Selected quad for the lemma: day_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
day_n	hour_n	minute_n	pole_n	5,045	5	12.8170	5	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A31706	The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.; De bello civili. English	Caesar, Julius.; Edmondes, Clement, Sir, 1566 or 7-1622. Observations upon Caesars commentaries of the civil warres.; Hirtius, Aulus. De bello Gallico. Liber 8. English.; Edmondes, Clement, Sir, 1566 or 7-1622. Manner of our modern training or tactick practise.; Caesar, Julius. De bello Gallico. English.	1655 (1655)	Wing C199; ESTC R17666	660,153	403

merchandize and gain of moneys Next unto him they prefer Apollo Mars Jove and Minerva and of these they carrie the same opinion as other nations do Apollo to be powerfull in healing diseases Minerva in finding out artificiall works Jove ruling the celestiall Empire and Mars for Warre When they are to encounter with an enemy they vow all the spoil unto him and such beasts as are taken they sacrifice other things they lay up in some one place and many such heaps of things so taken are to be seen in the holy places of diverse of their cities Neither doth it often happen that any man neglecting his religion in that point dare either keep back any thing so taken or take away ought laid up in their Repositories for they incur a heavie punishment and torture for that offence The Galles do all boast themselves in the stock from whence they are descended understanding by the Druides that they come of the god Dis. And therefore they end the space of all their times by the number of nights rather then by the number of dayes observing the dayes of their nativity the beginings of their moneths and their years in such sort as the day doth alwayes follow the night And herein they differ from other nations that they suffer not their children to come openly unto them but when they are grown fit for war thinking it shamefull and dishonest that a son in his childhood should in publike places stand in the sight of his father To the portions which they have with their wives they add as much more of their own goods and the use of this money thus added together is kept apart and the longer liver hath both the principall and the interest for all the former time The men have power of life and death both over their wives and their children And when a man of great place and parentage shall happen to decease his kinsfolks assemble themselves together to enquire of his death if there be any occasion of suspition they put his wife to torture after the manner of a servant and if it be found she dies tormented with fire and all other tortures as may be imagined Their funerals according to the rest of their life are magnificall and sumptuous burying with the dead corps all that he took delight in while he lived not sparing living creatures and not long out of memory the custome was to bury with the body such clients and servants as were favoured by him in his lifetime Such States as are carefull in the government of their common-weals do prohibite by a speciall law that no man shall communicate a rumour or report touching the State to any man saving a Magistrate forasmuch as it had been often found that rash and unskilfull men were so terrified with false reports and moved to such desperate attempts that they entered into resolutions touching the main points of State The Magistrates do keep secret such things as they think fit and that which they think expedient they publish but it is not lawfull to speak of matter of State but in assemblies of State THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the beginning of dayes and times which Caesar noteth in this place to be observed by the Galles after Sun-setting whereby it happened that in the naturall day of four and twenty houres the night alwayes preceded the day time contrary to the use of Italy where the day began at Sun-rising and the night followed the artificiall day as the second part of the day naturall we are to understand that as all time and the distinction of the parts thereof dependeth upon the two motions of the Sunne the one as it moveth in its own orb from West to East begetting the revolution of years and the seasons of Sommer and Winter the Spring and the Autumne with the measure of moneths as it passeth through the signes of the Zodiack and the other as it is carried from East to West by the first moving sphear making the distinction of nights and dayes houres and minutes so the beginnings of these times and seasons are diversly taken amongst diverse people and nations of the earth The Iewes had the same computation touching the beginning of the day as the Galles had but upon other grounds and reasons then could be alledged for this custome in Gallia for they began their day in the evening at Sunne-setting as appeareth by many places of the Scripture and Moses in the repetition of the first seven dayes work upon the accomplishment of a day saith The evening and the morning were one day giving the evening precedency before the morning as though the day had begun in the evening The Bohemians in like manner do observe the beginning of their day in the evening and do herein follow the use of the Iews Other nations do begin at Sun-rising and take the computation of their day naturall from the first appearing of the Sun in the East The Greeks begin and end their day at midnight observing the certainty of that time and the correspondence between the equall and planetary houres in the meridian Circle whereas otherwise by reason of the inequality of the dayes and the nights out of a right sphare there is alwayes some difference between the said houres And this use also is observed by us in England This god Dis whom he nameth for the father of that nation is the same whom the heathen called Pluto the god of hell and darkness and for that cause they put darkness before light touching the beginning of their naturall day But forasmuch as this circumstance giveth occasion to speak of dayes and times give me leave to insert the reformation of the year which Caesar so happily established that succeeding times have had no cause to alter the same And although it neither concerneth the art of war nor happened within the compass of these seven sommers yet forasmuch as it was done by Caesar and deserveth as often memory as any other of his noble acts it shall not seem impertinent to the reader to take thus much by the way concerning that matter There is no nation of any civill government but observeth a course or revolution differenced with times and seasons in such manner as may be answerable to the motion of the Sun in the circuit which it maketh through the signes and degrees of the Zodiack But forasmuch as the government of a civill year doth not well admit any other composition of parts to make it absolute and complete then by naturall dayes and on the other side the Sun requireth odde houres and minutes to finish his race and return again to the goal from whence it came there hath alwayes been found a difference between the civill and the Solar year Before Caesars time the Romans using the ancient computation of the year had not onely such uncertainty and alteration in moneths and times that the sacrifices and yearly feasts came by litle and litle to seasons contrary

