the Statutes at large in 11. 21. R. 2. and our Historianâ— in those yeares more copiously manifest In 12. R. 2. c. 2. There was this notable Law enacted which Sir Edward Cooke affirmes is worthy to be writ in Letters of gold and worthier to be put in due execution For the Universall wealth of all the Realme it is enacted that the Chauncellor Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale Steward of the Kings house the Kings Chamberlaine Clarke of the Rolls the Iustices of the one Bench and other Barons of the Exchequor and all other that shall be called to ordaine name or make Iustices of peace which whether the Lord Keeper alone can make or unmake without consent of all these or put out of Commission without just cause and conviction now commonly practised is a considerable Question upon this and other statutes Sheriffes Escheators Customers Controllers OR ANY OTHER OFFICER or Minister of the King shall be firmely sworne that they shall not ordaine name or make Iustices of peace Sheriffe Escheator Customer Controller or other Officer or Minister of the King for any gift or brocage favour or affection nor that none which puâ—sueth by him or by other privily or apertly to be in any manner Office shall be put in the same Office or in any other But that they make ALL SVCH OFFICERS and Ministers OF THE BEST MOST LAWFVLL MEN SVFFICIENT to their estimation and knowledge Which most excellent Law with others of like nature still in force were it duly executed there would not be so many corrupt Officers of all these sorts in the kingdome as now swarme in every place From which Act I shall onely make these 2. Inferences First that if so great a care ought to be had in the choyce of these under-Officers then certainely farre more of the grand Officers and Iudges of the kingdome Secondly that if it be no disparagement to the Kings honour or prerogative for these greâ—t Officers of the Realm to ordain name and make Iustices of peace Sheriffes and other under Officers of the King wiâ—hout the kings privitie as oft times they doe then by the same or greater reason it can be no diminotion of his honour or prerogative Royall for the Parliament which is best able to judge of mens abilities and honesties to have power onely to nominate or recommend to the King such as they know to be the best most lawfull and sufficient men for the highest state Offices and places of Iudicature when they becomevoyd Not to trouble you with any more Presidents in this Kings Raigne recorded in Story I shall close them up with one or two more upon record In the Parliament of 3. R. 2. The Câ—ancellor having declared the causes of Summons and among others the great stâ—aights the King was in for want of money so that he had at that time nothing in his Treasury but was greaâ—ly endebted c. He pâ—ayed the Parliament â—o advise how and after what manner he mâ—ght be relieved not onely for his owne safety but for the safetie of them all and of the Râ—alme To which the Commons after they were advised of theâ—r said Charge returned this Answer to the King in Parliament by their Speaker in name of the whole Commons That the said Commons are of opinion that if their Liege Soveraigne had beene well and 〈◊〉 governed in his Expences spent 〈◊〉 the Realme and elsewhere he now had had no neede of their aid by charging the 〈…〉 whom they imagined to be now more poore and indigent then ever they were before Wherefore they pray That the Prelates and other Lords of the Kings continuall Councell who have a long time travelled in the said affaires BE VTTERLY DISCHARGED to their great ease and in discâ—arge of the King from their custodies and that No such Counsellors should be retained about â—he King in regaâ—d that our Lord the King is now of good discretion and â—f a goodly Stature having respect to his Age which is now neare the age of his noble Grandfather at the time of his Coronation who had no other Counsellors at the beginning of his raigne but ONELY the Five accustomed Principall Officers of HIS REALME They further pray that In this Parliament these Five Principall Officers may bee Elected and Chosen out of the most Sufficient Men within the Realme who may be tractable and who may best know and execute their Offices that is to say The Chancellor Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale Chiefe Chamberlaine and Steward of the Kings House and that these so chosen of whose Names and persons the Commons will be ascâ—rtained this Parliament for their greater comfort and aide to execute the businesse of the King shall have it therein declared that they Shall not be Removed before the next Parliament unlâ—sse it be by reason of Death Sicknesse or other necessary cause And they likewise pray for remedy of default â—f the saâ—d Government if there be any on that party that a sufficient and generall Commission may be made the best that may be devised to certaine Prelates Lords and others of the most sufficient lawfull and wise men of the Realme of England diligently to Survey and examine in all the Courts and places of the King as well within his owne house as elsewhere the estate of the said House and al expences and receits whatsoever made by any of the Ministers or any Officers of thâ— Realme and of othâ—r his Seignoriâ—s and Lands as well on this side as â—eyond the Sâ— as from the Kings Coronâ—tion till this prâ—sâ—nt so thâ—t if there be aâ—y default bee found by the said Examination in any mâ—nner by negligence of Officers or othâ—rwise â—he said Commissioners shall certifie them to our Lâ—râ— the King to have them amended and corrected to the endâ— that our Loâ—d the King may be honourably governed within his Realm as bâ—longeâ—h to a King to be governed and may be able with his owne râ—veneues to support the charge of his Expences and to defend the Realme on every part and defray the other charges above named Which Petition and Commission the King accordingly granted In the Parliament of 13. R 2. An. 1389. Iohâ— Duke of Lancaster By ASSENT of all the Estates of Parliament was created Duke of Aquitaine for his life by King Richard his Nephew the words of whose Patent Printed at large in Master Seldens Titles of Honour runne thus De ASSENSU Praelatorum Ducum Magâ—â—tum alioâ—um Proâ—erum Communitatis Regni nostri Angliae in instanti Parliamento nostro apud West monasterium convâ—cato existentiuâ— teâ— praedelectissimum Patrium no strumin DVCEM AQVITANIAE cum Tituâ—o Stilo ac nominâ— honore eidem debitis praefiâ—imâ—â— ac inde praesentiali er per â—ppositio 〈◊〉 Cappae 〈◊〉 capiâ—i ac traditionem Virgae aureae iâ—vestimus c. toto tempoâ—e viâ—ae tuae possidâ—ndum c. Giving him power thereby To Coine what Gold
onely the beating but killing of such persons who assault their Masters persons goods or houses as is expresly resolved by the Statute of 21. E. 1. De malefactoribus in Parcis By 24. H. 8. cap. 5. Fitzherbert Corone 192. 194. 246. 258. 261. 330. 21. H. 7 39. Trespas 246. Stamford lib. 1. cap. 5. 6. 7. 22. Ass. 46. 11. H. 6. 16. a. 14. H. 6 24. b. 35. H. 6. 1. a. 9. E. 4. 48. b. 12. E. 4. 6. a. 12. H. 8. 2. b. Brooke Coron 63. Trâ—spas 217. Therefore they may justly defend themselves resist oppose apprehend and kill his Majesties Cavalliers notwithstanding any Commissions and make a defensive Warre against them when as they assault their persons houses goods or habitations without any Treason Rebellion or Crime all against the King or Law Thirdly It is past dispute That the Sheriffes Iustices of Peace Mayors Constables and all other Officers of the Realme may and ought by our Lawes and Statutes to raise the power of the Counties and places where they live and command all persons to arme themselves to assist them upon their Command when they see just cause which commands they are all bound to obey under paine of imprisonment and fines for their contemptuous disobediene herein to suppresse and withstand all publicke breaches of the Peace Riots Routs Robberies â—raies Tumults Forcible Entries and to apprehend disarme imprison and bring to condigne punishment all Peace-breakers Riotors Trespassers Robbers Plunderers Quarrellers Murtherers and Forces met together to doe any unlawfull Hostile act though by the Kings owne precept and in case they make resistance of their power they may lawfully kill and slay them without crime or guilt if they cannot otherwise suppresse or apprehend them yea the Sheriffes and all other Officers may lawfully raise and arme the power of the County to apprehend Delinquents by lawfull Warrants from the Parliament or Processe out of other inferiour Courts of Iustice when they contemptuously stand out against their Iustice and will not render themselves to a Legall triall in which service all are bound by Law to assist these Officers who may lawfully slay such contemptuous Offenders in case they cannot otherwise apprehend them All which is Enacted and Resolved by 19. E. 3. cap. 38. 3. Ed. 1. cap. 5. 2. R. 2. cap. 6. 5. R. 2. cap. 5. 6. 7. R. 2. cap. 6. 17. R. 2. cap. 8. 13. H. 4. cap 7. 1. H. 5. cap. 6. 2. H. 5. cap. 6. 8. 19. H. 7. cap. 13. 3. E. 6. cap. 5. 1. Mar. cap. 12. 31. H. 6. cap. 2. 19. E. 2. Fitz Execution 247. 8. H. 4. 19. a. 22. Ass. 55. 3. H. 7. fol. 1. 10. 5. H. 7. fol. 4. Register f. 59. 60. 61. Fitz. Coron 261. 288. 289. 328. 346. Stamford lib. 1. cap. 5. 6. Cooke lib. 5. fol. 92. 9. 3. with sundry other Bookes and Acts of Parliament and Walsingham Hist. Angliae pag. 283. 284. Yea the Statute of 13. Ed. 1. cap. 38. recites That such resistance of Processe out of any the Kings Courts much more then out of the Highest Court of Parliament redounds much to the dishonour of the King and his Crowne and that such resisters shall be imprisoned and fined because they are desturbers of the Kings Peace and of his Realme And the expired Statute of 31. H. 6. cap. 2. Enacted That if any Duke Marquesse Earle Viscount or Baron complained of for any great Riots Extortions Oppressioâ—s or any offence by them done against the Peace and Lawes to any of the Kings Liege people should refuse to obey the Processe of â—he Kings Court under his Great or privie Seale to him directed to answer his said offenes either by refusing to receive the said Processe or despiting it or withdrawing hâ—mselfe for that cause and not appearing after Proclamation made by the Sheriffe in â—he County at the day prescribed by the Proclamation that then hee should for this his contempt forfeit and lose all his Offices Fees Annuities and other possessions that he or any man to his use hâ—th of the gift or grant of the King or any of his Progenitors made to him or any of his Ancestors And in case he appeares not upon the second Proclamation on the day therein to him limited that then he shall lose and forfeit his Estate and place in Parliament and also All the Lands and Tenements Whâ—ch he hath or any other to his use for terme of his life and all other persons having no Lands not appearing after Proclamation were to be put out of the Kings Protection by this Act. Such a heinous offence was it then repuâ—ed to disobey the Processe of Chancery and other inferiour Courts of Iustice even in thâ— greatest Peeres how much greater crime then is and must it be contemptuously to disobey the Summons Processe and Officers of the Parliament it selfe the supremest Court of Judicature especially in those who are Members of it and stand engaged by their Protestations trusts and Places in it to maintaine its honour power and priviledges to the uttermost which many of them now exceedingly vilifie and trample under feete and therefore deserve a severer censure then this statute inflicts even such as the Act of 21. R. 2. c. 6. prescribed to those Nobles unjustly fore judged in that Parliament That their issues males now begotten shall not come to the Parliaments nor to the Councells of the King nor his heires nor be of the Kings Counsell nor of his heires Therefore it is undubitable that the Sherifes Iustices of Peace Majors Constables Leivtenantes Captaines and other Officers in every County through the Realme may by their owne Authority much more by an Ordinance and Act of association of both houses raise all the power of the County all the people by vertue of such commands may lawfully meete together in Armes to suppresse the riots burglaries rapines plunders butcheries spoyling robberies and armed violence of his Majesties Cavaleers and apprehend imprison slay arraigne execute them as common enemies to the kingdomes peace and welfare even by the knowne Common Law and Statutes of the Realme and feise Delinquents notwithstanding any royall Commission or personal commands they may or can produce Fourthly it is most certaine that every Subject by the very Common Law of the Realm yea Law of Nature as he is a member of the State and Church of England is bound both in duty and conscience when there is necessary occasion to Array and Arme himselfe to resist the invasions and assaults of oâ—en enemies of the Realme especially of Forraigners as is cleare by infinite * Presidents cited by the Kings owne Councell and recited by Iudge Crooke in his Argument concerning Ship-money in both the Houses two Remonstrances and Declarations against the Commission of Array and the Answer of the first of them in the Kings name all newly Printed to which I shall referre the Reader for fuller Satisfaction and by the expresse statutes of 1 E. 3. c.
