theÌ„ their insufficiencie Lewis Sforsa passing ouer diuers men of accompt reposed all his trust in c Guicciar lib. 4. Galeaz Sanseuerin a man of small desert Leo the 10. for kinred sake woulde needes employe Lorence Medici in his warres with the Duke of Vrbin both which spedde alike Which examples with diuers other of our time which I will not mention least any man might thinke himselfe interessed thereby may moue vs to haue more care what Generals we doe employe in such seruices In other matters albeit fauour may take place yet sure least ought it to swaye in choyse of the General Nothing is more dangerous then the euill successe of warres What reason therefore haue Princes to chuse d Summo periculo summus quaerendus imperator vt summo periculo summus gubernator Liu. lib. 24. weake men Gouernours of greatest matters in warres seeing as in Sea causes men in greatest dangers are woont to make choyse of most skilfull Masters and Pilots Or what impudencie is it for a man to take charge of a Shippe that cannot see but by others eyes nor iudge but by others direction And why not likewise may they be e Impudentem gubernatorem imperatorem esse qui cum alienis oculis ei omnia agenda sint postulet sibi aliorum capita ac fortunas committi Liu. 26. accompted shamelesse that take vpon them the charge of mens liues and goodes which haue no iudgement but by others report and direction Of the weakenesse of Generals proceede contentions betwixt the chiefe commaunders delayes needelesse expenses disorders disgraces and the ouerthrowe of Armies and States And more shall an armie of Harts doe guided by a f Plutarch Lyon then an armie of Lyons ledde by a fearefull Hart. Caesars g Caes comment bel gal 5. inuincible olde souldiers were ouercome by the cowardise of Sabinus their leader yet such was the skill of Caesar that he could vse young souldiers and obteine great victories by small forces Marcellus with the reliques of the Romane armie ouerthrowne at Canne gaue vnto Annibal a great repulse The Romanes vnder the leading of C. Martius Coriolanus h Volsci duce Martio Coriolano vincentes ostenderunt ducibus potiùs quà m exercitu rem Rom. supetiorem â—â—sse Liu. ouercame the Volscians when the same man exiled vpon displeasure against his Countrey tooke on him to leade the Volscians they diuers times preuailed against the Romanes Which sheweth what moment a skilfull captaine bringeth towarde the obteyning of victorie And in the warres which the Romanes had against the Latines the forces being equall yet the Romanes preuailed by the good direction of their Generall Fabius whose gouernment was such that all men confessed as a Liu. 9. Liuy reporteth that what side soeuer should haue had him for their leader the same must needes haue preuailed In the battell of the Romanes against b Pyrrhus non Epirotae tomanos vicit Fabritius Plutar. apophth Pyrrhus king of Epeirus nowe Albany Fabritius acknowledged that they were ouercome onely by the skill of Pyrrhus more then by the force of his armie And contrariwise little accompt is to be made of an armie that wanteth direction Caesar feared not as himselfe c De bel ciu lib. 1. reporteth the olde companies of Spaine although otherwise much to be esteemed because he knewe their Generals Petreius Afranius to be men of no merite nor skill I haue my self heard some Spaniards greatly complain of the defectes of the Duke of Medina Sidonia the Generall of their Nauy when they came vpon our coast And although God was the authour yet I doubt not but that was some good meanes of their euill successe Wherefore if Princes looke for good successe in their warres let them without affection and partialitie make choise of a sufficient Generall religious skilfull couragious and adorned with such vertues both for warre and peace as the importance of the matters which he manageth requireth In a Generall first I require religion for if the Gentiles did suppose that those affaires succeeded best vnto them which they d Ab Ioue principium Arat. Phaenom began in Gods name shame it were for Christians to haue a worse conceit of that matter And if all other matters sure the hazardes of warre require religion in the chiefe directors God he is Lord of Hostes and giuer of victories and sure it is not probable he will giue it to those that aske it not at his handes God prescribed certaine exercises of religioÌ„ to his people in their wars before them he would haue the Priestes to sound certaine siluer Trumpets Constantine had all exercises of religion in his campe and so proued most victorious The Spaniards in their warres assigne to euery Tertio or Regiment certaine Priestes What should I speake of those that make profession of religion seeing the e Xenoph. exped Cyr. 1. Greekes did seldome attempt any dangerous seruice but their captaines first consulted with their gods f Cic. de Natur. deor Cicero doeth attribute the good successe which the Romanes had in their warres to the