for the purpose they were ordained but also in the revolution of the Sun or Solar year no other nation agreed with them in account and of the Romans themselves onely the Priests understood it and therefore when they pleased no man being able to controll them they would upon the sodain thrust in a moneth above the ordinary number which as Plutarch noteth was in old time called Mercedonius or Mensis intercalaris To remedy this inconvenience Caesar calling together the best and most expert Astronomers of that time made a Kalender more exactly calculated then any other that was before and yet such a one as by long continuance of time hath bred a difference for the matter standeth thus It is found by certain observation of Mathematicians of all ages that the Sun being carried from the West to the East by the motion of his own Sphear finisheth his yearly course in the space of 365. dayes five houres nine and fourty minutes and some odd seconds whereupon it was then concluded that their civill year must necessarily contain three hundred threescore and five dayes which maketh two and fifty weeks and one day And forasmuch as those five odd hours nine and fourty minutes and some seconds did in four years space amount unto a naturall day wanting two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds which was thought nothing in comparison they devised every fourth year to add a day more then ordinary to answer that time which is usually added to February whereby it happeneth that in every fourth year February hath nine and twenty dayes And so they made an order to reform their year without any sensible errour for a long time But since that time being one thousand six hundred years and more those two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds which as I said do want of the naturall day of four and twenty hours which is inserted in every fourth year have bred a manifest and an apparant errour for whereas the civil year is by that means made greater then the solar years the Sun ending his task before we can end our times it happeneth that such feasts as have relation to seasonable times do as it were foreslow the opportunity and fall out further in the year as though they had a motion towards the sommer solstice And as these go forward so doth the Equinoctiall return backwards towards the beginning of the moneth For Caesar by the help of the Astronomers observed the Aequinoctium the five and twentieth of March. Ptolemy in his time observed the Aequinoctium the two and twentieth of March. And it was observed the one and twentieth of March in the year from the incarnation 322. what time was holden the first generall Councill at Nice a city of Pontus in respect whereof the Paschall tables and other rules were established for the celebration of Easter But since that time there are passed 1281. years and the Aequinoctium cometh before the one and twentieth of March ten dayes As this errour is reformed among other nations and reduced to that state as it was at the Nicene Councill so there might many reasons be alledged to prove the reformation convenient of a greater number of dayes then ten For if the Kalender were so ordered that every moneth might begin when the Sun entreth into that Sign which is for the moneth and end when the Sun goeth out of that signe it would avoid much confusion and be very easy to all sorts of people as have occasion to observe the same which doubtlesse was the purport of the first institution of moneths and was observed as it seemeth by the old Romans who began the year at the winter solstice as Ovid noteth Bruma novi prima est veterisque novissima solis Principium capiunt Phoebus annus idem And therefore they called that moneth Ianuary of Ianus that had two faces and saw both the old and the new year Such therefore as would go about to reform the year to this course must not cut off ten dayes onely but one and twenty and for one year make December to continue but ten dayes and then Ianuary to begin and so successively to the rest of the moneths But it may be said that although we help our selves and put off the inconvenience which is fallen upon us yet in tract of time the like error will fall again upon succeeding ages and put their yearly Feasts besides the dayes appointed for them For remedy whereof it may be answered That whereas this error hath happened by adding every fourth year a naturall day which in true calculation wanted two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds of four and twenty houres and in very 136. years hath accrued within one minute to a day more then needed the onely way is every 136. years to omit the addition of that day and to make that year to contain but 365. dayes which by the order of Caesars Kalender is a leap year and hath one day more which hath brought this error And so there would not happen the error of a day in the space of 111086. years if the world should continue so long But least we should seem more curious in reforming the course of our civill year then the manners of our civill life I will proceed to that which followeth THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing which I observe in their manner of life is the respect they had to matter of State and the care which they took that no man should dispute of the Common-weal but in assemblies appointed for the service of the common-weal Whereby they gained two speciall points for the maintenance of good government The first that no man might speak of points of state but the governors of State for such I understand to be admitted to their Councels and Parliaments Secondly that such matters of consequence as touched them so nearly might not be handled but in such places and at such times as might best advantage the State Concerning the former we are to note that Government is defined to be an establishing of order best fitting the maintenance of a people in a peaceable and happy life Order requireth degrees and distinctions investing severall parts in severall functions and duties to these duties there belongeth a due observancy according to the motion and place which every part holdeth in the generall order Of these degrees and distinctions Soveraignty and Obedience are two main relatives the one invested in the Prince or Magistrate the other in the people and subject incommunicable in regard of their terms and subjects and yet concurring in the main drift of government intending the benefit of a happy life And therefore the Galles did carefully provide that no man should exceed the limits of his own rank but that such as sate at the helm might shape the course and for the rest whose lot it was to be directed they would have them take notice of their mandates by obedience