their Buls to dissolve them to keepe themselves in their chaires This is apparent first by the Ancient Treatise Of the manner of holding Parliaments in England which informes us That the first day of the Parliament publike Proclamations ought to be made in the City or Towne where the Parliament is kept That all those who would deliver Petitions or Bils to the Parliament should deliver them in a certaine time That the Parliament should not depart so long as any Petition made thereto hangeth undiscussed or undecided or at the least to which there is not made a determinate answer the Kings Majesty being desirous of his grace and favour to give the Subject redresse of any injury not to suffer his people to goe unsatisfied Hence departing of the Parliament OUGHT TO BE in such manner First IT OUGHT TO BE demanded yea and publickely proclaimed in the Parliament and within the Pallace of the Parliament whether there be any that hath delivered a Petition to the Parliament and hath not received answer thereto If there be none such it is supposed that every one is satisfyed or else answered unto at the least So far forth as by Law it may be And then all may depart Hence it was that in 21 R. 2. c. 16 17 18 19. Divers Petitions not read nor answered in Parliament by reason of shortnesse of time and not determined sitting the Parliament were by special Acts of Parliament referred to divers Lords and Commons to examine answer and plainely determine all matters contained in the said Petitions as they should thinke best by their good advise and discretion even out of Parliament which they heard and determined accordingly and made binding Acts thereupon as appeares by the Statutes themselves This Doctrine was very well knowne to King Iohn Henry the 3. Edward the 2. Richard the 2. Henry the 6. and Edward the 4. the Parliaments which opposed and deposed most of them sitting and continuing sitting both before and after their deposing sore against their wills as the fore-remembred histories manifest else no doubt they would have broken up all these Parliaments at their pleasure and never permitted such Acts and Judgements to passe against themselves Favorites ill Counsellours pretended Prerogatives had they lawfull power to dissolve them summoned in their names or the Parliaments actually determined by their depositions or resignations as we find they did not and none ever yet held they did King Richard the 2. fearing the losse of his Crowne or some restraints by Lawes in the 11. yeare of his Reigne proposed this question among others to his Judges at Nottingham Castle which for ought I finde was never doubted before Whether the King whensoever pleaseth him might dissolve the Parliament and command his Lords and Commons to depart from thence or not Whereunto it was of one minde answered That he may And if any would proceed in the Parliament against the Kings will he is to be punished as a Traytor For which opinion and others some of these Judges and Lawyers as Tresilian and Blake were condemned of high Treason the next Parliament 11 R. 2. drawn upon a Hurdle to Tyburne and there executed as Traytors to the King and Commonwealth others of them who delivered their opinions rather out of feare of death and bodily tortures than malice were yet condemned as Traytors and banished the kingdome onely their lives were spared True it is that the packed and over-awed Parliament of 21 R. 2. terrifyed by the Kings unruly great Guard of Cheshire Archers forementioned 21 R. 2. c. 12. being specially interrogated by the King how they thought of these answers of the Judges said That they thought they gave their answers duely and faithfully as good and lawfull liege people of the King ought to doe But yet the Parliament of 1 H. 4. â— 3 4. repealed this Parliament of 21 R. 2. with all its circumstances and dependents revived the Parliament of 11 R. 2. with the judgements and proceedings given against these trecherous temporising Judges as a thing made for the great honour and common profit of the Realme Besides the Statutes of King Alfred and Edward the 3. which enact that a Parliament shall be holden once every yeare and oftner if need be for redresse of mischiefes and grievances which daily happen strongly intimate that if a Parliament ought in Law to be called as often as neede is of purpose to redresse the Subjects grievances and mischiefes then it ought not in point of Law to be dissolved till these grievances and mischiefes be redressed else the summoning of it would be to no purpose and bring a great trouble and charge to the whole kingdome without any benefit at all Moreover the King by his Oath is bound to doe equall justice and right to all his Subjects in all his Courts of Justice In Magna Charta c. 29. he makes this Protestation We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Iustice or Right and by sundry other Acts all the Kings Iudges are sworne and commanded to doe even Law and execution of right to all his Subjectes rich or poore without having regard to any person and without letting or delaying to doe right for any Letters Writs or Commandements that shall come to them from the King or any others and shall doe nothing by vertue of them but goe forth to doe the Law and hold their Courts and Processes where the Pleas and matters be depending before them notwithstanding as if no such Letters Writs or Commandements were come unto them The makers therefore of these Oathes and Lawes in dayes of Popery and the Parliaments of 2 E. 3. c. 8. 14 E. 3. c. 14. 1 R. 2. c. 2. 11 R. 2. c. 9. which enact That it shall not be commanded by the great seale or little seale to delay or disturbe common right and though such commandments doe come the Iustices shall not therefore leave to doe right in ANY POINT that Iustice and right be indifferently ministred to every of the Kings Subjects did certainely beleeve that the King neither by his great nor privy seale nor by Writ or Letter could without just or lawfull cause assigned prorogue or adjourne the Terme or sitting of any Courts of Justice much lesse prorogue or dissolve his highest Court and grand Councell of the Realme the Parliament or disable them to fit to redresse the kingdomes and Subjects severall grievances or secure the Realm from danger Which if he might lawfully doe at his pleasure without the Houses joynt assents there would necessarily follow not onely a deferring and deniall but likewise a fayler of Justice in the highest Court of Justice which these Acts disable the King who is so farre inferior to the Law that he cannot so much as delay the smallest proceedings of it in any Court or Session by his supreame power by any meanes whatsoever to effect in his meanest Courts much lesse then in the greatest from whence the subversion of Lawes
Liberty Justice and the whole Realme would ensue If any therefore cavill at the Act for continuance of this Parliament till both Houses shall agree to adjourne or dissolve it or at the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments which when they meete shall not be dissolved without their consents for fifty dayes space next after their first meeting Let them now learne that this is no Innovation nor encroachment on the Crowne but an ancient Priviledge of Parliament both claimed practised and resolved in times of Popery in an higher degree then now it is And thus you see how in these particulars the Popish Parliament Prelates Lords and Commons in former times have claimed and exercised farre greater Priviledges and Jurisdictions than this or any other Protestant Parliament hath hitherto claimed or practised which I hope will forever silence the clamourous tongues of all ill Counsellours Courtiers Royalists Malignants Papists and Cavaliers against the present Parliament of whose highest yet moderate proceedings themselves alone have beene the occasions and therefore of all others have least cause to complaine against them BUT to returne againe to the first grand Objection Thirdly I answer that the High Court of Parliament and whole kingdome which it represents may in divers respects be truely and properly said to be the Highest Soveraigne power of all others and above the King himselfe which because it may seeme a dangerous paradox and tends much to the vindication both of the Priviledges Honour and Iurisdictions of our High Court of Parliament now so much undervalued because not really known to most and to the justification of the proceedings in this present Parliament which many out of ignorance and malice so much declaime against both by word and writing in a most licentious manner I shall take a little liberty to demonstrate the truth of it by such convincing reasons and Authorities as no rationall man I hope shall be able to contradict but must necessarily submit to First it is undeniable that the Court of Parliament hath a lawfull power to question all the Kings Patents Charters Commissions Proclamations Grants Warrants Writs and Commitments whatsoever whether they be Legall yea to cancell or repeale them in case they be illegall mischievous or onerous to the Subject not onely without but against the Kings consent and mandate to the contrary as appeares by infinite precedents in this and all foremer Parliaments the scourges of Monopolists Patentees and Projectors the Pests of the Commonwealth The like power have all other Courts of Justice within the kingdome in some degree when such Charters and Writs of the King are brought judicially before them because they are Courts of the Law to which the King and all his Actions are and must be subject Now that which can thus question cancell disanull revoke the Kings owne Royall Charters Writs Commissions Patents c. though ratified with the Great seale and regall power even against his will must certainely be a Soveraigne power and Authority which in point of Law and Justice is superiour to the King This is Bractons resolution l. 2. c. 16. f. 34. a and Fletaesl 1. c. 17. Where they affirme the Law and Parliament to be above the King because they may censure judge and rescinde the Kings Acts Charters legally and judicially even against his personall though not legall Will which is the Law Secondly It is unquestionably true that in all cases of difference betweene the King and all or any of his Subjects though they concerne the Kings Prerogative and the highest branches thereof the Parliament is the supreamest and most proper Judge and its resolution from which there is no appeale to any higher tribunall shall finally binde not onely all the Subjects but the King himselfe notwithstanding his owne personall disassent This is manifest by the many late resolutions given in Parliament against sundry Patents Commissions Writs Charters Impositions Loanes Shipmoney Forest-Bounds Marshall Law Pressing and Billetting Souldiers Imprisonment by speciall Command of the King or his Privy Counsell Tonnage and Poundage Knight-hood and Taxes the Commission of Array and the like which obliege both King and Subject the King in receiving justice in such cases being subject to the Law as well as the meanest of his Subjects as Bracton truely avers against all Royalists mistakes Now that which can thus finally conclude and binde the King himselfe even volens nolens in cases of highest concernment entrenching farthest upon his Prerogative Royall must doubtlesse be the most Soveraigne power Superiour to the Kings And in this sence every Court of Justice whose just resolutions and every petty Jury whose upright verdicts obliege the King because warranted by the Law which is Paramount the King as Bracton Fleta Fortescue King Iames Edward the Confessor yea and Aristotle resolve may be tâ—uely said to be above the Kings person which they binde but not above the Parliament which by its superlative power may examine all judgements and verdicts in other Courts by way of error or appeale and reverse them if there be cause when as the King in person cannot by law examine or reverse them but onely in his Courts of Justice by his Judges Thirdly Parliaments oft times doe and may as they see cause enlarge the Kings Prerogative and Royall power in sundry particulars in which the King had no such jurisdiction before these Acts witnesse the Statute de Praerogativa Regis The notable Parliament Roll of 1. H. 4. num 108. Where the Commons in Parliament grant the King that he shall be in as GREAT ROYALL LIBERTY as his Noble Progenitors were before him having formerly made the like Grant to King Richard the second who perverted it to the altering of the Lawes in many things as appeares by this Roll. 25 H. 8. c. 19 20 21. 26 H. 8. c. 1 3. 31 H. 8. c 9. 34 and 35 H. 8. c. 23. 27 H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 17. 3 4 E. 6. c. 11 12. 1 Eliz. 1 2. with sundry other Acts. Now that Parliamentary power which onely can create and conferre on Kings a greater regall Authority and Prerogrative than they had before must needs be the Originall and supreame Authority for as we rightly argue That the Kings Authority is superiour to all other his greatest Officers and subordinate Ministers of Iustice because their power is by Patent or Commission derived from his So we may from the selfe-same reason conclude that the High Court of Parliaments power the representative Body of the whole kingdome is the most Primitive Soveraigne and greatest Authority of all other yea larger and higher than the Kings because it onely can enlarge the Kings Prerogative all whose originall or additionall Royalties proceeded not from the King himselfe or his Ancestors owne inherent hereditary power for what King could justly without his peoples consents usurpe a Crowne or lawfull Royall Prerogative to himselfe over an whole Countrey but
Conquest tendered to and approved by the Conquerour himselfe newly Printed 1641. which in the Section Touching the Kings absence from Parliament resolves thus The King is BOUND by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let therefrom by bodily sicknesse and then he may keepe his Chamber yet so as he lye not without the Manour or Towne at the least where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two Earles two Barons two Knights of the shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and witnesse his estate and give Authority to the Arch-bishop of the place the Steward of England and chiefe Iustice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name See 8 H. 5. c. 1. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 13. a. 17. b. according herewith expresse mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence there which ought to suffice The reason is because there was wâ—nt to be a cry and murmure in the Parliament for the Kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole commonalty of the Parliament neither indeed OUGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONELY IN THE CASE AFORESAID And whereas Malignants clamour that most of the Lords are absent as well as the King and therefore this can be no lawfull Parliament The same Authour will informe them That if the Lords be once summoned to Parliament and then appeare not or absent themselves the King may hold the Parliament with the Commonalty and Commons of the kingdome every of which hath a greater voyce in Parliament then the greatest Earle in England because he represents a whole County Towne or City the other himselfe alone without Bishops Earles or Barons because in times past before there was either Bishop Earle or Baron yet even then Kings kept their Parliaments but on the contrary no Parliament can be kept by the King and Peeres if all the Commons for the Kings misgovernment or such like cause should absent themselves This is the judgement of Master Iohn Vowel too who writes in this manner Yet neverthelesse if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons and they will not come or if they come they will not yet appeare or if they come and appeare yet will not doe or yeeld to any thing then the Kings with the consent of his Commons may ordaine and establish any acts or Lawes which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents But on the contrary If the Commons be summoned and will not come or comming will not appeare or appearing will not consent to doe any thing illedging some just weighty and great cause the King in these cases cannot with his Lords devise make or establish any Law The reasons are these When Parliaments were first begun and ordained there were no Prelates or Barons of the Parliament and the temporall Lords were very few or none and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament which Authority was never hitherto abridged Againe every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his owne person and speaketh in the behalfe of himselfe alone But in the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented the Commons of the whole Realme and every of these giveth not consent onely for himselfe but for all those also for whom be is sent And the King with the consent of his Commons had ever a sufficient and full authority to make ordaine and establish good and wholesome Lawes for the Commonwealth of his Realme Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned and yet refusing to come sit or consent in Parliament cannot by their folly abridge the King and the Gommons of their lawfull proccedings in Parliament Thus and more Iohn Vowel in his Order and Vsage how to keepe a Parliament Printed Cum Privilegio And Sir Edward Cooke in his Institutes on Magna Charta proves that the Lords and Peeres in many Charters and Acts are included under the name of the Commons and Commonalty of England But we need not retire to this last doubtfull refuge the Honourable faithfull Lords now present though not so many as could be desired are the intire House of Peeres in judgement of Law as those present at the election of Knights of the Shire or Burgesses though the major part be negligently or wilfully absent are the whole Shire or Burrough and the wilfull absence of the residue though the greater number being contrary to Law contrary to the Priviledges of Parliament and their late Protestations tending to the very subversion of Parliaments for which high contempt they and their Posterities too may justly be disabled for ever to sit as members of that House which they have so dishonourably if not treacherously deserted even as well as Knights and Burgesses whose personall attendance is so necessary that if during the Parliament they absent themselves from it about any businesses of their owne without leave of the House or be so sicke or elected Mayors of a Towne or any other judiciall Officers so as they cannot attend the service of the House they may thereupon be lawfully expelled the House and a new Writ expressing the cause of their removall shall issue for a new election of others in their places to make the House compleat as was resolved by the Commons House 38 H. 8. Br. Parliament 7. can no more disable those now present from being a true and lawfull House of Peeres than the multitudes departing from the true Church of God to the faâ—se disprove it to be the true Church of Christ whose true flocke is but little In a word divers Parliaments have beene kept and held and Acts made without Bishops or Abbots heretofore even while they were reputed members of the Lords House and one of the three Estates in Parliament therefore this Parliament which hath taken away Bishops Votes for ever may be lawfully held notwithstanding any Lords or Commons wilfull absence from it in person who yet as long as they are members of the Parliament shall still be adjudged legally present whether they will or no. One puny Judge in the Courts of Westminster may and doth usually give judgement and make binding Orders though the Chiefe Justice and his fellowes be negligently or wilfully absent Much more then may the Lords and Commons now present doe the like in case of the Kings and other Members wilfull absence of purpose to ruine both Parliament and Kingdome against which they are now in armes and have levyed open warre Sixthly it is most apparent both by Scripture the verdict of all Politicians and writers of note the Statutes of our Realmes and Lawyers that kingdomes Subjects and Parliaments were not created by God for the
suis depulsus Ducatu caruit c. sed posteà pacato populo Ducatum recepit Eigebantur enim interdum Provinciarum Duces AB IPSO POPULO In the Roman State the Senate and some times the people alone without their advise had power to appoint Lieutenants and Governours of Provinces whence the Senate commanded those Governours of Provinces whom the Emperour Maximinus had made to be displaced and others to be substituted in their roomes which was accordingly executed yea the Senate had power to dispose of the common Treasure and publike reventue one of the greatest points of Soveraingty And so we read in Scripture Iudges 11. 5. to 12. That when the children of Ammon made warre against Israel the Elders of Gilead went to fetch Iephthah out of the land of Tob. And they said unto Iephthah Come and be our Captaine that we may fight with the Children of Ammon c. Then Iephthah went with the Elders of Gilead and THE PEOPLE MADE HIM HEAD and CAPTAINE OVER THEM the Princes and people even under Kings themselves having the chiefe disposing power of the Militia and denouncing war as is evident by Iosh. 22. 11. to 32. Iudges 20. and 21. throughout 1 Sam. 14. 38. to 46. c. 29. 1. to 11. 2 Sam. 18. 2 3 4. c. 19. 1. to 9. Prov. 20. 18. c. 24. 6. compared together And for a close of all lest any should object that no late direct precedent can bee produced to prove the office of the Lord Admirall and custody of the Seas disposed by Parliament I shall conclude with one punctuall precedent of many In 24. H. 6. prima Pars Pat. ma. 16. The King grants to Iohn Duke of Exeter the OFFICE OF ADMIRALL OF ENGLAND IRELAND and AQUITAIN with this subscription Per breve de privato sigillo AVCTORITATE PARLIAMENTI the former Patent of this office made joyntly to him and his sonne by the King alone in the 14. yeare of his reigne being surrendred in the Parliament of 24. and a new one granted them by its direction and authority Yea most of the Admiralls Patents which anciently were not universall for all England but severall for such and such parts onely and commonly but annuall or triennuall at most as Sir Henry Spelman observes in his Glossary in the word Admirallus where you have an exact Kalender of all the Admiralls names with the dates of their severall Patents and Commissions are DE AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSU CONSILII which is almost as usually taken for the Kings great Counsell the Parliament as for his privy Counsell And if our Kings have constantly disposed of this Office by the advise or assent of their privy Counsell there is more reason and equitie they should doe it by the advise of their great Counsell of which his privy Counsell are but a part and by whom they have frequently beene elected as I shall plentifully manifest in the next objection Now whereas some pretend that the Parliaments seising and detaining of the Kings Castles Ports Ships Armes and Ammunition is High Treason within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. c. 3. and a levying of warre against the King I answer first that the Parliament was never within the meaning nor letter of that or any other Act concerning Treasons as I have formerly proved the rather because the King is a member of it and so should commit Treason against himselfe which were absurd Secondly because both Houses are of greater authority then the King a member of them as they make one Court so cannot commit Treason against the lesse Thirdly the Parliament is a meere Corporation and Court of justice and so not capable of the guilt of Treason A Judge Maior or particular persons of a Corporation may be culpable of high Treason as private men but not a Court of justice or Corporation Fourthly by the very Statutes of 25 E. 3. and of 11 R. 2. c. 3. 21 R. 2. c. 12. 1 H. 4. c. 10. 21. R. 2. c. 3. the Parliament is the sole Judge of all new Treasons not within the very letter of that act and if any other case supposed Treason not there specified happens before any Iustices the Iustice shall tarry without any going to judgement of the Treason till the cause bee shewen and declared before the King and his Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason And if the Parliament be the sole Judge of all Treasons it cannot be guilty of Treason for then it should be both Judge and Delinquent and if so no doubt it would ever acquit it selfe of such a crime as High Treason and never give judgement against it selfe And no Judge or person else can arraigne or judge it or the members of it because it is the highest soveraigne Court over which no other person or Court whatsoever hath any the least jurisdiction So that if it were capable of the guilt of Treason yet it could not be arraigned or judged for it having no superiour or adequate Tribunall to arraigne it Fiftly admit it might be guilty of High Treason in other cases yet it cannot be so in this For having a joynt interest with the King in the premises in the Kingdomes right the sole propriator of them it cannot doubtles be guilty of treachery much lesse of High Treason for taking the custody and possession onely of that which is their owne especially when they both seise and detaine it for its owne proper use the Kingdomes security and defence without any malicious or traytorous intention against King or kingdome Secondly I answer that the seising or detaining of these from the King are no Treason or levying of Warre within this Law as is most evident by the Statutes of 6. Ed. 6. c. 11. which expresly distinguisheth the seising and detaining of the Kings Forts Ammunition Ships from the levying warre against the King in his Realme and by an expresse new clause enacts this seising and detayning to be High Treason from that time because it was no Treason within 25. Ed. 3. before which if it had beene in truth this new clause had beene superfluous which law of King Edward being repealed by primo Mariae Rastal Treason 20. this offence then ceased to be Treason whereupon by a speciall act of Parliament in 14 Eliz. c. 1. it was made High Treason againe which had beene needlesse if it had beene a levying of warre or Treason within 25. Ed. 3. before And that with this proviso this Act to endure during the Queenes Majesties life that now is ONLY and so by this Parliaments resolution it is no Treason since her death within 25 Ed. 3 for then this proviso had beene idle and repugnant too And therefore being now no High Treason in any person cannot without much calumny and injury be reputed Treason in both the Houses of Parliament uncapable of High Treason as the premises demonstrate In briefe he that seised and detained the Forts and Ships
judicature as both King and Kingdome may confide in which will be so far from depressing that it will infinitely advance both the Kings Honour Justice profit and the Kingdomes too Seventhly It is undeniable that the Counsellours Judges and Officers of the Kingdome are as well the Kingdoms Councellours Officers and Iudges as the Kings yea more the Kingdoms than the Kings because the King is but for the Kingdoms service and benefit This is evident by the Statute of 14 E. 3. c. 5. which enacts that as well the Chancellour Treasurer Keeper of the Privie Seale the Iustices of the one Bench and of the other the Chancellour and Barons of the Exchequer as Iustices assigned and all they that doe meddle in the said places under them shall make an Oath well and lawfully to SERVE the King and HIS PEOPLE in THEIR OFFICES which Oath was afterward enlarged by 15 E. 3. c. 3. 18 E. 3. Stat. 3. 20 E. 3. c. 1 2 3. 1 Rich. 2. c. 2. swearing and injoyning them To doe even Law and execution of right to all the Subjects rich and poore without having respect to any person c. And if any of them doe or come against any point of the great Charter or other Statutes or the Lawes of the Land by the Statute of 15 E. 3 c. 3. he shall answer to the Parliament as well at the Kings suite as at the suite of the party Seeing then they are as well the Kingdomes Councellours Officers Iudges as the Kings and accountable responsible for their misdemeanours in their places as well to the Parliament and Kingdom as to the King great reason is there that the Parliament Kingdome especially when they see just cause should have a voice in their elections as well as the King The rather because when our Kings have been negligent in punishing evill Councellours Officers Iudges our Parliaments out of their care of the publike good have in most Kings reignes both justly questioned arraigned displaced and sometimes adjudged to death the Kings greatest Counsellours Officers and Iudges for their misdemeanours witnesse the displacing and banishing of William Longcham Bishop of Ely Lord Chauncellour chiefe Iustice and Regent of the Realme in Richard the 1. his Reigne Of Sir Thomas Wayland chiefe Iustice of the Common pleas attainted of Felony and banished for bribery by the Parliament 18 Ed. 1. the severall banishments of Piers Gaveston and the â— Spensers the Kings greatest favourites Officers Counsellors for seducing miscounselling King Edward the second oppressing the Subjects and wasting the Kings revenues the removall and condemnation of Sir William Thorpe Chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench for Bribery 25. E. 3. The fining and displacing of Michael de 〈◊〉 Pole Lord Chauncellour Alexander Nevell and divers other great Officers and Privie Counsellours with the condemning executing and banishing of Tresilian 〈◊〉 and other Judges in 10 11 Rich 2. by Parliament for ill Councell and giving their opinions at Nottingham against Law Of Empson Dudley and that grand Cardinall Wolsey Lord Chancellour and the Kings chiefest Favourite and Counsellour in Henry the eight his Reigne Of the Duke of Sommerset Lord Protector and his Brother Lord Admirall for supposed Treasons in Edward the 6 th his Reigne Of Sir Francis Bacon Lord Keeper and Cranfield Lord Treasurer in King Iames his latter dayes with infinite other presidents of former and latter ages and one more remarkable then all the rest In the Yeare 1371. the 45. of King Edward the third his Reigne and somewhat before the Prelates and Clergy-men had ingrossed most of the Temporall Offices into their hands Simon Langham Arch-bishop of Canterbury being Lord Chancellour of England Iohn Bishop of Bath Lord Treasurer William Wickam Archdeacon of Lincolne Keeper of the Privie Seale David Wolley Master of the Rolles Iohn Troy Treasurer of Ireland Robert Caldwell Clerke of the Kings Houshold William Bugbrig generall Receiver of the Dutchy of Lancaster William Ashby Chancellour of the Exchequer Iohn Newneham and William de Mulso Chamberlaines of the Exchequer and keepers of the Kings Treasury and Iewels Iohn Roxceby Clerke and Comptroller of the Kings works and Buildings Roger Barnburgh and 7 Priests more Clerkes of the Kings Chancery Richard Chesterfield the Kings under-Treasurer Thomas Brantingham Treasurer of Guives Merke and Calis All these Clergie-men who abounded with pluralities of rich Spirituall Livings though they Monopolized all these temporall Offices in the Parliament of 45 Edward the 3d. by a Petition and complaint of the Lords were displaced at once from these Offices no wayes suitable with their functions and Lay-men substituted in their places And a like president I find about 3 Hen. 3d. where the Clergy Lord Chancellour Treasurer with other Officers were removed upon a Petition against them and their Offices committed to Temporall-men whom they better beseemed If then the Parliament in all Ages hath thus displaced and Censured the greatest Councellours State-Officers Iudges for their misdemeanours ill Counsell insufficiency and unfitnesse for these places contrary to that twice condemned false opinion of the over-awed Iudges at Nottingham in 11 R 2. That the Lords and Commons might not without the Kings will impeach the Kings Officers and Iustices upon their Offences in Parliament and he that did contrary was to be punished as a Traitour and that upon this very ground that they are the Kingdoms Counsellours Officers and Iustices as well as the Kings and so responsible to the Parliament and Kingdome for their faults I see no cause why they may not by like reason and authority nominate and place better Officers Counsellours Iudges in their steeds or recommend such to the King when and where they see just cause Eightly Iohn Bodin a grand Polititian truely determines and proves at large That it is not the right of election of great Officers which declareth the right of Soveraignty because this oft is and may be in the Subjects but the Princes approbation and confirmation of them when they are chosen without which they have no power at all It can then be no usurpation at all in the Parliament upon the Kings Prerogative to nominate or elect his Councellours great Officers and Iudges or recommend meet persons to him which is all they require so long as they leave him a Power to approve and ratifie them by Writs or speciall Patents in case he cannot justly except against them Of which power they never attempted to divest his Majesty though he be no absolute but only a politick King as Fortescue demonstrates Ninthly It hath beene and yet is usuall in most Forraigne Kingdomes for the Senate and people to elect their publike Offiâ—ers and Magistrates without any diminution to their Kings Prerogative In the Roman State the people and Senate not only constantly elected their Kings and Emperours but all their other grand publike Officers and Magistrates as Consuls Tribunes Dictators Senators Decemviri and the like
