardinall playeth the marchant The Cardinall a defrauder of the king The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king The Cardinall traytour to the crowne The Card. a purchaser of of the kingâ— landes Peruerse counsaâ—le of
DispensatioÌ„ from Pope Alexander to forsake his first wife and to marry an other Ludouicus Vladislaus sonne king of Hungary Boheme Warre betwene Charles Duke of Burgoyne Fredericke the Emperour Anno. 1475. Charles Duke of Burgoyne slaine in warre Anno. 1477. Mary daughter of Charles of Burgoyne maried to MaximiliaÌ„ Warre dissention among Christen princeâ— The discord of Christians scourged by the Turkes Discord and dissention in the Church noted Ambition auarice of the church of Rome Ex Rapulario Henrici Token The sea of Rome is turned into an Oceane that haâ—â— no bottome What a million is Concilium Bituriense Pragmatica Sanctio Ex loan Maria Belga de Schismat Conciliis cap. 24. Pope pius laboreth that Pragmatica Sanctio should be abolished The counsaile of Paris appealeth from the pope to the generall Councell Vid. supra pag. 670. The complaint of the Germaines to the Emperour for helpe and ayde against the oppression of the Pope Fredericke made the Germaines twise subiect vnto the Pope Frid. Albertus his brother and Sigismundus striue for the dukedome of Austria Warre betwene Franciscus Sfortia and the Venetians about Millaine Warre betwene Lewes the French king and the citie of Millaine Iohn a Notherde of Franconia Martyr Anno. 1476. Iohn de Wesailia persecuted Anno. 1479. The articles and opinioÌ„s of Iohn de Wesalia Free will nothing Prelates haue no more power ouer scriptures then other men Extreme vnction reproued Against the primacy of the Pope Iohn de Wesalia brought before the prelates The Inquisitour speaketh The answer of Wesalianus reasonable The cruell proceeding of the Inquisitour The greater cause of the Pope described Scio. Credo His opinion of the sacrament His opinion of Monkes and Nunnes The vowe of chastitie Mortall sinne founnd by the Pope beside that which is expressed to be mortall in the scripture What is this article but to make the Pope a god Christ left no vicar in earthe Pardons and indulgences be of no effect The treasure of saintes merites is not in earth This saying waâ— taken out of one Cantor Pariensis which was went to say thaâ— pardoÌ„s were holy decertes because that laye men there were prouoked by naughtie decerteâ— to geue good almes Degrees â—nscripture forbidden to marry Nothing to be beleued but which is in scripture conteyned The Church geueth witnes who were the writers of the scripture but hath no authoritie aboue that which is writteÌ„ By this inquisition Christ himselfe might be condemned Ex Orth. Grat. Ex Paralip Abat Vrsper Discorde betwixt Reals Nominals Ex Orth. Grat. Doct. Iohn de Wesalia reuoketh his opinioÌ„s Albert duke of Saxonie called Dextra manus imperis Albert Marques of Brandenburg called Achilles Germanicus Anno. 1484. The abhomination of Pope Sixtus Ex Declamatione Agrippa ad Lonanienses The warres of Pope Sixtus Ex Ioan. Laziardo lib. Historia Vniuersalii cap. 284. A large gift of the Pope to the begging Friers Alanus author of our Ladies Psalter Then had the blessed virgine Mary two husbandes An olde knaue to sucke his wiues brest The detestable impietie and blasphemie of the popishe lying religion Mendacem memorem esse oportet Ex Latinâ— Codice impresso cui tituluit Rosasea Maria Corona The death of Pope Sixtus 4. Here endeth Platina The death of king Edward 4. Anno. 1483. Burdet Tyranny in miscoÌ„string a mans wordes The lawes of the realme misconstred for the princes pleasure K. Edward 5 Eccle. 10. Vaepuero regi in suo regno Richard Duke of Glocester made protectour The young king committed to Duke of Gloucester The Duke of Buckingham a great doer for the protectour Both king Edwardes children in the possessioÌ„ of the protectour The deuelisliâ— protectour picketh quarelles The Queene Shores wife falsely accused of the protector to bewitch his arme Adultery punished of God Murder iustly punished of god L. Hastings arrested for a traytour L. Stanley wounded B. Morton The tyranny of the protectour The L. Hastings beheaded The beastly protectour accuseth his owne mother Doct. Shawes impudent sermoÌ„ at Paules crosse Sap. 4. Example for all flattering preachers to bâ—ware The Duke of Buckingham an other minister for the protectours furie The Duke of Buckingham speaketh for the protectour in the Guildhall An hard thing to make the tongue speake against the hart A stolne consent in the Guild-hall Fye of hipocrisie The hypocrisie of the protector denying the crowne thrise before he would take it King Richard 3. vsurper King Richard crowned The truth of Robert Brabenbury to his prince Iames Tyrel I. Dighton Miles Iorest cruell traytors and murtherers of their Prince YouÌ„g princes The 2. children of king Edward murdered The iust punishmeÌ„t of God vpoÌ„ the minderers of them two The punishment of God vpon K. Richard The punishmeÌ„t of God vpon the Duke of BuckinghaÌ„ Doct. Shaw and Doct. Pinkie two flattering preachers Gods iudgement vpon flattering preachers The first motion of ioyning the two houses Yorke and Lancaster togeather Earle Henry maketh preparation toward his iourney The arriuing of Henry Earle of RichmoÌ„d in Wales K. Richad gathered his power to encounter with Earle Henry K. Richard taketh the field of Bolworth This Lord Stanley was he which was hurt at the Tower when the L. Hastings was arested vide pag. 727. Bosworth field The history of Sir Tho. More word â—or word taken out of Polid. Virg. W. Brandon Charles Brandon The death of king Richard Duke of Northfolke slaine Lord Tho. Haward Earle of Surrey aduaunced by K. Henry 7. K. Richards sonne punished for the wickednes of his father K. Richard proposed to marry Elizabeth his brothers daughter L. Stanley husband to K. Henries mother forsooke k. Richard The L. Strange meruelously preserued The shamefull tossing of king Richardes dead Corpes Anno. 1485. King Henry 9. K. Henry marieth with Elizabeth The two houses of Yorke and Lancaster ioyned together Anno. 1486. Maximilianus Emperour The reigne and death of Fridericus Emperour Anno. 1494. Maximilian marieth the Duches of Burgoyne This Mary was neece to king Edward 4. The learning of Maximilian coÌ„mended Maximilian writer of his owne stories Ex leaÌ„ Carione Maximilian first ordeiner of the vnyuersitie of Wittenberg Learned meÌ„ begin to grow in Christendome Doct. Weselus Groningensis Weselus called Lux Mundi The doctrine of Weselus Groningensis Ex lib. D. Weseli De sacrameÌ„to peniteÌ„tia The Popes supremacie written against Ex Epist. cuinsilam in opere Weseli Christes aunswere to Tho. de Corselis touching this place Quicquid ligaueris Not what so euer is said to be loosed in earth is loosed in heauen but whatsoeuer is loosed in very deede in earth that is also loosed in deede in heauen Against tiches in the Church The preceptes of the Pope prelates how they binde The Popes keyes Vowes Doctrine not to be receaued without examinatioÌ„ Excommunication Ex Nouiomago A prophesie of Weselus This Oftendorpius was a man well learned and Canon of the minster of Lubecke Here it appeareth that