in the furthest parts of the nearer Province into the confines of the Vocontii a people of the further Pr●vince from whence he led them into the territories of the Allobroges and so unto the Sabusians that are the first beyond the Rhone bordering upon the Province By that time the Helvetians had carried their forces through the straights and frontiers of the Sequans into the Dominions of the Heduans and began to forrage and pillage their Country Who finding themselves unable to make resistance sent Messengers to Caesar to require aid shewing their deserts to be such from time to time of the people of Rome that might challenge a greater respect then to have their Country spoiled their children led into captivity their townes assaulted and taken as it were in the sight of the Roman Army At the same instant likewise the Ambarri that had dependency and alliance with the Heduans advised Caesar that their Countrey was utterly wasted and they s●arce able to keep the Enemy from entring their townes In like manner also the Allobroges that had farmes and possessions beyond the Rhone fled directly to Caesar complaining that there was nothing left them but the soil of their Country With which advertisements Caesar was so moved that he thought it not convenient to linger further or expect untill the fortunes of their Allies were all wasted and that the Helvetians were come unto the Santon●s The river Arar that runneth through the confines of the Heduans and Sequans into the Rhone passeth away with such a stillnesse that by view of the eye it can hardly be discerned which way the water taketh This river did the Helvetians passe over by Flotes and bridges of boats When Caesar was advertised by his Discoverers that three parts of their forces were already past the water and that the fourth was left behind on this side the river about the third watch of the night he went out of the Camp with three legions and surprising that part which was not as yet got over the river slew a great part of them the rest fled into the next woods This part was the Tigurine Canton and the Helvetians being all parted into four divisions this Canton alone in the memory of our fathers slew L. Cassius the Consul and put his Army under the Yoke So whether it were by chaunce or the providence of the Gods that part of the Helvetian State which gave so great a blow to the Roman people was the first that did penance for the same Wherein Caesar took revenge not only of the publick but of his particular losse too forasmuch as the Tigurines had in that battel with Cassius slain L. Piso the Grandfather of L. Piso his father in law THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis defeat being chiefly a service of execution upon such as were taken at a dangerous disadvantage which men call unaware containeth these two advisoes First not to neglect that advantage which Sertorius by the hairs of his horse taile hath proved to be very important that beginning with a part it is a matter of no difficultie to overcome the whole Secondly it may serve for a caveat so to transport an Armie over a water where the enemie is within a reasonable march that no part may be so severed from the bodie of the Armie that advantage may thereby be taken to cut them off altogether and separate them from themselves The safest and most honourable way to transport an Armie over a river is by a bridge placing at each end sufficient troups of horse and foot to defend the Armie from suddain assaults as they passe over the water And thus went Caesar over the Rhene into Germanie two severall times THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the circumstance of time when Caesar went out of his Camp which is noted to be in the third watch we must understand that the Romans divided the whole night into four watches every watch containing three houres and these watches were distinguished by severall notes and sounds of Cornets or Trumpets that by the distinction and diversitie thereof it might easily be known what watch was founded The charge and office of sounding the watches belonged to the chiefest Centurion of a legion whom they called Primipilus or Primus Centurio at whose pavilion the Trumpeters attended to be directed by his houre-glasse The first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting and continued three houres I understand such houres as the night contained being divided into twelve for the Romans divided their night as well as their day into twelve equall spaces which they called houres the second watch continued untill midnight and then the third watch began and contained likewise three houres the fourth was equall to the rest and continued untill sunne-rising So that by this phrase de tertia vigilia we understand that Caesar went out of his Camp in the third watch which was after midnight and so we must conceive of the rest of the watches as often as we shall find them mentioned in historie Chap. V. Caesar passeth over the river Arar his horsemen incounter with the Helvetians and are put to the worse AFter this overthrow he caused a bridge to be made over the river Arar and carried over his Army to pursue the rest of the Helvetian forces The Helvetians much daunted at his suddain coming that had got over the river in one day which they could scarce do in twenty sent Embassadours unto him of whom Divico was chief that commanded the Helvetians in the warre against Cassius who dealt with Caesar to this effect That if the people of Rome would make peace with the Helvetians they would go into any part which Caesar should appoint them but if otherwise he would prosecute warre that he should remember the overthrow which the people of Rome received by their valour and not to attribute it to their own worth that they had surprized at unawares a part of their Army when such as had passed the river could not come to succour them They had learned of their forefathers to contend rather by valour then by craft and devices and therefore let him beware that the place wherein they now were did not get a Name or carie the marke to all future ages of an eminent calamity to the people of Rome and of the utter destruction of his Army To this Caesar answered That he made the lesse doubt of the successe of these businesses in that he well remembred and knew those things which the Helvetian Commissioners had related and was so much the rather grieved thereat because it happened without any cause or desert of the people of Rome who if he were guiltie of any wrong done unto them it were a matter of no difficultie to beware of their practices but therein was his errour that he could think of nothing which he had committed that might cause him to fear neither could he fear without occasion And if he would let passe former insolencies could he forget

a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon a Wolf or a Sphinx as it appeareth besides the testimony of history by the Column of Trajan in Rome wherein the Ensignes are figured with such pourtraitures so that these Ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures had their fore-parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march or where they were to fight And therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the Ensignes the front of the Army was commonly noted as in this place it is said that the Ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill whither the Helvetians had made their retreat and the Ensignes of the third battel looked another way towards the Boii and Tulingi which stood on the foot of the hill By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incounter THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the time of the day we are to understand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do for they divided their artificiall which is the space between sun-rising and setting into twelve equall parts which the Astronomers called unequall or planetary houres The first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising the sixth houre was alwayes high noon and the twelfth houre was sun-setting And as the day waxed longer or shorter so these houres were either greater or lesse neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres such as are now used but only at the Aequinoctium so that by this manner of reckoning Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant the battel began about one of the clock according to our Computation and continued untill the evening The like we must understand throughout this whole history as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time