they were exceedingly moved with indignation Yet no man durst speake openly of the matter by reason of the malice of those about the king and the irrationall youth of the king himselfe and so the benefits of the king and kingdome were trodden under foote by the countenance of the kings indiscretion and the malice of those inhabiting with him In the ninth yeare of king Richâ—rd the second Michael dâ— la Pâ—le Earle of Suffolke for grosse abuses bribery and Treason was put from his Chauncellourship fined 20000. markes to the king and condemned to dye Haec autem omnâ—a quanquam summe regi placuisse dâ—buerant maximè displicebant adeò fidebâ—t infideli adeo coiuit nebulonem Insomuch that the King and his familiars plotted to murther the Knights of the Parliament who most opposed the subsidie he demaunded and the said Michael together with the Duke of Glocester at a supper in London to which they should be invited thinking by this meanes to obtaine their wills But the Duke and they having timely notice thereof and Richard Exton then Major of Londoâ— freely telling the king when he was called to assent to this villany that he would never give his consent to the death of such innocents though Sir Nicholas Bramber Major thâ— yeare before had thereto assented this wickednesse was pâ—evâ—nted and being made publicke to all the inhabitants in the City and parts adjoyning from thenceforth the hatred of such counsellors and love of the Duke and foresâ—yd knights encreased among all men And the Duke and Knights with greater constancie and courage opposed De la Pole and after many delayes the king full â—ore against his will WAS COMPELLED to give a commission of Oyeâ— terminer to the Duke of Glocestâ—r and â—iâ—hard Earle of Arundell to heare and determine the businesses and complaints against De la Pole and all others which the Knights of the Parliament had accused who gave judgement of death against them and Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely was mâ—de Chauncellour by the Parliament in De la Poles place and the Bishop of Durham removed from his Lord Treasurership with which he was much enamoted taking much pâ—ines and being at great cost to procure it and 〈◊〉 Gilbert Bishop of Herefoâ—d qui plus liâ— gua quam fide vigebat was suâ—rogaâ—ed in 〈…〉 But this Parliament ending the king immediately received De la Pole whom Walsingham stiles Pâ—rfidiae promptuarium sentiâ—a avaritiae aurâ—ga proditionis archa malitiae odii seminator mendacii fabric tor susurro nequissâ—mus dolo pâ—aestantiss mus artificiosus detractor patâ—iae delâ—toâ— consiliarius nequam meritò perfi us euomens spiritum in terra pâ—regrina together with the Duke of Ireland and Alexander Nâ—vell Archbishop of Yorke into his Court and favour who laboured night and day to incense the King against the Lords and to annull the Acts of this Parliament by which meanes the Kings hatred towards his Nobles and naturall faithfull people increased every day more and more these ill Councellors whispering unto him that he should not be a king in effect but onâ—ly in shâ—dow and that he should enjoy nothing of his owne if the Lords shouâ—d keepe tâ—eir received power The King therefore beleeving them from thenceforth suspected all the Nobles and suffered these ill Councellors and their confederates to wâ—st his revenues and oppressâ— his people Whereupon the next yeare following a Parliament being summoned the Lords and Commons by reason of great and horrible mischeifes and perils which had hapned to the King and the Realme aforetime by reason of evill Councellors and governance about the Kings person by the foresaid Archbishop of Yorke Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland De la Pole Robert Trisilâ—an Lord Chiefe Iustice of England Sir Nicholas Brambre and other their adherents who wasted demished and destroyed the goods treasure and substance of the Crowne oppresâ—sed the people dayly with importable charges neglecting the execution of the good Lawes and Customes of the Realme so that no full right nor justice was done c. whereby the king and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholy undone and destroyed for these causes and the eschewing of such like perills and mischeiefes to the King and Realme for time to come displaced and removed these ill Councellors and at their request a new Chauncellor Treasurer and Privie seale were ordained in Parliament even such as were held good sufficient and lawfull to the honour and profit of the King and his Reaâ—me And by advise and assent oâ— the Lords and Commons in Parliament in ayde of good governance of the Realme for the due executi us of good Lawes and the reliefe of the Kings and his peoples â—tates in time to come a speciall Câ—mmission under the great Seale of England confirmâ—d by the Statute of 10. R. 2. c. 1. was granted to both Archbishops the Dukes of Yorke and Glocester the Kings Vnclâ—s thâ— Bishops of Worcester and Exetor the Abbot of Waltham the Earle of Arundle the Lord Cobham and others to be of the Kings GREAT CONTINVALL COVNSELL for one yeare then next following to survey and examine with his sayd Chauncellor Treasurâ—r and Keeper â—f the Privie â—â—ale as well the estate and government of his house as of all his Courts and places as of all his Realme and of all his Officers and Ministers of whatsoever estate as well within the house as without to inquire and take information of all rents revenues profits due to him in any manâ—er within the Realme or without and of all manner of gifts granâ—s alienaâ—ions or confirmations made by him of any Land Tenements Rents Anuities Profiâ—s Revenues Wards Marriages and infinite other particulars specified in the Act and of all kinde of oppressions offenses and dammages whatsoevâ—r donâ— to tâ—e King or his people and them finally to heare and determine And that no man should councell the king to repeale this Commission though it tooke no effect under paine of forfaiting all his goods and imprisonment during the kings pleasure No sooner was this Parliament dissolved but this unhappie seduced King by the instigation and advise of his former ill Councellors endeavours to nullifie this Commission as derogatory to his royall power and sending for his Iudges and Councell at Law to Notâ—ingham Castle caused them to subâ—cribe to sundry Articles tending to the Totall subversion of Parliaments causing the Duke of Glocâ—ster and other Lords who procured this Commission to be indighted of high Treason to which Inditements the Iudges being over-awed with feare set their hands and seales for which illegall proceedings destructive to Parliaments by 11. R. 2. c. 1 to 7. these ill pernicious Councellours and Iudges were attainted and condemned of High Treason put from their Offices their Lands confiscated many of them executed the residue banished and above 20. other Knights Gentlemen and Clergie men who mis-councelled the King imprisoned condemned and banished the Court as
and Silver Money he pleased Nobili aâ—dâ—â—tiam personas ignobiles Senescallos Iudices Capitaâ—cos Consules 〈…〉 Procâ—ratores Recepâ—ores quoscunque Officiarios alios creandi 〈…〉 ponendi in singulis locis Ducatus praedicti quandâ— opus erit inflitutos 〈…〉 Officiarios autedictos amovendi loco amotorum alios subrogandi c. Heere ◠〈…〉 the Title hoâ—â—ur of a Duke and Dukedome in France given by the 〈◊〉 of England as King of France by assent and authority of a Parliament in 〈…〉 Captaines and all other Officers within that Dukedome In the Parliament Rolls of 1. H. 4. num 106. The Commons Petitioned the King that for the safety of himselfe as likewise for the safety of all his Realmâ— and of his Lieges BY ADVISE OF HIS SAGE COVNSELL hâ—e would ordaine SVRE or trusty and SVFFICIENT CAPTAINES and GARDIANS OF HIS CASTLES and FORTRESSES as well in Englaâ—d as in Wales to prevent all perills The very Petition in effect that this Parliament tendered to his Majestie touching the Militia To which the King readily gave this answer Le Roy le voet The King wills it In the same Rol. Num. 97. The Commons likewise petitioned That the Lords Spirituall and Temporall shall not be received in time to come for to excuse them to say That they durst not to doe nor speake the Law nor what they thought for DOVBT of death or that they are not free of themselves because they are more bound under PAINE OF TREASON to keepe their Oath then to feare death or any foâ—feiture To which the King gave this answer The King holds all his Lords and Iustices for good sufficient and loyall and that they will not give him other Counsell or Advise but such as shall be Honest Iust and Profitable for him and the Realme And if any will complaine of them in speciall for the time to come of the contrary the King will reforme and amend it Whereupon we finde they did afterwards complaine accordingly and got new Privie Counsellors chosen and approved in Parliament in the 11 th Yeare of this Kings Raigne as we shall see anone And in the same Parliament Num. 108. I finde this memorable Record to prove the King inferiour to and not above his Laws to alter or infringe them Item Whereas at the request of Richard laâ—e King of England in a Parliament held at Winchester the Commons of the said Parliamâ—nt granted to him that he should be in as good libertie as his Progenitors before him were by which grant the said King woulâ— say that he might turne or change the Lawes at his pleasure and caused them to be changed AGAINST HIS OATH as is openly known in divers cases And now in this present Parliament the Commons thereof of their good assent and free will confidâ—ng in the Nobility high discretion and gracious government of the King our Lord have granted to him That they will He should be in as great Royall Liberty as his noble Progenitors were before him Whereupon our said Lord of his Royall grace AND TENDER CONSCIENCE hath granted in full Parliament That it is not at all his intent nor will to change the Lawes Statutes nor good usagâ—s nor to to take other advantage by the said graunt but for to keepe the Ancient Lawes and Statutes ordained and used in the time of his Noble Progenitors AND TO DOE RIGHT TO ALL PEOPLE IN MERCY AND TRVTH ACCORDING TO HIS OATH which he thus ratified with his Royall assent Le Roy le voet By which Record it is evident First that the Kings Royall Authority and Prerogative is derived to him and may be enlarged or abridged by the Commons and Houses of Parliament as they see just cause Secondly that King Richard the second and Henry the fourth tooke and received the free use and Libertie of their Prerogatives from the grant of the Commons in Parliament and that they were very subject to abuse this free grant of their Subjects to their oppression and prejudice Thirdly That the King by his Prerogative when it is most free by his Subjects grant in Parliament hath yet no right nor power by vertue thereof to change or alter any Law or Statute or to doe any thing at all against Law or the Subjects Rights and Priviledges enjoyed in the Raignâ—â— of ancient Kings Therefore no power at all to deprive the Parliament it selfe of this their ancient undubitable oft-enjoyed Right and Priviledge to elect Lord Chancellors Treasurers Privie Seales Chiefe Iustices Privie Counsellors Lord Lieutenants of Counties Captaines of Castles and Fortresses Sheriffes and other publike Officers when they see just cause to make use of this their right and interest for their owne and the Kingdomes safety as now they doe and have as much reason to doe as any their Predecessors had in any age When they behold so many Papists Malignants up in Armes both in England and Ireland to ruine Parliaments Religion Lawes Liberties and make both them and their Posterities meere slaves and vassalls to Forraigne and Domesticke Enemies In the 11. yeare of King Henry the 4 th Rot. Parl. numâ— 14. Art c. 1. The Commons in Parliament petitioned this King First That it would please the King to ordaine and assigne in this Parliament the most valiant sage and discretest Lords Spirituall and Temporall of His Realme TO BE OF HIS COVNSELL in aide and supportation of the Good and substantiall Government and for the weale of the King and of the Realme and the said Lords of the Counsell and the Iustices of the King should be openly sworne in that present Parliament to acquit themselves well and loyally in their counsels and actions for the weale of the King and of the Realme in all points without doing favour to any maner of person for affection or affinity And that it would please our Lord the King in presence of all the Estates in Parliament to command the said Lords and Iustices upon the Faith and Allegiance they owe unto him to doe full Iustice and equall right to every one without delay as well as they may without or notwithstanding any command or charge of any person to the contrary To which the King gave this answer Le Roy le Voet After which the second day of May the Commons came before the King and Lords in Parliament and there prayed to have connusance of the names of the Lords which shall be of the Kings continuall Counsell to execute the good Constitutions and Ordinances made that Parliament To which the King answered that some of the Lords he had chosen and nominated to be of his said Counsell had excused themselves for divers reasonable causes for which he held them well excused and as to the other Lords whom hee had ordained to be of his said Counsell Their Names were these Mounsier the Prince the Bishop of Wâ—nchester the Bishop of Duresme the Bishop of Bath the Earle of Arundâ—â— the Earle of Westmerland and
