fayn to post to Rome and there to bring the Archb. in hatred in the Court of Rome made his Abbay tributary to Pope Alexander The Pope well contented with this not onely graunteth the Abbot his desire but also in cōtumely of the archbishop dubbeth the Abbot with all such ornaments as to a Prelate apperteined and so in the yeare 1178. sent home the Abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre and other ensignes of victory with letters also to the Archbishop inioyning him immediatly vpon the sight thereof to consecrate the Abbot in his own Church without making any profession Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewedly pressed yet notwithstanding hys stout hart would not stoupe for this but layd his appeale against the same and so the consecratiō for that time was suspended Then Roger for his more defence getting the kings letters trauailed vp the second time to Rome where greuously he complayned to Pope Alexander of the Archbyshop At the same time a generall councell was summoned to be kept at Lateran where Richard the foresayd arch bishop was also looked for amongst other Bishops to be present Who thē came as farre as Paris but being there durst approch no further so retyred home again Wherupon the Pope being offended with his contēpt without any more delay exalted the Abbot with his own consecration and inuested him with all pompe and glory howbeit prouiding before that the sayd consecration should redoūd to no preiudice agaynst the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury and so vpon the same wrot to the Archbishop his letters of certificate with this additiō annexed Saluo iure dignitate Cant. Ecclesiae that is to say Sauing the liberties and dignity of the Church of Cant. c. After the counsell ended Roger the Abbot returneth home although with an empty purse yet full of victory triūph The Archbishop againe thinking to worke some greuaunce to the Austen Monkes had procured in this meane time letters from Pope Alexander to the Bishop of Durhā and Abbot of S. Albons that they should cause the sayd Roger Abbot of the Austen monks to shew vnto the Archbishop at y◠old priuiledges of his house which in deed being shewed seemed to be rased new written with Bulles of lead not after the maner nor stile of that age nor pretending no such antiquity as should seeme to reach frō the time of Austen but rather newly coūterfeit All this notwithstanding the Abbot bearing him bold vpon the Popes fauour ceased not stil to disquiet ouercrow the Archbishop by all wayes he could in exempting all his Priestes and laimen belonging to his iurisdiction from the archb obedience forbidding also that none of his should come to his Chapters or Sinods nor to feare any sentence of his curse or excommunication Wherupon the Archbishop about the month of Nouember the same yere sayling ouer to Normandy where the king was thought to take his iourney to the pope to complain of the Abbot but being stayd by the king was not suffered to passe any further the king labouring what he could to bring them to agreement neuerthelesse the Pope and his Romaines sayth my story Aurum argentum magis quà m iusticiam sitientes seditiones inter eos litigia commouebant that is caring more for golde and siluer then for iustice still stirred coales of sedition and debate betweene them Ex Historia Geruasij The next yere after this insuing which was the yeare of our Lord 1184. dyed Richard the Archbishop aforesaid in the 38 yere of king Henry 2. After whose dicease much trouble happened about the election of a new Archb. betwene the king and monkes of Canterbury And now to enter here into the story of Baldwin aboue mētioned first the king sēt to the monks that they should consider with themselues about the election of their Archbishop and to be ready agaynst the time that he would send for them to the court Vpon this the Couent gladly assembling together agreed in themselues vpon one whom they thought chiefly to preferre yet naming foure moe that if the king would refuse one the other yet might stand Now the practise in the monkes was first to keepe the election only in their owne handes as much as they could And secondly euer to geue the election either to some Prior or Monk of their own house or to some Abbot or Bishop which some time had bene of theyr company Wherby as much inconuenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England so the same disliked both the king and the Byshops not a litle As this past on the king when he saw his time willed the monks of Canterbury to be cited or sent for to vnderstand what they had concluded in their election Wherupō the Monkes sent vp their Prior called Alanus with certaine other Monks to Reding where the king thē lay about the moneth of August Who at first were curtuously enterteined but after the king had intelligēce whom they had nominated elected they were sēt home agayne with cold cheare the king willing thē to pray better and to aduise more earnestly vpon the matter amongst themselues Alanus the Prior with his felowes thus departed who comming home in conclusion so concluded amongst them selues that they would remitt no iote of their liberties to the king without the popes consent and knowledge The king vnderstanding hereof sent his Ambassadours likewise to the Pope for the fortefying of his cause being in that mean time grieuously offēded with the Prior saying that he was proud would make archbishop whom he listed and would be the second Pope in England c. Not long after this as these letters were sent vp to Rome the king sent for Alanus the Prior and moe of the monks to come to him Whom he entreateth desiring thē in gentle speech that they would shew so much gentlenes fauor to him being their Lord King as becōmeth hys frendes and subiects to doe as to conferre with the Byshops of the Realme about this matter and to take some better councel so as might redoūd to Gods glory his honor wealth of the publicke state with other like words to the same effect To whom when the Prior agayne had answered with thankes due reuerence according to the kinges request the Bishops and Monks went to confer together about the matter And first the Bishoppes maruelled why the monks should exclude them out of the election seing they were professed Suffraganes to the sayd church of Canterbury Neither is there any Prince quoth the bishop of Bathe that will refuse our counsell There be some counsels sayd the Monkes whereat you may be called but as touching the doing of this electiō it pertaineth nothing vnto you further then to publish onely and denounce y◠party whō we haue chosen The bishop of London then asked if
speedely gathered into the â—arne whiche onely remayneth behinde to come Now if we ascribe such reputation to Godly preachers and worthely which diligently preache the Gospell of Christ when they liue notwithstanding by the benefite of tyme without all feare of persecution howe muche more reasonable cause haue we to prayse and extoll such men as stoutly spend theyr lyues for the defence of the same All these premisses duely of our partes considered and marked seeing we haue found so famous Martyrs in this our age let vs not fayle then in publishing and setting forth their doings lest in that poynt we seeme more vnkinde to them then the writers of the primitiue Church were vnto theirs And though we repute not theyr ashes chaynes and swerdes in the stede of reliques yet let vs yeld thus much vnto theyr commemoration to glory the Lord in hys Saintes and imitate theyr death as much as we may with like constancy or theyr liues at the least with like innocency They offered theyr bodies willing to the rough handling of the tormentors And is it so great a matter then for our part to mortifie our flesh with all the members thereof They neglected not onely the riches and glory of the world for the loue of Christ but also their liues and shal we then keepe so great a styrre one agaynst an other for the transitory trifles of this world They continued in patient suffering when they had most wrong done vnto them and when theyr very heartes bloud gushed out of theyr bodyes and yet will not wee forgeue our poore brother be the iniury neuer so small but are ready for euery trifling offence to seeke hys destruction and cut his throat They wishing well to all men did of theyr own accord forgeue theyr persecutors therefore ought we which are now the posteritie and Children of Martyrs not to degenerate from theyr former steps but being admonished by their examples if we cannot expresse theyr charitie toward all men yet at lest to imitate the same to our power and strength Let vs geue no cause of offence to any And if any be geuen to vs let vs ouercome it with patience forgeuing and not reuenging the same And let vs not onely keepe our handes from shedding of bloud but our tongues also from hurting the same of others Besides let vs not shrinke if case so require martyrdome or losse of lyfe according to their example to yeld vp the same in the defence of the Lordes flocke Whiche thing if men would do much lesse contention and busines woulde be in the world â—hen now is And thus much touching the vtilitie and fruit to be taken of this history To all the professed frendes and followers of the Popes proceedinges foure Questions propounded TO you all and singuler which professe the doctrine and Relâ—gion of the Pope your holy Father and of your mother Church of Rome pretending the name of Catholickes commoÌ„ly termed Papistes wheresoeuer abiding in the Realme of England these foure Questions or Problemes hereunder folowing I would moue desiring you all either to muse vpon theÌ„ or to answere theÌ„ at your leisure * The first Question FIrst forsomuch as Mount Sion which God calleth by the Prophet Iesai the hill of his holines beareth in the scripture an vndoubted type of the spiritual church of Christ for so much as the sayd Iesai. ca. 11. 65. prophesying of the sayd Mount Sion sayth in these wordes Non nocebunt neque affligent in omni monte sancto meo dicit Dominus c. 1. They shal not kill nor hurt in all my holy hill sayth the Lord. c. And agayne in the same chap. thus we read Habitabit Lupus cum agno Pardus cuÌ„ haedo accubabit Vitulus Leo ouis vna commorabuntur puellus paruulus ducet eos c. i. The wolfe shall dwell with the Lambe the Leopard with the Kid the Calfe the Lion the sheepe shall feed together a yong child shall rule theÌ„ The Cow also the Beare shall abide together with theyr yong ones the Lion shall eat chaffe fodder like the Oxe c. Upon these premises now foloweth my question how the church of Rome can be answerable to this hill of SioÌ„ seing in the sayd church of Rome is and hath bene now so many yeares such killing and slaying such cruelty and tyranny shewed such burning spoyling of christen bloud such malice mischiefe wrought as in reading these historyes may to all the world appeare To this if they aunswere expound these wordes of the Prophet as perteining to the church triumphant therevnto I reply agayne that by the wordes in the same place in the same sentence expressed that sence cannot stand for as much as the Prophet in the very same place where he prophesieth of this peaceable dwelling in Gods holy mountayne without hurting or killing meaneth plainly of the earth sheweth also the cause of that godly peace Because sayth he the earth is replenished with knowledge science of the Lord. c. ibid. And furthermore the Prophet speaking of the same day when this shal be addeth saying In that day the root of Iesse shall stand for a signe to the people for the Gentils to be conuerted and to seeke vnto him c. Which day in no wise can be applyed to the church in heauen triumphant but only here militant in earth Touching which place of Iesai further here is to be noted by the way that by this peaceable MouÌ„t Sion which comprehendeth both the states as well ecclesiasticall as teÌ„porall is not restrayned the publicke penalty of good lawes needfull to be executed vpon publicke malefactors but here is restrayned the fiercenes reuenge cruelty violence of mens affections To which affectioÌ„s men being commonly subiect by nature through grace working of the gospel are altered reformed chauÌ„ged to another disposition froÌ„ stoutnes to softnes froÌ„ violence to sufferance from fiercenes to forbearing froÌ„ pride to humility froÌ„ cruelty to compassion from wilynes to simplicity froÌ„ solemne singularity to humanity and meekenes Which vertues if they had bene in the church of Rome according to the rule of S. Paul which willeth men that be stronger to beare with the infirmities of the weaker and that in the spirit of meeknes c. Rom. 15. Gal. 6. I should not haue needed now at this time to write such a long history as this of the suffering of so many Martyrs ¶ The second Question MY second question is this to demauÌ„d of you catholicke professors of the popes sect which so deadly maligne and persecute the protestants professing the gospell of Christ what iust or reasonable cause haue you to allege for this your extreme hatred ye bear vnto the yâ— neither you your selues can abide to liue with them nor yet will suffer the other to liue amongest you If they were Iewes
the bishops and of the clergie which I maintaine be right why be they set against me Why do they reprehēd me For if that I appealed to him before whome either it was not lawfull or els not expedient for me to do what seeme they by this but either to blame me causelesse or els to distrust your equity For me to be conuicted before your holinesse it had bene a double confusion Or wherein haue I deserued to be persecuted of them for whose cause I haue set my selfe to stande in their behalfe And if they had willed I had preuailed but it is ill with the head when he is left of his members and forsaken as if the eyes shoulde take the toung to speake against the head If they had had eyes to haue foresene the matter they might vnderstand themselues to speake their owne destruction and that the Princes did vse their helpe but to their owne seruitude And what so great cause of hatred had they against me to procure their owne vndoing in vndoing of me So while they neglected spirituall things in steade of temporall they haue lost them both What shoulde I speake more of this that I repugning them and appealing to your audience yet notwithstanding they durst presume to stand in iudgement and condemnation against me as children against their father Yea and not against me onely but against the vniuersall Church of God conspiring together with the Prince being with me offended And this suspection might also as well pertaine to you holy father But to this they will say that they owe their duety and seruice vnto the king as their Lord to whom they are bound vpon their allegeance To whom I answer that to him they stand bound bodely to me spiritually But to whom ought they rather to stand bound then to themselues And were it not better to sustaine the losse of corporall then of spirituall things But here they wil say againe at this time the Prince was not to be prouoked Howe subtily do these men dispute for their owne bondage Yea they themselues prouoke him by their owne excesse ministring wings vnto him to fight against them for he woulde haue rested if they had resisted And when is constancie more to be required then in persecution Be not a mans chiefe frendes most tried in persecution If they geue ouer still how shall they obtaine the victorie Sometime they must needes resist Condescend therefore holy father to my exile and persecution And remember that I also once was a great man in the time when it was and now for your sake thus iniuriously I am intreated Vse your rigour and restraine them by whose instigation the name of this persecution began And let none of these things be imputed to the king who rather is to be counted the repairer then the author of this businesse Besides this Epistle sent vnto the Pope he wryteth also an other letter sent to the King in Latine the tenour whereof he that is disposed to read may peruse in our former edition with the notes adioyned withall Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin he sent also one or two mo to the said king Henry the second much after the like rate sort The one thus beginning Loqui de Deo liberae mentis est valdè quietae Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum vtinam ad omnes pacificum c. which Epistle for that I woulde not ouercharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous I thought hore to omit The other he sent afterward wherof the wordes be these ¶ An other letter of Becket Archbishop of Canterburie sent to the king TO his Lorde and frende Henry by the grace of God king of England Duke of Normandy Aquitane Earle of Angeow Thomas by the same grace humble minister of the church of Cāterburie sometime his temporally but now more his in the Lord health and true repentaunce with amendement I haue long looked for that the Lord would looke vpon you and that you would conuert and repent departing from your peruerse way and cutte off from you your wicked and peruerse counsellours by whose instinction as it is thought you are fallen into that deepe wherof the Psalme speaketh A sinner when he commeth to the depth of mischiefes is without all care or feare And albeit we haue hetherto quietly suffred and borne considering and earnestly looking if there woulde any messenger come that woulde say Your soueraigne Lorde the king which nowe a long time hath erred and ben deceiued and led euen to the destruction of the church through Gods mercy with aboundant humility doth now againe make speede for the deliueraunce of the Church and to make satisfaction and amendement Yet notwithstanding we cease not day by day continually to call vpon almightie God with most humble deuotion that that which we haue long desired for you and by you we may speedely obtaine with aboundant effect And this is one poynte that the care of the Church of Canterburie whereunto God hath presently appoynted vs albeit vnworthy you being K. doeth specially constraine me in that as yet we are deteined in exile to write vnto your maiestie letters commonitorie exhortatorie and of correction But I woulde to God they were fully able to correct least that I be to great a cloker of your outragies if there be any as in deede there are for the which we are not a litle sorie I meane specially of them which are done by you in euery place about the Church of God and the Ecclesiasticall persons without any reuerence either of dignitie or person and least also that I appeare negligent to the great danger of my soule for without doubt hee beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence who neglecteth to correct that which an other ought to amend For it is written not onely they which doe commit euill but also they which consent therunto are coūted partakers of the same For they verely do cōsent which when they both might and ought doe not resist or at the least reproue For the errour which is not resisted is alowed and the truth whē it is not defended is oppressed neither doth it lacke a priuie note of society in him which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief 2 For like as most noble Prince a small Citie doeth not diminish the prerogatiue of so mighty a kingdome as your is so your royal power ought not to oppresse or chaunge the measure of the religious dispensatiō For it is prouided alwaies by the lawes that al iudgemēts agaynst Priests should proceede by the determination of Priestes For whatsoeuer Byshoppes they are albeit that they do erre as other men do not exceeding in any poynt contrary to the religion of faith they 3 ought not nor can in any case be iudged of the seculare power Truely it is the parte of a good and religious Prince to repaire the ruinous Churches to builde
by s. Peter thou shalt not so soone at my hande obteine the benefite of absolution for why thou hast not only done harme to the K. of Englād but also thou hast in a great many of thinges iniured the church of Rome here therfore thou shalt tary my leyser The archb was also at that time suspended out of the Church and commanded to say no masse at all neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiasticall office because he would not at time cōuenient execute the popes curse vpon the rebellious Barons With them the said pope had ben so depely offended angred a litle before that the great charter of the liberties of England with great indignation countenance most terrible he rent and destroyed by sentence definitiue condemning it for euer And by and by therupon cursed all the other rebels with booke bel and candle The greater captaines of them with the citizens of London for that assay were pronounced excōmunicate by name remained still interdicted They appealed then to the councel general In the same yere 1215. were those great men also summoned to appear at Rome in that general Sinode which would not consent to their kings expulsion nor yet tirannical deposing Though they were called they sayd therunto by the Archb. of Cant. and others and required by othe to subscribe to the same yet coulde they not of conscience do it because he had humbled himselfe and also granted to keepe peace with all men Thus was the whole realme miserably then deuided into two factions through malice of the clergie so strifes encreased in the lande euery where Yet were there of the Lordes gentlemen a great number at that time that followed the king and alowed his doings But they which were on the otherside not a little suspecting the state that they were in fled speedely to the French K. Phillip desiring him that he would graunt to them his eldest sonne Ludowike and they would elect him to be their K. and that without much tariance They besought him moreouer that he would sende with him a strong and mighty power as were able to subdue him vtterly that they might they said be deliuered of such a wicked tyrant Such was the reporte that those most wicked papists gaue their christian gouernor appoynted to them of God whome they ought to haue obeyed though he had bene euill euen for very conscience sake Rom. 13. And as certaine of the Lords and Barons were busie to chuse the sayde Ludowike for their king the Pope sent thether one Gualo the Cardinal of S. Martin to those rash and cruel attempts charging the French king vpon his allegeance that he with all power possible should fauour maintaine and defend king Iohn of England his feudary or tenant The French king therto made answer as one not cōtented with that arrogant precept The realme of Englande sayd he was neuer yet any part of S. Peters patrimony neither is it now nor yet any time shal be hereafter Thys spake he for that he was in hope to obtain it for his sonne by treason of the Barons No prince of potentate said Phillip the French king may pledge or geue away his kingdome which is beside the realme the gouernment of his whole cōmon wealth wtout the lawful consent of his Barons which are bound to defend the same If the pope shal introduce or set vp such a president in christianitie he shall at his pleasure bring all christian kings and their kingdoms to naught I like not this example in these daies begon I cānot therfore allow this fact of king Iohn of England though he be my vtter aduersarie yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realme hath brought that noble ground and Duene of prouinces vnder miserable tribute The chiefe Lordes and men of his nobilitie stāding by when he vttred these wordes being as it were in a fury cried with one voyce By the blud of God in whom we trust to be saued we wil sticke in this article to the loosing of our heads Let the K. of England do therein what him liketh no king may put his land vnder tribute so make his nobility captiue seruants with that came in Ludowike the kings eldest sonne and so sayd vnto them all there present I beseeche you let not my purposed iourney The Barons of England haue elected me for theyr Lorde and king and I will not surely lose my right but I wil fight for it euen to the very death yea so long as hart shall stir within my brest and I doubt not but I shall well obtaine it for I haue frendes among them Hys father the king stoode still as he had bene in a dompe answered neuer a word but fared as though he had dissembled the matter Be like he mistrusted some thing therein as he might well inough for all was procured by the priestes that they might liue licentiously in all wealth and fredome from the kings yoke About the same time were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by the Bishops Priestes and Monkes throughout all the realme that the king knew not where to become or finde trusty frendes he was then compelled by the vncertaintie of his subiectes to trauaile from place to place but not without a great armie of men looking euery day when his Barons their confederates would cruelly set vpon him At last he came to Douer and there looked for aide from other quarters which loued him better then did hys owne people And thether to him resorted from Flaunders Brabant Holland on the one side and from Guiane Gascoine Poitiers on the other side and from other countries more a wonderfull number of men The report then went that the pope had wrytten to those countreis mightely to assist him for diuers cōsiderations one was for that he had both submitted himselfe and hys dominion to his protection An other was because he had taken on him a little before the liuery of the crosse to win againe Hierusalem The third was for that he had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland and feared to lose both if he should chance to decay For the space of 3. moneths he remained in the Isle of Wight abroade in the aire to quiet himself for a time from al manar of tumults and led there a solitary life among riuers and watermen where as hee rather counted to die then to liue being so traiterously handled of his Bishops and Barons and not knowing howe to be iustly aduenged of them Uppon the Purification day of our Lady therfore he tooke vpon him the crosse or viage against the Turks for recouery of Hierusalem mooued therunto rather for the doubts which he had of his people then for any other deuotion else And thus he said to his familiar seruāts since I submitted my selfe and my lands England and Ireland to the church of Rome sorow come to it neuer thing