Chap. X. The Helvetians continue their fight at the carriages but at length they leave the field and march towards Langres IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages untill it was far in the night the place being fortified with Carts instead of a Rampier and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground and with Darts and Javelins under the waggons and from between the wheeles did wound and gall many of our men After a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their Camp wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken There were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons who marching continually all that night and making no stay in any place came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones for by reason of the souldiers hurts and the buriall of the slain wherein there was spent three dayes there was no pursuit made after them OBSERVATION IF we consider the nature of the action and look into the true cause of their overthrow as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians but rather superlatively abounding in the Romans For that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions but it yielded this effect which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back Their manner of imbattelling had not the Romans been the enemy was unresistable For being cast into a Ph●lanx which in the Plaines of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans famous they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts when it is divided into smaller cantons For as in a phalanx many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body so their severall vertues are gathered into one head and are as parts united into one generall force which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities into which a greater strength is equally divided The advantage of the place which they got by retreat and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the Romans both in front and flank was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive and bear armes on their side or at the least so to have st●●med the swelling tide of victory which carried the Romans so violently in the chase that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day had it not followed from an Ocean of valour whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury but it brake forth into dangerous flames when it came to the place where their carriages were laid and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place for they fought with that spirit and industry as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might then it had done in the day The overthrow of the Tig●r●e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good duc●tions which is the lesse to be marvelled at considering they had no chief Commander as we read of then from any defect of valour for the rules of Military government 〈◊〉 especiall care in passing over a water for then especially an Army is in greatest danger when it is disordered and divided And therefore the Romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy as Tully calleth it of their Commande● who alwayes watched opportunitates re● bene gerendae as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars Chap. XI Caesar after three dayes respite followeth after the Helvetians he taketh them to mercy and sendeth them back again to the Country Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing which if they did he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians Himself after three dayes respite follwed after with all his forces The Helvetians pressed with the want of all necessary provisions sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition Who meeting him on the way cast themselves at his feet and with humble words and tears desired Peace Being commanded to attend in the place they then were they accordingly obeyed Caesar being come up unto them required hostages together with their Arms and servants as also the fugitives that were sled unto them While those things were sought out and brought in the

I have noted in my former discourses the causes of an unpeaceable government are as well externall and forreign as internall and bred in the body which need the help of a Physician to continue the body in a perfect state of health require as great a diligence to qualify their malicious operations as any internall sicknesse whatsoever In the second Commentary I briefly touched the commodity of good discovery but because it is a matter of great consequence in the fortunate carriage of a war I will once again by this example of Caesar remember a Generall not to be negligent in this duty Suetonius in the life of our Caesar reporteth that he never undertook any expedition but he first received true intelligence of the particular site and nature of the Country as also of the manners and quality of the people and that he would not undertake the voyage into Britany untill he had made perfect discovery by himself of the magnitude and situation of the Island Which Suetonius might understand by this first voyage which Caesar would needs undertake in the later end of a Summer although it were as he himself saith but to discover It is recorded by ancient Writers that those demi-gods that governed the world in their time gave great honour to the exercise of hunting as the perfect image of war in the resemblance of all parts and namely in the discovery and knowledge of a Country without which all enterprises either of sport in hunting or earnest in wars were frivolous and of no effect And therefore Xenophon in the life of Cyrus sheweth that his expedition against the King of Armenia was nothing but a repetition of such sports as he had used in hunting Howsoever if the infinite examples registred in history how by the dexterity of some Leaders it hath gained great victories and through the negligence of others irrecoverable overthrows are not sufficient motives to perswade them to this duty let their own experience in matters of small moment manifest the weaknesse of their proceedings when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they have in hand But let this suffice in the second place to prove the necessity of good discovery and let us learn of Caesar what is principally to be inquired after in the discovery of an unknown country as first the quantity of the land secondly what Nations inhabite it thirdly their use of war fourthly their civile government and lastly what Havens they have to receive a Navy of great shipping All which circumstances are such principall Arteries in the body of a State that the discovery of any one of these demands would have given great light concerning the motion of the whole body CHAP. IX Caesar sendeth C. Volusenus to discover the coast of Britanie and prepareth himself for that voyage CAesar sent out Caius Volusenus with a Galley to discover what he could concerning these things with charge that having made perfect discovery he should return again unto him as speedily as might be he himself marching in the mean time with all his forces unto the Morini forasmuch as from thence lay the shortest cut into Britanie Thither he commanded that ships should be brought from all the maritime Cities of that quarter and namely that fleet which he had built the year before for the war at Vannes In the mean time his resolution being known and carried into Britanie by Merchants and others many private States of that Island sent Embassadours unto him promising him hostages