to that admittance He won the Kingdome by his sword and by that he kept It. 'T is true that the people did petition him for a Restitution of the Laws of Edward the Conâ—essor in which such an immunity from extraordinary Taxes might be granted to them But I cannot finde that either he or William Rufus who succeeded did ever part with so much of their powet as not to raise money on the Subject for their own occasions whensoever they pleased And it is true also that both King Hen. 1. and K. Steven who came to the Crown by unjust or disputable Titles did flatter the people when they first entred on the Throne with an hope of restoring the said Laws but I cannot finde that ever they were so good as their words nay I finde the contrary The first of our Kings which gave any life to those old Laws was King Hen. 2. the first granter of the Magna Charta which notwithstanding he kept not so exactly as to make it of any strength and consequence to binde his Heirs But the Commons having once tasted the sweetnesse of it and with the Lords in a long war against King Iohn from whom they extorted it by strong hand and had it confirmed unto them at a place called Running Mead near Stanes Anno 1215. Confirmed afterward in more peaceable times by King Hâ—n 3. in the Ninth year of hiâ— Reign But so that he and his Successors made bold with the Subject notwithstanding in these money matters till the Statute de Tallagio non concedendo was past by Edward of Carnarvon eldest Son to King Edward the third at such time as his Father was beyond the Seas in the war of Flanders which being disâ—llowed by the King at his coming home seems to have been taken off the File to the intent it might not passe for a Law for the time to come nor is it to be found now in the Records of the Tower amongst the Laws of that Kings time as are all the rest But from the generall position touching the hereditary freedom of the Eâ—glish subject from Taxes and Tallage not granted and confirmed by Parliament our Authour passeth to such Râ—tes and Impositions as are laid on Merchandize of which he telleth us that Ibid. Moâ—â—ly these upon Merchandise were taken by Parliament six â—r twelve per pound fâ—r time and years as they saw cause for defence of the Sea and afterwards they were granted to the King for life and so continued for divers descents Our Authour had before told us that the Merchant in â—ormer times usually gavâ— consent to such taxes but limited to a time tâ— the ratification of the next following Parliament to be cancelled â—r confirmed By which it seems that the Kings hands were so tied up that without the consent of the Merchant or Authority of the Parliament he could impose no tax upon â—ny Merchandise either exported or imported But cerâ—ainly whatever our Authour saies to the contrary the King might impose rates and taxes upon either by his sole prerogative not troubling the Parliâ—ment in it nor asking the leave of the Merchant whom it most concerned Which Taxes being accustomably paid had the name of Customes as the Officers which received them had the name of Customers Concerning which we finde no old Statute or Act of Parliament which did enable the King to receive them though some there be by which the King did binde himself to a lesser rate then formerly had been laid upon some commodities as appears by the Statute of the 14. of King Edward 3. where it is said that neither we nor our Heirs shall demand assesse nor take nor suffer to be taken more custome for a Sack of Wool of any English man but half a mark only And upon the Woolfels and Lether the old Custome And the Sack ought to contain 26. stone and every stone 14. pound By which it seems that there had been both Customes and old Customes too which the Kings of England had formerly imposed on those commodities now by the goodnesse of this King abated to a lesser summe and deduced to a certainty The like Customes the Kings of England also had upon forreign Commodities 〈◊〉 namely upon that of wine each Tun of Wine which lay before the Mast and behinde the Mast bâ—ing duâ— unto the King by Câ—stome receiv'd accordingly sic de câ—teris But being these old Customes were found insufficient in the times of open hostility betwixt uâ— and France both to mâ—intain the Kings Port and to enable him to guard the Seas and secure his Merchants a Subsidie of Tâ—nnage and Poundage impos'd at a certain rate on all sorts of Merchandize was granted â—â—rst by Act of Parliament to King Hen. 6. and afterward to King Edw. 4. in the 12. Year of his Reign and finally to all the Kings successively for term of life Never denied to any of them till the Coâ—mons begâ—n to think of lessening the Authority Royall in the first Yâ—ar of King Charles whom they had engaged in a War with the King of Spain and meâ—nâ—â—o make use of the advantage by holding him to hard meats till they had brought him to a necessity of yeelding to any thing which they pleased to ask For in the first Pâ—rliament of his Reign they past the Bill â—or one Year only which for that cause was rejected in the House of Lords In the 〈◊〉 Parliament they were too busie with the Duke to do any thing in it And in the first Session of the third theâ— drew up a Remonstrance against it as if the King by passâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Petition of Right had parted with his Interest in that Imposition Nor staid they there but in the â—umultuous end of the next Session they thundred out their Aâ—athema'sâ—ot â—ot only against such of the Kings Ministers as should act any thing in the levying of his Subsidie of Tunnage and Poundage but against all such as voluntarily should yield or pay thâ— same not being granted by Parliament as betrayers of the Liberties of England and enemies to this Common-wealth And though the King received it but not without some losse and difficulty from the first year of his Reign to the sixteenth current yet then the Commons being backt with a Scottish Army resolved that he should hold it not longer but as a Tenant at will and that but from three Moneths to three Moneths neither And then they past it with this clogge ' which the King as his case then stood knew not how to shake off viz. that it must be declared and enacted by the Kings Authority â—nd by the Authority of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament Thâ—t it is and hath been the ancient Right of the Subjects of this Realm that no Subsidy Custome Impost or other charge whatsoever ought or may be laid or imposed upon any Merchandise exported or imported by Subjects Denizenâ— or Aliens without common consent in Parliament As for the Imposition raised on
al ove one hundred in number forcibly sâ—â—ze upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax c. And thirdly We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple Sir Martin Lumley Câ—l Booth M. Waller M. Middleton and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House So that the whole number of those who weâ—e imprisoned and kept under restraint or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House waâ— reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of But to proceed the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth and on the â—unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any diâ—turbance to them that lbid Not to fâ—ighten the City the General writes to my Lord Mayor that he had sâ—nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers Goldsmiths and Weavers Halls where they seize on 20000.l that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State relates this businesse more distinctly and inteâ—ligently then we finde it here viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army and a securing of the Treasures in the other two that they might not be employed against it The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parhâ—â— as Lord Generall and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall to reduce that Army to conformity which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader Concerning which we are to know that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King whom to distinguish them from their own party they called Delinquents and a severe couâ—se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates to make them the more considerable in the purse of the Houseâ— But finding no such great profit to come in that way when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers as they did expect they were contented to admit them to a Composition These Compositions to be managâ—d at Goldsmiths Hall by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily or came in upon Articlâ—s or were forced to submit to mercy What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions he that list to see may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa toâ—â—alâ—s in their printed Tables And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences For first No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall till unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his â—welling And by this oath he was to swear that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto or wilâ—â—â—gly assist the King in that War or in that cause against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in thâ—t cause or War for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quarâ—â—â—s to that Committee to compound and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy that is Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off if once laid upon him By which he was to swear That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation nor Purgatory nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host Crucifix or Images and that salvation could not be merited by works renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of thâ—se points To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party that they thought if safer as they use to say to trust God with their souls then such unmercifull men with their Lives Fortunes and Estates And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them but they must first passe through Hâ—berdashers Hall which is the last of my hard words before they could be free of the Goldsmiths And in that Hall they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money all men being brought within the power of the Committee not only who were called Delinquents but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill then can be easily imagined their Agents being very eager in that pursuit So that it was accounted a great benefit as indeed it was to them who came in upon the Articles of
the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we do not only by our said Prerogative Royall and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall ratifie confirme and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid but do likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyne and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they do or may concerne every or any of them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirme these Canons or to impose them on the people but the Kings alone And yet I â—row there are not a few particulars in which those Canons do extend to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause and willingly submit to his â—er judgement But if it be Obâ—ected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way then the usuall Censures of the Church especiall by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way they gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by vertue of their own Synodical Act only under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation an 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other cases by her â—â—tive power even in cases where both the person and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640. and many of those past in Q. Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Authoâ— Fol. 253. I have heard saith he that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter and being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick In telling of which story ouâ— Author commits many mistakes as in most things elâ—e For first to justifie the Queens displeasure if she were displeased he makes the Bishop richer and the Portion greater then indeed they were The ten thousand pounds Lib. 9. fol. 109. being shrunk to eight and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter as is here affirmed but divided equally between two whereof the one was married to Sir Iames Harrington the other â—nto Dunch of Berk-shire Secondly this could be no cause of the Queens displeasure and much lesse of the Courâ—ieâ—s envy that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if our of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefeâ— his Children the income being as great and the charges of Hospitality lesse then they have been since Thirdly the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishoprick as is here affirmed The Lands were left to it as before but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishops Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots the Queen thought fit that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence imposing on them an annuall pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison Fourthly Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor but a Batchelor of Divinity only and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher Title and Degree then the University had given him but that he was a Conniver at Non-conformity as our Author telleth us Lib. 9. fol. 109. Lastly I shall here add that I conceive the Pension above mentioned not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons death but on his first preferment to it the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Guaâ—ds and increasing her Garrisons But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishoprick certain I
â—bâ—tted and confirm'd by his following Doctrines the name of Puritan though first found out to denote such as followed Calvin in dissenting from the Hierarâ—hy in Disciplin and Church-government might not unfitly be applyed to such as maintain'd his Doctrines also But of this Argument enough I shall adde only and so proceed to other businesses that Mr. Fox is brougâ—â— in as required to subscribe to the Canons by Archbishop Parker whereas there were at that time no Canons to subscribe unto nor is it the custom of the Church to require subscription unto Canons but unto those only who consented to the making of them Fol. 9â— John Felton who fastned the Popes Bull to the Palace â—f London being takenâ— and refusing to fly was hanged on a Gibbet before the Popes Palace The Bull here mention'd was that of Pope Pius the fifth for excommunicating Qâ—een Elizabeth which this Iohn Felton a 〈◊〉 Papist had hang'd up at the Gates of the Bishop of Londâ—â—s House that the Subjects might take noâ—â—â—e of it and for that fact was hang'd neer the same 〈…〉 he had offended But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes 〈◊〉 I do very much wonder unless it were to hold 〈◊〉 with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate and the 〈…〉 Faction Amongst whom nothing was more common then to call all Bishops Petty-Popes more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth and the Bishop of London Pope of London But I hope more charitably then so being more willing to impure it to the fault of the Printers then the pen of our Author I only adde that to make even with this Iohn Felton a zealous Papist another Iohn Felton of the next age a zealous Puritan committed that execrable murther on the Duke of Buckingham Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided that no Spiritual Person Colledge or Hospital shall let lease other then for twenty one years or three lives c. No mention in the Statute of Covernous Conâ—ormists I am sure of that and therefore no provision to be made against them the Coverous Conformist is our Authors own I finde indeed that long and unreasonable Leases had been 〈◊〉 by Colledges Deans and Chapters Parsons Vicarâ— and other â—aving Spiritual promotions which being found to 〈◊〉 the causes of Dilapidations and the decay of all Spiritual Livings and Hospitality and the utter impoverishing of all Successors incumbents in the same the Parliament thought it high time to provide against it In all which Bedroll it were strange if we should finde no Non-conformists who had by this time got a great part of the Church Preferments and were more likely to occasion those diâ—apidations then the regular and conformable Clergy these laâ—â—â— looking on the Church with an eye to succession the former being intent only on the present profit And if we mark it well we shall finde that Coverousness