prospered with me but all hath gone against me In the next yeare after 1216. was Symon Langton chosen Archbishop of Yorke but that election anon arter was dissolued for informatioÌ„ was geuen to the pope that the said Simon was brother to SteueÌ„ Langton the archbishop of Cant. which had bene the occasion of all the tumults which were that time in England And the Pope had the more hate vnto him for that he had brought hym vp of nought and did finde him at that time so stuvburne wherefore he placed in hys brothers place Walter Graie the bishop of Winchester In the same yere Gualo the popes legate renued hys great curse vppon Lewes the French kings sonne for vsurping vpon king Iohn Likewise vpon Simon Langton and Gernais Hobruge for prouoking him to yâ— same and that wyth a wonderfull solemnitie for in that doing hee made all the belles to be rong the candles to be lyght the doores to be opened and the boke of excommunicatioÌ„s and interdictions publikely to be read committing them wholy to the deuil for their contumacie and contempt He also commanded the Bishops and Curates to publishe it abroad ouer at the whole realm to the terror of ad his subiects The said Simon Geruais laughed hym to scorne and derided much his doings in that behalfe saying that for the iust title of Ludowick they had appealed to the generall councell at Rome The magistrates of London and citizens of the same did likewise vilipende and disdainously mocke all that the Pope had there commanded and done And in spight both of him and hys legate they kept company with them that were excommunicated both at table and at church shewing themselues thereby as open contemners both of him and his lawes Ludowicke at London taking himselfe for king constituted Simon Langton for hys high Chancellor Geruais Hobruge for his chiefe preacher By whose daily preachings as well the Barons and the Citizens themselues being both excommunicated caused all the church dores to be opened and the seruice to be song the said Ludowicke was in all poynts fit for their handes About this time was Pandulphus then Cardinal collecting the Peter pence an olde pillage of the Pope taking great paines therin And for his great labours in those affaires of holy Church for other great myracles besides he was then made bishop of Norwich to the augmenting of his dignitie and expenses It chaunced about this time that the Uicount of Melun a very noble maÌ„ of the realme of France which came thether wyth the Prince Ludowicke to fall deadly sicke at London and also moued of conscience to cal certaine of the English Barons vnto hym such as were there appoynted to the custodie of that citie sayd vnto them I lament your sorrowful case and pitie with my heart the destruction that is comming towards you and your countrey The daungerous snares which are prepared for your vtter coÌ„fusion are hidden from you ye do not behold them but take ye hede of them in time Prince Ludowicke hath sworne a great oth 16. of his Earles and noble men are of counsel with him that if he obtaine the crowne of England he will banish all them from seruice depriue them of lands and goods as many as he findeth nowe to goe against their liege king and are traitours to his noble person And because yee shall not take thys tale for a fable I assure you on my faith lying nowe at the mercy of God that I was one of them which was sworn to the same I haue great conscience therof and therfore I geue you this warning I pittie poore England which hath bene so noble a region that now it is come to so extreme misery And when he with teares had lamented it a space hee returned againe vnto them and said my frends I counsel you earnestly to looke to your selues and to prouide the remeady in time least it come vpon you vnwares Your king for a season hath kept you vnder but if Ludowicke preuaile he will put you from all Of two extreeme euilles chose the more easy and keepe that secret which I haue tolde you of good will with that he gaue ouer and departed this life When this was once noysed among the Barons they were in great heauinesse for they saw themselues betrapped euery way and to be in exceeding great daunger And this daily augmented that feare which then came vpoÌ„ the Barons They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates and euery weeke came vpon them newe excommunications Daily detriments they had besides in theyr possessions and goodes in their lands houses corne and cattell wines and children so that some of them were driuen to such neede that they were enforced to seeke prayes and booties for sustaining theyr miserable liues For looke whatsouer prince Ludowick obtained by his warres either territories or castels he gaue them all to his French men in spight of their heads and said that they were but traitours like as they had warning afore whych greeued them worst of all At the last they perceiuing that they in seeking to auoid one mischief were ready to fall into an other much worse they began to lay their heads together consenting to submit themselues wholy with al humility to the mercy of their late soueraigne natural liege Lord king Iohn And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their liues for the treason afore committed many of the friendes of them which were of most credite with him made sute for them So were a great number of them pardoned after instant great suit made for them I heere omit his recouery of Rochester castle and citie with many other dangerous aduentures against the foresayd Ludowicke both at London Yorke Lincolne Winchester Norwiche other places els as things not pertaâ—ning to my purpose And now I returne to my matter againe Into Suffolke and Norffolke hee consequently iourneyed with a very strong armie of men and there wyth great mischiefe hee afflicted them because they had geuen place were sworne to his enemies After that he destroied the Abbeis of Peterborough Crowland for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him and so he departed from thence into Lincolneshire In this yeare about the 17. day of Iuly died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a citie called Perusium in Italie where as hee had trauailed to make a peace betweene the Genouaies and the Pyses for his owne commoditie and aduauntage After hym anone succeeded one Ciatius otherwise called Honorius Tertius a man of very great age yet liued he in the papacy 10. yeres and an halfe more When this was once known in England greatly reioyced all they which were king Iohns enemies specially the priests yet had they small cause as will appeare hereafter They noised it al the realme ouer that this new Pope would set a new order and
an example to the flocke and when the chiefe Pastor shall appeare you shall receiue an incorruptible crowne of eternall glory c. And this is the doctrine of Peter as they shal se which do not obey it As for vs the other part of the sayd Epistle is sufficient Wherein he willeth thē to reioice which are in heauines through manifolde temptations that the triall of theyr sayth being much more precious thē gold that perisheth and is tryed in fire may be theyr laud honour and glory at the appearing of the Lord Iesu. c. But beare with me I pray you O holy Father and of all your Predecessors most meekest and suffer my wordes though the seme something sharpe for they be sighings of a sorrowfull hart Wherefore gird about your loynes with fortitude and light vp the candle of your descretion and seeke the groat that is lost of the vnity I meane of sayth And we will also with like compassion ioyne with your holynesse and will not spare this weake body of mine in pretending any excuse either of age or lēgth of the way For the more laborous the trauell is the moe crownes it bringeth And S. Paule sayth Euery man shall receiue reward according to his trauell c. Neither are we ignoraunt if it please your holinesse that like as we Grecians for our partes do labour in all respectes to keepe and obserue the sincerity of true sayth and doctrine not to erre ne swerue in any part or poynt from the statutes of the blessed Apostles and auncient fathers so the Church likewise of old Rome doth for her part labour also we know well to follow the sincere verity of Christian doctrine and thinketh her selfe to erre in nothing nor to neede any remedye or reformation And this we know is the iudgement and saying of both the Churches aswell of the Greekes as of the Latines For no man can see any spot in his owne face without he stoope downe to the glasse or els be admonished by some other whether his face be blotted or no. Euen so haue we many great sayre glasses set before vs first the cleare Gospell of Christ the Epistles of the Apostles and diuinitie bookes of auncient writers Let vs therefore looke in them well They will shew euery mans minde and iudgement whether he go right or wrong The God of peace tread downe Sathan speedely vnder our feet The author of peace confound the sower of discord He that is the cause of all goodnes destroy the hater of that which is good and which geueth cause of offence and slaunder And he which is God of all ioy and peace send to vs whiche are the shepheardes of his sheepe reasonable the aungell of peace and messenger of great glad tidings as he did in the Natiuitye of Christ to the shepheardes of brute sheepe and vnreasonable and make vs worthy to sing that ioyfull song of Gods prayse Gloria in excelsis Deo in terra pax hominibus bona voluntas and to receiue one an other with an holy kisse The grace of our Lord Iesus Christ and the peace of God the Father and the communion of the holy spirit be with you alwayes Amen ¶ An other Epistle of the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople and Primate of the Greek Church to the Cardinals of Rome AN other letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople wrote also the same time to the Popes Cardinals wherin he first commending them for theyr wisedome and counsell and shewing what vtility commeth by good counsell geuing for so much as God sayth he many times that he hydeth from one inspireth to an other so that that good thing which by the almighty God is sonderly dispensed to diuers through common counsell and conference spreadeth to the publicke vtility of many c. After this eftsoones he beginneth to exhort them that they like charitable ministers and discrete counsellors will take in hand the spirituall armour of God to cast downe the stoppe partition walle of the olde discord betweene the Greekes and Latine Church that they will be a meanes to the Bishop of Rome that they which so long haue bene disseuered by dissention may now be conioyned in vnity of peace in brotherly charity and communion of fayth Concerning which matter I haue sayth he already written to his holynesse And now I beseech the king of heauen whiche tooke the shape of a seruaunt to helpe his miserable seruauntes and was exalted vpon the crosse to raise them vp which were fallen into the profundity of desolation that he will vouchsafe to put from your hartes all elation of minde extolling it selfe ouer and aboue the vnity of your brethren and fellow seruauntes and to lighten your consciences with the true light of vnderstanding that we may altogether agree in one that there be no schisme amongst vs. Let vs therefore as we are instructed so abide in one minde that it be not sayd of vs as it was of the Corinthians before vs I hold of Paule I of Apollo I of Coephas and I of Christ but that all we as we holde the name of Christ and are all called Christians so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed in one minde that is to follow loue and charity in Christ Iesus hauing alwayes in our hartes the wordes of the Apostle saying One Lord one Fayth one Baptisme And now to be playne with you in that I haue to say I shal desire you not to be offended with me in vttering the trueth as a frend vnto you The wordes sayth Salomon of a wise man telling trueth be like to nayles which be driuen in deepe And truth for the moste parte breedeth enemies And therefore though I am partly afrayd yet will I simply confesse the trueth vnto you Certes this diuision of Christian vnity amongst vs proceedeth of no other cause but onely of the tiranny oppression and exactiōs of the Church of Rome which of a mother is become a stepdame and hath put her children from her whome long time she nourished after the maner of a rauening bird which driueth her yong from her which children how much the more humble and obedient they are to her the lesse she esteemeth them and treadeth them vnder foot not regarding the saying of the Gospel Who so humbleth himselfe shal be exalted Let modesty therefore something temper you and let the auarice of the Court of Rome although it can not well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone yet surcease a while and let vs together condescend to the triall of the trueth which trueth being found out on both sides let vs constantly embrace the same For why we haue bene altogether some times both Italians and Grecians in one fayth and vnder the same Canons hauing peace each with other and defending one an other and confounding the enemies of the Church At what tyme many flying out of the west
subiect In the which Parliament time was prefixed for taking their iourney which shoulde be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist the next yeare insuing Also they that were croysed were sworne to persist in their purpose and sentence of the popes great curse denouÌ„ced to all them that went from the same Parisiens fol. 211. Furthermore for the better speede in his iourny the king through al his realme caused it to be proclaimed that if any marchaÌ„t or other had bene iniured at any time by the kings exactours either by oppression or borowing of money let him bring foorth his bil shewing how or wherein and he should be recompensed At which time William Longspatha a worthy warriour with the Bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the Realme of England mooued with the example of the Frenchmen prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney The next yere after thys ensuing which was 1248. the French king yet still remaining in hys purposed iourney Lady Blanche hys mother also the Byshop of Paris hys brother with the Lordes of his counsaile other nobles and his speciall frends aduertised him with great perswasions to alter hys minde touching that so aduenturous and so daungerous a iourney for that his vow sayd they was vnaduisedly made and in time of his sicknesse when hys minde was not perfectly stablished and what ieoperdies might happen at home it was vncertaine the king of England being on the one side the Emperor on the other side and the Pictauians in the middest so fugitiue and vnstable and as concerning his vow the pope shuld frendly dispense with him considering the necessitie of his realme and weakenesse of his body Besides all thys his mother vppon her blessing required him hys brethren of all loues desired him to stay at home and not in his person to adueÌ„ture other might be sent in his roume with no lesse furniture to atchieue that enterprise and to discharge him of his vow especially seeing at the making thereof his senses were feeble hys body weake and reason through sicknesse and very death almost decaied To whome the K. againe for so much sayde he as you say that for feeblenes of my senses I tooke this vow vpon me loe therfore as you here wil me I lay downe the crosse that I tooke and putting his hand to his shoulder tare of the badge of the crosse saying to the Byshop here syr I resigne to you the crosse wherew t I was signed At the sight wherof there was no smal reioysing to all that were there present To whome the king then both altering his countenance and hys speach thus spake My frendes sayde he whatsoeuer I was then in my sicknes now I thaÌ„ke god I am of perfect sense and reason souÌ„d and now I require my crosse again to be restored vnto me Saying moreouer that no bread shuld come in his head before he were recognised again with the same crosse as he was before At the hearing whereof al there present were astonied supposing that God had some great matter to worke and so mooued no moe questions vnto him Upon this drewe nie the feast of Iohn Baptist which was the time set for the setting foorth And nowe being in a readines the king in few dayes after was entring his iorney But yet one thing lacked For the King perceiuing the mortal variance betwene the pope and good Frederick the Emperour thought best first before his going to haue that matter appeased wherby his way both might be safer through the Emperours countries and also lesse ieoperdy at home after hys departure and therefore vpon the same tooke first his way to Lyons where the Pope was partly to take his leaue but most especially to make recoÌ„cilement betwene the Emperour and the Pope Where is to be noted by the way that as touching the good Emperour there was no lette nor staie Who rather sought all meanes how to compasse the popes fauor neuer could obteine it In so much that before he shuld be excommunicated in the Councel of Lyons he not onely answered sufficiently by Thadeus his atturney discharging himselfe against whatsoeuer crimes or obiections could be brought against him but so farre humbled himselfe to the Pope and the Councell that for all detriments damages losses or wrongs done of hys part what amendes soeuer the Pope could or would require he would recompence it to the vttermost This would not be taken Furthermore if the Pope hee sayde coulde not abide his tarying in his owne dominions and Empire he wold goe fight against the Saracens and Turkes neuer to returne into Europe againe offering there to recouer lands kingdomes whatsoeuer did at any time belong to Christendome so that the Pope onely would be contented that Henry his sonne which was then nephew to king Henry here in England should be Emperour after him Neither could this be admitted Then he offered for trueth of hys promise to put in the French king and the king of England to be his Suerties or els for triall of his cause to stand to their award and arbitrement Neither would that be graunted At least he desired that he might come himselfe and answere before the councell But the proude Pope in no case would abide that saying that he did not yet finde himselfe so ready and meete for Martyrdome to haue hym to come thether to the Councell for if he did he would depart himselfe c. Ex Math. Paris fol. 187. An. 1245. This obstinate rancor and deuiâ—ish malice of pope Innocent and hys predecessour against that valiant Emperor and against the Grecians what disturbance and mischiefe it wrought to the whole Churche what strength it gaue to the Saraceus and Tartarians howe it empaired Christian concorde and weakened all Christen lands not only the host of the French king did finde shortly after but christendome euen to this day may and doth feele and rue Neither can in stories be founde any greater cause which first made the Turks so strong to get so much grouÌ„d oner christendom as they haue then the pestileÌ„t working of this pope in deposing excommunicating this worthy Emperour For as there was neuer no Emperour of long time which more victoriously preuailed in bridling and keping vnder these enemies of Christ or would haue done more against them then the said Fred. if he might haue ben suffered so after the deposing excommunicating of him when the French king neither woulde abide at home as he was counselled neither was yet able wtout the help of other to withstand the force and multitude of the sayd SaraceÌ„s and Tartarians being now ioyned together neither yet could the Emperour be suffered by the pope to rescue the king it followed thereof that the good king being taken prisoner all his army destroied the Turkes thereupon got such a hand and such a courage against the Christians that euer since