of their loyalty and signifying their readinesse to submit themselves to the Roman Empire To these he made liberall promises exhorting them to continue in that obedience and so sent them back again And with them he sent Comius whom he had made King of Arras whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account and whom he took to be faithfull to him and of great authority in those Regions To him he gave in charge to go to as many of the States as he could and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the Roman Empire and acquaint them that Caesar himself would presently follow after Volusenus having taken what view of the Countrey he could for he durst not go on shore to commit himself to the barbarisme of the enemy after five dayes returned to Caesar and related unto him all that he had discovered Whilst Caesar stayed in those parts for the furnishing of his fleet the Morini sent messengers unto him excusing themselves for their former faults that being a rude and barbarous people and altogether unacquainted with our customes they had made war against the people of Rome and withall manifesting their readinesse to obey his commands Caesar not willing to leave any enemy behind him or to engage in a new war at this time of the year or to neglect his voyage into Britanie for such small matters willingly accepted of their submission having first received many hostages of them and having made ready eighty ships of burthen which he thought sufficient to transport two legions he divided the Gallies to the Questor the Legates and the Commanders of the horse There were also eighteen ships of burthen more which lay wind-bound at a Port eight miles off and them he appointed for the horsemen The rest of the Army he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and Luc. Aurunculcius Cotta commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapii into those parts of the Morini who had sent no Embassadours to him and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keep the Port with a sufficient garrison CHAP. X. Caesar faileth into Britanie and landeth his men THese things being thus d●spatched having a good wind in the third watch he put out to Sea commanding his horsemen to ●mbark themselves at the further Port and follow him which was but slowly performed He himself arrived upon the coast about the fourth hour of the day where he found all the Clifts possessed with the forces of the enemy The nature of the place was such that the hils lay so steep over the sea that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground upon the lower shore and therefore he thought it no fit landing-place notwithstanding he cast anchour untill the rest of the Navy were come up unto him In the mean time calling a Councell of the Legates and Tribunes he declared unto them what advertisements he had received by Volusenus and told them what he would have done and withall admonished them that the course of Military affairs and especially Sea matters that had so sudden and unconstant a motion required all things to be done at a beck and in due time The Councell being dismissed having both wind and tide with him he weighed anchours and sailed eight miles from that place unto a plain and open shore The Britains perceiving the Romans determinations sent their horse and chariots which they commonly use in war before the rest of their

of greater danger to the defendant then such as afterward are made in the sequele of the war for after the first brunt the heat of the enemy is much abated as well through the nature of a hot desire which is most violent in the beginning and afterward groweth cold and remisse as also with the harms and peril which they meet with in the incounter and on the contrary side the defendants having withstood the first fury wherein there is most terrour and distrust grow more confident and better assured of their manhood and in experience of their strength stand firm against any charge whatsoever CHAP. XIX The Nervii besiege Cicero with a ditch and a rampier and work means to set fire on their Tents THe Nervii disappointed of this hope carried a ditch and a rampier round about the camp the rampier was eleven foot high and the ditch fifteen foot deep which they had learned of the Romans partly by being conversant among them certain years before and partly by the prisoners and captives which they had taken But they had no iron tools fit for that purpose but were driven to cut up turf with their swords and gather earth with their hands and carry it away with their Mantles and Gaberd●nes Whereby may be gathered what a multitude of men there were at the siege for in lesse then three hours they finished the fortification of fifteen miles in circuit The dayes following the enemies built towers to the height of the rampier prepared great hooks and strong penthouses or safegards of boards and timber according as the captives had given them instruction The seventh day of the siege being a very windy day they cast hot bullets of clay out of slings burning darts upon the cabines of the Romans which after the manner of the Galles were that●hed with straw These cabines were quickly set on fire which by the violence of the wind was carried over all the camp The enemy pressing forward with a great clamour as though the victory were already gotten began to bring their Turrets and Testudines to the rampier and to scale it with ladders But such was the valour of the Roman souldiers that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire and over-charged with multitude of weapons and saw all their wealth burned before their face yet no man forsook the rampier or scarce looked back at that which had happened but they all fought valiantly and with an 〈◊〉 courage ●his was the sorest day the Romans had and yet it had this issue that a very great number of the enemies were slain and wounded for they ha● so thronged themselves under the rampier that the hindmost hindred the foremost from retiring back The flame at length abating and the enemies having brought on one of their towers to the very works the Centurions of the third cohort drew back themselves and their men from the place where they stood and with signs and voices called to the enemies to enter if they thought good but none of them durst approach Then did they by casting stones from all parts beat them from the works and set their tower on fire OBSERVATION THis one example may serve to shew the excellency of the Roman discipline and the wisedome of the first founders of that Art For they perceiving that the fortune of wars consisted chiefly in the mastering of particular occurrences trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline as might struggle with inconveniences and strong oppositions of contradicting accidents and so overwage all difficulties and hinderances with a constant perseveration and a courage invincible For the great attempting spirit of an ambitious Commander that seeketh to overtop the trophies of honour with the memory of his exploits will quickly perish by his own direction if the instruments of execution be weaker then the means which lead him to his designments For where the weight is greater then the strength the engine will sooner break then lift it up Let a discreet Leader therefore so levell his thoughts that his resolution may not exceed the ability of his particular means but first let him be well assured what his souldiers can do before he resolve what he will do or otherwise let him so inable them by discipline and instructions