and Non-conformity are so married together that it is not easie to divorce them though here the crime of coverousness be wrongfully charg'd on the Conformists to make them the more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader High Royalists in one place Covetous Conformists in another are no good signs of true affections to Conformity and much less to Royalty Fol. 121. These Prophesyings were founded on the Apostles Precept For ye may all Prophesie one by one that all may learn and all be comforted but so as to make it out they were fain to make use of humane prudential Additions Not grounded but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul the Prophesying there spoke of not being 〈◊〉 be drawn into example in the change of times when 〈…〉 of the Spirit were more restrain'd and limited then they had been formerly For were they gâ—â—â—nded on that Text it had been somewhat sawcily done to adde their own prudential Additions to the direction and dictamen of the holy Spirit A course much favoured as it seems by Archbishop Grindal whose Letter to the Queen is recommended to the welcom of the pious Reader fol. 122. But both the Queen and her wise Councel conceiv'd otherwise of it looking upon these Prophesyings as likely to prove in fine the â—ane of the Common-wealth as our Author hath it Noâ— did King Iames conceive any better of them as appeareth by the conference at Hampton Court in which it was mov'd by Dr. Reynolds chief of the Millenary party That the Clergy might have meetings once every three weeks and therein to have â—â—â—phesying according as the Reverend Father Archbishop Grindall and other Bishops desired of her late Majesty No said the King looking upon this motion as a preamble to a Scottish Presbytery then Iack and Iâ—m and Will and Dick shall at their pleasures ceâ—â—â—re me and my Councel and all our proceedings then Will shall stand up and say It must be thus then Dick shall reply and say Nay marry but we will have it thus And therefore stay I pray you for one 7 years before you demand that of me and then if you finde me 〈◊〉 and fat and my windepipes stuffed I will perhaps hearken to you for if that government be once up I am sure I shall be kept in breath then shall we all of us have work enough both our hands full But let King Iames and Queen Elizabeth conceive what they will our Author hath declared it to be Gods and the Churches cause fol. 130. And being such it is enough to make any man consident in pleading for it or appearing in it Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation as here it came to pass The Activity of the former in Church matters left the latter nothing to do A man would think by this that the Parliament of this year being the 23. of the Queen had done great feats in matters of Religion as making new Aâ—ticles of Faith or confirming Canons or something else of like importance But for all this great cry we have little wool our Author taking notice of nothing else which was done this Parliament but that it was madeâ— eason for the Priests or Jesuites to seduce any of the Queens Subjects to the Romish Religion and for the Subâ—ects to be reconciled to the Church of Rome with other matters nor within the power and cognizance of the Convocation But he conceals another Statute as necessary to the peace and safety of the Church and State as the other was By which it was Enacted that if any person or persons should advisedly devise or write print or set â—orth any manner of Book Rime Ballade Letter or Writing containing any false seditious and sâ—anderous matter to the defamation of the Queens Majesty or to the incouraging stirring or moving of any Inâ—â—â—rection or Rebellion within this Realm c. or that shall procure or cause such Book Rime Ballade c. to be written printed published or set
in an Oister-shell or to be sowed like a piece of the richest purple cloth purpureus late qui splendeat in the Poets expression to such a sorry Web of home-spun Yet these defects might the more easily have been pardoned if he had either been more careful in the choice of his matter or diligent in searching for the truth of those things which he hath delivered But on the contrary his matter is many times taken up without care or Judgement witâ—out consideration of the fitness or unfitness of it as if an History which is to be the Store-house of time were to be stowed with things unnecessary unprofitable and of no use at all And yet his failings in the truth of that which he delivers to us are more to be condemned beâ—auâ—e more dangerous in themselves and of worse consequence in respect of the Reader then his neglect in the choice of his matter For he that comes unto the reading of an History comes with a coâ—â—idence that he shall finde nothing bâ—â— the truth though possibly the Aâ—d it might have been presumed the rather because 〈◊〉 was râ—solveâ—d before â—and â—o to provoke the 〈◊〉 or his Alter 〈◊〉 â—e he who he will as might 〈◊〉 him that his Errors were not like to be conâ—â—aâ—d from the eyes of other if such a provocaâ—ion should be â—â—â—banded to his 〈…〉 But however he goes oâ— and lays down many things for truth which either have been proved to be false by the oâ—sâ—rvator or are contradicted by himself or easily disceâ—nable for Errors by a vulgar Reader not studied 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 Chronicâ—e or the weekly Mâ—râ—uries And this he does with so great confidence not giving thâ— least acknowledgement of any Erâ—aâ—a eitâ—er â—rom the Press or from the Pen that if the wilful 〈…〉 an Error may â—reatâ— an Heresie our Author may deserve to be enroâ—â—â— for the first Heretick in point of History And why â—â—t Heresies â—n History as well as Heresies in Law with which last crime Iohn 〈◊〉 stands accused in Print by Mr. Justice German for saying that the Jurors were Judges in point of Law and not onely â—n a matter of fact Errare pâ—ssâ—m Hereâ— icus ess◠〈◊〉 was esteemed a piouâ— resoluâ—ion in a Case of Divâ—nity and may be held for a good rule in any matter of History Philosophy Law or Physick or any other Art or Faculty of what â—ort soevâ—r But to reduce these several items to a 〈…〉 as in the History it self considering the length I 〈◊〉 not say the tediousness of it there is much which deserves to be laid up in the Registers of succeeâ—ing Ages so there are many Errors â—it to be 〈…〉 and many unnecessary passages which might very judiciously have been spared suffered to pass by without remembrance His Hist. in this respect may be compared to the French Army at the battle of Agincourt of which it was merrily said by old Captain Gam who took a view of it from an Hill That there were men enough in it to be killed enough to be taken and kept alive and enough to be permitted to run away or to the draw-net in the Gospel which gathered of every kinde of Fishes out of which the good ones being culled and preserved in Vessels the rest were onely good enough to be cast aside I cannot but acknowledge that he hath done more right to the King and the Church of England then could be expected in these times Vâ—inam sic semper err asset as the learned Cardinal said of Calvin in the point of the Trinity And had he took but any ordinary care in performing those things whereof he had been before advertised or diligence in avoiding those Errors which he so often falls into it might have deserved the name of a Compleat History by which he hath been pleased to call it But coming to us as it is it is no other then a Forest of Oaks or a Quary of Marble out of which materials may be hewen for a perfect Fabrick a Moles indigesta like the ancient Chaos which being without Form it self afforded Matter to the making of the most excellent Creatures Or if he will it is an History of Ore which being purged of the Dross and refined in the Language may pass for currant amongst the best pieces of this kinde Which said in reference to the Author and the present History I must say somewhat of my self and my ingaging in the survey and correction of it Concerning which the Reader may be pleased to know that about Midsummer last Mr. Sanderson found me out at my lodging in London where after some ordinary Civilities passed between us he told me that he had undertaken the History of King Charls and that he was required by the Lord Primate of Ireland to do him some right in the business of the Earl of Strafford which he resolved so to do and with such respect unto my person that I should finde no just cause to be offended at his writing I answered that I was resolved to have nothing to do in the Quarrels of the Observator and therefore he might use his pleasure I had a purpose thereupon of perusing the History and taking notice of such Errors and Mistakes if any such were as possibly I might chance to meet with and having so done to send them to him with my Conceptions and Corrections in a private way that he might do himself the right of rectifying them in a short Review and joyning that Review to as many of the Books as remained unsold And this he might have done with great advantage to the Reader and without disparagement to himself two as great Clerks as any of the age they lived in having done the like viz. St. Austin in his Retraâ—lations and Bellarmin in his Book of Recognitions But when I came to that part of it which concerned the Lord Primate and the Earl of Strafford I saw my self so coursly handled and so despightfully reproached that I found good cause to change my purpose not to take such care to save his credit who had so little care of his own and less of mine Seipsum deserentem omnia deserunt is an old Observation but as true as ancient He gives me rost-meaâ— and besprinkles me with a little Court Holy-water in the end of his Preface but beat me with the spit and basles me all over with gall and vineger in that part of the History which made me change my first purpose and intentions towards him And yet I cannot chuse but say I was never at a greater conflict within my self in any matter of this kinde then in the publishing or not publishing of these following papers I had before justified my self against his Calumnies and charges in an Appendix to my answer to the part of Dr. 〈◊〉 Book entituled The â—udgment of the late Primate c. in which I found my self concerned which was intended to come out in Print before Easter last And thereupon I
place for a Summers progress It is Nantes in Bretaigne which he means though I am so charitable as to think this to be a mistake rather of the Printer than our Authors own With the like charity also I behold three other mistakes viz. the Emperor of Vienna fol. 137. and the Archdutchesse of Eugenia fol. 139. Balfoure Caselie for Bolsovey Castle fol 192. By which the unknowing Reader may conceive if not otherwise satisfied that Balfour Castle was the antient seat of the Balfours from whence Sr. William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower that false and treacherous Servant to a bountifull Master derives his pedigree Eugenia which was a part of that Ladies Christian name to be the name of some Province and Vienna the usual place of the Emperors residence to be the name of an Empire But for his last I could alledg somewhat in his excuse it being no unusual thing for Principalities and Kingdomes to take Denomination from their principal Cities For besides the Kings of Mets Orleans and Soissons in France we finde that in the Constitutions of Howel Dha the Kings of England are called Kings of London the Kings of South-Wales Kings of Dyneuor and the King of North-Wales Kings of Aberfraw each of them from the ordinary place of their habitation For which defence if our Author will not thank me he must thank himselfe The mention of Nantes conducts me on to Count Shally's Treason against the French King who was beheaded in that City of which thus our Author Fol. 63. The Count upon Summons before the Privy Councel without more adoe was condemned and forthwith beheaded at Nantes the Duke Momerancy then under Restraint suffered some time after But by his leave the Duke of Monmorency neither suffered on the account of Shalley's Treason nor very soon after his beheading which was in the year 1626. as our Author placeth it For being afterwards enlarged and joyning with Mounsier the Kings Brother in some designe against the King or the Cardinal rather he was defeated and took prisoner by Martial Schomberg created afterwards Duke of Halwyn and being delivered over to the Ministers of Justice was condemned and beheaded at Tholouse Anno 1633. Ibid. Our Wine-Merchants ships were arrested at Blay-Castle upon the Geroud returning down the River from Burdeaux Town by order of the Parliament of Rouen That this Arrest was 〈◊〉 by Order of the Parliament of Rouen I shall hardly grant the jurisdiction of that Parliament being confined within the Dukedome of Normandy as that of Renes within the Dukedome of Bretaigne neither of which nor of any other of the inferior Parliaments are able to doe any thing Extra Sphaeram Activitatis suae beyond their several Bounds and Limits And therefore this Arrest must either be made by Order from the Parliament of Burdeaux the Town and Castle of Blay being within the jurisdiction of that Court or of the Parliament of Paris which being Paramount to the rest may and doth many times extend its power and execute its precepts over all the others Fol. 92. At his death the Court was suddenly filled with Bishops knowing by removes preferments would follow to many expected advancements by it Our Author speaks this of the death of Bishop Andrews and of the great resort of Bishops to the Court which ensued thereupon making them to tarry there on the expectation of Preferment and Removes as his death occasioned till they were sent home by the Court Bishops with the Kings Instructions But in this our Author is mistaken as in other things The Bishops were not sent home with the Kings Instructions till after Christmas Anno 1629. and Bishop Andrews dyed in the latter end of the year 1626. after whose death Dr. Neil then Bishop of Durham being translated to the Sea of Winchester Febr. 7. 1627. Dr. Houson Bishop of Oxon succeeded him in the Sea of Durham in the beginning of the year 1628. Doctor Corbet Dean of Christ-church being consecrated Bishop of Oxon the 17 day of October of the same year so that between the filling up of these Removes and the sending the Bishops home with the Kings Instructions there happened about 15 Moneths so that the great resort of Bishops about the Court Anno 1627. when they were sent back with the Kings Instructions was not occasioned by the expectation of such Preferments and Removes as they might hope for on the death of Bishop 〈◊〉 Fol. 105. In Michaelmas Term the Lady Purbeck daughter and heir to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband and Wife to the Viscount Purbeck Brother to the Duke passed the tryall for adultery c. Our Author is here out again in his Heraldry the Lady Purbeck not being Daughter to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband but by her second Husband Sr. Edward Coke then Attorny Generall and afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench. Yet I deny not but that she was an Heir and a rich marriage as it after followeth For being Daughter to Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter she was married by the care and providence of her Grandfather the Lord Burleigh to Sr. William Newport who being the adopted sonne of the Lord Chancellor Hatton succeeded in his name as well as in his Lands In ordering of which marriage it was agreed on that the vast Debt which the Chancellor owed unto the Crown should be estalled to small Annual payments and that in lieu thereof Sr. William in defect of issue should settle on his wife and her Heires by any Husband whatsoever the Isle of Purbeck and some other of the out parts of his Estate By means whereof her Daughter Frances which she had by Sr. Edward Coke was heir to Corse Castle in the Isle of Purbeck and so much of the rest of the Lands of Hatton as the mother being a woman of great expence did not sell or aliene Fol. 106. The King for all his former Arrears of loan was put to it to borrow more of the Common Councel of London 120000. l. upon Mortgage on his own land of 21000. l. per an And here I think our Author is Mistaken also the Citizens not lending their money upon Mortgage but laying it out in the way of purchase Certain I am that many goodly Mannors lying at the foot of Ponfract-Castle and appertaining to the Crown in right of the Duchy of Lancaster were sold out-right unto the Citizens at this time and therefore I conclude the like also of all the rest But whether it were so or not I cannot chuse but note the sordid basenesse of that City in refusing to supply their King in his great Necessities without Sale or Mortgage especially when the mony was to have been expended in defence of the Rochellers whose cause they seemed so much to favour But for this and other refusals of this nature the Divine vengeance overtook them within few years after the long Parliament draining them of a Million of pounds and more without satisfaction for every
Writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest who mentioneth Josephs coming hither For Anâ—wer wheâ—eunto it may first be said that where there is a conâ—â—nt uncontrol'd tradition there is most commonly the lesse care taken to commit it to writing secondly that the Charters of Glassenbury relating from the Norman to the Saxon Kings and from the Saxons to the Britâ—ns being all built upon St. Iosephs coming hither and pâ—eaching here may serve in stead of many Authors bearing witness to it and thirdly that Fryer Bale as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Traditions of the Church of Rome as our Author can deâ—ire to have him hath vouch'd two witnesses hereunto that is to say Melkinus Avalonius and Gildas Albanus whose writings or some fragments of them he may be believed to have seen though our Authoâ— hath not As for some circumstances in the stoâ—y that is to say the dedicating of Iosephs first Church to the Virgin Mary the burying of his body in it and the inclosing of the same with a large Church-yard I look upon them as the products of Mâ—nkish ignorance accommodated unâ—o the fashion of those times which the writers liv'd in Theâ—e is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar whose History would not be subject to the like misconstructions if the additaments of the middle and darker times should be produced to the disparagement of the whole Narration But such an enemy our Author is to all old traditions that he must need have a blow at Glassenbury Thorn though before cut down by some Souldieâ—s as himself confesseth like Sir Iohn Falstaffe in the Play who to shew his valour must thrust his sword into the bodies of those men which weâ—e dead before The budding or blossoming of this Thorn he accounts untrue which were it true c. fol. 8. affirming fâ—om I know not whom that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas day but on the dayes near it or about it And were it no otherwiâ—e then so the miracle were not much the lesse then if it budded câ—itically upâ—n Christmas day as I have heard from persons of great worth and credit dwelling near the place that indeed it did though unto such as had a minde to decry the Festival it was no very hard mâ—tter to bely the miracle In fine our Author either is unwilling to have the Gospell as soon preacht here as in other places or else we must have Preachers for it from he knowes not whence Such Preachers we must have as either drop down immediately from the heavens as Dianas Image is said to have done by the Town-â—lerk of Ephesus or else mâ—st suddenly rise out of the earth as Tages the first Soothsayer amongst the Thuscans is reported to have done by some antient Writers And yet we cannot say of our Author neither as Lactantius did of one Acesilas if my memory fail not Recte hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas sed non rectè sundavit suam that is to say that though he had laid no good grounds for his own opinion yet he had solidly confâ—ted the opinions of others Our Aâ—thor hath a way by himself neither well skill'd in pulling down nor in building up From the first conversion of the Britans proceed we now unto the second as Parsons cals it or rather from the first Preaching to the Propagation The Christian faith here planted by St. Peter or St. Ioseph or perhaps planted by the one and watered rather by the other in their severall times had still a being in this Island till the time of Lucius So that there was no need of a new conversion but only of some able Labourers to take in the harvest The Miracles done by some pious Christians induced King Lucius to send Elvanus and Meduinus two of that profession to the Pope of Rome requesting principally that some Preachers might be sent to instruct him in the faith of Christ. Which the Pope did accoâ—ding to the Kings desiâ—e sending Faganus and Derwianus two right godly men by whom much people were converted the Temples of the gods converted into Christian Churches the Hierarchy of Bishops setled and the whole building raised on so good a foundation that it continued undemoâ—isht till the time of the Saxons And in the summing up of this story our Author having refâ—ted some petiâ— Arguments which had been answered to his hand though much mistaken by the way in taking Diotarus King of Galatia for a King of Sicilie fol. 10. gives us some other in their stead which he thinks unanswerable First he obâ—ects against the Popes anâ—weâ— to the King that Fol. 11. It relates to a former letter of King Lâ—cius wherein he requested of the Pope to send him a Copy or Collection of the Roman Lawes which being at that time in force in the 〈◊〉 if Britain was but actum agere But certainly thoâ—gh those parts of Britain in which Lucius reign'd were governed in part and bâ—t in part by the Lawes of Rome yet were the Lawes of Rome at that time more in number and of a far more generall practice then to be limited to so narrow a part of their Dominions Two thousand Volumes we finde of them in Iustinians time out of which by the help of Theophilus Trebonianus and many other learned men of that noble faculty the Emperor compos'd that Book or body of Law which from the universality of its compâ—ehension we still call the Pandects So that King Lucius being desirous to inform himself in the Lawes of that Empire whether in force or out of use we regard not now might as well make it one of his desires to the Pope of Rome as any great person living in Ireland in Queen Elizabeths time might write to the Archbishop of Canterbury to procure for him all the Books of Statutes the Year-books Commentaries and Reports of the ablest Lawyers though Ireland were governed at that time by the Lawes of England For though Pope Eleutherius knew better how to suffer Martyrdom for Christs cause as our Author hath it then to play the Advocate in anothers yet did not that render him unable to comply with the Kings desires but that he thought it better to commend the knowledge of Gods Law to his care and study In the next place it is objected that This letter mounts King Lucius to too high a Throne making him the Monarch or King of Britain who neither was the Supreme nor sole King here but partial and subordinate to the Romans This we acknowledge to be true but no way prejudiciall to the cause in hand Lucius both was and might be call'd the King of Britain though Tributary and Vassal to the Roman Emperors as the two Baliols Iohn and Edward were both Kings of Scotland though Homagers and Vassals to Edward the first and third of England the Kings of Naples to the Pope and those of Austria and Bohemia to the German Emperors Nor doth the next objection give us any
King Edward having no dominion over them could not impose a Law upon them Not was it probable that he should borrow any of their Lawes or impose them on his natural subjects considering the Antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations There were indeed at that time in England three kinds of Lawes The first called Dane-lage or the Danish Lawes prevailing for the most part in the Kingdom of the East-Angles and that of Northumberland secondly Saxon-lage used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons East-Saxons South-Saxons and that of Kent and thirdly Merceâ—-lage extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdom of Mercia As for the Britans of Cornwal and Cumberland they had no distinct Law for themselves as had those of Wales but were governed by the Lawes of that Nation unto which they were subject By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits which being afterwards reduced into one body and made common equally to all the subjects did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law But secondly I dare not give the honour of this action to King Edward the Confessor The great Iustinian in this work was another Edward called for distinctions sake King Edward the elder who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor to whom our Author hath ascribed it But the truth is that these Lawes being suppressed by the Danish Kings who governed either in an arbitrary way or by the Lawes of their own Countrey they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Lawes and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding of which more hereafter Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to justice so from his piety his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings evill which some impute as our Author tels us to secret and hidden causes Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination Amongst which others I may reckon our Author for one He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imaginationâ— as our Author cals it may produce in those of riper years it can contribute nothing to the cure of children And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves some hanging at their Mothers breasts and others in the armes of their Nurses all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of superstiâ—ion quarrelling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used and this they do Saith he ibid. either displeased at the Collect consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospell of St. John as wholly improper and nothing relating to the occasion c. Our Author tels us more then once lib. 11. 167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocation but I finde by this that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet Which had he been he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect or touched upon that Gospel which is lesse material without insisting on the other which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand or suffered the displeased party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Crosse made by the Royall hands on the place infected as it after followeth when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-evill The first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day At the touching of every infirm person these words are repeated They shall lay their hands on the sick and they shall recover The second Gospell begins the first of St. Iohn and ends at these words Full of grace and truth At the putting the Angell about their necks were repeated That Light was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world Lord have mercy upon us Christ have mercy upon us Lord have mercy upon us Our Father which art in Heaven hallowed be thy Name c. Min. O Lord save thy servants An. Which put their trust in thee Min. Send unto them help from above An. And evermore mightily defend them Min. Help us O God our Saviour An. And for the glory of thy name sake deliver us be merciful unto us sinners for thy names sake Min. O Lord hear our Prayer An. And let our cry come unto thee The Collect. Almighty God the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee hear us we beseech thee on the behalf of these thy servants for whom we call for thy merciâ—â—l help that they receiving health may give thanks â—nto thee in thy holy Church through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen The peace of God c. This is the whole form against which nothing is objected but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light and lighteth every man which cometh into the world did not shine more visibly at the least moâ—e comfortably upon the people then in the healing of â—o many sick infirm and leprous persons as did from time to time receive the benefit of it But it is time I should proceed Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King whose Titlâ— to the Crown is not worth our deriving of itâ— much 〈◊〉 his râ—lying on it A Title not so deâ—picable as our Author makes it nor much inferior unto that by which hiâ— Predecessor obtain'd the Kingdom Harald being â—on to Earl Godwin the most potent man of all the Sâ—â—xons by Theyra the natural Daughter of Canutus the fiâ—st was consequently Brother by the whole bloud to Harald Harâ—agar and Brother by the half bloud to Canutus the â—econd the two last Danish Kings of England In which respect being of Saxon Anceâ—â—ry by his Faâ—her and of the Danish Royal bloud by his Mother he might be look'd on as the fittest person in that conjâ—ncture to conâ—ent both Nations But whatsoever his Title was it was undoubtedly better then that of the Norman had either his success been answerable or his sword as good Upon occasion of which Conquest our Author telleth us that Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered first by Romans secondly by Picts and Scots thirdly by Saxons fourthly by the Danes and fifthlyâ— by the Norman But this I can by no means
why his Children should desire a restitution in bloud not otherwise to be obtained but by Act of Parliament And so without troubling the learned in the Law for our information I hope our Author will be satisfied and save his Fee for other more necessary uses Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting the nine and thirty Articles were composed agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements This is the active Convocation which before I spake of not setling matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward but altering some Articles expunging others addingsome de novo and fitting the whole body of them unto edification Not leaving any liberty to dissenting Iudgments as our Author would have it but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense They had not othewise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum in vera Religione firmandum that is to say to take away diversity of Opinions and to establish an agreement in the true Religion Which end could never be effected if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles But whereas our Author instances in the Article of Christs descent into Hell telling us that Christs preaching unto the Spirits there on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edwards Book was left out in this and thereupon inferreth that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause time manner of his descent I must needs say that he is very much mistaken For first the Church of England hath alwayes constantly maintained a locall Descent though many which would be thought her Children the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of forain Nations have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church And secondly the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the Spirits in hell was not that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause time and manner of his Descent as our Author dreams but because that passage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article For which see Bishop Bilsons Survey p. 388 389. Fol. 74. In a word concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition or their opposites in their substraction I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide The Clause here spoken of by our Author is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article entituled De Ecclesiae Authoritate where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of the Faith Which being charged upon the Bishops as a late addition the better to support their power and maintain their Tyranny the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his Speech in the Star-Chamber Iune the 15 1637. made it appear that the said Clause was in a Printed Book of Articles published in the year 1563. being but very few moneths after they had passed in the Convocation which was on the 29. of Ianuary 1562. in the English account And more then so he shewed unto the Lords a Copy of the twentieth Article exemplified out of the Records and attested by the hands of a publick Notary in which that very Clause was found which had been charged upon the Bishops for an innovation And thus much I can say of mine own knowledge that having occasion to conâ—â—â—t the Records of Convocation I found this controverted Clause verbatim in these following words Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendo jus in fidei Controversis Authoritatem Which makes me wonder at our Author that having access to those Records and making frequent use of them in this present History he should declare himself unable to decide the doubt whether the addition of this Clause was made by the Bishops or the substraction of it by the opposite party But none so blinde as he that will not see saies the good old proverb But our Author will not so give over He must first have a fling at the Archbishop of Canterbury upon this occasion In the year 1571. the Puritan Faction beginning then to grow very strong the Articles were again Printed both in Latin and English and this Clause left out publisht according to those copies in the Harmony of Confessions Printed at Geneva Anno 1612. and publisht by the same at Oxford though soon after rectified Anno 1636. Now the Archbishop taking notice of the first alteration Anno 1571. declares in his said Speech that it was no hard matter for that opposite Faction to have the Articles Printed and this clause left out considering who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure What says our Author to this Marry saith he I am not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time fol. 74. Strange that a man who undertakes to write an History should professe himself ignorant of the names of those who governed the businesse of the times he writes of But this is only an affected ignorance profest of purpose to preserve the honour of some men whom he beholds as the chief Patrons of the Puritan Faction For aftâ—â—wards this turn being served he can finde out who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure telling us fol. 138 that the Earl of Leicester interpos'd himself Patron-general to the non-subscribers and that he did it at the perswasion of Roger Lord North. Besides which two we finde Sir Francis Knollys to be one of those who gave countenance to the troubles at Frankforâ— at such time as the Faction was there hottest against the Liturgy and other Rites and â—eremonies of the Church of England Who being a meer kinsman of the Queens and a Privy Counsellor made use of all advantages to pursue that project which being 〈◊〉 on foot beyond sea had been driven on here and though Leicester was enough of himself to rid the Church at his pleasure it being fitted with such helps Sir Francis Walsingham and many more of that kind which the times then gave him they drove on the faster till he had almost plung'd all in remedilesse Ruine But our Author hath not done with these Articles yet for he tels us of this Clause that it was Ibid. Omitted in the English and Latin Artiâ—â—â—â—â— set forth 1571 when they were first ratified by Actâ—â— Our â—uthor doth so dream of the power of Parliaments in matters of Religion that he will not suffer any Canon or Act of Convocation to be in sorce or obligatiory to the subject till confirmed by Parliament But I would fain know of him where he finds any Act of Parliament