so returned they frustrate of their intent The purpose of the Soldan was if he might haue gotten Damiata to send the French king hyer vp in the East countries to Calipha the chiefe Pope of Damascus to encrease the tytles of Mahomet and to be a spectacle or gasing stocke to all those quarters of the worlde The maner of which Calipha was neuer left to any Christen prisoner come out whosoeuer came once in his handes But for somuch as the Soldan missed hys purpose he thought by aduise of counsell to vse the kinges lyfe for hys owne aduauntage in recouering the city of Damiata as in the end it came to passe For although the king at the first was greatly vnwilling and had rather die then surrender Damiata againe to the Saracens yet the conclusion so fel out that the king was put to hys raunsome and the Citty of Damiata was also resigned which citty being twise won and twise lost by the Christians the Soldan or Saladine afterward caused vtterly to be rased downe to the ground The raunsome of the king vppon condition that the Soldan should see himselfe conducted to Achon which I take to be Cesaria came to 60000. markes The number of Frenchmen and others which miscaryed in that warre by water and by land came to 80000 persons tHaec Mat. Parisi fol. 237.238 And thus haue ye the briefe narration of this lamentable peregrination of Lewes the French kyng In whiche when the French men beyng once or twise well offered by the Soldan to haue all the kingdome of Ierusalem and much more in free possession they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient for greedines to haue all lost all hauing at length no more then ther naked bodies could couer lying dead vpoÌ„ the ground al through the originall cause of the Pope and Ddo hys Legate By whole sinister meanes and pestilent pride not only the liues of so many Christians were then lost but also to the sayd Pope is to be imputed all the losse of other citties Christian regions bordering in the same quarters for aâ—muche as by the occasion hereof the hartes of the Saracens on yâ— one side were so encouraged the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited that in short space after both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon with all other possessions belonging to the Christians were lost to the great diminishing of Christes Church During the tyme of this good king lying at Achonâ—or Celaria almighty God sent such discorde betwene that Soldan of Halapia and the SoldaÌ„ of Babilon for letting the king so escape that the sayd Soldan or Salidin of Babilon to winne the king vnto hys syde entred league with him whome both hys brethren and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken and remitted hys raunsome and also restored vnto hym such prisoners as were in the sayde battayle fouÌ„d to be aliue Thus the Lord worketh where man commonly forsaketh Math Paris fol. 261. An other cause moreouer why the ruine of this French army may worthely be impured to the Pope is this for that wheÌ„ Lewes the French king perceauing what a necessary frend and helper Fredericke the Emperour might be to hym in these his affayres agaynst the Saracens and therfore was an earnest suter for him to the Pope to haue hym released yet neyther he nor the king of Englande by any meanes could obtayne it And although the Emperor himselfe offred to pope Innocent with all humble submission to make satisfaction in the Councell of Lyons promising also to expugne all the dominions of the Saracens and neuer to returne into Europe agayn and there to recouer whatsoeuer the Christians had lost so that the pope would onely grauÌ„t his sonne Henry to be Emperoure after him yet the proud pope woulde not be mollified but would needes proceede agaynst hym with both swordes that is first with the spirituall sword to accurse hym and then with the temporall sword to depose him froÌ„ his Emperial throne Through the occasion wherof not onely the French kinges power went to wracke but also such a fire of mischiefe was kindled agaynst all Christendome as yet to this day cannot be quenched For after this ouerthrowe of the French king and his army the Christians of Antioch and of other Christen regions theraboutes being vtterly discouraged gaue ouer there holdes and Citties Whereby the Saracens and after them the Turkes got such an hand ouer ChristeÌ„dome as to this day we al haue great cause to rue and lament Besides this where diuers Christians were crossed to go ouer and helpe the Frenche king the pope for mony dispensed with them to tary still at home But as I sayd the greatest cause was that the Emperour whiche coulde haue done most was deposed by the Popes tyranny whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate As touching the whiche Emperour Fredericke because we haue diuers and sundry tymes made meÌ„tion of him before and for that his story is straunge hys actes wonderous and his conflictes tragicall whiche he sustayned agaynst iiii or v. Popes one after an other I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same for the reader to consider what is to be iudged of this Cathedrall Sea of Rome which had wrought such abhominable mischiefe in the world as in the sequele of the story following faythfully translated out of Latiue into English is to be seene The whole tragicall history of Fredericke 2. Emperor translated out of the Latine booke of Nich. Cisnerus FRedericke the second came out of the auncient house of the Beblines or Gibillines which Gibillines came of the most famous stocke of the Frenche king and Emperours He had Fredericke Barbarossa to hys Graundfather whose sonne Henricus the 6. was Emperoure after hym who of ConstaÌ„tia the daughter or as some write the neece of Roger the first king of Sicile begate this Fredericke the second This Constantia was 50. yeares of age before she was conceaued with him whom the Emperour Henry 6. to auoyde all doubt and surmise that of her conception childing might be thought and to the peril of the Empeir ensue caused hys regall tent to be pitched abroade in place where euery man might resort And when the tyme of his Queenes trauaile approched Constantia in presence of diuers Ladyes and Matrons and other Gentle women of the Empire a great number was brought a bed and deliuered of this Fredericke the vii day before the Calendes of January in the yeare of Christes incarnation 1193. who by inheritaunce was king of Naples Apuha Calabria and Sicilia Henricus his father shortly after he was borne obtayned of the princes electors that by their oth to hun geuen they would chuse his sonne Fredericke for their Emperor after his discease and so did and immediately called hym Cesar being yet but in his cradle This Henry when he
not dissemble this hys mischieuous fact nor content himselfe therewith but that he would deuise and practise yet an other For by reason of those sclaunders whiche a little before I touched of the death and slaughter of hys wife Iola he incited Iohn Brennus his father in laws to make warre agaynst hym who caused the subiectes of his Empire to withdraw from him their allegeance as also the inhabitants of Picenum inhabitantes of Lumberdy And thus ioyning themselues together craued farther ayd of the Frenche king whereby they made a great power That done they deuided theyr host in two armies inuading with the one the Empire with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging in the inheritaunce of Fredericke Iohn Brennus and Pandolphe Sauellanus leading the one as Generals into Campania and the kingdome of Naples and the other with Iohn Columna Cardinals his Legat and that Thomas before conuicted of treason being his Liefetenantes he sendeth into Picenum Of this treason of the Pope agaynst Fredericus both also Mat. Paris make mention during hys warres in Asia Who sayth he purposed to haue deposed him and to haue placed alium quem libet filium pacis obedientiae loco eius subrogare that is any other he cared not whom so that he were the childe of peace and obedience in hys steede And for the more certaintie thereof the said Mat. Paris pag. 71. repeateth the letter which a certayne Earle of Siria wrote vnto him concerning the same which letter here vnder insueth word for word To the high and mighty Prince Fredericus by the grace of God Emperour of Rome and euer Augustus and most puissant king of Sicilia Thomas Earle of Actran his faythfull and trusty subiect in all thing humble salutation After your departure most excellent Prince Gregory the Byshop of Rome publique enemy to your magnificeÌ„ce gathering together a great power host of men By Iohannes Brennius late king of Ierusalem and other stout captaynes whome he hath made generals of the same hys host As a foreigne enemy inuading your dominions and possessions of your highnes subiectes agaynst the lawe of Christianitie hath purposed and determined to vanquish and subdue you with the materiall or temporall sworde whome he cannot maister and ouercome with the spirituall sworde he sayth For the foresayd Iohn Brennus gathering out of Fraunce and other prouinces heare adioyning a great armye geueth vnto them of the treasure he hath gotten by what meanes together I cannot tell great wages in hope to recouer and get from you the Empire And furthermore the same Iohn and others the captaynes of the see Apostolicall inuading your land burne and destroy all as they goe driuing away and taking for their booties all that they can come by as well cattell as other thinges And such as they take prisoners they constrayne by inflicting them with grieuous punishementes to raunsome themselues for great summes of money neither spare they man woman nor childe but take and keepe your townes and castles hauing no regarde that you be in the seruice of Iesus Christ. And further if any make mention of your maiesty vnto him he sayth there is none other Emperour but himselfe Your friends and subiectes most excellent Prince much maruell hereupon yea and also the Clergy themselues of the Empire doe maruell with what coÌ„science or vpon what consideration the Bishop of Rome can doe the same making such bloudy warres and slaughter vpon Christian men especially seeing that Christ commaunded Peter when he stroke with the materiall sworde to put vp the same into the scabbard saying all that strike with the sword shall perish with the sword Or els by what lawe he dayly can excommunicate such pirates burners of mens houses and robbers when he himselfe is the patron and mayntayner of suche himselfe hereat they greatly muse and maruell Wherefore most mighty and renowmed Emperour I beseeche your highnes to coÌ„sider your owne safety for that the sayd Iohn Brennus hath layde and fortifie all the portes and hauens with no small company of men and souldiours that if not knowing therof your grace shold ariue in any of them the same garisons of his shoulde apprehend and take you as a prisoner whiche thing to chaunce GOD forefend Thus whilest the host of this hostile enemy the Pope was encamped in the dominioÌ„s of Fridericke he receaued the letters which Fridericke by his Legates sent into Europa as you heard wherby he vnderstood the good successe he had in Asia Who not onely tooke no delecration at all therin but was also in a vehement perturbatioÌ„ therwith wherby manifestly it may appeare what was the cause meaning of the Pope that he was so solicitous vrgent to haue Fredericke the Emperour make a voiage into Asia Doubtlesse euen the same that Pelias had wheÌ„ by hys instigation he procured Iason with all the chosen youth and floure of Grecia to sayle into Colchus to fetch awaye the golden flease and that by the oportunitie of his absence he might vse or rather abuse hys power tyranny And that Fridericke might either be long afflicted molested in the Asian warre or that he might perish and lose his life therin was that he sought and all that he desired And when he saw that fortune neither fauored his fetthes nor serued to his loÌ„ging lust he was as a man berest of his wits specially at these tidings of the prosperous successe of the Emperour He tare and threw his letters on the ground and with all opprobrious words rebuked reuised the Legates for the Emperor their masters sake which thing also BloÌ„dus himselfe denieth not although he write altogether in the fauour of the Pope And to the intent that he might couer this his rage and vnbridled fury with some cloke colour of iust deserued dolour He fayned him selfe therefore so much to mislike therwith as though the Emperour therein had onely respected his owne priuate coÌ„moditie not regarding the vtilitie of the Christians for yâ— the Saracens had licence although without armour weapoÌ„ to haue repayre vnto the sepulcher of Christ had left for theÌ„ somewhat neare the same an hosterie or lodging place For which occasion sayth Blondus his Lord Pope rebuked the Emperours Legates by the name of traytors and such like other opprobrious wordes Now go to frend Blondus by what strong argumentes proue you your Lord Pope that the peace which the Emperour hath concluded to be either against the Christian common wealth or that the Emperour was a traytour But who is it that seeth not these thinges either by reading of old and ancient writers or els partly by me that haue gathered collected the same out of diuers monuments and historyes plainly perceaueth not the conspâ—racies treasons of your good Lord the Pope so notable and filthy as also hys manâ—est shame and infamie What there be diuers that write how the Pope commaunded
playne neare vnto S. Iohns towne put him to flight and so chased the Scots that of them were slayne to the number of 7. thousand In the which victory such Byshops and Abbots as were taken he sent theÌ„ to the Pope the temporall Lordes and other Scots he sent vnto London c. Syr Robert Bruys after this discomfiture when he had thus lost both the field and chiefe frendes seing himselfe not able to make hys party good fled into Norway where he kept hys abode during the time while king Edward liued WheÌ„ this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots he yelded thankes to God for hys victory so letting the land in a quiet and an order he returned vnto London which was the 35. yeare and last of his raigne c. Now returning to that which I promised before touching the variaunce and greuous dissention betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface the eight of that name After the byshopricke of Rome had bene long voyd through the dissentioÌ„ of the Cardinals for the space of two yeares and 3. monthes at length Pope Celestinus was chosen successor to pope Nicholas the fourth Which Celestinus in hys first consistory began to reforme the Clergy of Rome thinking to make it an example to al other churches Wherefore he procured to hymselfe such a hatred among hys Clergy men that this Boniface then called Benedictus speaking through a reede by his chamber wall nightly admonished him as it had bene a voyce from heauen that he should geue ouer his Papacie as beyng a burden bigger then he could wyld Ex Masseo This pope Celestine after he had set vi monethes by the trechery falshhoode of this Boniface was induced to geue vp resigne his Bishoprick partly for the voyce spoken of before partly for feare being told of certaine craftely subornated in his chaÌ„ber that if he did not resigne he shold lose his life Who theÌ„ after his resignation goyng to liue in some solitary defert being a simple man was vilely taken and thrust in perpetuall prison by Pope Boniface crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred vnto Celestine but that sedetious persoÌ„s might not haue him as their hed to rayse vp some stirre in the Church And so was brought to his death Wherfore this Boniface was worthely called the eight Nero of whom it was rightly sayd hee came in like a Foxe he reigned like a Lyon and dyed like a dogge This Pope Boniface succeeding or rather inuadyng after Celestinus behaued himselfe so imperiously that he put down princes excommunicated kings such as did not take theyr confirmation at his hand Diuers of his Cardinals he draue away for feare some of them as schismaticks he deposed and spoyled them of all theyr substaunce Philip the French king he excommunicated for not suffering hys money to goe out of the Realme and therefore cursed both his and him to the fourth generation Albertus the Emperour not once nor twise but thrise sought at his handes to be coÌ„firmed and yet was reiected neyther could obtain vnlesse he would promise to driue the Frenche king out of his realme The factions discorde in Italy betweene the Guelphes and Gibillines which the part of a good bishop had bene to extinct so little he helped to quench the smoke that he of all other was chiefest fire brande to encrease the flame In so much that vpon Ashwednesday when Porchetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before hym to receaue hys ashes Pope Boniface looking vpon him perceauing that he was one of the Gibbellines part cast his handfull of ashes in hys eyes saying Memen to homo quòd Gibellinus es c. That is remember man that a Gibeline thou art and to ashes thou shale go This Pope moreouer ordained first the Iubilei in Roâ—â—â—in the solemnising wherof the first day he shewed hymselfe in his poutificalibus gaue free remission of sinnes to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world The second day beyng arrayed with Imperiall ensignes he commaunded a naked sword to be caryed before him and sayd with a loud voyce Eccepotestatem vtriusque gladij That is Loe here the power and authoritie of both the swords â—es From the which very yeare as most stories do record the Turkes doe beginne the first count of their Turkishe Emperours whereof the siâ—t was Ottomannus as you shal heare discoursed hereafter by Gods grace in the history of the Turkes By this sayd Pope Boniface diuers constitutions extrauaganes of his predecessours were collected together with many of his owne newly added thereto and is made the booke called Sextus decretalium c. By whom also first sprang vp pardons and indulgences from Rome These thinges thus premised of Boniface the Pope now will I come to the occasion of the strife betweene him and the French king Concerning whiche matter first I finde in the history of Nicholas Triuet that in the yeare of our Lord. 1301. the Byshop of Oppanubam beyng accused for a conspiracie agaynst the French king was brought vp to hys Court so committed to prison The pope hearing this sendeth word to the kyng by hys Legate to set him at liberty The French king not daring to the contrary looseth the Bishop But wheÌ„ he had done he dischargeth both the byshop and the Legate commaunding them to voyde hys realme Whereupon Pope Boniface reuoketh all the graces and priuiledges graunted eyther by him or his predecessors before to the kingdome of Fraunce also not long after thundring out the sentence of hys curse agaynst hym Moreouer citeth all the prelates all diuines and lawyers both ciuile and canon to appeare personally before him at Rome at a certain day which was the first of Nouember Agaynst this citation the king againe prouideth and commaundeth by straite proclamation that no maner of persoÌ„ should export out of the Realme of France eyther gold or siluer or any other maner of ware or marchandise vppon forseting all their goodes and theyr bodyes at the kinges pleasure prouiding with all the wayes and passages diligeurly to be kept that none might passe vnsearched Ouer and besides the sayd French kyng defeited the Pope in geuing and bestowing prebendes and benefices and other ecclesiasticall liuings contrary to the Popes profite For the which cause the pope writeth to the foresayd king in forme and effect as followeth ¶ Boniface Byshop and seruaunt to Gods seruauntes to hys beloued sonne Phillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce greeting and Apostolicall blessing BOniface the seruaunt of Gods seruauntes c. feare God and obserue his commaundementes We will thee to vnderstand that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall thinges and temporall And that no gift of benefices or prebendes belongeth to thee and if thou haue the keeping of any beyng vacaunt that thou reserue the profites of them to the
honour of him and the realme and sayde that hee was certaine that it was knowen to the whole worlde and that hee did maintaine in this matter a iust cause as hee had learned by the agreeable sentence of doctours in Diuinitie and maisters of both Lawes that were borne within his Realme and others which among the Doctors and cunning men of the world were counted of the learned sort and more famous Therefore he required vs all and euery one both Prelates and Barons and other earnestly as our Lord he prayed and gently begged as a friend to consult and take diligent paine that he might ordeine wholsome things both for the keeping of their olde libertie the honour and state of the realme and of the inhabitants therof for the easing of the griefes aforesaid for redressing of the realme and the French Church by our counsaile and his Barons to the praise of Gods name the encrease of the Catholike faith the honour of the vniuersall church and promoting of Gods religion specially seing such griefs were done by his officers others of the Realme to the Churches and churchmen for the which hee purposed a remedy of wholesome correction afore the comming of the foresaid Cardinall would nowe haue put it in execution effectually but that hee might be thought to haue done that for feare or at your commandement which thing ye cannot ascribe to your self Furthermore he wold spend not onely his goodes but also his realme yea his children if the case required and therfore we should regard to be ready with counsell and helpe in season as we are bounde by the duety of fidelitie in these things wherein it is manifest that as all and euery mannes case is handled generally and particularly their cause is promoted and euery mannes owne interest is touched And then hee demaunded by and by to be answered plainely and finally in these things of all and euery one Then the Barons sitting aside with the officers and Proctors aforesaid at the length after they had taken counsell comming to our foresaid Lord the king and praising greatly and hartely thanking him for his laudable purpose and good will answered wyth one voice that for those things they were ready not only to spēd their goods but offered the same goods riches also their persons to death and not to flee any kinde of torment And sayd further with one voice that if our foresaid Lord the king woulde as God forbid suffer or els willingly passe ouer those they thēselues would in no case suffer it Then when answere was asked of vs afterward although we desired longer respite of deliberatiō of the king himself our Lord and of the greatest of the forsayd Barons and that for this intent that in the meane while the Popes letters might haue comen to our Lord the king we answered that we would not offend against the libertie of the realme or by some meanes to innouate thinges contrary to the kings honour in this behalfe We went about also to informe him with many godly words with earnest persuasions and with many kindes of helpe and by sundry wayes to bring him to keepe the speciall bande of vnitie which is knowen to haue continued to these present dayes betwixt the holy Romish church and his predecessours But when we were denied any longer delay and it was plainely and openly tolde to all men that if any man were of a contrary minde from thenceforth he should be manifestly counted for an enemie of the king the realme We considering warely seeing plainely that except our lord the king and the Barons aforesaide were content with our aunswere beside other dangers great offences wherof there could neither be number nor end and that the deuotion both of the Romish and French church and also the whole obedience of the laitie and all the people from thence foorth should be taken away without recouerie not without great feare doubt we thought good to aunswer thus That we would helpe our Lorde the king with due counsaile and conuenient helpe for the preseruing of his person and of his earthly honour and the liberty and lawes of the sayd realme like as we were certaine of vs by the duetie of allegiaunce bound to him which hold of him Dukedomes Earledomes Baronies fees and other noble partes of the saide Realme by the fourme of the othe as all other doe yet wee made humble sute to the same our Lord the king that seeing we were bound to obey the Popes holinesse and your holy feete he would suffer vs to go according to the tenour of your foresaid calling Then on the Kings and Barons behalfe followeth aunswere that in no case they would suffer vs to go out of the Realme and that by no meanes they woulde beare to be handled so daungerously yea rather to be altogether wasted Then we considering so great an anger trouble so ieopardous so great that none could be greater both of the King the Barons other lay people of the realme now knowing plainely that the olde enemie of peace which goeth about from the beginning of his fall with sowing of Darnel to breake the vnitie of the Church by troubling of peace would breake charitie and infect the sweetnesse of good workes with the poyson of bitter enuie and would ouerthrow mankinde vtterly and woulde trouble with wickednesse the band of louely vnitie singular frendship which hitherto haue had a happie encrease betwixt the Romish Church and our Lorde the King and his predecessours and the realme to the praise of the highest God the encrease of Christian faith and the setting foorth the honour of the Church of the king and the realme But nowe alas a dore was open to the lamentable breaking and pitifull separating of great offences to rise on euery side dangers are attempted against Churches and Church-men to spoyle their goods and richesse with ieoperdie of life seeing that the laitie nowe doe abhorre and vtterly flee the obedience of clearkes vtterly banishing them from their counsails and doings and haue taken courage to condemne the Ecclesiasticall censure and processe All which ieoperdies with other sundry and diuers daungers which neither toung is able to tell nor wryting can declare wee seeing at hand◠thought good in this poynt of greatest necessity to run with weping voyce lamentable sighes to the circumspect wisdome of your holinesse Beseeching your fatherly mildenes and humbly praying you that some wholesome remedy may be prouided in the premisses By which the sounde profitable agreement and mutuall loue which hath continued so long time betwixt the church the king and the realme myght be maintained in that olde sweete concord the state of the Frenche church might continue in godly and quiet peace that ye woulde vouchsafe to foresee how to withstand the daungers and offences aforesaid that we and our states may be prouided for by the foresaid commaundement of your calling by the studie of your Apostolicall