according to the example of the old Romans that their worth may answer the height of his desires and follow his aspiring mind with a resolution grounded upon knowledge and valour and so making their ability the ground of his designs he shall never faile of means to perform what he intendeth The want of this consideration hath within these late years repaied our Commanders in many parts of Christendome with losse and dishonour when as they have measured the humour of their poor needy and undisciplined souldier by the garb of their ambitious thoughts and so laid such projects of difficulty as were very unsutable in the particularity of occurrences to that which their souldiers were fit to execute CHAP. XX. The emulation between two Centurions Pulfio and Varenus with their fortunes in the incounter THere were in that legion two valiant men Titus Pulfio and L. Varenus Centurions coming on apace to the dignity of the first orders These ●wo w●re at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another and every year contended for place of preferment with much strife and emulation Pulfio at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted called to Varenus and asked him why he now stood doubtfull or what other place he did look for to make triall of his manhood This is the day sa●th he that shall decide our controversies And when he had spoken these words he went out of the fortification and where he saw the Enemy thickest he fiercely set upon them Then could not Varenus hold himself within the rampier but for his credite sake followed after in a reasonable distance Pulfio cast his pile at the enemy and struck one of the multitude through that c●me running out against him He being slain the enemies cover him with their shields and all cast their weapons at Pulfio giving him no respite or time of retreat Pulfio had his target struck through and the dart stuck fast in his girdle This chance turned aside his scabbard and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword in which disadvantage the enemy pressed hard upon him Varenus came and rescued him Immed●ately the whole multitude thinking Pulfio to be sla●n with the dart turned to Varenus who speedi●y betook him to his sword and ca●e to handy-stroaks having slain one he put the rest somewhat back But as he followed over-hastily upon them he fell down Him did Pulfio rescue being circumvented and in danger so both of them having slain many of the enemy retired to their Camp in safety to their great honour Thus Fortune carried as well the contention as the encounter of them both that being Enemies they neverthelesse gave help to save

was one within the place besieged of the Nation of the Nervii called Vertico of honest parentage who in the beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero and carried himself faithfully in that service This man did Cicero chuse perswading him with hope of liberty and other great rewards to carry Letters to Caesar which he took and having t●ed them up in his Dart travelled as a Gall amongst the Galles without any suspicion and so came to Caesar Of whom he understood how dangerously Cicero and the legion was beset Caesar having received those Letters about the eleventh hour of the day d●spatched presently a Messenger to M. C●assus the Treasurer in the country of the Bellovaci twenty five miles off commanding the legion to set out at midnight and speedily to come unto him Crassus set out and came along with the Messenger He sent another Post to C●ius Fabius the Legate to bring that legion to the confines of the Atrebates through which he was to passe And wrote in like manner to Labienus that if it stood with the conveniency of the State he should bring his legion to the territories of the Nervii for the rest of the Army that were further off he thought good not to expect He drew four hundred horse or thereabouts from the nearest wintering-Camps And being advertised about the third hour by the fore-runners of Crassus coming he marched that that day twenty miles He made Crassus Governour of Samarobrina gave him one legion for the defence thereof in regard that the baggage of the whole Army the hostages of the Provinces the publick transactions and Letters together with all the Corn which he had got for the provision of the Winter was left in that place Fabius according to his directions without any delay met him with his legion Labienus understanding of the death of Sabinus and the slaughter of the Cohorts knowing also that the whole forces of the Treviri were marching toward him doubted that if his setting forward out of his winter station should seem as a stealing away he should not be able to undergo the charge of the enemy whom a late victory had made insolent and therefore informed Caesar by his Letters what danger it would be to draw the legion from their wintering-camp relating what had hapned amongst the Eburones how that all the forces of the Treviri both horse and foot lay but three miles distant from his Camp Caesar allowing of these reasons howsoever his hope of three legions was fallen unto two yet his whole trust was in celerity as the onely means of all their safeties and so by great journeys came into the consines of the Nervii where he understood by the Captives how matters passed with Cicero and what danger he was in At what time he perswaded a certain horseman of the Galles by great rewards offered unto him to carry a Letter unto Cicero which he sent writ in Greek Characters least his purposes should be discovered if the Letter had been intercepted advising that if he could not come to his presence he should tye it to the string of a Dart and so cast it into the fortifications He advertised them by his Letter that he was on the way with the legions and would be there instantly to raise the siege exhorting him to persevere in his wonted gallantry The Gall fearing some danger followed the directions and cast it into the works by a Dart which fell by chance upon a turret and there stuck two dayes before it was perceived the third day a souldier finding it took it down and brought it to Cicero who read it publickly in the assembly of the souldiers and put them all into exceeding great joy And at the same time the smoak of their fires began a far off to be discovered which put them out of all doubt of the approach of the legions The Galles being advertised thereof by their Discoverers left the siege and made towards Caesar with all their power which consisted of 60000 men or thereabouts Cicero finding himself at liberty sought out the same Vertico before mentioned to carry Letters to Caesar advising him to be wary and diligent in his passage signifying by those Letters that the enemy had left the siege turned all his forces towards him Which Letters being brought unto Caesar about midnight he certified his party of the contents thereof and prepared them by incouragement to fight The next day as soon as it began to be light he removed his Camp having marched about four miles he discovered the multitude of the enemy beyond a great Valley and a River It was a matter of exceeding danger to give battell to so great a number in a place of disadvantage and forasmuch as he knew that Cicero was freed of the siege he thought he might the better forbeare to make such haste and thereupon sate down and in as indifferent a place as he could chuse fortified his Camp Which being of it self very little as not having scarce seven thousand men and those without any carriages yet he lessened it as much as he could by narrowing the usuall