who would thus willingly ruine his Principality as of free to make it tributary of his owne to make it anothers of happy to make it miserable and to submit himself to anothers pleasure as one conquered without a wound But I have heard and read of many who with effusion and losse of much blood which was laudable have procured liberty to themselves modo autem auâ—io quod Dominus vester miser deses imbellis qui nullo null or est de libero servus fieri desiderat qui omnium mortalium miserrimus est After which he said That the King was unworthy of his Confederacie and looking on the two Knights with a sterne countenance he comâ—anded them to depart instantly out of his presence and to see his face no more whereupon they departing with shame hee charged Robert the Clerke to informe him truely what manner of person King Iohn was who replied That he was rather a Tyrant then a King rather a Subverter then a Governour a Subverter of his owne Subjects and a Fosterer of Strangers a Lyon to his owne Subjects a Lambe to Aliens and Rebels who by his sloathfulnesse had lost the Dutchy of Normandy and many other Lands and moreover thirsted to lose and destroy the Kingdome of England An unsatiable Extortioner of money an invader and destroyer of the possessions of his naturall people c. When Miramumalin heard this he not onely despised as at first but detested aâ—d accursed him and said Wâ—y doe the miserable English permit such a one to raigne and domineer over them Truely they are effeminate and slavish To which Robert answered the English are the most patient of all men untiâ—l they are offended and damnified beyond measure But now they are angry like a Lion or Elephant when he perceives himselfe hurt or bloody and though late they purpose and endeavour to shake the yoake of the Oppressor from their necks which lie under it Wâ—ereupon he reprehended the overmuch patieâ—ce anâ— fearefulnesse of the English and dismissed these Messengers who returning and relating his Answer to King Iohn he was exceeding sorrowfull and in much bitternesse of Spirit that he was thus contemned and disapointed of his purposâ— Yet persisting in his pre-conceived wicked designe to ruine his Kingdome and people and hating all the Nobility and Gentry of England with a viperous Venom he sets upon another course and knowing Pope Iuno cent to be the most ambitious proud and covetous of all men who by gifts and prâ—mises would be wrought upon to act any wickednesse Thereupon he hastily dispatcheth messengers to him with great summes of Money and a re-assurance of his tributary Subjection which shortly after he confirmed by a new Oath and Charter to procure him to Excommunicate the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Barons whom he had formerly favoured which things he greedily desired that he might wrecke his malice on them by Disâ— inheriting Imprisoning and Spoiling them being Excommunicated Which things when he had wickedly plotted he more wickedly executed afterwards In the meane time the Barons foreseeing that nothing was to be obtained but by strong hand assemble an Army at Stamford wherein were said to be two thousand Knights besides Esquires and marched from thence towards Oxford where the King expected their comming to answer their demands And being come to Brackâ—ey with their Army the King sends the Earle of Pembroke Mariscall and the Archbishop of Canterbury with others to demand of them what were those Lawes and Liberties they required to whom they shewed a Schedule of them which the Commissioners delivered to the King who having heard them read in great indignation asked Why the Barons did not likewise demand the Kingdome and swore he would never graâ—t those Articles whereby himselfe should be made a Servant So harsh a thing is it to a power that is once gotten out into the wide libertie of his will to heare againe of any reducing within his Circle Vpon this answer the Barons resolve to seize the Kings Castles constitute Robert Fitz-walter their Generall entituling him Mariscall of the ARMY of GOD aâ—d of HOLY CHVRCH A Title they would never have given their Generall or Army had they deemed this Warre unlawfull in Law or Conscience After which they tooke divers of the Kings Castles and are admitted into London where their number daily increasing they make this Protestation Never to give over the prosecution of their desire till they had constrained the King whom they held perjured to grant them their Rights Which questionlesse they would not have done had they not beleeved this Warre to be just and lawfull King Iohn seeing himselfe in a manner generally forsaken of all his people and Nobles having scarce 7. Knights faithfull to him another strong argument that the people and Kingdome generally apprehended this taking up armes against the King to regaine to preserve their hereditary Rights and Liberties to be lawfull counterfeits the Seales of the Bishops and writes in their Names to all Nations That the English were all Apostaâ—es and whosoever would come to invade them hee by the Popes consent would conferre upon them all their Lands and Possossioâ—s But this device working no effect in regard they gave no credit to it and found it apparantly false the King seeing himselfe deserted of all and that those of the Barons part were innumerable cum tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta quasi sub numero non cadebat writes Mathew Paris another argument of the justice of this cause and warre in their beliefes and consciences at last condescended to grant and confirme their Liberties which he did at Running-Meade in such sort as I have formerly related And though the Pope afterwards for his owne private ends and interest bribed by King Iohn who resigned his Kingdome to him and became his Vassall without his peoples consent which resignation was judged voide excommunicated the Barons withall their assistance Qui Iohaâ—nem illustrâ—m Regâ—m Anglorum Cruce signatum ET VASALLVM ROMANAE ECCLESIAE an honourable Title indeed for a King pers quuntur molientes ei Regâ—um auferre which this Pope him selfe did but few yeares before giving his Crown and Kingdome it selfe to King Phillip of France which to save he sordidly resigned up to the Pope quod ad Ronanam Ecclesiam dignosciâ—ur pertinere Yet this Excommunication thus procured by bribery proceeding not out of Conscience to preserve the Kings due Rights but selfe-respects to support the Popes usurped interest and Title to the Realme and being a wicked plot of the King more wickedly exâ—cuted by the Pope who as Matthew Paris writes was AD OMNIA SCELERA pro praemijs datis vâ—l promissis cereus proclivis and the Londonâ—rs Barons with divers Prelates then contemning it as pronounced upon false suggestions and especially for this cause that the ordering of temporall affaires belonged not to the Pope Cum Petro Apostolo ejus Successoribus non nisi Ecclesiasticarum
in the Kings name spake thus to them My Lords our Lord the King hearing that you were lately assembled at Harenggye Parke in an unusuall manner would not rush upon you as he mâ—ght have easily done had he not had care of you and those who were with you because no man can doubt if he had raised an Army he would have had many more men than you and perchance much â— lood of men had beene spilt which the King doth most of all abhorre and therefore assuming to himselfe patience and mildnesse he hath made choyce to convent you peaceably and to tell him the reason why you have assâ—mbled so many men To which the Lords answered That THEY HAD MET TOGETHER FOR THE GOOD OF THE KING AND KINGDOME AND THAT THEY MIGHT PVLL AWAY THOSE TRAITORS FROM HIM WHICH HE CONTINVALLY DET AINED WITH HIM Tâ—e Traytors they appealed were the foresaid ill Councellors and Nicholas Brambre the false London Knight and to prove this appeale of them true casting down their gloves they said they would prosecute it by Duell The King answered This shall not be done now but in the next Parliament which we appoint to be the morrow after the Purification of the blessed Virgin to which as well you as they comming shall receive satisfaction in all things according to Law The Lords for their owne safety kept together till the Parliament and in the meane time dâ—feated the Forces of the Duke of Ireland raised privately by the Kings Command to surprise them The Parliament comming on in the 11. yeare of Richard the second these ill councellors were therein by speciall Acts attainted condemned of High Treason and some of them executed and these defensive Armes of the Lords for their owne and the Kingdomes safety adjudged and declared to be no Treason but a thing done to the honour of God and Salvation of the King and his Realme witnesse the expresse words of the Printed Act of 11 R. 2. c. 1. which I shall transcribe Our Soveraigne Lord the King amongst other Petitions and requests to him made by the Commons of his said Realme in the said Parliament hath received one Petition in the forme following The Commons prayed that whereas the last Parliament for cause of the great and horrible mischiefes and perills which another time were fallen BY EVILL GOVERNANCE WHICH WAS ABOVT THE KINGS PERSON by all his time before by Alexander late Archbishop of Yorke Robert de Veere late Duke of Ireland Michael de la Pole late Earle of Suffolk Rober Trisilian late Iustice and Nicholas Brambre Knight with other their adherents and others Whereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed and for this cause and to eschew such perils and mischiefes for the time to come a certaine statute was made in the same Parliament with a Commission to diverse Lords for the weale honour and safeguard of the King his regalty and of all the Realme the tenour of which Commission hereafter followeth Richard c. as in the Act. And thereupon the said Alexander Robert Mighill Robert and Nicholas and their said adherents seeing that their said evill governance should be perceived and they by the same cause more likely to be punished by good justice to be done and also their evill deedes and purposes before used to be disturbed by the sayd Lords assigned by commission as afore made conspired purposed divers horrible Treasons and evils against the King and the said Lords so assigned and against all the other Lords and Commons which were assenting to the making of the said Ordinance and Commission in destruction of the king his Regalty and all his Realme Whereupon Thomas Duke of Glocester the kings Vncle Richard Earle of Arundle and Thomas Earle of Warwicke perceiving the evill purpose of the sayd Traytors did assemble themselves in forcible manner for the safety of their persons to shew and declare the said Treasons and evill purposes and thereof to set remedie as God would and came to the Kings presence affirming against the said 5. Traytors appealed of High Treason by them done to the King and to his Realme upon which appeale the king our Soveraigne Lord adjourned the said parties till this present Parliament and did take them into his safe protection as in the record made upon the same appeale fully appeareth And afterwards in greâ—t Rebellion and against the said protection the said Traytors with their said adherents and others aforesaid continuing their evill purpose some of them assembled a great power by letters and Commission from the King himselfe as Walsingham and others write to have destroyed the said Duke and Earles appellants and other the kings lawfull leige people and to accomplish their Treasons and evill purposes aforesaid Whereupon the said Duke of Glocester Henry Earle of Darby the sayd Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and Thomas Earle Marshall Seeing the open Destruction of the King and all his Realme if the said evill purposed Traitors and their adherents were not disturbed which might not otherwise have beene done but with strong hand for the weale and safeguard of the King our Soveraigne Lord and of all his Realme did assemble them forcibly and rode and pursued till they had disturbed the said power gathered by the said Traytors and their adherents aforesaid which five Traytors be attainted this present Parliament of the Treasons and evills aforesaid at the suite and appeale of the said Duke of Glocester Earles of Darby Arundle Warwicke and Marshall That it would please our redoubled Soveraigne Lord the King to accept approve and affirme in this present Parliament all that was done in the last as afore and as much as hath beene done since the last Parliament by force of the statute Ordinance or Commission aforesaid and also All that the said Duke of Glocâ—ster Earles of Arunâ—ell and Warwicke did and that the same Duke and Earles and the said Earles of Derby and Marshall or any of them did Or any other of their company or of their ayde or of their adherents or of any of them or touching the Assemblies Ridings Appeales and Pursuites aforesaid â— As a thing made to the Honour of God Salvation of the King maintenance of his Crowne and also of the Salvation of all his Realme therefore doubtlesse no Treason Rebellion nor any offence in point of Law and also to Or 〈◊〉 and Stâ—blâ—sh that ' the said Duke of Glâ—câ—ster Earles of Darby Arundell Wâ—rwicke and Marshall nor none of them nor none of such as have beene of their returne or company force ayde or councell or any of them in the things aforesaid nor none other person for any thing aforesaid shall be impeached molested or grieved at the suite of the king nor of the party nor in other manner because of any assembly riding beating levying of Penons or of Banners discomfiture death of a man imprisonment of any person taking leading away or detinue of any horses
these Lords and their companions thus taking up Armes from any the least guilt of Treason and rebellion against the King because they did it onely for the advancement of the publike weale the setting the Realme in a better condition the removing ill Counsellors and publike oppressors of the Realme from about the King and to rescue his person out of their hands then questionlesse by their resolutions our present Parliaments taking up defensive armes upon the selfe-same grounds and other important causes and that by consent of both Houses which they wanted can be reputed no high Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law and no just no rationall Iudge or Lawyer can justly averre the contrary against so many forecited resolutions in Parliament even in printed Acts. The Earle of Richmund afterward King Henry the seventh taking up armes against Richard the third a lawfull King de facto being crowned by Parliament but an Vsurper and bloody Tyrant in Verity to recover his Inheritance and Title to the Crowne and ease the Kingdome of this unnaturall blood-thirsty Oppressor before his fight at Boswell Field used this Oration to his Souldiers pertinent to our purpose If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just quarrell or if he ever aided such as made warre for the wealth and tuition of their owne naturall and nutritive Countrey or if he ever succoured them which adventured their lives for the reliefe of Innocents suppression of malefactors and apparent Offenders No doubt my Fellowes and Friends but he of his bountifull goodnesse will this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky revenge over our proud Enemies and arrogant adversaries for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel you shall apparently perceive the same to be true godly and vertuous In the which I doubt not but God will rather ayde us yea and fight for us then see us vanquished and profligate by such as neither feare him nor his Lawes nor yet regard Iustice and honesty Our cause is so just that no enterprise can be of more vertue both by the Laws Divine and Civill c. If this cause be not just and this quarrell godly let God the giver of victory judge and determine c. Let us therefore fight like invincible Gyants and set on our enemies like untimorous Tygers and banish all feare like ramping Lyons March forth like strong and robustious Champions and begin the battaile like hardy Conquerors the Battell is at hand and the Victory approacheth and if wee shamefully recule or cowardly fly we and all our sequele be destroyed and dishonoured for ever This is the day of gaine and this is the time of losse get this dayes victory and be Conquerours and lose this dayes battell and bee villaines And therefore in the name of God and Saint George let every man couragiously advance his standard They did so flew the Tyrannicall Vsurper wonne the Field And in the first Parliament of his Raigne there was this Act of indemnity passed That all and singular persons comming with him from beyond the Seas into the Realâ—e of England taking his party and quarrell in recovering his just Title and Right to the Realme of England shall be utterly discharged quit and unpunishable for ever by way of action or otherwise of or for any murther slaying of men or of taking and disporting of goods or any other trespasses done by them or any of them to any person or persons of this his Realme against his most Royall Person his Banner displayed in the said field and in the day of the said field c. Which battell though it were just and no Treason nor Rebellion in point of Law in those that assiâ—ted King Henry the 7 th against this Vsurper yet because the killing of men and seising their goods in the time of Warre is against the very fundamâ—ntall Lawes of the Realme they needed an Act of Parliament to discharge them from suits and prosecutions at the Law for the same the true reason of all the forecited Acts of this nature which make no mention of pardoning any Rebellions or Treasons against the King for they deemed their forementioned taking up of Armes no such offences but onely discharge the Subjects from all suites actions and prosecutions at Law for any killing or slaying of men batteries imprisonments robberies and trespasses in seising of Persons Goods Chartels What our Princes and State have thought of the lawfulâ—esse of necessary Defensive Warres of Subjects against their oppressing Kings and Princes appeares by those aides and succours which our Kings in former ages have sent to the French Flemmings Almaines and others when their Kings and Princes have injuriously made Warres upon them and more especially by the publike ayde and assistance which our Queene Elizabeth and King Iames by the publike advise and consent of the Realme gave to the Protestants in France Germany Bohemia and the Netherlands against the King of France the Emperour and King of Spaine who oppressed and made Warre upon them to deprive them of their just Liberties and Religion of which more hereafter Certainely had their Defensive Warres against their Soveraigne Princes to preserve their Religion Liberties Priviledges beene deemed Treason Rebellion in point of Law Queene Elizabeth King Iames and our English State would never have so much dishonoured themselves nor given so ill an example to the world to Patronize Rebells or Traitours or enter into any solemne Leagues and Covenants with them as then they did which have been frequently renued and continued to this present And to descend to our present times our King Charles himself hath not onely in shew at least openly aided the French Protestants at Ree and Rochel against their King who warred on them the Germane Princes against the Emperour the Hollanders and Prince of Oâ—aâ—ge to whose Sonne hee hath married his elstest Daughter against the Spaniard and entred into a solemne League with them which hee could not have done in point of Law Iustice Honour Conscience had they beene Rebells or Traytors for standing on their guards and making defensive Warres onely for their owne and their Religions preservation but likewise by two severall publike Acts of Parliament the one in England the other in Scotland declaring the Scots late â—aking up Armes against him and his evill Counsellors in defence of their Religion Lawâ—s Priviledges to be no Treason nor Rebellion and them to bee his true and loyall Subjects notwithstanding all aspertions cast upon them by the Prelaticall and Popish Party because they had no ill or disloyall intention at all against his Majesties Person Crowne and Dignity but onely a care of their owne preservation and the redresse of thâ—se Enormities Pressures grievances in Church and State which threatnâ—d desolation unto both If then their seizing of the Kings Fortes Ammunition Revenues and raising an Army for the foresaid ends hath by his Majesty himselfe and his two Parliaments