also I finde in the History of Cambridge about Dr. Baroâ— of whom our Author tels us thus Fol. 125. Hist. Cam. The end of Dr. Peter Baro the Margaret Professor his triennial Lectures began to draw neer C. And not long after the Vniversity intended to cut him off at the just joint when his three yâ—ars should be expired This shews our Author though well travelled in other Countries to be but peregrinus domi a stranger in his own University in which the Margaret Professor is not chosen for three years but for two years only And this appears plainly by the Statutes of that Foundation the precise words whereof are these viz. Et volumus insuper quod de caetero quolibet biennio ultimo die cessationis cujustibet termini ante magnam vacationem Vniversitatis praedictae una habilis apta idonea persona in lectorem lecturae praedictae pro uno biennio integro viz. a festo Nativitatis B. Mariae virginis tunc proximè sequente duntaxat durature eligatur fol. 105. in nigro cedice For this I am beholding to the Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed and thank him for it Which said we shall close up this ninth Book with some considerations on these following words which our Author very ingenuously hath laid before us viz. Fol. 233. If we look on the Non-conformists we shall finde all still and quiet who began now to repose themselves in a sad silence especially after the execution of Udal and Penry had so terrified them that though they might have secret dâ—signs we meet not their open and publick motions And to say truth it was high time for them to change their course in which they had so often been foil'd and worsted The learned works of Dr. Bilson after Bishop of Winchester in defence of the Episcopal Government of Dr. Cousins Dean of the Arches in mâ—intenance of the proceedings in â—ourts Ecclesiastical with the two Books of Dr. Bancroft the one discovering the absurdities of the Pretended holy Discipline the other their practices Positions to advance the same gave the first check to their proceedings at the push of pen. All which being publisht An. 1593. were seconded about two years after by the accurate well studied Works of Ric. Hooker then Master of the Temple and Prebend of Canterbury in which he so asserted the whole body of the English Liturgy laid such grounds to found her politie upon that he may justly be affirmed to have struck the last blow in this Quarrel But it was not so much the Arguments of these learned 〈◊〉 as the seasonable execution of some principal sticklers which occasioned the great calm both in Church and State not only for the rest of the Queens time but a long time after For besides that Cartright and some other of the principal and most active Leaders had been imprison'd and proceeded against in the Court of Starchamber the edge of the Statute 23 Eliz. c. 2. which before we spake of had made such terrible work amongst them that they durst no longer venture on their former courses Copping and Thacker hang'd at St. Edmondsbury in Suffolk Barrow and Greenwood executed at Tyburn and Penry at St. Thomas of Waterings Vdal Billot Studley and Bouler condemned to the same death though at last reprieved not to say any thing of Hackeâ— with Coppinger and Arthington his two Propheâ—s as more mad then the rest could not but teach them this sad lesson that 〈◊〉 is no safe dallying with fire nor jesting with edge tools But there are more wayes to the Wood then one and they had wit enough to cast about for some other way sâ—nce the first had fail'd them Hac non successit aliâ tentandum est 〈◊〉 had been learn't in vain if not reducible to practice So that it is no marvel if after this we finde them not in any publick and open motion when wearied with their former blusterings and terrified with the sad remembrâ—nce of such executions they betook themselves to secret and more dark designs Occultior Pompeius Caesare non mesior as it is in Tacitus Pompeys intentions were not less mischievous to the Common-wealth then Caesars were but more closely carried And bâ—bâ—cause closely carryed the more likely to have took effect had any but Caesar been the head of the opposite party The Fort that had been found impregnable by open batteries hath been took at last by undermining Nor ever were the Houses of Parliament more like to have been blown up with gunpowder then when the Candle which was to give fire to it was carried by 〈◊〉 in a dark 〈◊〉 Henceforward therefore we shall finde the Brethren 〈◊〉 anothâ—â— ward practising their party underhand working their business into a State-faction and never so dangerously carrying on the 〈◊〉 as when least observed Fill in the end when all preventions were let slip and the danger grown beyond prevention they brought their matters to that end which we shall finde too evidently in the end of this History To which before we can proceed we must look back upon a passage of another 〈◊〉 which without 〈◊〉 the coherencies of the former Observations could not be taken notice of and rectifed in its proper place and is this that followeth Fol. 179. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown senâ— for Abbot Fecknam to come to her whom the Messenger found setting of Elms in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation â— The tale goes otherwise by Tradition then is here delivered and well it may For who did ever hear of my Elms in Westminster Orchard or to say truth of any Elms in any Orchard whatsoever of a late Plantation Elms are for Groves and Fields and Forests too cumbersom and over-spreading to be set in Orchards But the tale goes that Abbot Feckâ—anâ— being busied in planting Elms near his Garden wall in the place now 〈◊〉 the Deaâ—s-yard was encountred with one of his acquaintance saying My Lord you may very well save your labour the Bill for dissolving of your Monastery being just now passed To which the good old man unmoved returned this answer that he would go forwards howsoever in his plantation not doubting though it pleased not God to continue it in the state it was but that it would be kept and used as a 〈◊〉 of Learning for all times ensuing Which said our 〈◊〉 need not trouble himself with thinking how his 〈…〉 this day as he seems to do he knows where to finde them ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Tenth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King James THE Puritan clamors being hush'd and the Papists giving themselves some hopes of better dayes afforded King Iames a quiet entrance to the Crown But scarce was he warm upon the Throne but the Puritans assaulted him with their Petitions and some of the Papists finding their hopes began to fail them turned
Bishop of Chichester as finally the two first Chapters about the Tiâ—hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Countâ—ey 〈◊〉 but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly so gagg'd by Montague and stung by Nettles that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit In the Preface to his History he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard habit and title and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary the Postils and the Polyanthea But now he found by these encounters that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself and could not only match but overmatch him too in his own Philoâ—ogiâ— But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission Fearing the issue of the business and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary Annâ— 1618. where in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury Iohn L. B. of London Lancelot L. B. of Winchester Iohn L. B. of Rochester Sir Iohn Benet Sir William Bird Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws and Thâ—mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Couâ—t he tendred his submission and acknowledgement all of his own hand-writing in these following words My goâ— Lords I most humbly acknowledge my error whicâ— haâ—e committed in publishing the History of Tithes and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures by medling with Councels Faâ—hers or Câ—nons or by whatsoever occurs in it offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance â—ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received and made into an Act of Court was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Seldeâ—â— de inter Templo London Armigerum So far our Author should have gone had he plaid the part of a good Historian but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour The Bishop was too wise a man to take this as our Author hates it for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue the Liturgy of the Church of England the 39. Articles the Book of the Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies All which with Bishop Iewels Apology Mr. Noels Catechism and a new Book of his own entitâ—led Politiâ— Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations and of no lesse use and esteem at home had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled that is to say the Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London the Bishop of Durham the Bishop of Winchester the rest according to the order of their Consecrations yet so that if any of them were Secretary to the King he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular as indeed he did the fault might easily have been mended as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was hath more reason in it if it had but as much truth as reason and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies which were rather framed according to his own judgement then squared by the Rules of the Church But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned was that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus in Controversus â—ides Authoritatem By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified the Churches Authority disâ—vowed and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever And possible enough it is that some just offence might be taken at him for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politiâ— is solum rationes for Politick Considerations only as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of But whatsoever was the true cause or whether there were more then one as perhaps there was certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops as our Author tels us For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment that it belongs to them to confirm the Electioâ—s of the Bishops of their several Provinces and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice which our Author speaks of yet afterwards he declares expresly that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans without the Kings assent preceding Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur comprobati confirmantur confirmati consecrantur pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject as our Author makes him Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Râ—monstrants their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points c Not at this time viz. 1618. which our
secrets of the heart of man Interest tenebris interest cogitationibus nostris quasi alteris tenebris as Minutius hath it The man here mention'd had been in the Confeâ—sion of our Aâ—thor himself Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia â— dignity of great power and reputation and consequently of a fair Revenue in propoâ—tion to it He could not hope to mend his Fortunes by his coming hither or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England then what he had attain'd unto in the Church of Rome Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own estate of which he had been possessed 14 years in our Authors â—eckoning to betake himself to a strange Countrey where he 〈◊〉 promise himself nothing but protection and the â—â—eedom of conscience Our Author might have said with more probability that covetousness and not consâ—ience 〈…〉 cause of his going hence no bâ—it of proâ—â—t or preferment being laid before him to invite him 〈◊〉 â—s they were both by those which had the managing 〈…〉 him hence He had given great 〈◊〉 to the Pope by his defection from that Church and no 〈◊〉 councenance to the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Churches by his coming oâ—er unto ouâ—s The 〈◊〉 of â—o great a 〈…〉 of that Church was not like to stand And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen then by the defection of his Person his learned Books entituled De Republica Ecclesiasticâ being still unanswered In which respect those of that Church bestird themselves to disgrace his person devising many other causes by which he might be mov'd or forc'd to forsake those parts in which he durst no longer tarry But finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets they began to work upon him by more secret practises insinuating that he had neither that respect nor those advancements which might incourage him to stay that the new Pope Gregory the fifteenth was his special friend that he might chuse his own preferments and make his own conditions if he would return And on the other side they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames by the arts of Gondomar and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy by some other Artifices so that the poor man being in a manner lost on both sides was forc'd to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait by which he was hook'd over to his own destruction For which and for the rest of the story the Reader may repair for satisfaction to this present History Fol. 96. Besides the King would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England on a foreiner no not on his own Countrey-men the Scots This must be understood with reference to the Church of England King Iames bestowing many Bishopricks upon his Countrey-men the Scots in the Realm of Ireland And if he did not the like here as indeed he did not it neither was for want of affection to them nor of confidence in them but because he would not put any such discouragement upon the English who looked on those preferments as the greatest and most honourable rewards of Arts and Industry Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsum Proemia si â—ollin Fol. 100. All mens mouthes were now 〈◊〉 with discourse of Prince Charles his match with 〈…〉 Infanta of Spain The Protestants grieved thereat fearing that this marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion c. The buâ—â—ness of the match with Spainâ—ath â—ath already been sufficiently agitated between the Authoâ— of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator And yet I must adde someâ—hing to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral They knew they liv'd under such a King who lov'd his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome especially to part with that Supremacy in 〈◊〉 matters which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland They knew they liv'd under â—â—ch a King whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the 〈◊〉 of it If any Protestants â—eared the funeral of their Religion they were such Protestants as had been frighted out 〈…〉 as you know who us'd to call the Puritans 〈…〉 under the name of Protestants had â—ontriv'd themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy but even Monarchy also And to these nothing was more 〈◊〉 then the match with Spain fearing â—nd perhaps 〈◊〉 fearing that the Kings 〈◊〉 with that Crown might aâ—m him both with power and counsel to suppress those practices which have since prov'd the Funeral of the Church of England But as it seems they 〈…〉 fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the 〈…〉 State had no minde or meaning of a match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming 〈◊〉 How so Because saith he Fol. 112. They demanded 〈…〉 in education of the 〈…〉 English Papists c 〈…〉 nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party Ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreaâ—onable Ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable 〈◊〉 at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practice especially in driving Sâ—aâ—e-bargains of all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of â—ales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the wedding The bâ—each which â—ollowed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the fault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said But well â—are our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breaâ—h and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibiâ— Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty 〈◊〉 pain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliâ—ment But multa apparent quae non sunt Every thing is not as it seems The Parliament