his assistaunts here assembled alledging the first Epistle of Peter the 2. chapter where he sayth Feare God honour the king By which wordes the holy Apostle S. Peter teacheth vs 2. things First that loue feare obedience is due vnto God for the mightinesse and puissaunce of his Maiesty saying Feare God Secondly how speciall honor reuerence is due to the King for the excellency of his dignity saying Honor the King But note you by the way how the Apostle placeth his woordes First he sayth that feare is due vnto God because principally and in chiefe we ought to feare GOD For if the King or any other should commaund things contrary to God we ought to haue no regard ther of but to contemne the King feare God For it is written in the 5. of the Actes of the Apostles we ought rather to obey God then men and also in the 7. chap. of Machabes the 2. booke where it is sayd I will not obey the commaundements of the king but the law The reason whereof S. Augustine geueth both in the glose vpon the Romaines also in the 11. quaest 1. He that resisteth the superiour power resisteth the will and ordinaunce of God But put case thou art commaunded to do that which thou maist not do or to do not that which thou oughtest to do Doubtlesse thou must neglect the lesser power and feare the higher learning the degrees of worldly thinges As for example be it so that a Proctour commaundeth thee any thing which if the same be agaynst the Proconsull thou oughtest not to follow it Yea and further put case the Proconsull commaundeth one thing the Emperour an other and God willeth the third Thou must not care for thē but obey God for God is the greater power For they may threaten thee with prison but GOD may threaten thee with hell fire they may slay and kill thy body but God may send thee body and soule to perpetuall hell fire And therfore worthely it is put first Feare God And here the place in the last of Ecclesiasticus is to be adioyned where it is written Feare God and keep his commaundements And me thinketh that man is boūd to feare God chiefly in three sorts That is to say First in the bountifull bestowing of his giftes and benefites Secondly in the euident promoting of his seruauntes And lastly in the full rendring and restoring vnto man that is his First I say in the bountifull c. and for this cause the Emperour Iustinian writeth although there is nothing to be accompted good which doth exceede and is to great yet for a prince to be stow accordingly vpō the church it is very good For why the king and Emperour is bound to bestow so much the more substaunce how much the more God hath geuen to him to bestow the same both franckly and especially to famous Churches wherein the best greatest measure is of the Lordes giftes that is a great gift And to this end Gregory enacteth a law cap. i. extra de donationibus that nobility ought in maner to prescribe this law to himselfe to thinke himselfe bound to geue whē he geueth freely vnlesse he increase in geuing still to think that he hath geuen nothing Wherfore Abell as appeareth in the 4. chapter of Genesis who offered of the best to the Lord was blessed of God And therefore other Kinges the more they offred to God the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him As we read of Iosua Dauid Salomon other in the booke of the Kings and therefore it is so written in the 18. of Numbers And ye shall separate vnto the Lordes treasury thinges that be chiefest and most principall As likewise Dauid sayth in the first of Paralipomenon last chapter I haue geuen all this with a glad hart euen with a good will and now haue I had ioy to see thy people which here are present offer with a free will vnto thee And no maruell for Dauid sayth in that place For of thy hand we haue receiued all and to thee we geue And therefore it seemeth to me that because the Kynges of Fraunce and Barons of the same more then anye other hath geuen to GOD and his Church therefore they were happy and blessed aboue all other kinges and the more they did geue to God the more they receiued at hys handes Examples wherof we haue of Clodoue Charles and S. Lewes the more one geueth to God the more he receiueth of him For he in the 6. of Luke hath promised geue and it shal be geuen vnto you wherfore a gift that a Prince bestoweth vpon the Church is rendered agayne with triple encrease and that no lesse in time of warr then in time of peace I say in warre time because victory proceedeth of no other but onely of God for it is writtē in the 1. Machabecs the 3. Chapter The victorye of the battayle standeth not in the multitude of the boast but the strength commeth from heauen And likewise in the 17. Chapter of Exodus it is declared that when Moyses held vp hys handes Israell had the victory but when he let down his handes Amalec had the victory To this end also serueth the last chapter Machabes 2. where Iudas being at the poynt to haue the victory thought he saw Amon and Ieremy which had bene high Priestes and very vertuous men holding vp their handes toward heauē and praying for theyr people and all the whole Citye c. Likewise in peace time now the long dayes of the king and of hys sonnes their peace prosperity obedience by the prayer of the Church is mayntayned supported in the realme For as long as Salomon was bent and geuē in building the house of God so long he had peace who thus in the 16. chap. of the Prouerbes teacheth vs. when a mans wayes pleaseth the Lord he maketh his very enemies to be hys frendes And also in 1. Esdras 6. chapter where it is read how the Priestes were commaunded to offer sweet fauors to the God of heauen and pray for the kinges life and hys children And well therefore may it be called a gift both fauorable irreuocable wherby victory is geuen life graūted and peace with security conserued To serue therefore God liberally to geue toward the worshipping of him is the chiefest signe and token of diuine feare loue Eccl. cap. 2. O ye that feare the Lord beleue him your reward shall not be empty Secondly cōcerning the feare of God I do you to vnderstand that among the precepts of the Lord the first and chiefest commaundement of the second table is To honor thy father which precept is very well expoūded to y◠Hebrues in the 12. chapter where it is not onely ment of the fathers of our bodies but also of the father of spirites For as spirituall
ben yfed with soure grasse sory baren lesewe And yet they feden but seldome and when they han sorilych fed them they taken great hyre and gone away from thy sheepe and letten them a worth And for drede least thy sheepe wolden in theyr absence goe to thy sweet lesewe they han enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high that there may no sheepe comen there with in but gif it be a walisch leper of the mouÌ„tayns that may with his long legs lepen ouer the wallys For the hirid men ben ful certayn that gif thy sheepe had ones ytasted the sweetnes of thy lesewe They ne would no more bene yfed of these hyred men in their foure leweses therfore these hyred meÌ„ kepen theÌ„ out of that lesewe For hadden the sheepe once ytasted well of thy lesewe they wouldeÌ„ without a leder go thider to their mete and then mote these hired men sechen them another labour to liue by than keping of shepe And they bene sel and ware ynowe thereof and therefore they feden thy sheepe with soure meate that naught is hiden from thy shepe the swetenes of thy lesew And so though these hyred men gone in shepes clothing in their works they ben wolues that much harme done to thy sheeps as we haue ytold ¶ O Lord they comeÌ„ as shepe for the seggeÌ„ that they ben poore and haue forsaken the world to liuen parsetlich as thou taughtest in the gospell Lord this is shepes clothing But Lord thoâ—â— ne taughtest not a man to forsaken the trauelous liuing in porenesse in the world to liuen in ese with riches by other mens trauell haue Lordship on their brethreÌ„ For lord this is more to forsakeÌ„ thee go to the world ¶ O Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liuen in poorenes of begging by other mens trauell that bene as feble as they ben Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to liuen in poorenes of begging that were strong inough to trauell for his lifelode Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to ben a begger to beg of meÌ„ more then him nedeth to build great castles and make great â—uasts to thilke that han no need ¶ O Lord thou ne taughtest not men this poorenes for it is out of charitye But thy poorenes that thou taughtest nourisheth charitye Lord sith Paul sayth that he that forsaketh the charge of thilke that ben homelich with him hath forsaken his fayth and is worse then a misbeleued man How then now these men seggen that they beleueÌ„ in Christ that han forsake their poore feeble frendes let them liue in trauell and in disese that trauelled full sore for theÌ„ when the weren young and vnmighty to helpen themselfe And they woleÌ„ liue in ese by other mens trauell euermore begging withouten shame ¶ Lord thou ne taughtest not this maner poorenes for it is out of charite And all the law is charity and thing that nourisheth charite And these shepheards send about to kepe thy shepe to feden theÌ„ other whiles bareyne lewsewes Lord thoune madest none such shepheardes ne kepers of the sheepe that â—â—â—desory lich thy shepe and for so litle trauell taken a great â—â—â— and sitheÌ„ al the yeare afterward do what them liketh and let thy shepe perish for defaut of keping But thy shepherdes abiden still with their sheepe and feden theÌ„ in thy plenteou lesewe of thy teaching and gone byfore thy shepe and teachen them the way into the plenteous and swete 〈◊〉 we and kepen thy flocke from rauening of the wilde beastes of the field O Lord deliuer the sheepe out of the ward of those shepheardes and these hyred meÌ„ that stonden more to kepe their riches that they robben of thy shepe than they stonden in keping of thy sheepe O Lord when thou come to Ierusalem some time thou droue out of the temple sellers of bestes and of other chaffre and saydest Mine house shoulde ben cleped an house of prayers but they maden a deÌ„ of theues of it O Lord thou art the temple in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heauen And Salomons temple that was ybelded at Ierusalem was figure of this temple But Lord he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth and sayth that he occupyeth thy place here on earth is become a chapman in the temple and hath his chapmen walking in diuers countreys to sellen hys chaffare and to maken him rich And he sayth thou gaue him so great a power abouen all other men that what euer he bindeth other vnbindeth in earth thou bindest other vnbindest the same in heauen And so of great power he selleth other men forgeuenes of their sinne And for much money he will assoylen a man so cleane of his sinne that he behoteth men the blesse of heauen withouten any payne after that they be dead that geuen him much mony Bishopriches cherches such other chaffares he selleth also for mony and maketh himselfe rich And thus he beguiled the puple O Lord Iesu here is much vntruth and mischiefe and matter of sorow Lord thou saydest sometime that thou wouldest be with thy seruantes into the end of the world And thou saydest also there as tweyne of three ben ygadred to gedder in thy name that thou art in the midle of theÌ„ A Lord then it was no need to thee to maken lietetenaunt sith thou wolte be euermore amongest thy seruauntes Lorde thou axedst of thy disciples who they trowed that thou were And Peter aunswered and sayd that thou art Christ Gods sonne And thou saydest to Peter Thou art I blessed Symon Bariona for flesh and bloud ne showed not this to thee but my Father that is in heauen And I say to thee that thou art Peter and vpon this stone ych wole byld my Churche and the gates of hell he shullen not auaâ—len agens it And to the ych wole geue the keyes of heauen and what euer thou byndest vppon earth shall be bound in heauen what euer thou vnbyndest on earth shal be vnbounden in heauen This power also was graunten vnto the other disciples as well as to Peter as the Gospell openlich telleth In this place men seggen that thou graunted to Peters successors the selue power that thou gaue to Peter And therefore the Bishop of Rome that sayth he is Peters succcessour taketh this power to him to binden and vnbynden in earth what him liketh But Lord ych haue much wonder how he may for shame clepen himselfe Peters successour For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and God and kept the hestes of thy law but these han forsaken the hestes of thy law and hath y maked a law contrary to thyne hestes of thy law And so he maked himself a false Christ and a false God in earth And It row thou gaue hym no power to vndoe thy law And so in taking this power vpon
Heldad and Medad were prophesying in the tentes a childe ranne vnto Moises and tolde him saying Heldad and Medad do prophecye in the Tentes and by and by Iosue the sonne of Nunne the seruaunt of Moyses which he had chosen out amongst many sayd my maister Moises forbid them and he sayd why enuiest thou for my sake would God that all the people could prophecy and that the Lord would geue them his spirite O woulde to God the Pope and Bishops had the affection which this holye man the frend of God had Then would he not prohibite the meeke Deacons and Ministers of Iesus Christ to preach the Gospell of Iesus Christ. The like affection had the blessed man Gregory which in his 22. booke of Morals writeth vpon these wordes of Iob. And I haue afflicted the soule of his husbandmen he sayth thus the husbandmen of this earth are these which being set in small authority with as feruent desire as they can and with as great labor as they may doe worke by the preaching of grace to the erudition of the holy Churche the which husbandmen of this world not to afflict is not to enuy their labors and doinges neither ought the ruler of the Church albeit he doe chalenge vnto himselfe alone the title of preaching through enuy gainesay others which do preach truely and vprightly For the godly mind of the pasture which seketh not his owne glory amongest men desireth to be holpen the which thing also the faythfull preacher doth wish if it might by any meanes be brought to passe that the trueth which he alone caÌ„ not sufficieÌ„tly expresse all meÌ„s mouthes might declare Wherefore when as Iosue woulde haue resisted the 2. which were prophecying in the host why doest thou enuy sayd he for my sake for he did not enuy that good in other which he himselfe had this writeth S. Gregory Also the meeke ministers of Christ haue by a speciall gift of God knowledge and minde to preach the Gospell but neither is it lawfull for the Pope or Bishop or any other man to let or hinder them least thereby they should let the word of God that it haue not his free course Ergo this article is true for the king doth not so much rule ouer the goods of his subiects no not of his owne sonnes but that they may geue almes to whom they will muche more the bishop hath not so great authority ouer the knowledge of the meeke minister with his other giftes of God but that he may frely vnder the title of spirituall almes frely preach the gospell vnto the people Ergo forasmuch it should seme straunge that a Bishop should forbid any man to geue any corporall almes to the poore that are a huÌ„gred much more strauÌ„ge and maruelous would it be if that he should prohibite the spirituall minister of Christ to geue spirituall almes by the preaching of the gospell of the word of God Item no catholicke man ought to doubt but that a man able for the purpose is more bounde to teache them which are ignoraunt to councell comfort the weake in spirit to correct such as are vnruly to forgeue those that do theÌ„ wrong theÌ„ to do any other work of mercy forsomuch then as he that hath sufficient is bound vnder paine of daÌ„nation to geue corporall almes as it appeareth Math. 25. much more he which is able is bound to doe spirituall almes And this alms S. Barnard writing vnto Eugenius in his 3. book perceiued to be very necessary for the Bishop of Rome where as he said thus I feare no greater poysoÌ„ nor greater sword or mischiefe will happen vnto thee theÌ„ this vnsatiable desire of dominion With what face then caÌ„ the faythfull minister withdraw or keepe back the spirituall almes from the Pope and any other euen without the speciall licence of the Pope or of the Bishop which licence through the far distance from the Pope the ministers can not so easily obtaine or come by For all prohibition of anye Prelate beeing broken through necessitye is not to be blamed 11. Quest. 3. Intercessor and also in the chapter folowing Item all authoritye of preaching geuen vnto deacons and Priestes in theyr consecration were but vayne except that in 〈◊〉 of necessitye without any speciall licence they might prâ—ach the gospell It is euident forsomuch as it is not lawfull for them to vse that authority by their aduersary without a speciall liceÌ„ce Ergo it is geueÌ„ them in vain The consequent is euident by the common saying of the Philosopher that power is but vayne wherof proceedeth no vse of action But forsomuch as this Article doth as it were depend vpon the article before passed therefore this shall suffice spoken therof at this present But agaynst the affirmations oâ— both these Articles this is obiected out of the 16. quest 1. All faythfull people and specially all priests deacons and all others of the clergy ought to take heede that they doe nothing without the licence of theyr bishop It is also obiected out of the 5. book of Decretals Titulo de hereticis cap. cuÌ„ ex iniuncto Where it is no man ought to vsurp to himself indiffereÌ„tly the office of preaching forsomuch as the Apostle sayth how shall they preach except they be sent Where as also Innocentius doth declare that it is not sufficieÌ„t for a man to say that he is sent of God to preach except he do shew the same As touching the first poynt the Glose doth sufficiently aunswere vpon this word without licence that is to be expounded sayth he without generall licence the which is obtayned and geuen when as a bishop doth appoynt any priest to gouern the people For therby sayth he it semeth a bishop is thought to geue him generall power to minister vnto the people and to rule the church Thus much in the glose And to the same end and purpose it is sayd in the 7. quest 1. chap. Episcopi Bishops or Priestes if they come vnto the church of an other Bishop for to visite the same as it is said glose 1. in honore suo Let them be receiued in their degree and desired as well to preach the word as to do any other consecration or oblation Secondly it is to be noted that which is uery wel spoken in the same place no man ought to vsurpe vnto himselfe the office of preaching as a thing indifferent For to vsurpe is vnlawfully to vse any thing ergo the same deacon or priest doth then vsurpe the office of preaching as indiffereÌ„tly who liuing viciously coÌ„trary vnto the law of Christ or being ignorant of the law of God doth preach either for gayne or couetousnes of lyuing either for his belly or dainty life or for any vaynglory but he whiche doth liue according vnto the lawes of Christ being moued with the affection of sincere charity intending purely the honor of God and the saluatioÌ„ of him selfe his neighbors doth
except he doe looke for the duetie of recompence by the law of conscience Item all temporall goods bestowed vppon the clergie by the lay people vnder condition as the goodes of the churche are the almes of them which geue it it is prooued thus for so much as all those goods are the goods of the poore as it appeareth by many sayings of holy men and by the lawes But they were not the goods of the pore after they were mere seculer goodes but onely by the meane of the woorke of mercie wherby they were bestowed vpon the pore Ergo they were pure almes The cōsequent dependeth vpō the definitiō of pure almes Item all things changed to the vse and power of an other either by ciuil exchange or Euangelical is changed But the church goods are so changed by one of these ministries But the Euangelical exchange is not to be fained because it is not done neyther by bying or selling or any other ciuill exchange Therefore there doth not remaine but only a pure gift for hope of a heauenly reward the which is mercy and so pure almes And it semeth to followe consequently that all the Clergie receiuing such almes are not onely in respect of God as all other menne But in respect of men beggers For they wold not so instantly require those almes except they had neede of them neither ought we to be ashamed therof or to be proud beggers for so much as Christ touching his humanitie became a begger for vs because hee declared his need vnto his Father saying c. Item when any Kyng Prince Knight Citizen or anye other man doth geue vnto the clergy or to anye priest for his stipend he geueth the same vnto the Churche of God and to the priuate party as a perpetuall almes that he should attend to his vocation preaching praying and studying But this kinde of geuing doth not suffice to ground any seculer dominion amongst the clergye it followeth that the bare vse remayneth in them or the seculer vse without any seculer power The maior appeareth hereby forsomuch as otherwise almes should not be a worke of mercy Whereby it may also appeare that tenths are pure alms geuen to the church to the vse of the pore And hereupon the holy men doe say that tenthes are the tributes of the needy soules Whereupon S. Augustine in a sermon made vpon the restoring of tithes sayth The geuing of Tithes most deare brethren are the tributes of the poore soules therefore pay your tribute vnto the poore And by and by after he sayth therefore who desireth eyther to get any rewarde or to haue anye remission of sinnes by geuing of his tenthes let him study to geue almes euen of the ninth part so that what soeuer shall remayne more then a competent liuing and decent clothing that it be not reserued for riot but that it be layd vp in the heauenly treasure by geuing it in almes to the poore For what so euer God doth geue vnto vs more then we haue neede of he doth not geue it vs specially for our selues but doth send it vs to be bestowed vpon others by our handes if wee doe not geue it we inuade an other mans possessions Thus much wryteth S. Augustine and is repeted in the xvi question 1. Decime Also S. Ierome in an Epistle and it is put in the 16. question and 2. chap Quicquid What soeuer the clergy hath it is the goods of the poore Also S. Augustine in his 33. Epistle vnto Boniface and it is aleaged in the 1. question and 12. Also in the 23. question 7. If we doe possesse any thinge priuately the which doth suffise vs they are not oures but the goods of the poore whose stewardes we are except we doe challenge to ourselues a property by some damnable vsurpatiō The glose vpon that part of the 23. question 7. sayth The Prelates are but onely the stewardes of the church goodes and not Lordes thereof S. Ambrose also vpon this saying of the Gospell Luke the 16. Geue accompt of your bailiship or stewardship Hereby then doe we learne that they are not Lordes but rather stewardes and baliffes of other mens substaunce And S. Ierome writing to Nepotianus saieth howe can they be of the clergye which are commaunded to contemne and dispise their owne substaunce and to take away from a frend it is theft to deceiue the Churche it is sacriledge and to take awaye that which should be geuen vnto the poore ¶ The order and maner of taking vp the body of Iohn Wickliffe and burning his bones 41. yeares after his death And S. Bernard in his sermon vppon these wordes Symon Peter sayd vnto Iesus chap. 17 sayd Truely the goodes of the Church are the patrimony of the poore And whatsoeuer thyng the ministers and stewardes of the same not Lordes or possessours do take vnto themselues more then sufficient for a competent liuing the same is taken away from the poore by a sacrilegious crueltie And Eusebius in his treatise vpon the pilgrimage of S. Ierom writeth thus if thou doest possesse a garment or anye other thing more then extreme necessitie doth require and dost not help the needy thou art a theef a robber Wherfore dearly beloued children let vs be stewards of our temporallities and not possessors And Isidore in his treatise De summo Bono chap. 42. sayth Let the byshop know that he is the seruaunt of the people and not Lord ouer them Also in the 5. booke of decretals extra de donationibus sub authoritate Alexandri tertij Episcopi paristensis He sayth we beleue that it is not vnknowne vnto your brotherhoode that a Byshop and euery other Prelate is but a steward of the Churche goodes and not Lord thereof By these sayinges of these holy men it is euidently declared that not only tithes but also al other substaunce which the clergy hath by gift of worke of mercy are pure almes which after the necessitie of the clergy once satisfied ought to be transported vnto the poore Secondly it is declared how that the Clergye are not Lordes and possessours of those goods but ministers stewardes therof Thirdly it is shewed that if the Clergye doe abuse the same they are theeues robbers and sacrilegious persons and except they doe repent by the iust iudgement of God they are to be condempned ANd thus hetherto I may peraduenture seeme to haue made sufficient long resitall out of Ihon Dus but so notwithstanding that the commoditie of those thinges maye aboundantly recompence the prolixitie thereof Wherfore if I shall seeme vnto any man in the rehearsall of this disputation to haue passed very farre the boundes of the history let him thinke thus of me that at what tyme I tooke in hand to wryte of these Ecclesiasticall matters I could not omit these thinges whiche were so straightly ioyned with the cause of the Church Neither that I did make more accompt of the historye which I