religious care they had of the obseruance of holy ceremonies and religion Whatsoeuer mishap came vnto their State or Armie they ascribed the same likewise to the neglect or contempt of religion They esteemed that to be the cause of their ouerthrowe at a Liu. 5. Allia by the Gaules at b Liu. 2.2 Thrasimene by Annibal and in diuers other vnfortunate incounters Machiauels diuinitie that thinketh religion in men of warre foolerie and proposeth that impious Atheist Caesar Borgia for a paterne to a Prince that aspireth to be great to be followed was detested euen of the barbarous nations which in warres attempted nothing but with religious ceremonies as Tacitus and Caesar declare in the Gaules and Germanes and Herodotus and Thucidides in the Thracians and barbarous people Wherefore let the Generall be religious and a mainteiner of religion and forbid blasphemies and other impieties too too common in the common sort if hee expect the fauour of God and good successe in his affaires The Generall ought further to haue knowledge and iudgement in matters of warre The same is the speciall and most proper ornament of a General in c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist polit li. 5. c. 9. whom the same is more respected then all other morall vertues C. Fabritus in the dangerous warres the Romanes had against Pyrrhus in labouring that d Aul. gel l. 4. c. 8. Cornelius a man rauinous but very expert in warre might be chosen Consull or Generall declareth that the skill and experience of a valiant Captaine couereth other faultes This knowledge and iudgement hath many branches the Generall ought to vnderstand as well the enemies estate as his owne he ought to knowe what forces and what prouision of armes horses carriages victuals and other furniture and munition will be sufficient and howe he is to haue the same he
may hurt vs. Sometime the enemy by a feined retrayt is drawen into blinde trenches set with sharp stakes and couered with earth boughs hurdles or vnder walles or banks where our shot lieth ready for him or els into any place of disaduantage which was the ruine of Cyrus his army by Tomyris Queene of Scithia and diuers others that like blinde men folow where their enemies leade them In summe whatsoeuer tendeth to deceiue and abuse the enemy or to incourage giue aduantage to our own souldiers the same ought wise leaders to deuise practice Prouided alway that they neither breake othe nor promise nor offend against piety or the lawes of nations Let such vile facts be practiced of Turks Spaniards that hire wicked men to kill Princes and mainteine no othe or promise further then their profit requireth Such Histories doe feine c Persidia plusquam Punica Annibal to haue bene and diuers of the Carthaginians and d Plutarch Lysander Lysander among the Greekes that tooke pleasure in deceiuing of men with great othes as some take ioy to deceiue children with small toyes The proceedings of the Romanes were farre otherwise They disalowed his fact that would haue betrayed Falisci and sent him bound to Pyrrhus that for money promised to empoyson him Neither did e Val. max. lib. 8. c. 9. Cepio the Romane winne any credit by hyring the Lusitanians to kill their Captaine Viriat This practice of killing the Spaniards learn of certaine bastardly Italians a degenerate ofspring and race issuing of the vagrant natiōs of Lombards Gothes Vandales and of f Liu. 41. Perseus that had murtherers hyred for wages to kil whom he should appoint would haue practiced his trechery vpon the Romans a man of a base disposition and vnworthy so noble a kingdome Those stragegemes commonly take effect that are practiced in matters least feared That which no man careth for is neglected and least can that be g Ad id quod ne timeatur fortuna facit minimè turi sunt homines quia quod neglexeris incautum atque apertum habeas Liu. 25. auoyded which is least feared as sayth Cyrus by diuerting the riuer entred Babylon a way that no mā looked for him Scipio passing the lake tooke new Carthage Great are the effects that are wrought by deuises and surprises but they are discreetly to be gouerned least going about to deceiue the enemy we be our selues abused intrapped by double practice as the a Tratato dop pio Italians cal it So was b Anno 1569. Guerchy and his company ouertaken in the practice about the towne of Bourges where diuers braue men lost their liues while the enemy that knew the practice was ready to receiue them to their losse King Edward the 3. vnderstanding of a plot layd by the captaine of S. c Froissart Omar for the recouery of Calais newly by him wonne turned the same vpon the heads of those that should haue executed it surprised those that would haue surprised others Those therefore that in stratagemes politike surprises folow the example of others let them see that their case be like their strength equall that the matter be handled cunningly executed presently And that the times be wel measured