tels us secondly of Archbishop Abbot in particular That his extraordinary remiâ—ness in not exacting a strict conâ—oâ—mity to the prescâ—â—bed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremony seemed to dissolve those legall ceâ—erminations to their firsâ— principle of indifferency â—nd led in such an habit of inconformity as the future edâ—cation of those tender conâ—cienced men too long discontinued obedience was interpreted an innovation And finally he tels of Archbishop Laud who succeeded Aâ—bâ—t in that See that being of another minde anâ— mettle he did not like that the externall worship of God should follow the fashion of every private fancy and what he did not like in that subject as he was in State so he thought it was his duty to reform To which enâ— in his Metropolitical visitation he cals upon all both Clergy and Laity to observe the Rules of the Church And this is that which our Author calâ— the enjoyning his private practices private perhaps iâ— the private opinion of some men who had declared themselves to be professed enemies to all publicâ— Order Fol. 127. A Commission was granted unto five Bishopâ— Whereof Bishop Laâ—d of the Qâ—orum to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his Authority any longer because uncanonical for casual Homicide Had our Author said that Bishop Laud had been one of the number he had hit it right the Commission being granted to five Bishops viz. Dr. Montain Bishop of London Dr. Neil Bishop of Durham Dr. Buckeridge Bishop oâ— Rochester Dr. Howson Bishop of Oxford and Dr. Lauâ— Bishop of Bathe and Wels or to any four three 〈◊〉 two of them and no more then so Had Bishop Laud been of the Quorum his presence and consent had been so necessary to all their Consultations Conclusions and dispatch of Businesses that nothing could be done without him whereas by the words of the Commission any two of them were impowered and consequently all of them must be of the Quorum as well as he which every Iustices Clerk cannot chuse but laugâ—â— at Nor is there any such thing as a Casual Homicidâ— mentioned or so much as glanced at in that Commiâ—sion the Commission only saying That the saiâ— Archbishop could not at that pâ—esent in his own person attend those services which were otherwiâ—e proper for his 〈◊〉 and Jurisdiction and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed I am loth to rub longer on this sore the point having been so vext already betwixt the Historian and the Observator that I shall not trouble it any further Only I must crave leave to rectifie our Author in another passage relating to that sad Accident for which saith he Ibid. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of forain Councels which were never allowed any Legislative power in this Land Which words are very ignorantly spoken or else very improperly For if by Legislative power he means a Power of making Laws as the word doth intimate then it is true That the Canons of forain Councels had never any such power within this Land But if by Legislative power he means a Power or Capability of passing for Laws within this Kingdom then though he use the word improperly it is very false that no such Canons were in force in the Realm of England The Canons of many forain Councels General National and Provincial had been received in this Church and incorporated into the body of the Canon-Law by which the Church proceeded in the exercise of her juriâ—diction till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eighth And in the Act confirmative of that Submission it is said expâ—esly That all Canons Conâ—titutions Ordinances and Synodals Provincial as were made befoâ—e the said Submission which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Sâ—â—tutes and Cusâ—oms of this Realm nor to the dammage or hurt of the Kings pâ—erogative Royal weâ—e to be used and executed as in â—ormer times 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that unlesse it can be proved that the proceedings in this case by the Canons of forain 〈◊〉 was either contrary or repuâ—â—ant to the Lawes and 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 or to the dammage of the Kings prerogative Royal there is no dangerous consequence at all to be â—ound therein But whereas our Author addes in some following words that ever since he means ever since that unhappy accident he had executed his jurisdiction without any interruption I must needs add that he is very much mistaken in this partilar Dr. Williams Lord elect of Lincoln Dr. Carew Lord elect of Exceter and Dr. Laud Lord elect of St. Davids and I think some others refusing to receive â—piscopal Consecration from him upon that accompt Far more mistaken in the next in which he telleth us that Fol. 128. Though this Archbishop survived some years after yet henceforward he was buried to the world No such matter neither For though for a while he stood confined to his house at Ford yet neither this confinement nor that Commission were of long continuance For about Christmas in the year 1628 he was restored both to his liberty and jurisdiction sent for to come unto the Court â—eceiv'd as he came out of his Barge by the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Dorset and by them conducted to the King who giving him his hand to kisse enâ—oyned him not to fail the Councel Table twice a week After which time we finde him sitting as Archbishop in the following Parliament and in the full exercise of his Jurisdiction till the day of his death which hapned upon Sunday August 4. 1633. And so much for him Fol. 137. My pen passing by them at present may safely salute them with a God speed as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the design Our Author speaks this of the Feoffees appointed by themselves for buying in such Impropriations as were then in the hands of Lay-persons I say appointed by themselves because not otherwise authorized either by Charter from the King Decree in Chanâ—â—ery or by Act of Parliament but only by a secrâ—t combination of the Brothâ—rhood to advance their projects For though our 〈…〉 us fol. 136. that they were legally setled in trust to make such Purchaces yet there is more required to a legal settlement then the consent of some few persons â—mongst themselves for want whereof this combinâ—tion wâ—s dissolved the Feoffees in some danger of sentence and the impropriations by them purchased adjudged to the King on a full hearing of the cause in the Couâ—t of Exchequer Anno 1632. Howsoever our Author 〈◊〉 them good speed as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in their design but other men as wiâ—e as he did not only suspect but see the danger And this our Author might see also if zeal to the good cause had not darkened the eyes of his understanding For first the Parties tâ—usted in the managing of this Design were of such affections
thought it best to stand aloof without ingaging further against this Author in hope that I might have some satisfaction from him either publick or private But understanding that notice had been given unto him of some just cause for my dislike no acknowledgement or reparation following oâ— it I conceived that it concerned me in point of Credit to let him see that I knew as well how to offend an unjust Adversary as to defend my self In the pursute whereof I have carried on the work with that sobriety in it self and such respect unto his person as cannot be displeasing to the Author or any discerning friend of his or unto any equal and impartial Reader His Errors I have corrected rectified his Mistakes and aâ—ded here and there some Observations in the way of a Supplement For which cause I have called these papers by the name of Adverâ—sments that I might use such honest freedom as well in the last as in the first as might conduce unâ—o the bâ—nefit of such as should pâ—cale to read them Hiâ— History is not maâ—e the worâ—e nor the sale thereof retarded by such Additionals and Correctiveâ— as are here preâ—ented Which though he may not thank me for yet I am apt to flattâ—r my self that I may receive some thanks from others Howsoever I shall comfort my self with this that I have not trespassed against good manners or the truth the vindicating of which last hath been the main impulsive to this underâ—aking And being comâ—ortâ—d in that I shall the better indure such censures either of pragmaticalnesse or the love of revenge which may perhaps be laid upon me by such as do not understand me Deleâ—aâ—it tameâ—se Conscientia quod est Aâ—imi paâ—ulum incredibili jucundiâ—ate persusum as Lactantius hath it With which I shut up this Survey and proceed to the businesse ADVERTISEMENTS ON A BOOK Intituled A Compleat HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE THE Author of the History which we have before us entitles it A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charles from his Cradle to his Grave By which the Reader might expect a compleat Account of all the passages of his life not onely from his coming to the Imperial Crown of this Realm but from his first coming into the world In which intervall besides the nature and condition of his education First under Mr. Thomas Murrey and afterwards under the immediat care of King Iames his Father he had the conduct of one of the most weighty Affaires of State that ever was managed by any prince in his fathers life time And if Iames Howel in writing the life of Lewis 13. thought fit to begin his History with the acts of his Daulphinage which could afford no great variety of matter considering he came unto the Crown at ten years of age assuredly the first part of the life of King rash assuming of the Crown of 〈◊〉 and that it gave the Spâ—niards a free passe for his Italiâ—n forces to march towards the Netherlands I shall adventure to lay down the first cause of that Quarrel It was about the year 1â—15 that a designe was put into the head of the Bishop of Spires being an Homager and Feudatory of the Prince Elector Palatâ—â—e to forâ—â—fie the Town and Castle of Vdenheim which by â—om little help of Art added unto the natural strength of the sitâ—ation might be made impregnable In Order wherunto the Bishop inviteâ— the Prince and the Princesse Elizabeth his wiâ—e to a solemn feast and after Dinner shewes him from the top of one of the â—urrets of the Castle the prospect of the â—own and Country adjoâ—ning telling him that if that Town were fortified by Art as well as by nature it wâ—uld be a very strong Bulwark not onely to the States of his Highnesse but unto all the rest of his Neighbours in thoâ—e parts of Germaâ—y and that he had a great desire to proceed to the acting of those thoughts if his Highnesse were but pleaâ—ed to give way unto it The Prince considering very wisely that he was now in his power returned this answer that if the fortifying of that place did startle no other jealousies in the minds of the Neighbouring Princes then it did in his he might go on with it when he pleased which words being taken by the Bishop for a permission and encouragement to proceed in the work it went on accordingly But scarce were the works half finisht when the Duke of 〈◊〉 the Marquesse of Baden and other of the Neighbouring Princes amazed to see such preparations for a war in a time of peace dispatcht their Agents to the Prince desiring to know the reason why he suffered the Bishop to entrench that place which might in tâ—â—e be made use of to their common 〈◊〉 The Prince made answer that the Bishop had no permission from him and that he would send a servant of his to 〈◊〉 the prosecution of the work and to comâ—â—and the casting dâ—wn of that which was 〈…〉 And though he did perform this promise yet the work went forward the Bishop having secretly obtained license from the Emperor as the Lord Paramount of all to proceed therein The Princes hereupon muster up their Forces which under the command of Colonel Obâ—râ—raâ—d a servant of the Prince Electors came before the Town and sent a Trumpet to the Bishop requiring him to give present order for the dismantling of the place or to give them leave to do it for him The Bishop returns no other Answer but that they should go to such a post where they should find a copy of the Emperors Placard in justification of his act touching those Intrenchments But the Souldiers taking notice of no other authority then that which they received from their several Princes made themselves masters of the place the Ports and Circumvallations of it being unfinisht without any resistance and having made all level again disbanded and went home to their several Countries For this contempt of the Imperial Authority the Prince Elector who had the chief conduct of this Action was cited to the Chamber of Spires where the cause went on so fast against him that he was at the point to be Proscribed when the unfortunate Crown of Bohemia was offered to him of which more hereafter But through that spot the Spaniard had free Passage with his Forces of Italy and other parts to pass into the Netherlands to reduce them to obedience No freer passage thorow that Spot if so fair and large a Countrey may be called a Spot then he had before the Spanish Armies finding an uncontroll'd March from the Alps to the Netherlands without touching on any part of the lower Palatinate And so it will be found by any who shall follow the tract of the Duke of Alva conducting an Army of old Souldiers both Horse and Foot some Germâ—n and Burgundian Forces being taken in by the way from the Dukedom