touched In whome as some good vertues may be noted so also some vices may seeme to be mixed withall But especially this that he starting out of the steps of hys progenitors ceased to take part with them whiche tooke part with the gospell Wherupon it so fell not by the blind wheele of fortune but by the secret hand of him which directeth all estates that as he first began to forsake that mayntayning of the Gospell of God so the Lord began to forsake him And where the protection of God beginneth to fayle there can lack no causes to be charged withall whom God once giueth ouer to mans punishmeÌ„t So that to me considering the whole life and trade of this prince among all other causes alledged in storyes agaynst him none seemeth so much to be wayed of vs or more hurtfull to hym then this forsaking of the Lord and his word Although to such as list more to be certified in other causes concurring withall many and sondry defectes in that king may appeare in storyes to the number of 33. articles alledged or forced rather agaynst him In whiche as I cannot deny but that he was worthy of much blame so to be displaced therefore from his regall seate and rightfull state of the crowne it may be thought perhaps the causes not to be so rare so material in a prince which either could or els would haue serued had not he geuen ouer before to serue the Lord and hys word chusing rather to serue the humour of the Pope and bloudy Prelates theÌ„ to further the Lords proceedings in preaching of hys word And theÌ„ as I sayd how can enemies lack wher God standeth not to friend or what cause can be so little whiche is not able inough to cast downe where the Lords arme is shortned to sustayne Wherefore it is a poynt of principall wisedome in a Prince not to forget that as he standeth alwayes in neede of God hys helping hand so alwayes he haue the discipline and feare of him before hys eyes according to the counsayle of the godly King Dauid Psal. 2. And thus much touching the time and race of this K. Richard with the tragical story of his deposing The order and maner whereof purposely I pretermit onely contented briefly to lay together a fewe speciall thinges done before his fall suche as may be sufficient in a briefe somme both to satisfie the Reader inquisitiue of suche storyes and also to forwarne other Princes to beware the lyke daungers In suche as wryte the life and Actes of this Prince thus I read of him reported that he was much inclined to the fauouring and aduancing of certayne persons about him ruled all by theyr counsell whiche were theÌ„ greatly abhorred and hated in the realme The names of whome were Rob. Ueer Erle of Oxford whoÌ„ the king had made Duke of Ireland Alexander Neuile Archbishop of York Michiel Delapoole Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisiliam Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brembre with other These men being hated and disdayned of diuers of the nobles and of the commons the king also by fauouring them was lesse fauoured hymselfe In so much that the Duke of Gloucester named Thomas Woodstock the kings Uncle with the Erle of Warwicke and Earle of Darby stoode vp in armes against those counsaylors and abusers as they named them of the king In so much that the king for feare was constrayned agaynst hys minde to remoue out of his court Alexander Neuile Archb. of Yorke Iohn Foorde Byshop of Duresme Fryer Thomas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the kinges confessor with the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnell and Bemond Lord Ueer and diuers other And furthermore in the Parliament the same yeare following Robert Trisilian the Iustice was hanged and drawne Also Nicholas Brembre Knight Iames Salisbury also and Iames Barnese both Knights Ioh. Bewchampe the kinges Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire in like maner All these by the counsayle of the Lordes beyng cast in the parliament agaynst the kyngs mind did suffer which was in the 11 of his raign he being yet vnder gouernours but consequently after the same the king clayming his own liberty being come to the age of 20. began to take more vpon him And this was one thinge that stirred vp the kinges stomacke agaynst the Nobles Ex Chron. Alban 2. An other thing that styred hym vp as much against the Londiners was this for that he would haue borowed of them a M. pound and they denied him to their double triple disauantage as after ensued vpon it Ibidem An other occasion besides this betwene the king and the Londoners happened thus by reason of one of the Byshop of Salisburies seruauntes named Roman and a Bakers man who then carying a basket of horsebread in Fletstreet the foresayd Roman tooke a horselose out of the basket The Baker asking why he did so the Byshops lusty yeomcu turned backe agayne and brake his head whereupon the neighbors came out and would haue arested this Roman but he escaped away vnto the Byshops house Then the Constable would haue had him out but the Bishops men shut fast the gates that they shoulde not approche Thus much people gathered together threatning to brust open the gates and fire the house vnlesse they had the foresayd party to them brought out Wherby much adoe there was till at length the Mayor and Sheriffes came and quieted the rage of the commons sent euery man home to his house charging theÌ„ to keepe peace Here as yet was no great harme done but if the bishoppe for his part had beene quyet and had not styrred the coles of debate which were well slaked already all had bene ended without further perturbation But thâ— stomacke of the Byshop not yet digested although hys mâ—n had done the wrong hauing no great cause so to do whose name was Iohn Waltam being then Treasourer of England went to Thomas Arundell archbish the same time of Yorke and Lord Chauncellour of England to complayne of the Londoners Where is to be noted or rather reueled by the way a priuy mistery which although be not in this story touched of the writers yet it touched the hartes of the bishops not a little For the Londoners at that time were notoriously knowne to be fauourers of wickliffes side as partly before this is to be seene and in the story of S. Albones more playnly doth appeare where the author of the sayd history writing vpon the 15. yeare of King Richardes raygne reporteth in these wordes of the Londoners that they were Male creduli in deum traditiones auitas Lollardorum sustentatores religiosoruÌ„ detractores de cimaruÌ„ deteÌ„tores coÌ„munis vulgi depauperatores c. that is not right beleuers in God nor in the traditions of their forefathers susteyters of the Lollardes deprauers of religious men withholders of tythes and impouerishers of the common people c. Thus the Londoners being noted and
as is sayde in the North came the Earle of Northumberland Lord Henry Percy and Henry his son the Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Neuile and other Lordes moe to a great number so that the multitude rose to 60000. able souldiours Who first making towarde the Castle of Bristow tooke the foresayd Busshey Grene Scroupe and Bagot of whom three incontinent were beheaded Bagot escaped away and fled away to Ireland The king in this meane while lying about Wales destitute and desolate without comfort or counsayle who neither durst come to London neyther would any man come to him and perceauing moreouer the commons that were vp in such a great power agaynst hym would rather dye then geue ouer that they had begunne for feare of themselues Seing therforeno other remedy called to him L.T. Percye Earle of Worcester and stewarde of hys household willing him with other of hys family to prouide for themselues in tyme. Who then openly in the hall brake his white rod before them all commaunding euerye man to shift for himselfe Although Fabian and some other say that he did this of hys owne accord contrary to his allegeance The king compassed on euery side with miseryes shifted from place to place the Duke still following him tyll at length being at the Castle of Conewey the king desired to talk with Tho. Arundell archb and the Earle of Northūberland To whom he declared that he woulde resigne vp hys crowne in condition that an honourable liuing might be for hym prouided and life promised to 8. persons such as he would name Which being graunted and ratified but not performed he came to the Castle of Flint where after talke had with the Duke of Lācaster he was brought the same night by the Duke and his armye to Chester And from thence was conueyed secretly into the Tower there to be kept till the next parliament By the way as he came neare to London diuers euil desposed men of the city being warned thereof gathered themselues thinking to haue slayne hym for the great cruelty he had vsed before toward the Citty But by the pollicies of the Mayor and rulers of the Cittie the madnes of the people was stayd Not long after followed the Duke and also began the parliament In which Parliament the Earle of Northumberland with many other Earles and Lords were sent to the king in the Tower to take of him a full resignation according to hys former promise and so they did This done diuers accusations and articles were layd and engrossed agaynst the sayd King to the number of 33. some say 38. which for the matter not greatly materiall in them contayned I ouerpasse And that next yeare after was had to Pomferr Castle and there famished to death King Henry the fourth ANd thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his rightfull crowne The Duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundell the Archbishop to the feat royall who there standing vp and crossed himselfe on the forehead and the brest spake in wordes as followeth ¶ In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster clayme the Realme of England and the crowne with all the appurtenaunces as I that am descended by right lyne of the bloud comming from that good Lord King Henry the 3. And thorough the right that God of his grace hath sent to me with the helpe of my kinne and of my frendes to recouer the same which was in poynt to be vndone for default of good gouernance and due iustice c. ¶ After which wordes the Archbishop asking the assent of the people being ioyfull of theyr new king took the Duke by the hād placed him in the kingly throne which was an 1399 and shortly after by the foresayd Archbishop he was crowned also for king of England Ex Chron. De Alban The next yeare after followed a Parliament holden at Westminster in which Parliament one will Sautre a good man and a faythfull priest inflamed with zeeale of true Religion required he might be heard for the commoditie of the whole realme But the matter being smelt before by the Byshops they obtayned that the matter should be referred to the conuocation Where the sayd William Sautre being brought before the Byshops and Notaries thereunto appointed the conuocation was differred to the Saterday next ensuing When Saterday was come that is to say the 12. day of February Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury in the presence of his Counsayle prouinciall being assembled in the sayd Chapter house agaynst one fyr William Sautre otherwise called Chatris Chaplayne personally then and there appearing by the commaundement of the foresayd archbishop of Caunterbury obiected that the sayd sir William before the Byshop of Norwiche had once renounced and abiured diuers and sondry conclusions heretical and erroneous and that after such abiuration made he publiquely and priuily helde taught preached the same conclusions or els such like disagreeing to the catholique fayth and to the great perill and pernitious example of others And after this he caused such like conclusions holden and preached as is sayd by the sayd Syr William without renunciation then and there to be read vnto the sayd Archbishop by maister Robert Haull Chācellor vnto the sayd byshop in a certayne scrole written in tenour of wordes as followeth Syr William Chatris otherwise called Sautre parish Priest of the Churche S. Scithe the Uirgine in London publiquely and priuily doth holde these conclusions vnder written ¶ In Primis he sayth that he will not worship the crosse on which Christ suffered but onely Christ that suffred vppon the Crosse. 2. Item that he would sooner worship a temporal king then the foresayd wodden crosse 3. Item that he would rather worship the bodyes of the Saintes then the very crosse of Christ on which he hong if it were before him 4. Item that he woulde rather worship a man truely contrite then the crosse of Christ. 5. Item that he is bound rather to worship a man that is predestinate then an aungell of God 6. Item that if any man would visite the monumentes of Peter and Paule or go on Pilgrimage to the Toumbe of S. Thomas or els any whether els for the obtayning of any temporall benefite he is not bounde to keepe hys vowe but that he may distribute the expences of his vowe vpon the almes of the poore 7. Item that euery priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonical houres 8. Item that after the pronouncing of the Sacramental wordes of the body of Christ the bread remayneth of the same nature that it was before neyther doth it cease to be bread To which conclusions or articles being thus read the Archbish. of Caunterb required the same Syr William to aunswere And then the sayd William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions and a competent space to answere vnto the same Whereupon the
much as we haue found by diuers actes done brought forth and exhibited by sundry euidences signes and tokens and also by many most manifest proues the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle knight and L. Cobham not onely to be an euident hereticke in his owne person but also a mighty maintainer of other heretickes agaynst the fayth and religion of the holy and vniuersall church of Rome namely about the two sacramentes of the aultar and of penaunce besides the popes power and pilgrimages And that he as the childe of iniquitie and darcknes hath so hardened his hart that he will in no case attend vnto the voyce of his pastor Neyther will he be allured by straight admonishmentes not yet be brought in by fauourable wordes The worthines of the cause first wayed on the one side and his vnworthines agayn cōsidered on the other side his faults also aggrauated or made double through his damnable obstinacie we being loth that he which is nought shoulde be worse and so with his contagiousnes infecte the multitude by the sage counsel and assent of the very discrete fathers our honourable brethren and Lordes Byshops here present Richard of London Henry of Winchester and Bennet of Bangor and of other great learned and wise men here both doctours of diuinitie and of the lawes canon and ciuill seculers and religious with diuers other expert men assisting vs we sententially and diffinitiuely by this present writing iudge declare condemne the sayd syr Iohn Oldcastle Knight and Lord Cobham for a most pernitious and detestable hereticke conuicted vpon the same and refusing vtterly to obey the Church agayne committing him here from hencefoorth as a condemned hereticke to the secular iurisdiction power iudgement to doe him thereupon to death Furthermore we excommunicate and denounce accursed not onely this hereticke here present but so many els besides as shall hereafter in fauoure of his errour either receaue him or defend him counsell him or help hym or any other way mayntayne hym as very fautours receauers defenders counsaylers ayders and mayntayners of condemned heretickes And that these premisses may be the better knowne al faithfull Christen men we commit it here vnto your charges geue you straight commandement therupon by this writing also That ye cause this condemnation and diffinitiue sentence of excommunication cōcerning both this heretick and his fautours to be published throughout all diocesses in Cities towns villages by your curates and parish priests at such time as they shal haue most recourse of people And see that it be done after this sorte As the people are thus gathered deuoutly together let the curate euery where goe into the pulpit and there open declare and expound this excesse in the mother tongue in an audible and intelligible voyce that it may be perceiued of all men and that vpon the feare of this declaration also the people may fall from theyr euill opinions conceiued nowe of late by seditious preachers Moreouer we will that after we haue deliuered vnto each one of you bishops which are here present a copy hereof that ye cause the same to be written out agayne into diuers copies and so be sent vnto the other byshops and Prelates of our whole Prouince that they may also see the contentes thereof solemnly published within theyr diocesses and cures Finally we will that both you and they signifie agayne vnto vs seriously and distinctly by your writinges as the matter is without fayned colour in euery poynt performed the day wheron ye receaued this processe the time when it was of vs executed and after what sort it was done in euery condition according to the tenour hereof that we may knowe it to be iustly the same A copy of this writing sent Thomas Arundel the archbishop of Caunterbury afterward from Mydstone the x. day of Octobr within the same yeare of our Lord 1413. vnto Richard Clifford the bishop of London which thus beginneth Thomas permissione diuina c. The said Richard Clifford sent an other copy thereof enclosed within his owne letters vnto Robert Maschall a Carmelite frier which was then bishop of Herforde in Wales written from Haddam the 23. day of October in the same yeare and the beginning thereof is this Reuerende in Christo pater c. This Robert Mascall directed an other copye thereof from London the 27. day of Nouember in the same yeare enclosed in his owne commission also vnto his archdeacon and and Deanes in Hareforde and Shrewsbury And this is therof the beginning Venerabilibus discretis vitis c. In like maner did the other bishops within their diocesses After that the archbishop had thus read the bill of hys condemnation with most extremitie before the whol multitude The Lorde Cobham sayd with a moste cheerefull countenaunce Though ye iudge my body whiche is but a wretched thing yet am I certayne and sure that ye can do no harme to my soule no more then could Sathan vppon the soule of Iob. He that created that will of his infinite mercy and promise saue it I haue therein no manner of doubt And as concerning these articles before rehearsed I will stand to them euen to the very death by the grace of my eternall God And therwith he turned him vnto the people castyng hys handes abroad and saying with a very loude voyce Good Christen people for Gods loue be well ware of these men For they will els beguile you and leade you blindling into hell with thēselues For Christ sayth plainly vnto you If one blinde man leadeth an other they are like both to fall into the ditche After this he fell downe there vpon his knees thus before thē all prayed for his enemies holding vp both hys handes and his eyes towardes heauen and saying Lorde God eternall I beseeche thee of thy great mercies sake to forgeue my pursuers if it be they blessed will And then hee was deliuered to syr Robert Morly and so led forth again to the tower of London And thus was there an ende of that dayes worke Whyle the Lord Cobham was thus in the Tower he sent out priuely vnto his friendes And they at his request wrote this little bill here following causing it to be set vp in diuers quarters of London that the people should not beleeue the slaunders and lyes that his enemies the Byshops seruauntes and priestes had made on him abroade And thus was the letter FOr as much as Syr Iohn Oldcastle knight and Lorde Cobham is vntruely conuicted and emprisoned falsly reported and slandered among the common people by his aduersaries that he should otherwise both thinke speak of the sacramentes of the churche and specially of the blessed sacrament of the aultar then was written in the confession of his beliefe which was indended and taken to the clergy and so set vp in diuers open places in the cittye of London Knowne