that they come neither too soone nor too late in which case their enterprise vanisheth to nothing d Of ambushes Ambushes likewise well placed and managed woorke the enemie great displeasures not onely in cutting off straglers and such as go on forraging but also in troubling an army marching or fighting Annibal in passing the Alpes lost diuers of his souldiers by the incursions of the people of the Mountaines rising out of their holes charging his army vpon aduantages Sempronius as hath bene shewed drawne into an ambush was slaine with his company The like happened to Marcellus the Consull going to view the side of a hill not farre off But of this point I haue already brought examples sufficient where I discoursed of the danger of those that marche in the enemies countrey without diligent discouery Ambushes wel layd that our souldiers may rise out of them suddenly charge the enemy on the back or sides as he is fighting are yee more dangerous then those wherein he is charged marching By the same Romulus ouerthrew the Fidenians for placing part of his men in ambush in certaine thickets and vnder certain hilles neere the town prouoking the enemy to come forth of the towne he drew him along after him vntill such time as hee was against the ambush c Trahuntur ad locum insidiarū inde subito exorti Romani transuersam inuadunt bostium aciem Liu. 7. Where turning backe vpon him and causing those that lay in ambush to charge him on the sides hee cutte many of the Fidenians in peeces Annibal before he encountred the Romanes at Trebia hid certaine a Mago Numidaeque simul latebras eorum improuida prouida praeterlata acies est exorti à tergo ingentem tumultum ac terrorem fecere Liu. 21. horsemen in the marishes and bushes neere to the places where the armies were to ioyne Whence rising vpon a sudden as the army of the Romanes passed by them they made a great tumult and slaughter and were in part cause of the victory With the like practice he entrapped the Romane army at the lake Thrasimene Behind the hilles vpon the side of the place where he saw the encounter would be he placed diuers light armed and beyond the playne he caused his horsemen to lurke in the valleyes So that Flaminius was no sooner come to the charge but he saw his enemy in front on his sides and on his backe b Liu. 35. Philopoemen charging the enemy with his light armed and afterwarde causing his men to flie backe while the enemyranne disorderly after the chase hee receiued his owne men within the distances of his armed men and with them cut in peeces those that folowed Demosthenes not the Orator but a Captaine that liued during the Peloponnesian warre fearing lest the enemy that in number farre passed him would compasse him round about and charge him on the backe in a certaine valley and bushy ground nere the place where the enemy made shew to giue the charge ranged both armed men and e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 3. archers which in the ioyning of the battel rising out of their places should charge the enemy vpon the backe d Caes bel gal 1. Caesar by taking the top of the hill where the Heluetians lay encamped with part of his force had giuen them a greater ouerthrow then hee did but that the mistaking of his men made him loose that aduantage It is the part of a wise leader when hee pursueth or coasteth the enemy to take the aduantage of woods valleys hils strayts riuers and in all places to lay traps for him that hee may neither marche nor
knowledge so he had deliuered all the orders and proceedings of warres and confirmed the same with examples of famous captaines and reasons of art rather then with such 〈◊〉 examples as he vseth Neither is it reason that the labours of all shoulde be measured by the presumption of some which write of matters of which they neuer had experience as Nicholas Machiauell and Robert Valturius a certaine Italian pedant which neuer had seene the field and some others which spend whole bookes in talking of the diuers formes of battels some like starres some like sheares some like sawes and some like winde-mill sailes which neuer haue vse but in mosters and leaue the most necessary points of warre in preparing for the warres choice of souldiors marching encamping fighting retiring besieging or defending of townes ambuscades stratagemes and such like necessary factions of armes Wherfore seeing I neither commend speculation without practise nor tread in the steppes of others but therein make supply where they are defectiue I trust my labours shall haue fauourable reading the rather for that they are not gathered by vaine speculation but proceede from him that hath had but too much experience in the disorderly warres of our time and hath no other respect then the redresse of disorders and the honour of his country It may be these rules should haue had more weight if they had proceeded from some great commaunder or man of auctoritie for of all men they deserue most