for me that this cause of honesty alone perchâ—â—ce hath never mâ—ved any man to that honest defence Guicciardines mouth sayd truely no Prince will make warre for Peâ—ant unlesse perswaded wâ—â—h desire of his owne gaine yet that is ignominous to Princes and saâ—ours not of justice but I had rather concurre with Leo the Philosopher We know very few to keepe true love for its sake alone to be stirred up to succour those that are intangled in misery but on the contrary side that the number is very great of those that for hope of getting any thing come to helpe the unworthy which is a more mild saying and I thinke more true But I seeke another thing it is compleate justice which defends the weake so Ambrose and the Canon Law and I seeke for that Iustice. The Romans also joynâ—d this cause with others by which they were moved often times to make warre the defence of the Lucans saith Dionysius was the manifest cause of the Samnitic all warre which might have a shew of honesty as common and a Nationall custome of the Romans to ayde those that fled unto them but the secret cause which did more urge was the power of the Samnites was great and greater would it have beene if the Lucans had beene subdued so the reason of profit lyes hid and therefore seemes not so good as it is honest and yet we call profitable also good and just and the one is made just by the other therefore what if they be deare unto us whom we should defend Vlpianus saith that for love and friendship for no other reason defence ought not to be omitted The defence of those that ought to be deare unto us is from nature witnesse M. Tullius What if our allies and confederates He that keepes not of an injurie from his fellow when he can is as well in fault as he that doth it Amâ—rose and even we our selves are hurt when our fellowes are hurt as in Livie Iohn Bodin judgeth amisse that an ally and a confederate is not bound to helpe his fellow if there be no caution of helpe in the league and the contrary is now shewed by us and also shall be shewed in the third booke What if they be of the same stocke and blood Agesilaus made warre against the Persians that he might bring the Greekes of Asia into liberty And the pettie Kings of Germanie by an old custome of the Nation thinke it an haynous offence not to be assistant to those that implore mutuall helpe although there is there besides a certaine body of a Common-wealth as it is reported long since that there was of the Achai What if of the same Religion Nations are joyned together by the tye of Religion more than either by the communion of another law or contract of a league and therefore if we implore nature by communion the law of Nations by covenant the Common-wealth by lawes by common Religion the most powerfull thing of all we implore the bowels of men and of the holy One who is the head of that communion So there was warre with the Persians because their fugitives were not delivered them and they were not delivered by the Romans who would not dispise the humble professors with them of the same religion who fled from the Persian cruelty Thus Iustinus answered the Persian that he could not but receive those of the Christian Religion falling away to him from the Persian who compelled them to forsake Christian Religion And our writers doe thus resolve that warre may be made if any converted to Christian Religion should be oppressed by their Lords and that for the right of society contracted from conversion What if neighbours for what had I not very many very just tyes of familiarity of neighbourhood of country of friendship to defend Plancus saith Cicero And here is our case q We are in danger if our neighbours house be on fire for if fire have fiercely taken hold of some houses they will hardly be defended but that the next houses will be burnt which was elsewhere in Salust and now in Ovid. s Fire that is neere is hardly kept off from houses it is good that we abstaine from neere adjoyned places which verses are proverbiall in this thing and proverbes adde some credit This notes something that as it is lawfull to pull our neighbours house downe least the fire should come to us and that question of a house infected is the same although touching this it is answered contrary Yet the House infected with Leprosie was pull'd downe And in many cases it is so that we may doe ill to others that it be not ill with us We must beware of all contagion especially of our neighbours the ill contagions of a neighbouring People are hurtfull The Romans saith Florus as a certaine infection ranne over all and taking in all the neerest people brought all Italy under them and whatsoever Dominion they had Before fire is the vapour and smoake of the Chimney Syracides also So we see smoake from our neighbours fire and will we not runne and put out the fire where it is It is written againe that it is lawfull for any to helpe his neighbour against an injury yea he seemes to be partaker of a fault who doth not ayde his deadly foe even speaking against help nor yet desiring it Concerning which I have noted before and will note further in the Chapter following CHAP. XVI Of ayding Subjects that are Strangers against their Lord. I Demand if wee may justly defend Subjects also that are Strangers against their Lord What if their cause also be unjust Ambrose noteth those three gods Iupiter Neptune and Pluto have thus Articulated lest upon their intrenching on one anothers jurisdiction they might make Warre among themselves they should not usurpe the rule of the Sea c. They say likewise that we gods have this Law none of us will crosse the desire of him that willeth but wee yeeld alwaies one to another Which being the fictions of very wise men are applyed unto Princes of the earth But even without any circumstance at all the Corinthians speake thus to the Athenians We doe plainely deny that any is forbidden to punish his owâ—e for if thou shalt defend those that have offended even your owne Subjects will defend themselves from you Yet I thinke not Subjects of other men are altogether strangers from that neerensse of nature and union of Society you doe also cut off the unity of mankinde whereby life is sustained as excelently Seneca And if we make not Princes lawlesse tyed to no Lawes nor Conditions It is necessary that there be some to admonish them of their duty and may hold them fast bound which reason I expounded in the second Booke of Embassies Neither will I heere infer any confusion of kingdomes or any inspection of one Prince over
in regulating the Kings own meniall servants in some cases when they either corrupt or mis-counsell him And thus much touching the unhappy differences between the King and Parliament concerning matters of his own royall Prerogative The Parliaments Right and Iurisdiction to impose Taxes and Contributions on the Subjects for the necessary defence of the Realm Laws Liberties without the King in case of the Kings wilfull absence from and taking up Arms against the Parliament and Kingdom briefly vindicated from the calumnies against it THe severall grand Objections of consequence made by the King and others against the Parliaments pretended usurpations upon the just Rights and Prerogatives of the Crowne being fully examined and refuted in the Premises so far I hope as to satisfie all ingenuous men in point of Divinity Policy Law Reason Conscience I shall next proceed to the remaining materiall Accusations which concerne the Subjects onely in regard of Property and Liberty wherein I will contract my Discourse into a narrow compasse partly because the debate of the fore-going Differences between the Kings Prerogative and the Parliaments Soveraigne Jurisdiction hath in some sort over-ruled the Controversies betwixt the Subjects and both Houses representing them partly because these accusations are not so universally insisted on as the former which concerne the King the justnesse of them being generally acknowledged willingly submitted to by most except such who calumniate and traduce them either out of covetousnesse onely to â—ave their Purâ—es or from a groundlesse Malignity against the Parliament or out of a consciousnesse of their owne Delinquencies subjecting them to the Parliaments impartiall Justice or out of some particular interests which concern them in their gains honours preferments or such who by their restraints for not paying Parliamentary Assessements hope to save their purses for the present or to gaine favour and preferment by it for the future If these private sinister ends were once laid by this second sort of accusations would speedily vanish especially with men of publike spirits who prefer the Common-weale before their owne particular interests The first of these Cavillatory Objections against the Parliaments proceedings is That both Houses without the Kings Royall Assent have contrary to Magna Charta the Petition of Right the Statutes De Tallagio non concedendo and other Acts by their Ordinances onely imposed late Taxes on the Subjects amounting to the twentieth part of their estates and since that monethly or weekly Assessements to maintaine a war against the King a grand incroachment on the peoples Properties contrary to all Law and Iustice. This Objection seems very plausible and cordiall to covetous Earth-worms being politikely contrived to Court the close-handed niggardly party by those who are guiltiest in themselves of that they thus object against others But it will easily receive an answer as to the Parliament and recoyle with infinite disadvantage on those that make it First 〈◊〉 anâ—wer That the Parliament is the absolute Soveraigne power within the Realme not subject to or obâ—iged by the letter or intendment of any Laws being in truth the sole Law-maker and having an absolute Soveraignty over the Laws themselves yea over Magna Charta and all other objected Acts to repeale alter determine and suspend them when there is cause as is undeniable by its altering the very common Law in many cases by repealing changing many old Statute Lawes and enacting new ones every Sessions as there is occasion for the publike safety and defence This the practice of all Parliaments in all ages yea the constant course of all Parliaments and Assemblies of the Estates in all forraigne Kingdoms too abundantly manifests The Parliament therefore never intended by all or any of these objected Acts to binde its owne hands but onely the Kings and his Ministers with inferiour Courts of Justice neither is the Parliament within the letter words or meaning of them therefore not obliged by them 2. The King with his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice only are included and the Parliament is directly excluded out of the very letter and meaning of all these Acts as is apparent First in generall from the occasion of enacting all these Laws which was not any complaints made to the King of any illegall taxes imprisonments or proceedings of our Parliaments to the oppression of the people but onely the great complaints of the people and Parliament against the illegall taxes impositions imprisonments and oppressions of the Subject by the King his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice as all our Hâ—stories with the Prefaces and words of the Acts themselves attest to redresse which grievances alone thâ—sâ— Lawes were made by the Parliaments and peoples earnest solicitations much against the Kings good will The Parliament then who would never solicit them king of a Law against or to restrain it selfe being cleare out of the orignall ground and mischiefe of enacting these Lawes and the King with his Ministers and inferiou◠〈◊〉 is only within them they can no way extend to the Parliament but to them alone 3. The Parliament 〈◊〉 the making of these Acts hath alwayes constantly enjoyed an absolute right and power without the least dispute of granâ—ing and imposing on the Subjâ—cts whatsoever Taxes Subsidies Aids Confiscations of Goods or restraint of Liberty by temporall or perpetuall imprisonment it thought meet and necessary for the publike defence safety and tranquility of the Realm as the severall Tâ—xes Subsidies and Poll-monies granted by them in all ages the many Statutes enjoyning confiscation of Lands Goods corporall punishments banishments temporary or perpetuall imprisonments for divers things not punishable nor criminall by the Common Law or when Magna Charta and the ancient Statutes in pursuance of it were first enacted abundantly evidence past all contradiction none of all which the King himselfe his Officers Judges or inferiour Courts of Justice can doe being restrained by the objected Acts. Therefore it is altogether irrefragable that the Parliament and Houses are neither within the words or intentions of these Acts nor any wayes limited or restraiâ—ed by them but left as free in these particulars in order to the publike good and safety as if those Acts had never beene made though the King with all other Courts Officers Subjects remaine obliged by them 4. This is evident by examination of the particular Statutes objected The first and principall of all the rest is Magna Charta cap. 29. But the very words of this Law Not We shall not passe upon him nor condemne him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres or by the Law of the Land We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Justice or Right compared with the Preface to and first Chapter of it Henry c. know ye that We c. out of meere and free will have given and granted to all Archbishops Bishops Eâ—rles Barons and to all free men of this our Realm of England and by this our present