Religious Predecessors and namely the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel establiâ—hed in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customs of this Land The King answers I grant and promise to keep them Arch-Bishop Sir Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the People Rex I will keep it Arch-Bishop Sir Will you to your power cause Iustice Law and discretion in Mercy and Truth to be executed in all your Iudgements Rex I will Arch-Bishop Sir Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have and will you defend and uphold them to the Hâ—nor of God so much as in you lieth Rex I grant and promise so to do Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government The King answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge All Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King ought in his Kingdom in right to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the People to observe the premises and laying his hand upon the Book saith The things which I have before promised I shall perform and keep So help me God and the contents of this Book Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation against which I finde these two Objections First That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors and for the proof thereof an Antiquated Oath was found out and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons bearing date the twenty sixth of May 1642. And secondly It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to make it more to the Kings advantage and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly For answer whereunto the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim which had before been taken by his Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm And to the Pamphleters it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History That there was no variation from the old forms but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned and that this varâ—ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone but of a Committee And this saith he I positively assert as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same with former precedents More candidly in this then the Author of the present History how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member Mr. Clement Cook It is better says he to dye by a foreign Enemy then to be destroyed at home And this seditious speech of his was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons but could finde no remedy nor was it likely that he should He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to finde relief from others especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble and yet never fill it But thus King Iames had done before him one Piggot a Member of the House of Commons had spoken disgracefully of the Scots for their importunity in begging and no less scornfully of the King for his extream profuseness in giving adding withal that it would never be well with England till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation For which seditious Speech when that King might have took the Law into his own hands and punisht him as severely by his own Authority as he had deserv'd yet he past it over and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall on the last of March Anno 1607. I know saith he that there are many Pigots amongst them I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons as must be in all Commonwealths that where they dare may peradventure talk lewdly enough but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament It being the custom of those Parliaments that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority This said there was an end of that business for ought I can learn and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls to expect the like From whence they came at last to this resolution not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned till themselves had considered of his crimes Which as our Author truly notes kept them close together imboldned thus to preserve themselves to the last fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament in behalf of Cook Diggs and Eliot which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney on the fourth of Ianuary Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof we still feel too sensibly Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared being made up with Elegancy yet rather then it shall be lost you may please to read it at this length Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches by Glanvil Pim Selden Wansford Herbert and Sherland was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body
of the English Parliament till the time of King Iames. It s true that on the Petition of the Commons in the beginning of each Parliament the King was graciously pleas'd to indulge them a freedom of reasoning and debate upon all such points as came before them and not to call them to account though they delivered their opinions contrary to his sence and meaning But then it is as true withal that they used not to waste time in tedious Orations nor to declaim against the proceedings of the King and the present Government or if they did the Speaker held it for a part of his Office to cut them short and to reminde them of their duty besides such after-claps as they were sure to finde from an injured and incensed Soveraign But of this take along with you this short passage as I finde it in a letter written ab ignoto to King Charls in this very business of the Duke May it please your excellent Majesty to consider That this great opposition against the Duke of Buckingham is stirred up and maintained by such who either maliciously or ignorantly and concurrently seek the debasing of this free Mâ—narchy which because they finde not yet ripe to attempt against the king himself they endeavor it through the dukes sides These men though agreeing in one mischief yet are of divers sorts and humors Viz. 1. Medling and busie persons who took their first hint at the beginning of King Iames when the Vnion was treated of in Parliament That learned King gave too much way to those popular Speeches by the frequent proof he had of his great Abilities in that kinde Since the time of H. 6. these Parliamentary Discourses were never suffered as being the certain Symptoms of subsequent Rebellions Civil Wars aâ—d the dethroning of our Kings But these last twenty years most of the Parliament Men seek to improve the reputation of their Wisdoms by these Declamations and no honest Patriot dare oppose them lest he incur the imputation of a Fool or a Coward in his Countries cause But which is more the pride they took in their own supposed Eloquence obtain'd another priviledge for them that is to say The liberty for any man to speak what he list and as long as he list without fear of being interrupted whereof King Iames takes notice in his said Speech to both the Houses at White-Hall Nor did they onely take great delight in these tedious speeches but at first disperst Copies of them in writing and afterwards caused them to be printed that all the people might take notice of the zeal they had to the common liberty of the Nation and the edge they hed against the Court and the Kings Prerogative But to proceed Fol. 47. To ballance the Dukes enemies three persons his confederates were made Barons to compeer in the Lords house the Lord Mandevil the eldest son to the Earl of Manchester created by Patent Baron Kimbolton Grandison Son to the created Baron Imbercourt and Sr Dudly Carlton made Baron Tregate In which short passage there are as many mistakes as lines For first the Lord Mandevil was not created by Patent Lord Kimbolton that title together with the tite of Vicount Mandevil having been conferred upon his father by letter Patents in the 18. year of King Iames Anno 1620. whom afterwards King Charles in the first year of his Reign made Earl of Manchester The meaning of our Author is that Sr. Edward Montague commonly called Lord Mandevil was summoned to the Parliament by the Title of Lord Kimbolton as is the custom in such cases when the eldest sons of Earls are called to Parliament by the stile and Title of their Fathers Barony Secondly there never was any such Baron as the Baron Tregate Thirdly Sr. Dudly Carlton was not created Baron Tregat but Baron of Imbercourt that being the name of a Mannor of his in the County of Surry But fourthly Grandison son to the created Baron Imbercourt is either such a peece of negligence in not filling the blanks or of ignorance in not knowing that noble Person as is not often to be met with And therefore to inform both our Author and his Reader also I must let them know that William de Grandâ—son a noble Burgundian Lord allied to the Emperour of Constantinople the King of Hungary and the Duke of Bavaria was brought into England by Edmond Earl of Lancaster second son to King Henry the 3. by whose bounty he was endowed with fair possessions and by his power advanced unto the dignity of an English Baron The estate being much encreast by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of the Lord Tregoz fell by the Heir general to the Pateshuls of Bleâ—so in the County of Bedford and by a Daughter of that house to the house of the Beauchamps By Margaret the daughter and Heir of Sr. Iohn Beauchamp of Bletso the whole estate came by Marriage to Sr. Oliver St. Iohn from whose eldest son descended that Sr. Oliver St. Iohn whom Queen Elizabeth descended from the said Margaret by Iohn Duke of Somerset her second husband made Lord St. Iohn of Bletho in the first year of her Reign From Oliver St. Iohn the second son of the said Margaret estated by his mother in the Mannor of Lydiard Tregoz neer Highworth in the County of Wilts descended another Oliver St. Iohn the second son of Sr. Iohn St. Iohn of Lydiard Tregoz who having in defence of his Fathers Honour killed one Captain Best in St. Georges fields neer Southwark was fain to passe over into France where he remained untill his friends about the Queen had obtained his pardon To merit which and to avoid the danger which might happen to him by Bests acquaintances he betook himself to the wars of Ireland where he performed such signal service against the Rebels that passing from one command to another he came at last to be made Lord Deputy of Ireland at what time he was created viscount Grandison with reference to the first founder of the greatnesse of his House and family That dignity entailed on him and the heires males of his body and for want of Such Issue on the Heires males of Sr. Edward Villers begotten on the body of Mrs. Barbara St. Iohn the new Viscounts Neece according unto which remainder that Honnurable Title is enjoyed by that branch of the house of Villers But being the Title of Viscount Grandison was limited to the Realm of Ireland to make him capable of a place in this present Parliament he was created Lord Tregoz of Highworth to him and to the heires males of his body without any remainder Fol. 62. Carlton gone upon this Errand and missing the French King at Paris progressed a tedious journey after that Court to Nantes in Bohemia And here we have as great an Error in Geography as before in Heraldry there being no such Town as Nantes in Bohemia or if there were it had been too farre off and too unsafe a
hundred thousand pound which the King desired to borrow of them upon good security so peny wise and so pound foolish was that stubborn City Fol. 107. Which we shall refer to the subsequent time and place fitting But of those in their due place hereafter Our Author had found fault with the Observator for saying that the King had not done well in excluding the Bishops from their Votes in Parliament and that there was some strange improvidence in his Message from York June 17. where he reckons himself as one of the three Estates a Member of the House of Peers But why he thus condemneth the Observator we must seek elsewhere which is a kinde of Hallifax Law to hang him first and afterwards to put him upon his Tryal Seek then we must and we have sought as he commandeth in subsequent time and place fitting in their due place hereafter as the phrase is varied But neither in the latter end of the year 1641. when the Bishops were deprived of their Votes in Parliament nor in all the time of the Kings being at York Anno 1642. can we finde one word which relates to either of those points In which our Author deals with the Observator as some great Criticks do with their Authors who when they fall on any hard place in Holy Scripture or any of the old Poets or Philosophers which they cannot master adjourn the explication of it to some other place where they shall have an opportunity to consider of both Texts together Not that they ever mean to touch upon it but in a hope that either the Reader will be so negligent as not to be mindeful of the promise or else so charitable as to think it rather a forgetfulness then an inability in the undertaker Fol. 115. To these he was questioned by a Committee and in reason â—ustly sentenced The party here spoken of is Doctor Manwaring then Vicar of the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields his Crime the preaching of two Sermons in which he had maintained that the King might impose Taxes and Subsidies on the Subject without consent in Parliament and that the people were bound to pay them under pain of Damnation his Sentence amongst other things that he should be Imprisoned during the pleasure of the Parliament pay a thousand pound Fine unto the King and be made uncapable of all Ecclesiastical Preferments for the time to come which heavy Sentence our Author thinks to have been very justly inflicted on him though the Doctor spake no more in the Pulpit then Serjeant 〈◊〉 in Queen Elizabeths time had spoke in Parliament By whom it was affirmed in the Parliament of the 43 of that Queen that He marvell'd the House stood either at the granting of a Subsidy or time of payment when all we have is her Majesties and she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us and that she had as much right to all our Lands and Goods as to any Revenue of the Crown and that he had presidents to prove it For which see the Book called The Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 62. But some may better steal a Horse then others look on as the saying is the Serjeant being never questioned and the poor Doctor sentenced and justly as our Author makes it to an absolute ruine if the King had not been more merciful to him then the Commons were From Dr. Manwaring our Author proceeds to the Observator for saying that Doctrinal matters delivered in the Pulpit are more proper for the cognizance of the Convocation or the High Commission then the House of Commons which though it may consist most times of the wisest Men yet it consists not many times of the greatest Clerks For saith he Fol. 116. That the Preacher is Jure Divino not to be censured but by themselves smells of the Presbyter or Papist But Sir by your good leave neither the Presbyter nor the Papist stand accused by our Orthodox Writers for not submitting themselves their Doctrines and Opinions to the power of Parliaments who neither have nor can pretend to any Authority in those particulars That which they stand accused for is that they acknowledge not the King to be the supream Governor over all persons in all causes as well Ecclesiastical as Civil within his Dominions and consequently decline his Judgement as incompetent when they are called to answer unto any charge which is reducible to an Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature How stiff the Papists are in this point is known well enough by their refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy And for the peremptoriness of the Presbyterians take this story with you One David Blake at a Sermon preached at St. Andrews in the time of King Iames had cast forth divers Speeches full of spight against the King the Queen the Lords of Councel and Session and among the rest had called the Queen of England an Atheist a Woman of no Religion For which being complained of by the English Ambassador he was cited to appear before the King and his Councel on the tenth of November Aâ—no 1596. Which being made known to the Commissioners of the last general Assembly it was concluded that if he should submit his Doctrine to the Tryal of the Councel the liberties of the Church and Spiritual Government of the House of God would be quite subverted and therefore that in any case a Declinator should be used and Protestation made against these Proceedings This though it was opposed by some moderate men yet it was carried by the rest who cryed out it was the cause of God to which they ought to stand at all hazards thereupon a Declinaâ—or was formed to this effect That howbeit the Conscience of his Innocency did uphold him sufficiently against the Calumnies of whomsoever and that he was ready to defend the Doctrine uttered by him whether in opening the Words or in Application yet seeing he was brought thither to be judged by his Majesty and Councel for his Doctrine and that his answering to the pretended Accusation might import a prejudice to the Liberties of the Church and be taken for an acknowledgement of his Majesties Iurisdiction in matters meerly Spiritual he was constrained in all humility to decline â—udicatory Which Declinator being subscrib'd by the Commissioners and delivered by Blake he referred himself to the Presbytery as his proper Iudges And being interrogated whether the King might not judge of Treason as well as the Church did in matters of Heresie iâ— said That speeches delivered 〈◊〉 Pulpiâ—s albert alledged to be 〈…〉 could not be judged by the King till the Church 〈…〉 therâ—of What became after of this 〈…〉 may â—inde it in Arch-Bishop Spotswoods History of the Church of Scotland Had Dr. Manwaring done thus and the Observator justified him in it they had both favored of the Presbyter or Papist there 's no question of it But being the Observator relates onely to the proceedings in Parliament and incroachments of the House of