credite that are both writers and doers themselues in which respect I do aboue all honor Caesar among the Romanes and Xenophon among the Greekes and of late writers Francis Guicciardin a man employed in great matters as for Iouius and Sabellicus and some others that I will not name for that they were al ignorant of matters of warre they make many very improbable ridiculous reports which no man of iudgement coulde allowe but what if men of authoritie haue not or will not or percase for their manifold distractions and busines cannot will not those that knowe not things themselues heare the same reported by others great wise men in time past haue not disdained to followe the aduise of simple men a Salust bel Iugurth Marius by the aduertisement of a common souldiour wanne a strong castle in Numidia b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. exp Cyr. 4. Xenophon did not except the time of his refection or when he tooke his rest but admitted euery man that could giue him any important intelligēce to his speech Charles the last Duke of Burgundy refusing to heare a prisoner that craued audience c Phil. Comin lib. 7. fell into the traps of Campobacho his treason and doing all things vpon his owne head without admitting any relation or councell of others was defeated by the Switzers and by them miserably slaine at Nancy And if the chambers of some great commaunders in our time had not beene so straitly kept they could not haue beene so ignorant of the state of the enemy and of their owne forces and all addresses of warres as they were wherefore seeing I doe neither speake by speculation or heare-say nor rest vpon mine owne opinion nor desire any thing of mine to be beleeued further then the same is confirmed by the example of those against whom no exception can iustly be taken I trust that these either rules or aduertisements of mine shall not lightly be regarded But may some reply what do the examples of the ancient Romanes and Greekes and their proceedings in wars cōcerne vs whose practise stile in wars is so farre different these men imagine by reason of the vse of artillery lately inuented that the reasons rules of armes are changed and that the Romanes if they liued in our times would be new to seeke but they are much abused for the generall rules are alwayes the same there is and alwayes hath beene but one order of prouiding proceeding marching fighting retiring encamping besieging and defending of places and I doe not thinke but if any could recall or woulde practise the reasons and rules which the ancient Romans vsed hee should greatly preuaile if there be any speciall difference the same shal be noted in his proper place if then the ancient a agitatū in concilio est ut si quādo seuero imperio vllum bellum administratū esset tunc vti disciplina militaris ad priscos redigeretur mores Liui. 8. Romanes thought it their best course in their most dangerous warres to returne to their old discipline of armes and if b Flor. 58. Scipio coulde not ouercome the Numantins nor c Salust bel Iug. Metellus Iugurtha nor d Tacit. Corbulo the Parthians before they had setled their gouernement according to the ancient practise of armes let vs not disdaine to follow the examples of such great captaines and wise men in reforming of present errours and disorders according to the true and loyall practise of armes Hard I know it will be to returne backe for customes inueterate are not easily rooted out and desire of money hath corrupted many mens mindes without pay prouision the souldier is starued the warre is slacked and what hope haue souldiers either of better prouision or pay without these things how can the souldier march fight or keepe other orders of warre who wil aduenture without praise or reward who will serue his countrey when he seeth in most countries those aduāced soonest that spoile their country most to enrich themselues for this cause some vnworthy the name of Captaines make gaine of their places and souldiers refuse all extraordinary labour and valiant captains and souldiers are slenderly considered and lawes of armes lie silent for that there is none to execute them and few that know them for this cause and such like I had almost beene discouraged from writing this discourse and among others that keepe themselues for better times and liue an obscure life determined to settle my selfe for what hope could I haue of better seeing in all places all things bend to worse many seeke to enioy the pleasures of peace none maketh any prouision for warre souldiers neglect discipline of armes no reckoning is made in any place of braue souldiers captaines are employed onely for necessitie rewards come slowly only those are esteemed that haue mony The only hope that susteineth me and hath thus farre in these my endeuours auanced mee is grounded vpon that expectation which all this nation hath of your heroical actions God hath placed your Lordship as it were on a high stage in this estate neuer man had greater fauour of the beholders nor was more likely to obtaine a singular applause of the people all mens eyes are fixed vpon you to see what effectes will follow those vertues and noble partes the which already haue made your name honourable as others choose ease so your Lordship hath folowed the wearisome trauailes of warres by your owne experience in the seruice of