grievously discontented removed divers from their offices and put many of the richest and head men of the citie to death upon surmised causes without proofs of justice For which causes and many other oppressions the Lords againe assembled their people intending to subdue the king and to set his brother in his place or to cause him otherwise to rule the Commonwealth To which end all the Lords met at a Towne called Stampes where they continued their Councell fifteene dayes and then marched to Paris sending four severall letters unto the citie one to the Bishops and spirituall men the second to the Consulls and headmen the third to the Vniversitie the fourth to the Commonnalty signifying That neither they nor any of their company were come thither as enemies to the Citie or to warre against it or the Commonwealth of the Land but for the increase and augmentation thereof to the uttermost of their powers VVhereupon these foure parties sent certaine Orators for them to the Lords who after long communication with them had returned to the citie with this report First the Lords would that the inhabitants of the City should consider the conditions of the King which yearly oppressed his Subjects with taxes and other grievous servages Secondly how he despised the noble bloud of his Realme and drew to him villaines and men of no reputation by whose counsell onely all the Common-weale of the Land was guided and ruled Thirdly how hee ruled his Subjects by force and will without administration of justice and himself in all Counsels and Parliaments is Iudge of all causes and calleth himselfe Counsels and Parliaments more for this singular weale then for the Common-weale of his Realme Fourthly how he enhaunsed men of low birth to great honours and caused Noblemen to be obedient unto them intending to bring the said ignoble men to be equall with the Princes of the Land Fifthly how the Lawes be delayed and bolstered by such as stand in his favour wherethrough at this day Law is will and will is Law and no man almost in any surety of life or goods insomuch that daily many have been banished and put to death for unlawfull causes and also to any Noble-man at this day no power or roome of honour belongeth so that to the wild Beasts in the Forrests appertaineth more Liberty and surety then to the more party of the Kings subjects Sixthly The great taxes and summes of money which daily be levied of the Commons be not spent in the Kings honourable needs and for the Commonweale of the Realme but are spent vainly and riotously and bribed out of the Kings Coffers for which enormities and misgovernance with many other the said Lords were come thither in defensible wayes for the safeguard of their owne persons as to the head and principall City of the Realme for to have aide and Counsell to reforme the foresaid evills not intending any harme to the Kings person or yet to remove him from his regality or Kingly Majestie but to induce and advertize him to that which should be for his honour and the weale of his Realme and to live in wealth and honour as his Noble Progenitors lived before him For which causes and considerations the said Lords as the Kings true Subjects and friends to the Commonwealth of the Land and of that City desired to enter there to refresh them and their people and to pay truly for all things they should take without doing harme or violence to any person All which requests and matters of the Lords shewed to the Inhabitants of the City by fauour of some friends they there had it was with the more partie well accepted and thought convenient they should be received into the Citie but by meanes of the Earle of Davoise it was respited till they had further knowledge of the Kings pleasure who comming out of Normandie into Paris after diuers Skirmishes the King and Lords fell to a Treaty of peace whereupon Commissioners on both sides assembled and communed together by sundry times two dayes In which season new strength of Souldiers came to the King out of Normandâ— The Treatie hanging long and a longer Truce being proclaimed the souldiers fell to robbing and other unlawfull acts and at last through obstinacy on both parties all offers were refused and the day of the Truces expiration approached without hope of accord whereupon provisions for warre were made on both sides Then begun gâ—udges and murmures betweene the kings souldiers and the citizens of Paris and shortly after newes came to the king that the Castle and Citie of Roan was yeelded up to the Duke of Burbon VVhereupon the King considering what great advantage the Lords had of him both by strength and favour of the Commons which daily drew unto them by sundry companies in avoiding of more danger concluded a peace which being proclaimed thorowout all France the King and Lords met to whom the King shewed great semblance of kindenesse specially to his brother Charles Duke of Normandy wherein appeared great dissimulation Lewes being of such conditions That what he might not overcome with strength he would win with dissimulation and treachery Not long after the King warred upon Charles his brother the Duke of Burgundy and Brittaine and a Treaty of peace being propounded betweene them Charles answered That if a perfect concord should be established between the King and him it should be authorized by the whole consent and counsell of the Barons of the Realme VVith which the King being content at Turon in the moneth of April aâ—d tenth yeare of his reigne assembled a counsell of his Lords spiâ—tuall and temporall in the which the demands of Charles and offers of the king were shewed And after the said Counceâ—l had at length reasoned the said demands and offers it was finally determined That the Dutchy of Normâ—ndy was so appropriated unto the King of France and to his heires that in â—o wise it might be dissevered from the Crowne but that a perfect unitie might be had betweene the King and his brother the King should be instanced to give yearly to his brother in recompence of the said Dutchy 12000 pounds of Turon money with certain land to be assigned with the name of a Duke and 40000 annâ—all rent of like money during his naturall life for such portion as he claimed to be his right within the Realme To all which the king agreed and to pardon the Duke of offences against his Majestie and all such Lordships as he had wonne from him in Britaine to restore which offers Charles refusing was the yeare following contented with the Dutchy of Guyan onely and so the warre of Normandy ceased After Lewes his death most of his speciall and dearest beloved Servants and ill Councellours whom he specially recommended to his sonne Charles the ninth on his death-bed came to disgracefull ends Oliver Damman was beheaded for Treason and Iohn Doyacon for trespasse and hatred unto the common people by his desert was
his Tenure against whom the Lord hath committed felony or perjury although the Lord truly doth not properly give his faith to his Vassall but his Vassall to him if the Law of the twelve Tables commands a Patron who defrauded his Client to be detestable if the civil laws permit a villain enfranchised an action against the outragious injury of his Lord if in these cases they free a servant himself from his Masters power wheras yet there is only a naturall not civill obligation therein I shall adde out of Dejure Magistratus in subditos If in Matrimony which is the nearest and strictest obligation of all other between men wherin God himselfe intervenes as the chief Author of the contract and by which those who were two are made one flesh if the one party forsakes the other the Apostle pronounceth the party forsaked to be free from all obligation because the party deserting violates the chief condition of marriage c. Shal not the people be much more absolved from their Allegiance which they have made to the King if the King who first solemnly sweares to them as a Steward to his Lord shall break his faith Yea verily whether if not these Rights not these Solemnities not these Sacraments or Oathes should intervene doth not nature it selfe sufficiently teach that Kings are constituted by the people upon this condition that they should reign well Iudges that they shall pronounce Law Captaines of warre that they should lead an Army against enemies But and if so be they rage offer injury so as themselves are made enemies as they are no Kings so neither ought they to be acknowledged by the people What if thou shalt say that some people subdued by force the Prince hath compelled to swear to his commands What say I if a Thiefe a Pyrate a Tyrant with whom no society of Law or Right is thought to be should with a drawn sword violently extort a deed from any one Is it not known that fealty extorted by force bindeth not especially if any thing be promised against good manners against the law of nature Now what is more repugnant to nature then that a people should lay chaines and fetters upon themselves then that they should lay their own throats to the sword then that they should lay violent hands upon themselves or which is verily the same thing promise it to the Prince Therefore there is a mutuall obligation between the King and people which whether it be only civill or naturall tacit or in expresse words can be taken away by no agreements violated by no Law rescinded by no force Whose force only is so great that the Prince who shall contemptuously break it may be truly called a Tyrant the people who shall willingly infringe it seditious So this grand accute Lawyer determines I shall close up this with the unanimous resolutions and notable decree of the United Netherland Provinces Anno Dom. 1581. declaring Philip King of Spain to be fallen from the Seigniorie of the Netherlands for his Tyranny and breach of Oath which is thus recited by Grimstone and recorded in his generall History of the Netherlands page 658 to 667. In the alterations which happen sometimes in an Estate betwixt the Soveraigne Prince and a people that is free and priviledged there are ordinarily two points which make them to ayme at two divers ends The one is when as the Prince seeks to have a full subjection and obedience of the people and the people contrariwise require that the Prince should maintaine them in their freedomes and liberties which he hath promised and sworne solemnly unto them before his reception to the principalitie Thereupon quarrels grow the Prince will hold a hard hand and will seek by force to bee obeyed and the subjects rising against the Prince oftentimes with dangerous tumults rejecting his authority seek to embrace their full liberty In these first motions there happen sometimes conferences at the instance of neighbours who may have interest therin to quench this fire of division betwixt the Prince and his subjects And then if any one of the parties groweth obstinate and will not yeeld although he seeme to be most in fault it followeth of necessity that they must come to more violent remedies that is to say to armes The power of the Prince is great when hee is supported by other Princes which joyn with him for the consequence of the example else it is but small but that of the people which is the body whereof the Prince is the head stirred up by conscience especially if the question of Religion be touched the members ordained for their function doing joyntly their duties is farre greater Thereupon they wound they kill they burne they ruine and grow desperately mad but what is the event God who is an enemy to all tyranny and disobedience judgeth quarrels weigheth them in his ballance of justice helping the rightfull cause and either causeth the Prince for his rigour and tyranny to be chased away and deprived of his estate and principality or the people for their contempt and rebellion are punished and reduced unto reason which causeth the alterations to cease and procureth apeace whereof we could produce many examples both antient and moderne if the relation of this history did not furnish us sufficiently So the generall Estates of the united Provinces seeing that King Philip would not in any sort through his wilfulnesse yeeld unto their humble suite and petitions and notwithstanding all the offers they could make to purchase a good firme and an assured peace notwithstanding all the intercessions both of the Emperour the French King the Queen of England and other great Princes and Potentates of Christendom yet would he not give eare to any other reason but what himselfe did propound the which the said Estates did not only find unjust and unreasonable directly repugnant to their liberties constitutions and freedomes of the Countrey but also contrary to their consciences and as it were so many snares layed to catch them which were in no sort to be allowed of nor received considering the qualitie of their affair and his according to the time In the end rejecting all feare of his power and threats seeing they were forced to enter into all courses of extremity against a Prince which held himselfe so hainously offended as no reconciliation could be expected relying upon the justice and equitie of their cause and sinceritie of their consciences which are two brazen bulwarks they were fully resolved without dissembling to take the matter thus advanced in hand and opposing force against force meanes against meanes and practises against practises to declare him quite fallen from the Seigniorie preheminence and authority which before the troubles the breach of their priviledges right freedomes and immunities so often and so solemnly sworne by him and dispensation of his Oaths he had or was wont to have in the said Provinces respectively Whereof they made open declaration by a publick Edict the
secular standing by in great number called and requested to the things above written And I Nicholas Berchtoldi Fridberg Clerke publike Notary of the Diocesse of Mentz by Episcopall and Emperiall authority and sworne Scribe of my foresaid most gracious Lord Lord John Archbishop of Mentz because at that time I was personally present when this sentence which we have fore-writ was given and pronounced together with the publike Notaries and witnesses commemorated and saw and heard all these things to be done therefore at the command and request of my foresaid most gracious Lord of Mentz have reduced this publike instrument faithfully put in writing into publike forme and have subsigned and ratified it with my accustomed signe of Notariship having likewise annexed the great Seale of my foresaid Lord of Mentz in assurance and testimony of all the premises The names of the Notaries are Nicholaus Berchtoldi Fridburgensis Ioannes Meier junior Gasterveidensis Conradus a Leiborn Clerious Padebornensis diaecesis Henricus Sâ—alberg Rotenbergensis Tilmannus a Honberg Conradus Coler Zusâ—ensis Coloniensis diaecesis Finally it is evident that the Nobles Magistrates Parliament and representative body of the people or some part of them in default of the rest may lawfully take up defensive armes to resist their Princes endeavouring to abrogate the Law of God to waste the Church and extiâ—pate the true Religion setled among them by the Lawes and usher in Idolatry And that in such a case as this neighbour Princes and States lawfully may yea and ought in point of conscience to aide the Subjects of other Princes afflicted for the cause of pure Religion professed by them or oppressed by open Tyranny These propositions are largely and professedly debated by Iunius Brutus in his Vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest 1. 2. 