could by and by make men at his pleasure or els that he had Cadmus teeth to sowe to make so many harnest men to start vp at once But let vs consider yet further of these xx M. souldiours so sodenly without wages without vitall or other prouision coÌ„gregated together what they were froÌ„ wheÌ„ce out of what quarter countrey or couÌ„treys they came In an other kyngs dayes whensoeuer any rebellioÌ„ is against the king moued by the commons as when Iacke Straw and wat Tyler of Kent Essex rose in the tyme of kyng Richard 2. When William Mandeuill of Abingdon Iack Cade of Kent in the tyme of kyng Henry the 6. In the tyme of kyng Henry the 8. when the coÌ„motion was of rebels in Lyncolnshyre then in Yorkeshyre When in kyng Edward the 6. tyme Humfrey Arundell in Deuonshyre Captaine Kyte in Northfolke made styre against the king the couÌ„trey partes from whence these rebels did spring were both noted and also diffaimed In this so trayterous coÌ„motion therfore let vs now learne what meÌ„ these were and from what couÌ„trey or countreys in all England they came If they came out of any let the Chroniclers declare what countreys they were If they came out of none as none is named then let them come out of Outopia where belike this â—igment was first forged and inuented Wherfore seyng neither the countreys from whence they came nor yet the names of any of all these xx M. doe appeare what they were either in Chronicle or in recorde but remaine altogether vnknowen I leaue it gentle reader to thy iudgement to thinke thereupoÌ„ as thy wisedome shall lead thee It foloweth more in the foresaid preface And to destroy all other maner of estates of the same Realme of England as well spirituall as temporall c. By the course of this preamble it appeareth that the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle was a wonderfull cruell tirant and murderer who being not yet satisfied with the bloud of the king nor of the two Dukes his brethren would also make hauoke and swepestake of all maner of estates in the Realme of England What leaue no maner of estate aliue No neither Lord spiritual nor temporall but altogether should be destroied And what had all these estates done thus so miserably to be destroied Although percase the moode of this maÌ„ might haue bene incensed kindled against the king and the Lords spiritual by whom he had bene coÌ„demned as is aforesaid yet why should all other maner of other estates both spiritual and temporal be killed If none of all the estates in EnglaÌ„d neither Duke Earle Baron Lord Knight or other gentleman had bene his frend but all his enemies how then is it like that he hauing all the estates peeres nobles and gentlemen of the Realme against him and none to stand with him either could or durst attempt any commotioÌ„ against the whole power of the land he being but one gentleman onely with sir Roger Acton and maister Browne left alone At least good reasoÌ„ yet would that those hundreth Knightes should haue bin spared out of this bloudy slaughter whom he offred to produce vnto the king before for his purgation page 159. And finally if this was his purpose that all these estates both spiritual temporall should haue bin cut down what needed then that he should haue made himselfe a Regent when hee might as well haue made himselfe a king or what else he would being left then Prince alone The preamble as it began with vntruth and continued in the same figure heaping one vntruth vpon another so now endeth with another misreport as vntrue as the rest shewing declaring the intent of sir Iohn Oldcastle was also to destroy all maner of policie finally the lawes of the land c. We read of William CoÌ„querer otherwise named William Bastard who being a puisant Duke in his countrey wheÌ„ that the crown of EnglaÌ„d was alotted to him and he coÌ„ming ouer with all his peres nobles barons of his whole land into this Realme had with great difficulty obteined victorie against king Harold yet to alter and destroy the policy and the lawes of the land it passed his power Insomuch that it had not bin permitted vnto him to haue proceded so far as he did vnlesse he had first sworne to the nobles of this lande to retaine still the lawes of King Edward as he found them And albeit he afterward forsware himselfe breaking his othe in altering and changing many of the foresaid lawes yet wild he nild he could not so destroy them all for the which much war and great commotioÌ„s endured long after in the Realme but that he was constrained and also contented to allow and admit a great part of the said lawes of king Edward page 167. And if he being king and Conquerour with all his strength of Normands and Englishmen about him was too weake and insufficient to destroy all maner of policie and lawes of this land which he had conquered how much lesse then is it to be supposed that Sir Iohn Oldcastle being put a priuate subiect and a poore Knight and a condemned prisoner destitute and forsaken of al Lords Earles and Barons who to saue his owne life had more to do then he could well compasse would either take in hand or conceiue in his head anye such exployt after the subuersion of Christian faith and law of God after the slaughter of the king and of all maner of estates as well spirituall as temporall in the Realme of England after the desolation of holy Church to destroy also all maner of policie and finally the lawes of the land Which monstruous and incredible figment how true it may seeme to M. Cope or to some other late Chroniclers of the like credulitie I can not tell Certaine to me and as I thinke to all indifferent readers it appeareth as true as is the Uerse of the Satyre wherewith it may well be compared Nil intra est oleam nil extra est in nuce duri But heere will be sayd again perhaps that the matter of such preambles and prefaces being but pursuantes of statutes and containing but words of course to aggreuate and to geue a shew of a thing which they would to seeme more odible to the people is not so precisely to bee scande or exquisitely to be stand vpon as for the ground of a necessary case of trouth This is it M. Cope that I saide before and now doo well grant admit the same that such preambles or forefaces lyned with a non sequitur containyng in them matter but of surmise and wordes of course and rather monsters out of course and many tymes rising vpon false informatioÌ„ are not alwayes in themselues materiall or necessary probatioÌ„s in all pointes to be followed as appeareth both by this statute also by the statute of this kynges father an 2. Heur 4. chap. 15. beginnyng
with the Nobles and Lordes here present most instantly required and desired that as touchyng his safe conduct they would foresee and haue respect vnto his honour And that the sayd Maister Iohn Hus might be openly heard for so much as he would render and shew a reason of his fayth and if he were found or conuicted obstinately to affirme or maintayne any thyng agaynst the truth or holy Scripture that then he ought to correct and amend the same according to the instruction and determination of the Councell yet could hee neuer obtayne this But the sayd Maister Iohn Husse notwithstandyng all this is most greuously oppressed with fetters and yrons and so weakened with thinne and slender diete that it is to be feared least that his power and strength beyng hereby consumed and wasted hee should be put in daunger of his witte or reason And although the Lordes of Boheme here present are greatly slaundered because they seyng the sayd Maister Iohn Hus so to be tormeÌ„ted and troubled contrary to the kyngs safe conduct haue not by their letters put the kyng in mynde of his sayd safe conduct that the sayd Lord and kyng should not any more suffer any such matters for so much as they tend to the contempt and disregard of the kingdome of Boheme which froÌ„ the first originall and begynnyng since it receaued the Catholicke fayth it neuer departed or went away froÌ„ the obedience of that holy Church of Rome yet notwithstandyng they haue suffered borne all these thynges patiently hetherto least by any meanes occasion of trouble or vexation of this sacred Councell might arise or spryng therof Wherfore most reuereud fathers Lordes The Nobles and Lordes before named do wholy most earnestly desire require your reuerences here present that both for the honour of the safe conduct of our sayd Lord the kyng also for the preseruation and encrease of the worthy fame and renowne both of the foresayd kyngdome of Boheme your own also that you will make a short end about the affayres of M. Iohn Hus for so much as by the meanes of his straite handling he is in great daunger by any loÌ„ger delay cueÌ„ as they do most specially trust vpoÌ„ the most vpright consciences iudgementes of your fatherly reuereÌ„ces But forasmuch as most reuereÌ„d fathers and Lordes it is now come to the knowledge and vnderstaÌ„ding of the Nobles Lordes of Boheme here present how that certaine backbiters and slauÌ„derers of the most famous kingdom of Boheme aforesayd haue declared told vnto your reuerences how that the Sacrament of the most precious bloud of our Lord is caried vp downe through Boheme in vessels not coÌ„secrated or halowed and that Coblers do now heare confessions minister the most blessed body of our Lord vnto others The Nobles therfore of Boheme here present require and desire you that you will geue no credit vnto false promoters tale tellers for that as most wicked and naughty slaunderers backbiters of the kingdome aforesaid they do report tel vntruthes requiring also your reuerences that such slanderous persons of the kingdome aforesaid may be named knowne And the lord the king together with your reuereÌ„ces shal well perceiue and see that the Lordes of Boheme will go about in such maner to refell and put away the false fâ—â—uolous slaunders of those naughty persons that they shall be ashamed to appeare hereafter before the lord the kyng and your reuerences As soone as this their supplication was red that byshop of Luthonis rising vp said Most reuerend fathers I well perceiue and vnderstand that the last part of this writing doth touch me my familiars frends as though the kingdom of Boheme were slaundered by vs. Wherfore I desire to haue time space of deliberation that I may purge my selfe from this crime that is laid against me The principal of the counsel appointed him the 17. day of May at the which day the lords of Boheme should be present again to heare both the aunswer of the councell and also the excuse of the bishop of Luthonis yâ— which thing in dede was afterward performed for the 17. day of May which was the 4. day before the whitsontide they met there againe where first of all a certaine bishop in the name of the whole councel answered by worde to the nobles of Boheme the contentes of whose aunswer may easely be known by the secoÌ„d supplication which the Bohemiams put vp to the councel But first I haue here in these few wordes following shewed how the bishop Luthonis defended himselfe agaynst that which is before written ¶ The aunswer of the Bishop of Luthonis to the last part of the supplication which the nobles of Boheme presented vnto the Councell MOst reuerend fathers and noble Lordes as Peter de Mladoneywitz bacheler of Arte in the name of certain of the nobles of the kingdome of Boheme in his writings amongest other thyngs did propounde how that certaine slaunderers and backebiters of the sayd kyngdome haue brought to the eares of your reuereÌ„ces that the most precious bloud of Christ is caried vp and downe in Boheme in bottels that Coblers do heare confessions and minister the body of Christ vnto others wherupon most reuerend fathers and Lordes Albeit that I together wyth the other prelates doctors maisters and other innumerable catholikes of the sayde kingdome the whych doe desire as much as in them lieth to defend the faith of Christ haue laboured for the extirpation rooting out of that most wicked and detestable sect of Wickliffes which nowe alas for sorow beginneth to spring and rise in the sayd kingdome as it is well knowne Notwythstanding here in thys my oration not for any shame or reproofe but for the honour of the kingdome aforesayd I haue propounded and declared a certaine new sect whych is nowe lately sprong vp in the sayd kingdome the folowers whereof do minister communicate the sacraments in many cities townes places of the said kingdom vnder both kindes both of breade and wine and doe constantly teache the common people bothe men and women that it is so to be coÌ„municated obstinatly affirming the same and that the clergy which do repugn or say nay vnto it are to be counted church robbers as by the wrytings of their assertions being directed and presented hether shall openly appeare Moreouer by the report and fame whych goeth here abroade by the wrytings which were sent ouer vnto me I haue propouÌ„ded that it came to my knowledge that the bloud of Christ is caryed about in vessâ—ls Is not consecrated approuing the foresaide erroneous assertion of the Wicleuists that affirme it necessary for saluation that the people shuld communicate vnder both kindes of bread and wine and that it is necessary as the body of Christ is caryed in the pixe or boxe so the bloude of Christ should be caryed in bottles or other necessary vessels from
place to place and specially about the ministration of the sick Also I declared not of my selfe but I hearde it to be declared by others both great and credible persons that there was a certaine woman a folower of that secte the which taking by violence the body of Christe out of a priests handes did communicate vnto her selfe and affirmed that all men oughte to doe so if the Priests would denye them the Communion And the same woman amongst many other errours of the whych shee was conuicted did affirme that a good lay woman myght better consecrate and geue absolution then an euill priest affirming that an euill priest can neyther consecrate nor absolue But I know that neyther I neither any of my assistance in this matter haue broughte thys at any time into your cares that coblers in the sayde kingdome doe heare confession or minister the sacrament of the body of Christ as is alleaged by the sayde Peter in the behalfe of the sayde supplicantes Notwythstanding that we did feare if meanes were not founde to recounter or stoppe the offences before named that thys would immediatly folow vpon it Wherfore most reuerend fathers least that the kingdome mighte hee defamed any more by such pestiferous sectes and that the Christian faith myght happen to be indaungered with all reuerence and charity I do desire you euen by the bowels of mercy of our Lord Iesus Christe that thys most sacred Councel would prouide some speedy remedy for this kingdome as touchyng the premisses Moreouer whether be they backbiters and slanderers or wicked and false enuiers of the kingdome of Boheme the which do let the errors aforesaid many others more which are sowen by the Wicleuists in the sayd kingdome and also els where whych also both do labor and haue laboured for the extirpation and roting out of those errours out of the kingdome aforesayd and as catholicke men for the zeale of their faith haue manfully put forth themselues against the maintainers of the sayd errours or such as doe maintaine and defend the teachers of those errours This answere I haue here presented before your reuerences alwaies wholy submitting my self and assistance vnto your iudgement and to the definition of this most sacred councell of Constance ¶ The answere of the nobles of Boheme THe day before whitsontide the nobles of Boheme dyd confute this theyr aunswer made 2. dayes before in the Councel to their former wryting as here foloweth Most reuerend fathers and Lordes for so much as vpon thursday it was answered in the behalfe of your reuerences to the requests of the nobles and Lords of Boheme that the sayde Lordes were misinformed of diuers poynts contained in the declaration of their said vil therfore the foresayd Lords haue now determined and decreed to declare their former propounded requests more at large vnto your reuerences not mineding hereby to argue or reprooue your fatherly wisedomes and circumspections but that youre reuerences theyr desires being partly on thys behalf fulfilled might the more effectuously distinctly discerne and iudge as touching thys matter And first of all where as the Lordes alleaged and sayd how that maister Iohn Hus was come hether vnto Constance freely of his owne good will vnder the safe conduct of the Lorde the king and the protection of the sacred Empire It is aunswered on the behalfe of your reuerences how that the said Lords are misinformed as touching the safe conduict and that you haue vnderstand by such as are worthy credit that the frends and fauorers of the sayd M. Iohn Hus did first procure and get his safe conduicte 15. dayes after hys imprisonment The Lords of Boheme and specially the Lorde Iohn de Clum heere present whome thys matter doeth chiefely touche doeth aunswere that not onely the 15. day after but euen the very same day that Iohn Hus was apprehended and taken when as our reuerende father the Pope in the presence of all his Cardinals demaunded of M. Iohn de Clum whether M. Iohn Hus had any safeconduict from the king hys sonne he answered most holy father Cardinals knowe ye that he hath a safe conduict and when he was asked the question againe the second time he answered in like maner Yet notwithstāding none of them required to haue the safeconduict shewed vnto them and againe the thirde day following the Lord Iohn de Clum complained vnto our Lord the Pope how notwythstanding the safe conduict of oure soueraigne Lorde the king he detained and kept M. Iohn Hus as prisoner shewing the said safeconduict vnto many And for a further truth herein he referreth hymself vnto the testimonies and witnesses of diuers Earles Byshops knightes gentlemen and famous Citizens of the city of Constance the whych altogether at this present did see the said safe conduict and heard it read whereupon the sayde Iohn de Clum is ready to binde hymselfe vnder what penalty shal be required euidently to proue and cōfirme that which hee hath promised who soeuer say to the contrary Moreouer the Lordes of Boheme referre themselues vnto the knowledge of certaine Princes electors other Princes Byshops many other noblemen which were present before the kings maiestie where and when as the said safe conduct was graunted and geuen out by the speciall commaundement of our sayd Lord the king Hereby your fatherly reuerences may vnderstand and perceiue that the sayd Lordes of Boheme are not euill informed as touching the saide safe conducit But rather they which by such reportes haue falsly and vntruely informed your reuerēces And first of al they haue offended agaynst the Lord our king and hys chauncellours Secondarely against the Lords and nobles of Boheme as thoughe we had priuely by stealth purchased the sayde safe conduict Wherefore the Lords aforesaid most humbly require desire your reuerēces that you wil not so lightly beleue such as be not worthy of credit but rather hearing the contrary part to labour and discusse that the trueth may the more euidently appeare Secondly where as the Lordes aforesayde alleaging how M. Iohn Hus cōming vnto Constance of his owne free will being neither condemned nor heard was imprisoned your reuerences haue made aunswer therunto that he the sayd M. Iohn Hus in the time of Alexander 5. was infamed and slandered vppon certaine heresies and thereupon cited personally to apeare in the court of Rome and there was heard by hys procurers And for somuch as he refused obstinatly to appeare he was excommunicated in the which excommunication he continued as you affirme by the space of fiue yeares for the whych he was iudged and counted not onely a simple and plaine hereticke but an heresiarke that is to say an inuenter and sower of newe and straunge heresies and that he comming towarde Constance did preache by the way openly To this the Lordes aforesayd do aunswere that as touching hys slaunder and citation they can affirme nothing but by report But as touching
remnaunt of the ashes of that man shoulde not be left vppon the earth whose memorie notwythstanding can not be abolished out of the minds of the godly neither by fire neither by water neither by anye kinde of torment ¶ I know very well that these things are very â—â—lenderly wrytten of me as touching the labours of thys most holy Martyr Iohn Hus with whome the labors of Hercules are not to be compared For that auncient Hercules slew a few monsters but this our Hercules with a moste stout and valiant courage hath subdued euen the worlde it selfe the mother of all monsters and cruell beastes Thys story were worthy some other kind of more curious handling but for so muche as I cannot otherwise perfourme it my selfe I haue endeuored according to the veâ—y truth as the thing was in deede to commend tho same vnto al godly mindes neither haue I heard it reported by others but I my selfe was present at the doing of all these things and as I was able I haue put them in wryting that by thys my labour and indeuor howsoeuer it were I might preserue the memory of this holy man and excellent Doctour of the Euangelicall truth What was the name of this author which wrote thys story it is not here expressed Cochleus in his 2. boke contra Hussitas supposeth his name to be Ioannes Pizibram a Bohemian Who afterward succeeding in the place of I. Hus at Prage at last is thought to relent to the Papists This godly seruaunt and Martyr of Christ was condemned by the cruel councel and burned at Constance an 1415. about the moneth of Iuly Howe grieuously this death of Iohn Hus was taken among the nobles of Boheme and of Morauia heereafter Christ willing shall appeare by their letters which they sent vnto the councell by the letters of Sigismund the king of Romaines wrytten vnto them Wherin he laboureth all that he can to purge and excuse himselfe of Husses death All be it he was not altogether free from that cruell fact and innocent froÌ„ that bloud yet notwithstanding hee pretendeth in words so to wipe away that blot from hym that the greatest part of that crime seemeth to rest vpon the bloudy prelates of that councel as the wordes of the king do purport in forme as followeth INterea inquit nobis adhuc in partibus Rheni existentibus peruenit ad Constantiam c i. In the meane time as we were about the coastes of Rhene Iohn Hus went to Constance and there was arrested as is not to you vnknowen Who if he had first resorted vnto vs had gone with vs vp to the CouÌ„cel perhaps it had bene otherwise with him And God knoweth what griefe and sorrowe it was to our heart to see it so to fall out as with no wordes can be well expressed Whereof all the Bohemians which were there present can beare vs witnesse seeing and beholding howe carefull and sollicitous we were in labouring for him In so much that wee many times with anger and furie departed out of the Councell and not onely out of the Councell but also went out of the City of CoÌ„stance taking his part vnto such time as the rulers of the Councell sending vnto vs sayde That if wee woulde not permit them to prosecute that which right required in the Councell what should they then do in the place Whereupon thus we thought with our selues that here was nothing els for vs more to doe nor yet to speake in this case for asmuche as the whole Councell otherwise had ben dissolued Where is to be noted moreouer that in Constance the same time there was not one clearke or two but there were Ambassadours for all kinges and princes in Christendome especially since the time that Petrus de Luna geuing ouer all those kinges and princes which tooke his part came to vs so that whatsoeuer good was to be done it was nowe to be passed in this present Councell c. Ex Epist. Imper. Sigismundi ad Nobiles c. ¶ By this it may appeare that the Emperour as partly ashamed and sory of that which was done wold gladly haue cleared himselfe therof and haue washed hys handes with Pilate yet he coulde not so cleare himselfe but that a great portion of that murder remained in him to be noted and well worthy of reprehension as may both appeare by his last words spoken in the Councel to I. Hus whereof Iohn Hus in his Epistles complaineth wryting to certaine of his friendes in Bohemia in his 33. Epistle as by hys wordes may appeare here following I Desire you yet againe for the loue of God that the Lordes of Boheme ioyning together will desire the king for finall audience to be geuen me For so muche as he alone saide to me in the Councell that they shoulde geue me audience shortly and that I shoulde aunswer for my selfe briefly in wryting it will be to hys great confusion if he shall not perfourme that which he hath spoken But I feare that worde of his will be as firme and sure as the other was concerning my safeconducte graunted by him Certaine there were in Bohemia which willed mee to beware of hys safeconducte And other sayde he will sure geue you to your ennemies And the Lord Mikest Dweky told me before M. Iessenitz saying Maister know it for certaine you shal be condemned And this I suppose he spake knowing before the inteÌ„tion of the king I hoped well that hee had bene well affected towarde the lawe of God and trueth and had therein good intelligence nowe I conceiue that he is not greatly skilfull nor so prudently circumspecte in himselfe He condemned me before mine ennemies did Who if it had pleased him might haue kept the moderation of Pilat the Gentile which sayde I finde no cause in this man or at least if hee had sayde but thus beholde I haue geuen him his safeconducte safely to returne And if hee will not abide the decision of the councell I will send him home to the king of Boheme with youre sentence attestations that he with his cleargie may iudge him But nowe I heare by the relation of Henry Leffl and of other that he will ordaine for me sufficient audience And if I will not submit my selfe to the iudgement of the councel he wil send me safe the contrary way c. This Iohn Hus being in prison wrote diuers treatises as of the commaundements of the Lordes prayer of mortal sinne of matrimony of the knowledge and loue of God of 3. ennemies of mankinde the world the flesh and the deuill of penaunce of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of the Lord of the sufficiencie of the lawe of God to rule the church c. He wrote also diuers Epistles and letters to the Lordes and to his frendes of Boheme And in hys wrytings did foreshewe many things before to come touching yâ— reformation of the Churche and seemeth in the prison