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them
both Kingdoms and the payment of Advance-Money beforehand to the Sum of an hundred thousand pounds the Scots resolv'd not to stir a foot in their way towards England They knew in what necessity their dear Brethren in England stood of their Assistance and therefore thought it good to make â—ay while the Sun shiâ—â—d and husband that necessity to their best Advantage So that there was no Marching over Tine on the 13. of March Anno 164â— where our 〈…〉 it we must look for it in the Year next following if we mean to finde it And finding them there we shall finde this of them Fol. 669. 〈…〉 with a party of Horse to assault them in such places where they lay most open to advantage not doubting but to give a good account of his undertakings In all which 〈◊〉 and desires he is said to have been crossed by General 〈◊〉 an old experienced Soldier but a Scot by Nation whom hiâ— Majesty had recommended to the Marquess of Newcastle as a fit man to be consulted with in all his Enterprizes and he withal took such a fancy to the man that he was guided wholly by him in all his Actions Had this man been imployed in the Kings own Army he might have done as good Service as any other whatâ—oeverâ— But being in this Army to serve against the Scots 〈◊〉 own dear Countrey-Men he is said to have discouraged and disswaded all Attempts which were offered to be made against them giving them thereby opportunity of gaining ground upon the English till the Marquess his retreat towards York And those affections he is reported to have carried also with him in the Battle of Marston-Moor near York where he is said to have charged so faintly that he not onely lost all thâ—se Advantages which the Prince had gotten but gave the Enemy my opportunity to make head again to the loss of all which brings into my minde the politick Conduct of Eumenes once one of Alexanders meanest Captains but afterwards a great Commander in Asia-minor He had an Army compounded of the Greek and Barbarous Nations and being to fight with Craterus Alexanders great Favorite whilst he lived who had an Army made up of the like Ingredients he plac'd 〈◊〉 Asiatick Soldiers against the 〈…〉 Fol. 604. 〈…〉 Our Author speaks this of the Divines asâ—embled at Westmâ—â—ster by an Oâ—din of the Lords and Commons to be advis'd withal in matters which concerned Religion for the establishing whereof there was much pretended by them but little done These men besides their four 〈◊〉 per diem were either gratified with Lectures in and about London or 〈◊〉 in the Universities or the best Sequestred Benefices in the Countrey holding their own preferment still without sticking at such Pluralities in themselves which before they had condemn'd in others But though they did little work for their Wages yet they did moâ—e then our Author speaks of Ceâ—tain I am that they rose not without 〈◊〉 their intended Directory publisht in Print and Authorized by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament The â—itle of the Book runs thus viz. A Directory for the publick Worship of God throughout the three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland c. Printed at London for the Company of Stationers The Ordinance bears Daâ—e on the third of January Anno 1644. and is thus Entituled viz. An Ordinance of Parliament for the taking away of the Book of Common Praâ—er and for the establishing and putting in Execution of the Directory for the publick Worship of God By which we see that their intended Directory was not onely finished but also Authorized and published before they roâ—e Though our Author speaking again of these Divines fol. 974. and in the year 1647. telleth us That the Prince Elector was 〈◊〉 by the Commons to sit amongst them for his 〈◊〉 in the Composure of the Directory which will come out one day The Directory was come out before and if the Prince 〈◊〉 sat not with them till 1647. as our Author 〈◊〉 it he must needs come too late to give them any assistance in that Composure 〈…〉 Fâ—elding was questioned and committed at Oxford and by a Councel of War sentenced to 〈◊〉 his Head c. But this I look upon as a Court Pageant onely to entertain the People and take off their edge against the man who certainly was a person of too much Honor Vaâ—or and Fidelity to betray the Town if he could possibly have held it Although the King knew well enough and knew withal how unable he was at that time to give him any â—it supplies or to â—aise the â—iege though it conâ—ern'd him for the reputatâ—on of his Cause to march in Person unto Reading and shew his willingness to relieve it But so great a fear fell on all those that were in Oxford and such a general Report there was of Fieldings Treachery that to appease their murmuâ—ings and compose their thoughts Fielding was called in question and condemned to die a Scaffold set up in the Castle Green for his Execution and a day appointed on which he was to be Beheaded Before which time the Earl of Essex not advancing and the â—it being over the Execution was â—eprieved till a further time and Fielding by degrees recovered as much estimation amongst those at Oxâ—ord as formerly he had attained to in the Court or Camp And to say truth the fear at Oxford was not 〈◊〉 when the News came of the taking of Reâ—â—ing the Town being â—o unfortified on the North side of it the King so 〈◊〉 at that time of necessary Ammunition to make good the place that it could not possibly have been deâ—ended i◠〈◊〉 had marched directly towards it and 〈…〉 Fol. 615. And brought to bed at Exceter of a Daughter the 16. of June named Henrietta Maria Not so but Henrietta only Maria is added by our Authour who was none of the Gossips and therefore should not take upon him to name the childe But such Misnomers are so frequent in him as might make a sufficient Errata at the end of his History were there none else in it Fol. 622. And so a New one was framed engraven thereon the picture of the House of Commons and Members sitting Reversed the Arms of England and Ireland â—rosse and Harp pale â— If so this new Seal could not so properly be called the Great Seal of England but the great Seal of the House of Commons represented in it who are so far from being the High Court of Parliament though were they such they could have no Authority for a Great Seal of their own that they are not so much as Members of the Great Councell Most true it is that the prevailing party in both Houses of Parliament conceived it necessary to have a Great Seal lying by them as well for the dispatch of such Commissions as they well to speed in in reference to the present War as for the sealing of such Decrees and processes as were to be
Ordnance being drawn off and the Works slighted the men were sent away to Glocester And these were the three hundred and fourty Auxiliaries which were sent from the grand Garison of Newport Pagnel the Town being small and consequently not capable of receiving any great number of Souldiers or to give those Souldiers the name of so grand a Garison Fol. 809. About five a Clock in the morning June 13. the King drew off from Burrough Hill towards Harborough and Pomfrait â— He might as well have said that the King drew toward 〈◊〉 and Orkney in the North of Scotland as that he drew â—oward Harborough and Pomfrait both lying Northward from the place of his remove For though it would be thought by any ordinary Reader who is not well studied in the Maps that Harborough and Pomfrait towards which the King is said to remove did lie very near to one another yet Harborough and Pomfrait are at least eighty miles asunder the one a Town of Leicestershire remarkable for a great Fair of Horse and â—attle the other a Town of great Note in Yorkshire renowned for a fair and ancient Castle which being anciently part of the possessions of the Lacies Earls of Lincoln by Marriage and Capitulation descended on the Earls of Lancaster and is now part of that great Dutchy Fol. 811. Naseby the fatall battle to the King and his party â— Fatall indeed whether we look upon the Antecedents or the Consequents of it For if we look on the Antecedents there could be nothing but some unavoidable fatality in it that the King having taken Leicesâ—er and thereby put his affairs into a more hopefull way as he writ to the Queen then thâ—y had been in at any time since the Rebellion should come back to Daventry and there spend eight or ten daies without doing any thing If it be said that he returned back upon the noise that Oxford was besieged by Fairfax his staying so long at Daventry was not the way to raise that siege Nor was the Town in any such danger but that the Ladies wanted fresh Butter for their Pease as to bring him back from the pursuit of his Successes and thereby to give time to Cromwell without whom Fairfax could do little to come with 600 fresh Horse to the rest of the Army And yet being come they had not made so fast after the King as to resolve on â—ighting with him when they did if they had not Intercepted a Letter the night before sent from Col. â—oring to the King in which he signified that he was upon his march towards him desiring his Majesty to keep at a distance and not to engage with the Enemy till he came to him For which intelligence I am beholding to Hugh Peters who in one of his Thanks-giving Sermons hath informed me in it Upon the reading of this Letter it was concluded to fall on with the first opportunity before these new supplies should be added to the rest of the Kings Forces And it was as fatall in the Consequents as it had been in the Antecedents neither the King noâ— his party being able after that time to make any considerable opposition but losing battle after battle and place after place till there was nothing left to lose but their Lives or Liberties Ibid. The Kings Coaches his Cabinet of Letters and Paâ—pers In the loss of his Coaches there was no great matter nor so much in the loss of his Cabinet of Letters and Papers as his Enemies did conceive it was A Cabinet in which were many Letters and Paper most of them written to the Queen but they together with the rest publisht in Print by Order of the Houses of Parliament The Design was to render the King odious in the sight of the People by giving license to the Queen to promise some favors for the Catholick party here in England if she could obtain any succour for him from the Catholicks there But they lost more by it then they got For first They drew a general obloquy on themselves by publishing the secret passages betwixt Man and Wife contrary to the rules of Humanity and common honesty And secondly They gave the People such a representation of the Kings Abilities his Piety Prudence and deep foresight into Affairs as rais'd him to an high degree of Estimation with all sorts of men as Mr. Pryn had done before of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in printing the Breviat of his Life though intended otherwise An errour which the Houses were soon sensible of and thereupon gave Order that in the publishing of the great Volume of Ordinances c. by Edward Husbands in which were many passages also betwixt them and the King these intercepted Letters should be left out though the Letters in the Lord Digbies Cabinet which was taken at Sherburn were printed there among the rest So wise are men upon the post fact when it is too late Fol. 826. But the same night at the very noise of the Kings coming from Worcester they prepared for flight and the next morning not a Scot to be seen felt or heard of they were all fled The Scots had lain before Hereford from the 30. of Iuly to the first of September and had so well entrencht themselves that there was no fear of being beaten up by the King who since the fatall blow at Naseby had never been the Master of such Forces as to give Battell to the Scots and much lesse to assault them in their Trenches So that the noise of the coming of the Kings Forces from Worcester might be the pretence but it could not be the reall cause of his hasty raising of the Siege Lesly unworthily made Earl of Leven at the Kings being in Scoâ—land An. 1641. had received Letter after Letter out of Scotland touching the successes of Montrosse And now there comes the lamentable News of the taking of Edinburg and consequently the losse of all if he hasted not towards their Relief On the receiving of which Letters he was willing to take the noise of the Kings coming from Worcester with all his Forces for an occasion to be gone and being gone march'd directly Northwards till he came neer enough to Scotland to dispatch David Lesly with all his Horse and without any noise to set upon the Marquesse of Montrosse at the first opportunity By reason of whose sudden coming and coming with no lesse then 6000 Horse the Noble Marquesse by the treachery of the Earls of Roâ—burgh and Traquair who were acquainted with the plot the Marquesse was almost surprized and the greatest part of his Forces routed himself escaping with the rest and making an orderly maâ—ch to the North-parts of Scotland where he continued in some strength till he was commanded by the King to lay down his Commission and disâ—and his Forces I adde here only by the way that the Scoâ—s had pretty well scoured the Countrey who came in but with two thousand Horse and had now raised them to six thousand
have read that he called in any of the Scyâ—hick Nations to assist him against the Saracens so there was no reason why he should The Saracens in his time had neither extended their Conquests nor wasted his Empire so far Northwards as to necessitate him to invite any such Rake-Hâ—ll Rabble of Scythâ—ans to oppose their proceedings By doing whereof he must needs expose as great a part of his Dominioâ—s to the spoil of the Scythians as had been wasted and in part conquered by the Saracens I read indeed That Cosâ—oâ—s one of the Kings of Persia the better to annoy Herâ—â—lius in those parts of the Empire which were dearest to him hired a compounded Army of Sâ—laves Avares Gepidâ— and others neighboring near unto them to invade Thrace and lay siege unto Constantinople the Imperial Seat to curb whose Insolencies and restrain their further progress into the heart of that Countrey Heraclius hired another Army compounded of the like Scythick Nations which in those days passed under the common name of the Chasnari and it was very wisely done For by that means he did not onely waste those Barbarous Nations all of them being his very bad Neighbors in warring one against another but reserved his own Subjects for some other occasions And as it was done wisely so was it done as lawfully also there being no Law of God or Man which prohibits Princes when they are either invaded by a foreign Enemy or overlaid by their own Subjects to have recourse to such helps as are nearest to them or most like to give them their Assistance Which point our Author prosecutes to a very good purpose though he mistake himselfe in the instance before laid down The Irish were then upon the point of calling the French unto their aid under pretence that their own King was not able to protect them against the Forces of those men who had conâ—iscated their Estates and were resolved upon their final extermination And had the King upon the first rising of the Scots poured in an Army of the Danes to waste their Countrey and fall upon them at their backs as Heraclius poured in the Câ—snari upon the Selaves Avares and the rest of that Rabble he had done his work and he had done it with half the charge but with more security then the bare ostentation of bringing an English Army to the Borders of Scotland did amount unto Which as he might have done with less charges so I am sure he might have done it with far more security The Danes being Lutherans fear nothing more then the grouth of the Calvinian party and therefore would have fought with the greater Zeal and the fiercer Courage on the very merit of the cause And having no confederacies or correspondencies with the Scots in order to Liberty or Religion as the Scots had with too many of the people of England the King might have relied upon them with a greater confidence then he could do on a mixt Body of his own in which the Puritan party being more pragmatical might have distempered all the rest Such aids were offered him by his Uncle of Denmark when the two Houses had first armed his people against him But he refused them then for fear of justifying a Calumny which cunningly had been cast upon him of admitting Foreign Nations into