streets ther of to the end he might the better defend it if happily the enemy might be drawn to ingage himself seriously in any attempt upon the same In the mean time having sent out Discoverers into all parts he informed himself which way he might most conveniently passe over the valley The same day after small incounters of the Cavalry at the water either party contained themselves within their fortifications the Galles as expecting greater forces which were not yet come and Caesar that by a counterfeit fear he might draw the Enemy to the place where he was lodged on this side the valley and so strike the battell before his Camp and if he could not bring it so about then upon discovery of the wayes to passe the valley and the river with lesse danger As it began to be day-light the Cavalry of the enemy came near unto the Camp and began to skirmish with our horsemen Caesar of set purpose commanded the horsemen to fall back and to betake themselves into the Camp and withall to fortifie their camp on all sides with a higher rampier to stop up the Gates and in doing of these things to carry themselves tumultuously and with a feigned show of great fear With which inducements the enemy was so drawn on that he brought over all his forces and imbattelled them in an unequall and disadvantageous place Our men being drawn from the ra●pier to make the matter more apparent they were imboldened to come nearer and to cast weapons from all parts into our works sending Heralds round about with Proclamation That if any Gall or Roman would come over unto them before the third hour he should be taken into their safe protection but after that time there was no hope of any such reception And they did so contemn our party that whereas the Ports were shut

great fires were to be seen in all parts And although all men took it very grievously yet they propounded this comfort unto themselves that the enemy being by this means defeated they should quickly recover their losses Touching Avaricum they disputed it in common councel whether it should be burnt or defended The Bituriges do prostrate themselves at the feet of all the Galles that they might not be forced to set on fire with their own hands the fairest citie in all Gallia being both an ornament and a strength to their State they would easily defend it by the site of the place being incircled round about with a river and a bog and being accessible by one narrow passage onely At length leave being granted them to keep it Ve●cingetorix at first disswading them from it and afterwards yielding unto it moved by the intreaty of the Galles and the commiseration of the common multitude and so a fit garrison was chosen to defend the town OBSERVATIONS I Have seen an Imprese with a circle and a hand with a sharp stile pointing towards the centre with this motto Hic labor hoc opus this is a thing of work and labour signifying thereby that albeit the Area thereof were plainly and distinctly bounded and the Diameter of no great length yet it was not an easie matter to find the Centre which is the heart and chiefest part of that figure In like manner there is no business or other course so easie or plain but the centre may be mistaken and the difficulty commonly resteth in hitting that point which giveth the circumference an equall and regular motion The Galles were resolved to undertake the defence of their countrey and to redeem their liberty with the hazard of their lives but it seemeth they were mistaken in the means and ran a course farre short of the centre For Vercingetorix perceiving the Romans dayly to get upon the Galles first by taking in one town secondly another and lastly of a third he advised them to set on fire all the countrey houses villages and towns for a great circuit round about and so force the Romans to fetch their forrage and provisions farre off and undergo the difficulties of long convoyes whereby the Galles might make use of their multitude of horse and keep the Romans without supplies of necessary provisions and so they doubted not but to give a speedy end to that warre And this h● took to be the centre of that business and the true use of their advantage Polybius writeth that M. Regulus having divers times overthrown the Carthaginians in battell one Xantippus a Lacedemonian clearly perceiving the cause of their often routs began openly to say that the Carthaginians were not overthrown by the valour of the Romans but by their own ignorance for they exceeding the Romans in horse and Elephants had neglected to fight in the champain where their Cavalry might shew it self but in hils and woody places where the foot troups were of more force and so the Romans had the advantage Whereby the manner of the war being changed and by the counsell of the preguant Greek brought from the hills into the levell of the plain the Carthaginians recovered all their former losses by one absolute victory In like manner Anniball finding himself to exceed the Romans in strength of cavalrie did alwayes endeavour to affront them in open and champain countries and as often as the Romans durst meet him he put them to the worse but Fabius perceiving the disadvantage kept himself alwayes upon the hils and in covert and uneven places and so made the advantage of the place equall the multitude of the enemies horsemen There is no greater scorn can touch a man of reputation and place then to be thought not to understand his own business For as wisedome is the excellency of humane nature so doth want of judgement deject men to the condition of such as Aristotle calleth servants by nature whose wit being too weak to support any weight do recompence that want with the service of their body and are wholy employed in a Porters occupation Which Homer layeth upon Diomedes shoulders with as fine conveyance as he doth the rest of his inventions For Ulysses and he going out on a partie to do some exploit upon the Trojans they carried themselves so gallantly that they fell to share King Rhesus chariot and horses Ulysses presently seized upon the horses being of a delicate Thracian breed and Diomedes seemed well contented with the chariot But being to carry it away Pallas advised him to let it alone lest he might prove his strength to be greater then his wit and yet not find so much neither as would carry it away But for these directions which Vercingetorix gave unto the Galles I referre the Reader to the sequele of the History wherein he shall find how they prevailed CHAP. VIII Caesar besiegeth Avaricum and is distressed for want of corn VErcingetorix followed Caesar by small and easy journeyes and chose a place to incamp in fortified about with bogs and woods fifteen miles distant from Avaricum where he understood what was done at Avaricum every hour of the day and commanded likewise what he would have done He observed all our forraging and harvesting and did set upon such as went far off upon any such occasion and incumbred them with great inconveniences albeit they took what course they could to meet with it as to go out at uncertain times and by unknown and unusuall wayes Caesar incamping himself before that part of the town which was not shut in with the river nor the bog and afforded but a narrow and streight passage began to make a mount to drive vines and to raise two towers for the nature of the place would not suffer him to inclose it round about with a ditch and a rampier and never rested to admonish the Hedui and the Boii to bring in supplies of corn of whom the one by reason of the small care and pains they took did little help him the other of no great ability being a small and a weak State did quickly consume all that they had The army was distressed for want of corn by reason of the poverty of the Boii and the indiligence of the Hedui together with the burning of the houses in the country in such manner as they wanted corn for many dayes together and sustained their lives with beasts and cattell which they had fetched a great way off and yet no one voice at all was heard to come from them unworthy the majesty of the Roman Empire and their former victories And whenas Caesar did speak unto the legions severally as they were in the works that if their wants were heavy and bitter unto them he would leave off the siege all of them with one voice desired him not to do so for since they had so serv'd many years under his command as they never had received any dishonour neither had