by your prayers I shall persiste strongly in the immutable veritie of God vnto the last breath Finally I wold not haue you ignoraÌ„t that wheras euery one here is put in his office I only as an outcast am neglected c. I coÌ„mend you to the merciful Lord Iesu Christ our true God and the sonne of the immaculate virgin Mary which hath redeemed vs by his moste bitter death without all our merites from eternall paines from the thraldome of the Deuill and from sinne From Constance the yere of our Lord. 1415. ¶ An other letter of Iohn Hus to his benefactours MY gracious benefactours and defendours of the truthe I exhort you by the bowels of Iesus Christ that now ye setting aside the vanities of this present world will giue your seruice to the eternall king Christ the Lord. Trust not in Princes nor in the sonnes of men in whome there is no health For the sonnes of men are dissemblers and disceitfull To day they erre to morrowe they pearish but God remaineth for euer Who hath his seruants not for any neede he hath of them but for their owne profite vnto whoÌ„ he performeth that which he promiseth fulfilleth that which he purposeth to geue He casteth of no faithful seruant from him for he sayth where I am there also shal my seruaÌ„t be And that Lorde maketh euery seruaunt of his to be the Lorde of all his possession geuing himselfe vnto him and with himselfe all thinges that without all tediousnesse feare and without al defect he may possesse all thinges reioycing with all Saintes in ioy infinite O happie is that seruaunt whome when the Lorde shall come hee shall finde watching Happy is the seruaunt which shall receiue that king of glory with ioy Wherefore well beloued Lordes and benefactours serue you that king in feare which shall bring you as I trust nowe to Boheme at this present by his grace in health and hereafter to eternal life of glory Fare ye wel For I think that this is the last letter that I shall write to you who to morrowe as I suppose shall be purged in hope of Iesu Christ throughe bitter death from my sinnes The things that happened to me this night I am not able to wryte Sigismund hath done all things wyth mee disceitfully God forgeue him and onely for your sakes You also heard the sentence which he awarded against me I pray you haue no suspition of faithfull Vitus An other letter to the Lord Iohn de Clum MOste gracious benefactour in Christe Iesu dearely beloued yet I reioyce not a little that by the grace of God I maye wryte vnto your honour By your letter which I receaued yesterday I vnderstand first how the iniquitie of the great strompet that is of the malignaunt congregation whereof mention is made in the Apocalips is detected and shall be more detected Wyth the which strumpet the kinges of the earth doe commit fornication fornicating spiritually from Christe and as is there sayde sliding back from the truth and consenting to the lies of antichrist thoroughe his seduction and thoroughe feare or thoroughe hope of confederacie for getting of worldly honour Secondly I perceaued by your letter how the enemies of the truth begin nowe to be troubled Thirdly I perceiued the feruent constancie of your charitie wherewith you professe the truth boldly Fourthly with ioy I perceiued that you minde now to geue ouer the vanity and the painefull seruice of this present world and to serue the Lorde Iesus Christ quietly at home Whome to serue is to raign as Gregory sayeth Whome he that serueth faithfully hath Christe Iesus himselfe in the kingdome of heauen to minister vnto him as hee himselfe sayeth Blessed is that seruaunt whome when the Lorde shall come he shall finde waking and so doing Verely I say vnto you that hee rising shall girde himselfe and shall minister to him This do not â—he kings of this worlde to their seruauntes whome onely they doe loue so long as they are profitable and necessary for their commodities c. Another Epistle of Iohn Hus wherein he declareth why God suffreth not his to perish bringing diuers examples wherwith he doth comfort and confirme both himselfe and other THe Lord God be with you Many causes there were welbeloued in God my deare frends which moued me to thinke that those letters were the last which before I sent vnto you lookinge that same time for instaÌ„t death But now vnderstanding the same to be deferred I take it for great coÌ„fort vnto me that I haue some leâ— ser more to talke with you by letters therfore I write again to you to declare testify at least my gratitude mindfull duty toward you And as touching death God doth know why he doeth defer it both to me and to my welbeloued brother M. Hier. who I trust will die holily and without blame and do know also that he doth and suffereth nowe more valiauntly then I my selfe a wretched sinner God hath geuen vs a long time that we myghte call to memorie our sinnes the better and repent for the same more feruently Hee hath graunted vs time that our longe and greate temptation shuld put away our greuous sinnes bring the more consolation He hath geuen vs time wherin we should remember the horrible rebukes of our mercifull king and Lorde Iesus and shoulde ponder his cruell death and so more paciently myght learne to beare our afflictions And moreouer that we might kepe in remembraunce how that the ioyes of the life to come are not geuen after the ioyes of this world immediatly but through many tribulaâ—ions the Saints haue entred into the kingdoÌ„ of heauen For some of them haue bene cutte and chopt all to peeces some their eies bored through some sodde some rosted some slaine aliue some buried quicke stoned crucified grineded betwixt mill stones drawne hailed hither and thither vnto execution drowned in waters strangled and hanged torne in pieces vexed wyth rebukes before their death pined in prisons afflicted in bands And who is able to recite all the tormentes and suffringes of the holy Saintes which they suffered vnder the olde and newe Testament for the verity of God namely those which haue at any time rebuked the malice of the priestes or haue preached against their wickednesse And it will be a meruaile if any man nowe also shall escape vnpunished who so euer dare boldly resist the wickednesse and peruersity especially of those priests which can abide no correction And I am glad that they are compelled now to reade my bookes in the which their malice is somewhat described and I know they haue reade the same more exactly and diligently then the holy Gospell seeking therein to finde out errours Geuen at Constance vppon Thursday the 28. day of Iune An. 1415. ¶ Another letter of Iohn Hus wherein he rehearseth what iniuries he receiued of the Councel and of the deputies IF my letter be not
thy names sake Amen Written in prison and in bondes in the Vigill of holy S. Iohn the Baptist who beyng in prison and in bondes for the rebuking of wickednesse was beheaded ¶ Among diuers other letters of Iohn Hus which he wrote to the great consolation of others I thought also here to intermixt an other certaine godly letter writteÌ„ out of England by a faythfull Scholler of Wickleffe as appeareth vnto Iohn Hus and the Bohemians which for the zealous affectioÌ„ therein coÌ„teined seemeth not vnworthy to be read ¶ A letter to Iohn Hus and to the Bohemians from London GReetyng and whatsoeuer can be deuised more sweete in the bowels of Christ Iesu. My dearely beloued in the Lord whom I loue in the trueth and not I onely but also all they that haue the knowledge of the trueth whiche abydeth in you and shall be with you through the grace of GOD for euermore I reioysed aboue measure when our beloued brethren came and gaue testimony vnto vs of your trueth and how you walke in the trueth I haue heard brethren how sharpely Antichrist persecuteth you in vexyng the faithfull seruauntes of Christ with diuers and straunge kyndes of afflictions And surely no maruaile if amongest you since it is so almost all the world ouer the law of Christ be too too greuously impugned and that redde Dragon hauyng so many heades of whom it is spoken in the Apocalyps haue now vomited out of his mouth that great floud by whiche he goeth about to swallow vp the woman but the most gracious God will deliuer for euer his onely and most faythfull spouse Let vs therfore cofort our selues in the Lord our God and in his vnmeasurable goodnes hopyng strongly in him which will not suffer those that loue him to be vnmercifully defrauded of any their purpose if we according to our duety shall loue him with all our hart for aduersitie should by no meanes preuaile ouer vs if there were no iniquitie raignyng in vs. Let therefore no tribulation or sorrow for Christs cause discourage vs knowing this for a surety that whosoeuer the Lord vouchsafeth to receaue to be his childreÌ„ those he scourgeth For so the mercifull father will haue them tried in this miserable life by persecutions that afterwardes hee may spare them For the golde that this high artificer hathe chosen he purgeth and trieth in this fire that he may afterwardes lay it vp in his pure treasurie For we see that the time which we shall abide here is short and transitory the life which we hope for after this is blessed and euerlasting Therefore whilest we haue time let vs take paine that we may enter into that rest What other thyng do we see in this brickle life then sorow heauinesse and sadnesse and that which is most greuous of all to the faithfull too much abusing and contempt of the lawe of the Lord. Let vs therefore endeuoure our selues as much as we may to lay holde of the things that are eternall and abiding despising in our mindes all transitory and fraile things Let vs consider the holy fellowship of our fathers that haue gone before vs. Let vs consider the Saincts of the olde and newe Testament Did they not passe through this sea of tribulation and persecution were not some of them cut in peces other some stoned others of them killed with the sword Some others of them went about in pelts and goates skinnes as the Apostle to the Hebrues witnesseth Surely they all walked straight wayes following the steppes of Christ which sayde he that ministreth vnto me let him follow me whether so euer I go c. Therfore let vs also which haue so noble examples geuen vs of the Saintes that went before vs laying away as muche as in vs lyeth the heauy burden and the yoke of sinne which compasseth vs about runne forwarde through patience to the battaile that is set before vs fixing our eyes vppon the author of faith and Iesus the finisher of the same who seeing the ioy that was set before hym suffred the paines of the crosse despising death Let vs call vppon him which suffred suche reproche against himselfe of sinners that we be not wearied fainting in our hearts but that we may heartely pray for helpe of the Lorde and may fight against his aduersary Antichrist that we may loue his law and not be deceitfull labourers but that we may deale faithfully in all things according to that that God hath vouchsafed to geue vs and that wee may labour diligently in the Lordes cause vnder hope of an euerlasting reward Behold therefore brother Hus most deaâ—ly beloued in Christe although in face vnknowen to me yet not in faith and loue for distance of places cannot separate those whom the loue of Christ doth effectually knit together be comforted in the grace which is geuen vnto thee labour like a good souldiour of Christ Iesus preach be instant in word and in example and call as many as thou canst to the way of truth for the truth of the gospel is not to be kept in silence because of friuolous censures and thunderboltes of Antichrist And therefore to the vttermost of thy power strengthen thou and confirme the members of Christ whych are weakened by the deuil and if the Lord wil vouchsafe it Antichrist shall shortly come to an end And there is one thing wherein I do greatly reioyce that in your realm and in other places God hath stirred vp the harts of some men that they can gladly suffer for the word of God imprisonment banishment and death Further beloued I knowe not what to wryte vnto you but I confesse that I could wish to powre out my whole heart if thereby I might comfort you in the lawe of the Lorde Also I salute from the bottome of my heart all the faithfull louers of the law of the Lord and specially Iacobellus your coadiutor in the gospell requiring that he will pray vnto the Lorde for me in the Vniuersall churche of Iesus Christ. And the God of peace which hath raised from the dead the shepheard of the sheepe the mighty Lorde Iesus Christ make you apt in all goodnesse to doe his will working in you that which may be pleasant in his sight All your friendes salute you which haue heard of your constancie I would desire also to see your letters wrytten backe to vs for knowe yee that they shall greatly comfort vs. At London by your seruaunt desiring to be fellow with you in your labors Ricus Wiceewitze priest vnworthy ¶ An other letter of Iohn Hus to his friendes of Boheme THe Lord God be with you I loue the counsaile of the Lorde aboue gold and precious stone Wherfore I trust in the mercy of Iesus Christ that he wil geue me his spirit to stand in his truth Pray to the Lord for the spirit is ready and the flesh is weake The Lord almighty be the eternal reward vnto my Lords which constantly firmely and
great vtility ensued afterward to the kingdome of Fraunce All beit in processe of time diuers Friers there were whych wrote agaynste the same Ex lib. Pragin Sanctionis Amongst many decrees of the saide Councell of Basil in the 19. Session there was also a decree made touchyng the conuerting of Iewes and yong nouesses in Religion vnto the Christian faith Also that all Ordinaries should yearely at appoynted times prouide certaine men wel learned in the holy scriptures in such places where Iewes and other infidels did dwell to declare to them the truth of the Catholicke faith that they acknowledging their errour might forsake the same vnto the which preaching the said ministers should compell them to resort and to heare vnder paine of excluding them from occupying any more in that place prouided that the said Diocesanes and preachers should behaue thēselues towardes thē mercifully with all charitie wherby they might winne them to Christ not onely by the declaring of the veritie but also in exhibiting their offices of humanitie And to the intēt their preaching might be that more fruitfull that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues it was also in the same Councell prouided commaūded that the constitutiō made before in the councell of Uienna for learning the Hebrew Chaldey Araby Greeke tongue should by all meanes be obserued kept and ordinary stipendes prouided for thē that should teache the same tongues An other decree morouer in the 20. Session was enacted that whosoeuer was knowē or publiquely noted to be a keper of Concubines should be sequestred from all fruites of his benefices for the space of 3. monethes which fruites should be conuerted by the ordinary to the reparations or some other vtilitie of the Church if he did not so amend it was by the Sinode decreed that he should be clearely deposed from all his benefices Furthermore the said Sinode did greatly inuey against them which hauing the iurisdiction of the Church did not shame to suffer such whore maisters for bribes and money still to continue in their filthines c. By these decrees of the Councell aboue specified it is to be seene what corruptiō had bene thē frequented in the Church of God through the Byshop and courte of Rome For the more expresse declaration whereof we thought it not much impertinent here to inferre the wordes of one Martin Meyre writing to Aeneas Syluius touching and noting the saide corruptions the tenour of whose epistle here ensueth Vnto the reuerend father the Lord Aeneas Cardinal of Sene Martin Meyr Chancellor to the bishop of Mentz wisheth health I Haue vnderstand by certaine of my frends letters that you are created Cardinall I am glad for your part that you haue receiued so worthy rewardes for your vertues I reioyce also for my owne part that my frend hath attained vnto such a dignity wherin he may in time to come both helpe me and my frends But this is a griefe vnto me that you haue hapned vpon those dayes which seme to be troublesom vnto the Apostolike sea For there are many complaintes made vnto my Lorde the Archb vpon the Pope that he wil neither kepe the decrees of the councel of Constance neither of Basil neither yet thinketh himselfe bounde to the couenants of his predecessours and seemeth vtterly to contemne our nation and to seeke the vtter ruine thereof For it is euident that the election of Prelates is euery where reiected benefices dignities of what sorte soeuer they be are reserued for the Cardinals and chiefe notaries and you your self haue obtained the reseruation of 3. Prouinces of Germany vnder suche a forme as hath not ben accustomed or heard of Vowsons or giftes of benefices are graunted without number yerely stipends and half the reuenues are exacted without delay and it is euident that there is more extorted then is due The regiment of churches are not committed vnto such as best deserue them but vnto such as offer most mony for them and new pardons are graunted out daily to scrape and gather together monye Tithes are commaunded to be exacted without the consent of our Prelates for the Turkish warre and those matters which were accustomed to be debated and determined at home are now caried vnto the Apostolike sea of Rome A thousand waies are inuented and deuised how the sea of Rome may by subtlety and by craft extort and gette golde and treasure from vs euen as it were of the Turkes or Barbarians whereby our nation which was sometime famous and valiant which by their power and bloud conquered the Romaine Empire and was once the Lady and Queene of all the world nowe being brought vnto pouerty is made a handmaid become tributary being nowe in extreme misery hath of long time bewailed her cruell fortune and pouerty But now our nobles being as it were wakened out of their slepe haue begon to consider and deuise with themselues by what meanes they might withstand this calamity and vtterly shake of this yoke and bondage and haue determined with themselues to chalenge againe their former liberty This wil be no smal losse vnto the court of Rome if the Princes of Germany bring to passe that which they haue deuised Wherfore as much as I do reioyce of your late obtained dignity so much also am I mooued greued that these things happen in your daies But peraduenture Gods determination is otherwise his wil shal surely take place You in the meane time be of good chere and deuise according to your wisedome by what meanes the vehemencie of these floudes may be staied Thus fare ye well From Hasthaffenberge the last day of August Concerning the authoritie of this generall councell of Basill what is to be esteemed by the Actes fruites therof may be vnderstand of all good men Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning so long as the Pope agreed and consented vnto it But after the Pope began to draw backe many other followed especially of the richer sort of Prelates which had any thing to lose whereof sufficiently hath bene sayde by Arelatensis the Cardinall before In the number of those vnconstant Prelates besides many other was firste Cardinall Iulian the firste collector of this councell and Uicegerent of the Pope as by hys feruent and vehement letter written to pope Eugenius in defence of this councel may well appeare Wherin he most earnestly doth expostulate with the foresaide Pope Eugenius for seeking to dissolue the Councell and declareth in the same many causes why he shoulde rather reioyce and geue God thankes for the godly proceedings and ioyfull agrement betwene the councell and the Bohemians and so exhorteth him with manifolde persuasions to resort to the councel him selfe not to seeke the dissolution of the same The copie tenor of whose Epistle to the Pope if any be disposed to peruse the same we thought heere good to