the Kingdom to suppress the Liberties of the people and to change their Laws Afterwards when he sought for them then the could not have them the Houses no less cunning hiring the Swedes to pick a Quarrel with the Danes the better to divert that King from giving assistance to his Nephew in his greatest needs But the consideration of this mistake in my Author about the Scythians hath ingaged me further in this point then I meant to have been I go on again Fol. 1002. But the Members were not well at ease unlâ—sse some settlement were made for them by Orders and Ordinances c. â— Nor were they at ease till they had made the like settlement for some others beside themselves Some sequestred Divines conceiving that all things were agreed on between the King and the Army had unadvisedly put themselves into their Benefices and outed such of the Presbyterians as had been placed in them by the Committee for Plandered Ministers or the Committees in the Countrey And on the other side divers Land-holders in the Countrey conceiviâ—g that those Ministers who had been put into other mens livings could not sue in any Court of Law for the Tythes and Profits of those Churches for want of a Legall Title to them did then more resolutely then ever refuse to make payment of the same For remedy of which two mischiefs the Independent Members having setlâ—d themselves by Orders and Ordinances concur with the Presbyterian Members to settle their Brethren of the Clergy in a better condition then before And to that end they first obtained an Ordinance dated the 9. of August Anno 1647. in which it is declared That every Minister put or which shall be put into any Parsonage Rectory Vicarage or Ecclesiasticall Living by way of Sequestration or otherwise by both or either the Houses of Parliament or by any Committee or other person or persons by Authority of any Ordinance or Order of Parliament shall and may sâ—e for the Recovery of his Tythes Rents and other duties by vertue of the said Ordinance in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as any other Minister or other person whatsoever This being obtain'd to keep in awe the Landholders for the time to come they obtained another Ordinance dated the 23 of the same Moneth for keeping the poor sequestred Clergy in a far greater awe then the others were by which iâ— was Ordered and Ordained That all Sheriffs Mayors Bayliffs Justices of the Peace Deputy Lieutenants and Committees of Parliament in the several Counties Cities and places within this Kingdom do forthwith apprehend or cause to be apprehended all such Minister as by authority of Parliament have been put out of any Church or Chappell within this Kingdom or any other person or persons who have entred upon any such Church or Chappell or gained the possession of such Parsonage Houses â—ithes and profits thereunto belonging or have obstructed the payment of Tithes and other profits due by the Parishioners to the said Ministers there placed by Authority of Parliament or Sequestrators appointed where no Ministers are setled to receive the same and all such persons as have been Aiders Abettors or Assisters in the Premises and commit them to prison there to remain until such satisfaction be made unto the severall Ministers placed by the said Authority of Parliament for his or their damages sustained as to the said Sheriffs Mayors c. shall appear to be just c. So little got the Sequestred Clergy by their Petition and Addresse to Sir Thomas Faâ—rfâ—x that their condition was made worse by it then it was before in that the Acts of the Committees
in the Countrey as well as that at London were confirmed by Ordinance For though the Generall and the Army passed a Declaration upon this Petition on the 22. of Iuly That the Estates of all persons of what rank or condition soever whether râ—all or personall under any Sequestration howsoever or to whomsoever disposed shall remain in the hands of the Tenants Parishioners or any other persons from whom they are legally due until the Generall peace be setled and then to be restored and accounted for to those to whom they shall be justly and legally due yet on their piecing with the Presbyterian Members in the House of Commons they did nothing in it but left the poor Clergy as before if not in a worse condition then they found them Fol. 929. His Funerall Herse remâ—ining in Westminster Abbey Church a spectacle for the people some bold Malignaâ— on the 27. of November at night most â—hamefully handlea his Effigies That is to say by breaking off his head disfiguring the face tearing away his Sword and Spurs and renting down his Arms and Escucheons as it after followeth That such an outrage was committed on the Herse of the Earl of Essâ—x is most notoriously true and that it was committed by some bold Malignant that is to say some person disaffected to that Earl is as true as that But who that bold Malignant was whether of the Royall party or any other who maligned his Estate and Honour our Authour should have done well to have told more clearly and note to have left him under the generall notion of a bold Malignant by which name those of the Kings party were most commonly branded It seems by our Authour that they were no poor knaves who made this deâ—acement conâ—idering they left all behinde them silk and velvet to boot And it is more then probable that the Nobility and Gentry who made up the greatest and most considerable number of the Royal Party were such as had too much sense of Honour to injure and deface the monument of a Noble man whom they had never otherwise beheld then as an honourable Enemy in the course of the Wars The conduct of which war when he first undertook for the Houses of Parliament they published a Resolution in a Declaration of theirs August 4. 1642. that they would live and die with him in pursuit of that quarrell But afterâ—aâ—ds finding that he did not prosecute the war with so much â—â—â—ernesse and passion as by some desired he was not only â—â—â—posed to the publick scorn by scandalous jeers Pictures â—nd Pamphlets while he was in the head of his command â—ut finally divested of all that power which he had in the Army and reduc'd to the Estate of a private person And whether some of those who had so reproachfully treated him when he was alive might not commit this outrage on his Essigies when he was deceased I leave to be considered by â—he equall and impartial Reader â—ol 1056. M. Palmer made D. of Physick at Oxford The making of new Doctors was one of the first works of the â—arl of Pembroke at his Visitation of the University of Oxford that so they might enter on their intended Headships with the greater honour But Palmer the designed Warden â—or All soulâ— was not at that time to be made a Doctor He 〈◊〉 taken that Degree before in Cambridge and by the name 〈◊〉 Pâ—lmer I finde him in a Reference from the Commitâ—â—â—â— of Plundred Ministers to settle a difference betwixt a 〈◊〉 Incumbent and the intruding Minister about tho fifths Incorporated he might be at Oxford as the custome is but not then made or created Doctor as our Authour would have it That which comes next touching the ejecting of many of the Commons of Christ-Church gives us two mistakes whereof I conceive the one to be the Printers and the other our Authors The mistake of the Printer is the putting down of the Common of Christ-Church for the anons of Christ-Church unlesse perhaps the meaning be that the old Canons were put out of Commons that the new ones might have the fuller Diet when they came into their places The mistake of our Authour is in saying that many of the Canons of Christ-Church were ejected whereas they were all of them ejected not a man excepted the Earl of Pembroke being so impartiall in the executing of his Office that he would not spare D. Hammond though he were his God-son And though D. Iohn Wall partly by the mediation of Friends but chiefly by his humble submission to the power of the Visitors was again admitted into the number of the Canons yet was he ejected with the rest and came not into his own place at this new admission but into the place of some of the other Canons to shew that he stood not on his old Right but this new Admission The Earl of Pembroke having done the businesse which he came about returns to the Parliament was first thanked for his wonderful wisedom and then they Vote That all such Masters Fellows and Officers there as refused to submit to the power should be expelled the Vniversity According to which Vote a generall purge was given to all the Colleges in the same working upon them more or lesse as they found the humours more or lesse Malignant on none so strongly as on Christ-Church and Mâ—gdalâ—neâ—ollege â—ollege in which last they descended so low as to the Choristers and lower then that also to the very Cook And yet the storm fell not so heavy on those at Oxford as the Earl of Manchesters Visitation had done at Cambridge For he not only cut off the heads and skinned the Fellows and Scholars of most Colledges but in Queens Colledge cut off all the members from the head to the heel leaving not one of the old Foundation to keep possession for the new Comers as if the House it self and all the lands belonging to it had been designed to an Escheat as a forfeited and dissolved Corporation or like a Wrecca Marâ—â— to be seiz'd on by the Lord Paramount of the shore adjoyning as having no living creature in it to preserve the possession of it for the proper owner But the Scholars at Oxford howsoever made themselves merry with their misfortunes publishing some unhappy Papers and amongst them a Speech made by the Earl of Pembroke with some additioâ—s of their own which afterwards drew on two or three others of the same strain though on other occasions to the great manifestation and applause of his wonderfull wisedom Fol. 1034. Yet not long after some one so well affected to the Kings Service that whilest he is a Prisoner takes upon him the Kings Cause and published an Answer such as it is which we submit to censure And being submitted unto Censure I conceive it deserves not such a diminution or disparagement as to call it an Answer such as it is The Answer I never saw before and cannot now possibly conjecture at the Authour of
off so clearly with those evaâ—â—ns which he had put upon the Articles in charge against him or with those touches on the by which are given to the Defendant in the Doctors Answer supposing that the Paper exemplified in the Pamphlet never before publisht as the Authour tels us contain the substance and effect of that which he delivered to the King for his justification as indeed it doth not For the truth is that this Paper was digested by D. Prideaux as soon as he returned to Oxon coppied out and disperst abroad by some of his own party and perswasions to keep up the credit of the cause And though at first it carried the same Title which the Pamphlet gives it viz. The Answer of D. Prideaux to the Information given in against him by D. Heylin yet afterwards upon a melius inquirendum he was otherwise perswaded of it and commonly imputed it to one of Trinity Colledge whom he conceived to have no good affections to him And here I might conclude this point touching the traducing and disturbing of D. Prideaux did I not finde that by the unseasonable publishing of that Antiquated and forgotten Paper the Respondent had not been disturbed and traduced in a far courser manner then he was the Doctor had those passions and infirmities which are incident to other men of lesse ability and having twice before exposed the Respondent to some disadvantages in the point of same and reputation he was the more easily inclined to pursue his blow and render him obnoxious as much as possibly he could to the publike censure The story whereof I shall lay down upon this occasion and hope that I may safely do it without the imputation of affecting the fresh credit of coping with the deceased or purposing any wrong at all unto the reverend name and living fame of that Learned man Proximas egomâ—t sum mihiâ— as the Proverb hath it my own credit is more dear to me then another mans And where I may defend my self with truth and honesty I have no reason to betray both my name and fame by a guilty silence Know then that on tht 24. day of April Anno 1627. I answered in the Divinity Schools at Oxon upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fâ—erit invisibilis And 2. An Ecclesia possit errare Both which I determined in the Negative And in the stating of the first I fell upon a different way from that of D. Prideaux in his Lecture de visibilitate Ecclesiae and other Tractates of and about that time in which the visibility of the Protestant Church and consequently of the renowned Church of England was no otherwise proved then by looking for it into the scattered conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England the Hâ—ssites in Bohemia which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent as that which utterly discontinued that succession in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy which the Church of England claimeth from the very Apostles he rather chose to look for a continual visible Church in Asia Aethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof And for the proof whereof he shewed First That the Church of England received no succession of doctrine or government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred Secondly That the Wicklifsists together which the rest before remembred held many Heterodoxes in Religion as different from the established doctrine of the Church of England as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome And thirdly That the Learned Writers of that Church Bellarmine himself amongst them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some fundamental Points of the Christian Faith against the Socinians Anabaptists Anti-Trinitarians and other Hereticks of these last ages as any of the Divines and other learned men of the Protestant Churches Which point I closed with these words viz. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino â—ic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis and this so much displeased the Doctor that as soon as the Respondent had ended his determination he fell most heavily upon him calling him by the odious names of Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius and I wot not what and bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients to whom he made the greatest part of his addresses of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them if Bellarmine whom he laboured to decry for so many years should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus The like he also did tantaene animis caelestibus irae at another time when the Respondent changed his Copy and acted the part of the Prior Opponent loding the poor young man with so many reproaches that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was And because this report should not get footing in the Court before him in his first Sermon preached before the King which was in November next following on the words Ioh 4. viz Our Fathers worshiped on this mountain he so declared himself against some errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome that he shewed him to be far enough from any inclinations to the Romish Religion as afterwards in the Year 1638. when that clamour was revived again he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon upon the Parable of the Tares that some of the Court who before had been otherwise perswaded of him did not stick to say That he had done more towards the subversion of Popery in those two Sermons then D. Pâ—ideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever preached in his life But to proceed the Respondent leaving Oxon within few years after the heat of these reproaches began to cool 〈◊〉 he had reason to conceive that the Doctors 〈◊〉 might in so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 16 〈…〉 cooled also but it happened otherwise For the 〈…〉 being to answer for his degree of Doctor in the 〈…〉 insisted then on the Authority of the Church 〈…〉 he had done on the infallibilâ—ty and visibility of it His Questions these viz. An Eccleâ—ia habeat authoritatem in determinandis â—idei controversâ—â—s 2. Interpretandi Scripturas 3. Discernendi ritus ceremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the plain and positive doctrine of the Church of England in the 20. Article which runs thus interminis viz habet Ecclesiae ritas sive ceremonias statuendiâ—us in â—idei controversâ—â—s authoritatem c. but the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions and the Respondent stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publike Doctrine of the Church and charged the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive Ceremonias c. which