the Low Countries of Portugall and France you both vnderstand the practise of armes and the wants of the souldiors the generall hope of al souldiors nay of al that loue their countrey is that your Lordship which so wel vnderstandeth the common disorders of the warres and the great importance of them and hath so great fauour and meanes by reason of your auctoritie to correct them wil one day be a meane to see them in some part redressed all those parts which are required of a sufficient generall do seeme to florish and shew forth themselues in your doings and promise these things in your behalfe Through disorder of some ignorance in others to speake nothing of pinching false reckonings hitherto her Maiestie hath not bene resolued to bring into the field a sufficient armie and those small forces if I may so call such smal troupes that haue bene employed in diuers seruices haue wanted much of their necessary prouisions not that the charge is so great that it could not be borne nor for that her care was lesse then is conuenient for if the same order were abroad that is at home why may not this countrey mainteine thirty or fourty thousand abroad that mainteineth so many millions at home men do not spend more nor eate more abroad then at home but the reason why a sufficient army is hardly mainteined is because there wanteth good directions and orders and punishment of bad dealing some impute the fault to griedy mens insatiable couetousnes which like a goulfe wil neuer be filled but that is not all nor the greatest disorder others thinke it impossible for this Realme to beare the infinite charge of an army but why should not this whole kingdome be able to mainteine 30. thousand in pay when as the citie of Rome the territory being not past ten miles in breadth in that warre which the same had with the a Liui. lib. 8. 9. Latins sent forth ten legions which being full at that time amounted to 40000. foote beside horsmen but what should I speake of Rome the mistres of the world for warlike discipline when as the Cities of Athens and Sparta nay the townes of Thebes Corinth Argos and diuers other in Greece Italy mainteined great armies both at home abroad vpon their owne charges who seeth not then that the cause of these calamities and disorders is want of militarie knowledge and not want of meanes and that as disorder want of reward and punishment is cause that our enterprises are so easily dissolued and vanish of themselues so order and gouernement in ancient times were causes of their happy successe and would also make our affaires succeede the better I neede not seeke farre to finde examples for proofe of this matter seeing the good gouernment of Edward the first that so long warred in Scotland of Edward the third and Henry the fift and eight that were so victorious in France aforde vs such store if then the griedines of some were restreined with sharpe punishment men of heroical spirits not tainted with the base desire of gaine were allured with honor preferment to take vpon them the charge of matters if such were chosen for commanders as haue nothing before their eyes but honor and the enlargement of the commonwealth and all men were resolued to bestow more in iron and steele then in silkes and veluets and golden coates and most things were gouerned by lawe and order of warre and not by fauour and partialitie or which is worse by money in summe if true and ancient discipline of armes were either restored or setled among souldiers I would not doubt but that this Countrey would be able not onely to mainteine a sufficient strength of men but that we should also recouer the ancient glory of the English nation spread farre abroad in France Spaine and other countreys in time past now blemished only with some mens misgouernment Wherefore seeing it hath pleased God not only to make your Lordship acquainted but also partaker of the common calamities of souldiers and giuen you fauour and accesse to her Maiestie in whom it lyeth to reforme these abuses as you haue hitherto employed your person and goods in the seruice of her and your countrey so I beseech you cease not vntill such time as you haue accomplished the redresse of these disorders these are they that without any one stroke of the enemie haue broken our enterprises it is not the courage of the Spaniard nor force of the Dutch nor brauerie of the French that hath frustrated our late attemptes neither doeth force so often ouerthrow armies in fielde as daliance irresolution and delay then through niggardise and good husbandry want