king and to put him beside his cusshion And although for a time he dissembled his wrathfull mood till he might spye a time conuenient and a world to set forwarde his purpose at last finding occasion somewhat seruing to his mind he breaketh his hart to his two brethren to witte the Marques Mountacute the Archbishop of Yorke conspiring with them how to bring hys purpose about Then thought he also to proue a farre of the mind of the duke of Clarence king Edwards brother likewise obteined him geuing also to him his daughter in Mariage This matter being thus prepared agaynst the kyng the first flame of this cōspiracy began to appeare in the north country Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering thēselues in an open rebellion finding certaines of their wicked purpose came down from Yorke toward London Against whom was appoynted by the king W. lord Harbert Earle of Penbroke with the Lord Stafford and certayne other Captaynes to encounter The Yorkeshyre mē geuing the ouerthrow first to the lord Stafford thē to the Earle of Penbrok and his company of Welchmē at Banbery fielde at last ioyning together with the army of the Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Clarence in the dead of the night secretly stealing one the kinges field at Wolney by Warwick killed the watch and tooke the king prisoner who first being in the castle of Warwicke then was conueyed by night to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshyre vnder the custody of the Archbishop of Yorke where he hauinge loose keeping and liberty to go on hunting meeting wyth syr William Standley syr Thomas of Brough and other his frendes was to good for his keepers and escaped the hands of his enemies and so came to York where he was well receiued from thēce to Lankester where he met with the Lord Hastinges his Chamberlayne well accompanied by whose helpe he came safe to London After this tumult when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace vnity although much labor was made by the nobility the Earle of Warwick raiseth vp a new war in Lincolnshyre the captaine wherof was Sir Rob. wels knight who shortly after being taken in battell wyth hys father and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded the residue casting away their coates ran away and fled geuing the name of the field called Losecoat field The erle of Warwicke after this put out of comfort and hope to preuayle at home fled out of England An. 1470. first to Calice then to Lewes the French king accompanyed with the Duke of Clarence The fame of the Earle of Warwicke and of his famous actes was at that time in great admiration aboue measure and so highly fauoured that both in England Fraunce all men were glad to behold his personage Wherfore the comming of this Earle of the Duke of Clarence was not a litle gratefull to the French king and no lesse oportune to Queene Margaret King Henryes wife and Prince Edward her sonne who also came to the Frenche Courte to meete and conferre together touching their affayres where a league betwene thē was cōcluded moreouer a mariage betwene Edward prince of Wales Anne the secōd daughter of the Erle of Warwick was wrought Thus all things fasting luckely vpō the Erles part beside the large offers and great promises made by the Frenche king on the best maner to set forwarde their purpose the Earle hauing also intelligence by letters that the harts almost of all men went with him and lōged sore for his presence so that there lacked now but onely hast with al speed possible to returne he with the duke of Clarence wel fortified with the French nauy set forward toward England For so was it betwene them before decreed that they two should proue the first venture and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her sonne should folow after The ariuall of the Earle was not so soone heard of at Dartmouth in Deuonshyre but great cōcourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receiue welcome hym who immediatly made proclamation in the name of kyng Henry the sixt charging all men able to beare armour to prepare themselues to fight agaynst Edwarde Duke of Yorke vsurper of the Crowne Here lacked no freendes strength of men furniture nor pollicy conuenient for such a matter When king Edwarde who before not passing for the matter nor seking how either to haue stopped his iāding or els straight wayes to haue encountred with him before the gathering of his frendes but passing forth the time in hunting in hauking in all pleasure daliance had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more dayly about the Erle and the Duke began now to prouide for remedy when it was to late Who trusting to much to his friendes and fortune before dyd nowe right well perceiue what a variable and inconstant thyng the people is especially here of Englād whose nature is neuer to be contēt long with the present state but alwayes delighting in newes seketh new variety of chaunges eyther enuying that which stādeth or els pitying that which is fallen Which inconstant mutability of the light people chaunging with the winde and wauering with the reede did well appeare in the course of this kinges story For he through the people when he was down was exalted now being exalted of the same was forsaken Wherby this is to be noted of all princes that as there is nothing in this mutable world firme and stable so is there no trust nor assurance to be made but onely in the fauor of God and in the promises of his word onely in Christ his sonne whose only kingdome shall neuer haue ende nor is subiecte to anye mutation These thinges thus passing in England on the Earles side agaynst king Edward he accompanyed with the Duke of Glocester his brother and the Lord Hastings who had maried the erle of Warwicks sister and yet was neuer vntrue to the king his maister and the Lord Seales brother to the Queene sent abroad to all his trusty frendes for furniture of able souldiors for defence of his person to wtstand his enemies Whē litle rescue few in effect would come the king himselfe so destitute departed to Lincolneshyre where he perceiuing his enemyes dayly to encrease vpon him all the countryes about to be in a tore making fiers singing songs crying king Henry king Henry a Warwicke a Warwicke and hearing moreouer his enemyes the Lancastrians to be within halfe a dayes iourney of him was aduised by his frendes to flie ouer the Sea to the Duke of Burgoyne which not long before had maryed king Edwardes sister ¶ Here might be thought by the common iudgement and pollicy of man peraduētnre that king Edward as he had in his handes the life of king Henry of his Queene and Prince so if hee had dispatched them out of the way
when as he might he had not fallen into this misery but because he tooke not the vauntage whiche time rather then godly reason gaue him therefore that sparing pitty of hys turned now to his confusion and ruine And certes I suppose no lesse but if the same case had fallen in these our pittlesse dayes in which charity now waxeth vtterly colde and humanitye is almost forgotten the occason of suche a tyme should not be so neglected But let vs here note and learn how godly simplicity alwayes in the end of thinges gayneth more then mans pollicy forsomuche as man worketh with the one but God worketh with the other And so farre is it of that the euēt and successe of thinges be gouerned by mans aduised pollicy or vnaduised affection in this world that that is iudged to be weaker that florisheth in man then that which is cast downe in the Lord as in the double case of both these kings may wel appeare And first let vs consider the case of king Edward who being so beset and compassed with euils and distresses on euery side first was compelled to take the washes betwene Lincolneshyre and Lynne which was no lesse daungerous to his life then it was vnsemely for his estate Being come to Linne in what perill was he there through the doubtfull mutabilitye of the townes men if he had beene known to his enemyes And how could he be but known if he had taried any space But though men and frends forsook him yet the mercy of God not forsaking the life of him which shewed mercy vnto other so prouided that at the same present there was an Englishe shippe and two hulkes of Holland ready to theyr iourney Thus king Edward wtout prouision without bag or baggage without clothsacke or male without store of money without rayment saue onely apparell for warre also without all frendes excepte onely his brother Duke of Glocester the Lord Scales Lord Hastinges with a fewe other trustye frendes to the number of 7. or 8. hūdreth persons tooke shipping toward Holland at which time he was in no lesse ieoperdy almost on the sea then he was on the land For certayne Esterlinges hauing many shippes of warre which lay rouing the same tune on the sea and had done much domage the yeare before as well to the Englishe Marchauntes as to the French nation spying the kinges ship with seuen or eight gallaunt shippes made sayle after the king and hys company The kinges shippe was good of sayle and gate some ground albeit not much of the Esterlinges that she came to the coast of Halland before Alquemare and there cast anker for otherwise being an ebbing water they coulde not enter the hauen The Esterlings with theyr great shippes approched as nere as they could possible come for the low water purposing at the flond to obtein their pray so were like to do if the Lord had not there also prouided Mounsiour de Groun ture gouernour for Duke Charles in Holland at that season to be personally present in the towne of Alquemare who hearing of the ieopardy of the king being there at anker prohibited the Esterlings on payne of death not to meddle with any English men which were the Dukes frendes and alies Thus K. Edward well chastised of God for his wantonnes both by sea and land but not vtterly geuē ouer frō his protection escaping so many hard chaūces was set on land with his company who there well refreshed newly apparelled were conducted to Hage Duke Charles at the hearing of the vnprosperous case and condition of king Edward his brother in lawe was greatly amased and perplexed in himself much casting and doubting what he should do For being then in war with the French king he could not well prouoke the Englishe nation agaynst him without his manifest greuaunce and decay neither yet could he without great shame and obloquy leaue the king his brother in that necessity Notwithstanding so he demannured himselfe through fayre speach pretending to the English men to ioyne part with the house of Lancaster being himselfe partly descended of the same family by his Graundmothers side that he both was his owne frend openly and the kinges friend couertly pretending that he did not and doing that he pretended not Whē tidings was spred in England of king Edwards flying innumerable people of al hands resorted to the Earle of Warwicke to take his part agaynst K. Edward a fewe onely except of his constant friends which tooke sanctuary Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife who desperat almost of all comfort tooke also sanctuarye at Westminster where she in great penury forsakē was deliuered of a fayre sonne called Edw. which without all pompe was baptysed like another poore womans childe the Godfathers being the Abbot and Prior of Westminster the Godmother was Lady Scroope To make the story short the Earle of Warwick hauing now brought all things to his appetite vpon the 12. day of October rode to the Tower which was then deliuered to him and there tooke king Henry out of the ward placed him in the kinges lodging The 25. day of the sayd moneth the Duke of Clarence accōpanyed with the Erles of Warwick Shrewsbury and the Lord Standley with a great company brought him in a long gown of blew veluet thorow the hye streetes of London first to Paules Church to offer then to the bishops palace of London and there he resumed agayne the crowne royall an 1471. which he did not long enioy After this followed a Parliament in the whiche king Edwarde with all his partakers were iudged traytours Queene Margarete with her sonne Prince Edwarde all this while was tarying for a fayre winde thinking long belike till she came to an euill bargayne as it proued after For king Edwarde within sixe monethes after his departure out of Englande vnto the Duke of Burgoyne whether by letters from his frendes sollicitate or whether by his aduēturous courage incited made instant sure to duke Charles his brother to rescue him with such power as he would bestow vpon him for he was fully resolued to defer the matter and to protract the time no longer The Duke damped in double feare in such a daungerous case notwithstanding ouercome by nature and affinity secretly caused to be deliuered to him 50000. Florence further caused foure great shippes to be appoynted for him in a hauen in Zeland where it was free for al men to come Also the same Duke had for him hired 14. shippes of the Esterlinges well appoynted taking band of them to serue him truely till he were landed in England and 15. dayes after Thus king Edwarde being furnished but onely with 2000. men of warre with more lucke then hope to speede sped his voyage into England and landed at Rauenspur in the coast of Yorkeshyre Although there was no way for the king with such a small
into his owne handes by whose meanes the sayd Gemes afterwarde was poysoned as is in maner before expressed Unto these poysoned actes of the Pope let vs also adioin his malicious wickednes with like fury exercised vpoÌ„ Antonius Mancinellus which Mancinellus being a maÌ„ of excellent learning because he wrote an eloqueÌ„t oratioÌ„ against his wicked maners filthy life with other vices he therfore commaunded both his hands his tong to be cut of playing much like with him as Antonius the tirant once did with M. Cicero for writing agaynst his horrible life At length as one poyson requireth another this poysoned Pope as he was sitting with his Cardinals other rych Senatours of Rome at dinner his seruauntes vuwares brought to him a wrong bottell wherewith he was poysoned and his Cardinals about him In the time of this Pope Alexander also it happened whiche is not to bee pretermitted how that the Aungell whiche stood in the high toppe of the Popes Churche was beaten downe with a terrible thunder which thing semed then to declare the ruine and fall of the Popedome After this Pope next succeded Pius the 3. about the yeare of our Lord 1503. After whome came next Iulius the second a man so farre passing all other in iniquity that Wicelius such other of his owne friendes writing of him are compelled to say of him Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse that is that he was more geuen to warre and battayle then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne that at what time he was going to warre he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris sayinge that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose he woulde take himselfe to the sword of Paule Wherupon Philip MelancthoÌ„ amongest many other writing vpon the same maketh this Epigrame Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa Iulius esset Gesturus sicút fama â—etusta docet Ingentes martis turmas contraxit â—rbem Egâ—essus saeuas edidit ore minas Iratus'que sacras claues in flumina iecit Tibridis hic â—rbi pons â—bi iungit aquas Inde manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem Exclamans'que truci talia â—ocerefert Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri. Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame In Gallum â—â— fama est bellum gesturus acerbum Armatum educit Iulius â—rbe manum Accinctus gladio claues in Tibridis amnem Proÿcit soeuus talia â—erba faecit Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeues Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit ¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this When Iulius Pope agaynst the French determined to make warre As fame reportes he gathered vp great troupes of men from farre And to the bridge of Tybur then marching as he were wood His holy keyes he tooke and cast them downe into the floud And afterward into his hand he tooke a naked sword And shaking it brake forth into this fierce and warlike word This sword of Paule quoth he shall now defend vs from our foe Since that this key of Peter doth nothing auay le thereto Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported that partly with his warres partly with his cursinges within the space of 7 yeares as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Uenetians then Seruia Imola Fauentia Foroliuium Bononia and other cities which he gate out of Princes handes not with out much bloudshed The Chronicles of Iohn Steban maketh mention that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe promising to haue a Councell within two yeares but when he had no leysure thereunto being occupyed with his warres in Italy amoÌ„g the Uenetians and with the French king and in Ferraria and in other countryes 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him came to Millayne and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise amongest whome the chiefe were Bernardus Cruceius Gulielmus Prenestinus Franciscus CoÌ„stantinus with diuers others amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour and of Charles the French king So the Councell was appoynted the yeare of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged because the Pope had so brokeÌ„ his oth and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell also because there were diuers other crimes whereupoÌ„ they had to accuse him Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat the which he had procured through bribes and ambition Iulius hearing this geueth out contrary commaundement vnder great payne no man to obey them calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare to be begon the 19. day of Aprill The French king vnderstading Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Uenetians and so to take theyr part agaynst him couented a councell at Thurin in the month of September in the which councel these questions were proposed Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any prince without cause Whether any Prince in defending himselfe might inuade his aduersary and deny his obedience Unto the which questions it was answered that neither the bishop ought to inuade and also that it was lawfull for the king to defende himselfe Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce Neyther that any vniust excommunications ought to be feared if they were founde to be vniust After this the king sent vnto Iulius the aunswere of his councell requiring him either to agree to peace or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where where thys matter myght bee more fully decided Iulius woulde neyther of both these but forthwith accursed Charles the French king with all his kingdome At the lenth at Rauenna in a great war he was ouercome by the freÌ„ch king and at last after much slaughter and great bloudshed and mortall warre this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February If it were not that I feare to ouerlay this our volume with heapes of foreigne historyes which haue professed chiefly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed some discourse also of the Turkes story of theyr rising and cruell persecution of the sayâ—tes of God to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges and of theyr wicked procedings theyr cruell tyranny and bloudy victories the ruine subuersion of so many Christen Churches with the horrycle murders and captiuiâ—ye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest as well to this our countrey of England as also to other nations First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament as
to Zelymus and so beheaded whose hed being first caried about Asia for a triumph was afterward sent to the Senate of Uenice for a terrour vnto them The eldest sonne of Aladulus scaping the handes of his pursuers fled into Egypt This battaile thus fought and ended Zelymus after he had deuided the kingdome of Aladulus into three prouinces went to Lycaonia from thence to Europe there to defend the Citie of Samandria against the Christians in Hungary But the Hungarians being sone repressed by Iuno Bassa the Turkes captaine great preparation began to be made by the Turks against the confines of Seruia bordering vpō Hungary The terrour whereof stirred vp Maximilian the Emperour and Ladislaus king of Hungarie and Sigismundus Kyng of Polonie to consult together and conioyne their power for defence of Christendome But through new incumberances incident the turke leauing Europe made haste againe into Asia to renue againe his warres against the Persians who had made a vow not to geue ouer that warre before Ismael was ouerthrowne But before he entred that warre first he sent hys messengers to the Sultane of Egypte requiring hym not to entermedle in that warre for this sultane before had promised to assist the Persians against the Turke The name of the Sultane which reigned then in Egypt was Campson set vp by the Mamaluci These Mamaluci were a certain order amongst the Egyptians much like to the Ianizarites about the Turke being the childrē of christen men and after denyeng Christ were the chefest doers in y◠Sultanes court and being growne into a great multitude did degenerat into a turkish barbarity or rather became wors then Turkes This Campson vnto the messengers of the Turke gaue this aunswere againe that vnlesse he woulde leaue of his warre against Ismael and restore the sonne of Aladulus otherwise he woulde not lay downe his armor Zelymus being incensed not a little wyth this insolent aunswere of the Sultane leauing all other warres aside with great celeritie aduanced hys power against the Sultane Which Sultan partly through the falshode of his captaine Caierbeius partly by the sodeinnesse of the Turkes comming not farre from the citie of Damascus encoūtred with the turke and there ouerthrowne from his horse being a fatte and grose body and falling vnder his horse and his horse also falling vpon him was quashed in peces and so died which was the yere of our Lord. 1516. Mamalucie of whome more then a M. in thys battaile were slaine flyeng from thence to Memphis set vp Tomoumbeius in stede of Campson whose captaine Gazelles was ouercome at the City of Gaza he afterward himselfe driuen out of Memphis where a great part of the Mamaluci were destroyed Then Tomoumbeius flying ouer the floud Nilus renued his army agayne but in the ende was discomfited and chased into a marish where hee was found standing in the water vp to the chinne and so being brought to Zelymus was put to the rack and great tormentes to make him confesse where Campsons treasures were But when he would not declare he was caryed about the Towne with a halter about his necke hanged vp vpō a hie gibber for a spectacle to all Egypt which was the yeare of our Lorde 1517. And thus were the two Sultanes in Egypt destroied with the Mamaluci whych there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of 243. yeares The progenie of the whych Mamaluci remaining of the warres the Turke commaunded in pryson gates of Alexandria to be cut in peces Zelymus frō thence triumphing departed to Constantinople entending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians But in that meane space he was stroken with a cankerd sore rotting inward and died after hee had raigned 7. yeares like a beast in the yeare of our Lord. 1520. The raigne of this Turke was but short in number of yeres but in number of his murthers and cruel bloudshed it might seme exceeding long which liued more like a beast then a mā for he neuer spared any of hys frends or kinred His father first he poysoned his brethren and al his cosins he quelled leauing none of all his kinred aliue Moreouer his chief and principal captaines for smal occasions he put to death as Mustapha Calogere Chendeme Bostāg hys sonne in law and Iunobassa It is said moreouer that he entended the poysoning of his owne sonne Solyman sending vnto him a shirt infected with poison because he seemed something freely to speake against the cruel demeanor of his father But by the meanes of hys mother the gifte being suspected was geuen to an other which was his Chamberlaine who putting on the shirt was strucken with the poyson therof and therewith all died As touching thys Turke Zelymus by the way heere may be noted how the secret prouidēce of the Lord kept hym occupied with hys Turkish warres at home while that the reformation of christian religion here in Europe the same time begō by Martin Luther might the more quietly take some roring without disturbance or interruption For so it appeareth by the computation of time that in the dayes of this Zelymus Martin Luther first began to write against the Popes indulgences which was in the yeare of oure Lord. 1516. Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus SOlymannus the onely sonne of Zelymus succeded after hys fathers death who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and shepish and not mete for the turkish gouernmēt Wherfore certain of his nobles cōsulting how to depose him entended to set vp an other Emperour In which conspiracy especially are named Caierbeius Gazelles This Caierbeius was he that betraied before Campson the Sultane of Egypt to Zelymus as is aforesayde who nowe also being in consultation with Gazelles other about this matter detected thē also vnto Solyman Wherfore the sayd Gazelles and his fellowes being thus detected were put to death by Solyman declaring thereby that he was not so shepish as he was thought of them to be as also by his acts afterward did more appeare Solymannus after thys execution done vpon the conspiratours taking his voiage into Europe first besieged Belgradum which being a Citye in Hungarie was the strongest forte of all the Romaine Empire and the chiefe defence at that time of al christendom which also being assaulted before time by Amurathes the 2. was valiantly defended by Ioannes Huniades as is aboue specified But here nowe lacked suche a one as Huniades was For the kingdome of Hungary at that time was vnder y◠gouernment of Ludouicus a yong king vnexpert and of a simple wit Whom other Princes specially the couetous church men did so pil and pol that they left hym nothing but only the bare name and title of his kingdom Wherby he being vnfurnished both of men and mony was vnable to match with such an enemie An other vauntage also the Turkes had in besieging of