4. throughout in the Treatise intituled De Iure Magistratus in Subditos spent wholly in this Theame Georgius Obrectus Disput. Iurid de Principiis Belli Num. 125. to 199. by Vasquius Contr. Illustr 36. n. 30. and elsewhere by Alhericus Gentilis and sundry others forecited I shall onely fortifie the later part thereof with the observation of the Duke of Rhoan who acquaints us that it is and hath beene of later yeares the very true interest honour and greatnesse of the Kings and Queenes of England both in point of policy and Religion to protect and assist with armes all Princes of the Reformed Protestant Religion in France Germany and other parts as it is the true interest of the Kings of Spaine to protect and releeve all oppressed or grieved Roman Catholicks under the Dominion of other Princes and that their honour safety and greatnesse principally consists in the observation and maintenance of this their interest and with the words of Iunius Brutus who thus states and debates the Question An Iure possint aut debeant Vicini Principes auxilium ferre aliorum principum subditis religionts causa afflictis aut manifesta tyâ—annide oppressis In defining this question saith he there is more need of conscience then science which would be altogether idle if charity obtained its place in this world But because as the manners of the times are now there is nothing more deare or rare among men then charity it selfe we thinke meete briefely to discusse it The Tyrants as well of soules as bodies as well of the Church as Common-wealth or Realme may be restrained expelled and punished by the people Both these we have already proved by reasons But because such is the fraud of Tyrants or such the simplicity of subjects for the most part that they are scarce known before that they have spoyled or these scarce thinke of their safety till they have almost perished and are reduced into those straits out of which they cannot get out with their owne forces so as they are compelled to implore the aide of other it is questioned Whether they defending the cause of Religion or of the Common-wealth of the Kingdome of Christ or of their owne Kingdome other Christian Princes may lawfully assist them And truly many whiles they have hoped to increase their wealth by ayding the afflicted have presently judged it to be lawfull For thus the Romans Alexander the great and many others under pretext of suppressing Tyrants have frequently enlarged their Dominions and not long since we have seene Henry the second King of France to have made warre with the Emperour Charles the fifth and that under pretext of succouring and defending the Princes of the Empire and of the Protestants too as also Henry the eighth King of England was ready to aide the Protestants in Germany to make worke for Charles the fifth But if any danger may be feared from thence or little gaine may be expected then verily they must heare most Princes disputing whether it be lawfull or no And as those under a pretext of piety did cover either ambition or gaine so these pretend justice for their sloathfulnesse when as verily neither did piety exhort them which seekes onely the good of others nor yet justice ought to dehort these which looks wholly abroad and is as it were cast out of its owne doores Therefore discharging both these let us see first in the cause of Religion what true piety and what true justice may perswade First let it be agreed that there is but one Church whose head is Christ and whose members so cohere and agree among themselves that none of them even the smallest can suffer violence or hurt but the rest are hurt and suffer griefe as the whole Scripture teacheth Therefore the Church is compared to a body Now the body is oft-times affected not onely with the hurt of the arme or legge but even of the very least finger or perisheth with its wound Therefore in vaine may any one boast that he is cordially affected with the safety of the body who when he may defend the whole yet suffers it to be torne and mangled limb after limb It is compared to a buildings Now where mines are made against any part of the building the whole building oft-times fals downe to the ground and the flame which invades any part thereof enâ—â—â—gers gers the whole Therefore he should be ridiculous who because he 〈◊〉 in the callaâ— perchance should delay to drive the flame from the top of the house He should be scarce in his wits who would not prevent mines with countermines because they are made against this wall not against that It is also compared to a Ship Now the whole Ship is endangered together the whole perisheth together Therefore those are equally safe who are in the fore part as those who are in the puppe those who are in keel as safe as those in the shroâ—ds if the storme rage whence verily even in the common proverb those who are conversant in the same danger are said to be in the same Ship These things laid downe verily he who is not moved with its griefe burning to ssing is not of that body is
to slay a brother than any other person A wickednesse more horrid than that of the Tyrants themselves by how much it is worse to slay a good just pious innocent man than a Theefe imposter â—orcerer Hereticke more flagitious to assault God than any man and finally by how much perfidiousnesse in an equall fact exceeds ignorance But whether shall it be lawfull to determine the same of those who give no assistance to those who are oppressed with Tyranny or defend the Republicke against Tyranny since a reason cannot be given of so sâ—raite an alliance of so strict a Covenant when as I say we doe not here discourse of the Church which is but one of all men which being one and universall is committed to every one But of the Republicke which may be different from that of others and being different is committed severally to others A Neighbour saith Christ is not a Jew to a Jew onely but to a Samaritan and to any man Now we ought to love our Neighbours as our selves Therefore a Jew if he would discharge his duty is bound to deliver from a theefe if he be able not a Jew onely but likewise every stranger yea likewise one unknowne Neither will any one dispute whether it be just to defend himselfe seeing verily it is more just to defend another than himselfe in this respect wherein things are more just which meere charity doth than those which either anger or revenge or other perturbation of the minde doe and no man holds a meane in revenging his owne injuries but in other mens although more grievous even the most immoderate may hold a meane But we may learne from the heathens themselves what humane society and what the common nature of all men require of us in this thing For Cicero saith there is one nature of all men that even nature it selfe prescribes this that a man ought to take care of a man who ever he be even for this very cause that he is a man If otherwise all humane consociation must necessarily be dissolved Therefore as there are two foundations of justice first that no hurt be done to any next that the profit of all if it may be done be advanced So also there are two kinds of injustice one of those who offer injury the other of those who propulse not wrong from those to whom it is offered if they be able For he who doth unjustly against any one incited either by anger or other perturbation he seemes as it were to offer violent hands to his companion but he who doth not defend or resist an injury if he can is as much in fault as if he deserted either his Parents or Friends or Country So that what the one doth anger is judged to doe which is reputed a short fury what the other an evill minde truely which is a perpetuall tyranny And however his fury may be excused the others destinated counsell can by no meanes be excused Thou wilt say I feare that while I repulse an injury from him I should doe an injury to the other Yea verily thou wilt cover thine injustice with a pretext of Justice Whereas if thou consultest with thy selfe not justice moves thee to desert thy duty but rather some other cause For as he saith in another place either thou wilt not undertake enmities or labour or cost or else thou art so hindered with negligence sloathfulnesse idlenesse or with thy studies or certaine imployments that thou sufferest those to be deserted whom thou oughtest to protect But while thou sayest thou dost thine owne businesse lest thou mightest seeme to doe wrong to any thou runnest into another kinde of injustice For thou desertest the society of life because thou bestowest on it nothing of thy study nothing of thy paines nothing of thy goods These things Ethnickes Philosophers and Politicians hold truely more piously than many Christians in this age Hence a neighbour is bound by the Lawes of the Romans to take away a servant from a cruell Master But among the Aegyptians he who had casually found a man to be beaten by Theeves or to suffer any injury and had not rescued him if he could was guilty of death if not hee was bound to accuse the Theeves before the Magistrate Which if he had neglected he was beaten with a certaine number of stripes and punished with a three dayes fast Now if this verily be lawfull in one neighbour towards another yea lyeth upon him out of duty to assist every one he meets against a Theefe shall it not be much more lawfull to a good Prince not onely to ayde and patronize servants against a raging Master or children against a furious Father but a Kingdome against a Tyrant a Republike against the private lust of one man a people a Lord I say against a publike servant and agent Yea verily if he shall neglect it shall not he merit the name and punishments of a Tyrant as the other of a theefe Hence Thucydides saith Not onely those are tyrants who reduce others into servitude but much rather those who when they may repulse that violence take no care to doe it but especially those who will be called the defenders of Greece and the Common Country but yet helpe not their oppressed Country and rightly for a Tyrant is in a sort compelled to retaine violently the Tyranny which he hath violently invaded because as Tyberius said he seemeth to hold a Wolfe by the eares which he cannot retaine without force nor yet let goe without danger Therefore that he may extinguish one crime with another hee commits many wickednesses and is compelled to injure others lest he should be injurious to himselfe But that Prince who idlely beholds the wickednesses of a tyrant and the ruine of the blood of innocents which he may hinder because he doth as it were take pleasure in the gladiatory sport is by so much more criminous than the Tyrant as he who sets sword-players to fight is guiltier than the man-slaying Gladiator as much as hee who slayes a man for pleasure sake is more criminous than he who doth it by constraint or out of feare or necessity If some oppose But it is a fault for any to intermeddle with or thrust himselfe into anothers businesse Terentian Chremes may answer I am a man I thinke no humane thing strange unto me If others that they may seeke lurking holes for their impiety object that there are distinct limits distinct jurisdictions now it is not lawfull to thrust a sickle into anothers Corne Neither truely do I advise that by this pretence thou shouldest invade anothers territories usurpe anothers jurisdiction to thy selfe draw thy neighbours corne into thine owne floore which most doe under this pretext I doe not say that by the example of that arbitrator of whom Cicero thou thy selfe shouldest judge the thing controverted to thy selfe but rather that thou shouldest restraine a Prince invading the Kingdome of Christ containe a tyrant within his limits
men deliver an equall defence of their owne and of strangers but specially of confederates from whom we must keepe off an injury and that this defence is both of divine and humane law Plato thinkes he ought to be punished that keepes not back an injury offered to another Now that which Plato and these Interpreters say of private Citizens we may very well apply to Princes and people for what reason there is of a private man in a private City there is the same in the publicke and universall City of the world of a publique Citizen that is of a Prince of the people of a Prince As a private man hath relation to a private man so a Prince to a Prince saith Baldus A man is a Citizen to a man in the greater City and borne for mutuall succour saith Seneca And because we are one body if one member will hurt another member it is meete the others should helpe that which is hurt because it concerneth the whole even that which hurteth that the whole be preserved So men should helpe men for society cannot be preserved but by the love and safety of the people Vespatian cannot be approved who denies ayde I know not to whom upon this pretence because the care of other mens affaires appertained not to him for what good man is there who doth nothing but for his owne sake Cicero againe even to Lazius King of Persia that he is not therefore just because he doth nothing unjustly unlesse also he defended the unjustly oppressed and by that meanes they obtained helpe and bands of Souldiers against the Romans for it is not a strange thing amongst men for a man to defend the estates and safety of men Cicero had said the same he should have respect if not of the man yet of humanity which is due to every one from every one for this very cause because they are equally men and humane nature the common mother of all men commends one man to another It is a noble example of the barbarous King of Mauritania who when he heard that his enemie Alfonse king of Castile was pressed and almost oppressed by the Armies of his sonne hee sent a hughe masse of gold unto Alfonso he himselfe went over with a great Armie of Souldiers into Spaine judging it a most unworthy thing that his Sonne should expell his Father from his Kingdome adding withall that the victory obtained he would be an enemie againe unto the same Alfonso What doe I feare the Barbarians enemies also and bringing gifts That the deed of an enemy should be taken in the worst sence doth Guiccardine say truth that these things are not done of any but in hope of some profit The saying of Guicciardine is dispraised by noble Mountaygn in those his Noble examples I demand of what right it is It is a question if any be bound by Law to defend another when he can and they seeme commonly to deny this and the Law sometimes saith that we may without offence neglect other mens affaires but our proper question is if any can thus justly defend another wherein no man denieth just defence even for the defence of a stranger it is lawfull to kill another by the opinion which is approved of all Doctors yea the defence of him is approved that neglects to defend himselfe yea that refuseth to be defended by another whether a friend defend him or another even an enemie and thus it is called the rule of humanity and so a benefit to be conferred often times upon the unwilling So also there be many other definitions Also they conclude by an argument not firme enough that way in another questâ—on that a man may take money for defending another which he should receive dishonestly if he were bound to defend him by law for may not a servant get a reward from him whom yet notwithstanding he might not neglect without punishment neither is it dishonestly given nor dishonestly taken in way of thankefulnesse So it is not ill taken of a Citizen from a Citie nor by a sonne from a father for truely it is manifest thaâ— many things cannot be done without offence and therefore if done they are worthy of rewards yet not of punishment if they be not done Againe somethings on the contrary neglected indeed contract offence but reformed they merit not glory so Bernard to which I adde a meane that there be some things which being neglected contract offence and fulfilled deserve reward But also even in the Court of conscience they will have a man to be bound to defend a man But conscience is the will of a good man yea of the best but they deliver this also even in the way of honesty and we follow honesty here and that arbiterment but both in Civill and Canon Law against the rest Bartolus inclines thus Albericus Igneus Decius Alcâ—atus Molineus so teach and Baldus elegantly that it is a fault to omit the defence of another of himselfe a treachery which also in another place he determines Plaâ—o is also of this mind and thus also Siracides free him to whom injury is done out of the hand of the injuriâ—us I also am of the same minde especially if which the forenamed interpreters adde defence be not made with the danger of the defender For no man is bound to put himselfe in danger no man is bound so to assist against a fire Otherwise thou hearest Constantine say that they which live by the rule of Gods Law account an injury done to another to be their owne Behold that thus also he ayded the Romans against Maxentius Heare againe Baldus his Lawyer he that defends not nor resists an injury is as well in fault as he that forsakes his parents or friends or Country and if these be true in private men how much more will they be in Princes These mutually call themselves Cosens Cosen-germans Brothers They are so much the more true in Princes by how much if a private man defend not a private man the majestrate remaines that can both revenge the wrongs and repaire the losses of private men but there is none can peece up the injuries and hurts of Princes but the same Prince who after had rather apply a medicine to the evill than hinder at the first that evill be not done These things are true but that also you may hold with Baldus that although these were not true out of Philosophie of judgements which is of things necâ—ssary theâ— arâ— câ—â—tainely true from Philosophie of manners which consists of things perswâ—dâ—d which Philosâ—phie also we follow in this whole â—reatise The Philosophie of Iudgements permits a man to neglect even himselfe as Baldus writes and if besides as it falls out almost alwayes another speciall cause be joyned to this generall rule of honesty it may come neerer to justice Let the opinion verily be true