them certain Cities to ri●●e In the mean time he made bitter and heavy exactions of money throughout all the Province for he put a tribute upon slaves and free-men by pole set impositions upon the pillars and doors of houses as also upon grain oar-men armes Engines and carriages and whatsoever had a name was thought fit to yield mony by way of imposition and that not only in Cities and Towns but almost in every Village and Castle wherein he that carried himself most cruelly was held both the worthiest man and the best Citizen The province was at that time full of Officers and Commandements pestered with Overseers and Exactors who besides the mony levied by publick authority made their particular profit by the like exactions For they gave out they were thrust out of their houses and their Country and in want of all necessaries to the end they might with such pretences cover their wicked and hatefull courses To this was added the hard and heavy Usury which oftentimes doth accompany warre when all monies are drawn and exacted to the publick wherein the forbearance of a day was accounted a discharge for the whole Whereby it happened that in those two yeares the whole Province was overgrown with debts And yet for all that they stuck not to levy round sums of mony not only from the Citizens of Rome inhabiting in that Province but also upon every Corporation and particular Citie which they gave out was by way of loan according to a Decree of Senate commanding the receivers to advance the like ●um by way of loan for the year to come Moreover Scipio gav● order that the monies which of old time had been treasured up in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus should be taken out with other Images of that Goddesse But as he came into the temple having called unto him many of the Senators that were there present he received a Dispatch from Pompey That Caesar had passed the Sea with his legions and that setting all things apart he should hasten to him with his Army These Letters being received he dismissed such as he had called unto him and began to dispose of his journey into Macedonia setting forward within a few dayes after by which accident the Treasure at Ephesus was saved OBSERVATIONS IT is Seneca his conceit that Iron being of that excellent use in things pertaining to Mans life and yet so much undervalued to Gold and Silver will admit of no peace as often as there is question of Mony but raiseth continuall garboiles and extremities as a revenge that the World doth misvalue●t and fell out as true in those better Ages as it doth in these dayes that are of baser Metall For what greater violences in the State of Rome then those concerning Tributes and Impositions A particular whereof may be made out of this Chapter For first we find a Tribute by pole without respect of state or condition which they called Capitatio And then a second as grievous as that being a taxe laid upon every dore in a house which they called Ostiaria whereof Tully maketh mention in the eighth Epistle of his third Book And lastly an other upon every pillar in a mans house which they called Columnaria mentioned likewise by cicero columnarium vide ut nullum debeamus See that we own no tax-mony for our pillars Alciatus understandeth this to be that we read in Dionysius Halicarnasseus That when Treasure failed at the siege of Modena they laid an Imposition upon every tile that was found on the Senators houses in Rome which gave the Trium-virate occasion to make the tiles as heavy to the rest of the Roman Citizens and this saith he was called columnaria Some Popes out of their occasions have gone far in this kind and found means to lay Impositions upon all things pertaining to the use of man Insomuch as Pasquill begged leave to dry his shirt in the Sun before there were an Imposition laid upon the Light The rule is diversly given in this behalf That the Fisk doth not swell above his proportion Alexander is commended for making his Subjects the keepers of his Treasure And Claudianus giveth Honorius this Elogium Nec tua privatis crescunt aeraria damnis Thy chests fill not by losse of private men Basilius adviseth that mony thus raised be not at any time dipped either in the teares or in the bloud of the people But Tully draweth it to a more certainty by making Necessity the square of such commands Da operam saith he ut omnes intelligant si salvi essent velint necessitatie esse parendum Do your endeavour to let all see that they must obey necessity if they mean to be safe And so the opening of private mens purses is but to keep them shut and safe from such enemies as would consume all according as Scipio once answered when the Romans blamed him for spending their Treasure Howsoever Scipio knew well what he did in getting into his hand such store of Treasure for War cannot any way be maintained but with plenty of Money neither can any State continue if the revenue which supporteth the Common-weal be abated as Tacitus hath well observed Dissolvitur imperium si fructus quibus respub sustinetur diminuantur CHAP. XII Caesar sendeth forces into Thessalia Aetolia and Macedonia Scipio cometh into Greece CAesar being joyned with Antonius drew that legion out of Oricum which he had formerly lodged there to keep the Sea-coast and thought it expedient to make triall of the Province and to advance further into the Country And whereas Embassadours came unto him out of Thessalia and Aetolia assuring him that if he would send forces to protect them the Cities of those Provinces would readily obey what he commanded he sent L. Cassius Longinus with the legion of young souldiers called the seven and twentieth and two hundred horse into Thessalia and C. Calvisius Sabinus with five cohorts and a few horse into Aetolia exhorting them specially to take a course for provision of Corn in those two provinces which lay near at hand He sent likewise Cn. Domitius Calvinus with two legions the eleventh and the twelfth and five hundred horse into Macedonia of which Province for that part thereof which is called Frank or Free Menedemus a principall man of that Countrey being sent as an Embassadour had professed exceeding great forwardnesse on their behalf Of these Calvisius upon his coming was entertained with great affection of the Aetolians and having cast the garrison of the enemy out of Caledon and Naupactum became Master of all Aetolia Cassius arrived with the Legion in Thessalia and finding there two Factions was accordingly received with contrary affections Egesaretus a man of ancient power and authority favoured Pompey's party and Petreius a man of a most noble house endeavoured by all means to deserve well of Caesar At