of pay and necessarie furniture thirdly presumption and want of strength and sufficient force and lastly those abuses which through want haue crept into armies of late time for pitie could not be corrected for what conscience is it to punish those that spoyle and wander abroad when if they should not thus doe they should sterue for hunger if a Generall haue sufficient force and prouision it is his fault if he doe nothing if he want either force or pay then it is their fault that should haue sent him foorth better prouided many doe great wrong to our Generals in the Portugall expedition when they impute the fault to them God knoweth that with such slender prouision nothing could be done more others that are more deepely to be charged for breaking that enterprise yea and famishing of many poore soules lye hid and I thinke meane not to answere vntill such time as God shall call them before his tribunall seate there to answere once for all If any meanes could bee deuised that abuses of imprests and false musters and accounts taken away loyall captaines might be chosen and poore souldiers be well furnished and that matters might proceed with speede and resolution and more force bee ioyned together I would then hope there would be some seruice done without forces cōuenient what reason hath any to hope for better for as a little water sprinkled on the fire doth make the same more to flame and sparkle so small supplies doe rather kindle and nourish warres then ende them or exstinguish them The onely meanes to redresse both these and all other disorders consisteth in the restoring and by sharpe punishment mainteining of true militarie discipline and orders Without this as a discrazied body is easily dissolued without outward force so an armie though neuer so great without one blow of the enemie is broken and scattered without doing any effect With exercise of armes and obseruance of true discipline of war great enterprises most happily are atchieued The a Romani sibi orbem subegerunt armorum exercitatione disciplina castrorum vsuque militiae Veget. de re mil. Romanes did subdue the world by the exercise of armes and their orders of encamping and practise of warre Neither did they excell the
b Quintilian in milit Mar. Germanes and Danes in multitude nor the Carthaginians nor kings of Macedonia and Asia in wealth but in strict obseruance of the discipline of armes Nor could the Spaniards haue done such things as they haue of late but that they excell others in the obseruance of militarie discipline Neither were it possible that the Turkes should haue preuailed so much against Christians but that they reward vertue highly and punish disorders seuerely and keepe a strict order in the gouernment of their campe armie If then we either desire or will hope for good successe in martiall affaires nay if wee meane to mainteine our state and our reputation of force we must obserue militarie and martiall orders Which if once by your Lordships meanes I might see restored which I doe hope then would I not feare either the malice or power or riches of the Spaniard or other forreine enemie of this state This therefore is the thing which especially I commend to your care which indeede is the cause of the whole countrey and ought to be the care of all that loue the honour peace and prosperitie of the same For confirmation of your Lordships iudgement that well knoweth more then I can say and for direction to such as be ignorant I haue as neere as I could described the right course true discipline of armes confirmed by ancient later precedents of most expert warriors and because it so pleased your Lordship published the same I haue likewise set downe not only the proceedings but also the causes and necessary prouisions of warres without which all order is vaine and all proceeding without effect The same I haue consecrated to my countries honour vnder the fauour of your honourable name Vouchsafe therefore my good Lord to accept this my simple goodwil not worthy the name of a gift Yet is it all which I haue wonne not onely by long obseruation but also by dangerous experience both in France Italy Flanders and Portugall It grieued me not a litle being in her Maiesties seruice to see such confusion among vs but much more that our wants were such that wee could not execute lawes The causes I haue declared before The redresse I haue set downe in the discourse following after The which for that your L. seemed to like the same and for that I doe thinke it may be profitable to my countriemen and fellowes in armes that stil continue that profession I thought it good vnder the shadow of your honorable fauour to communicate to others Partly delayes and presumption and partly disorder and misgouernment and partly want of necessary prouisions doth more hurt oftentimes then the enemies open force Of all disorders the onely remedie and medicine is as I haue saide true discipline of armes which I haue here to my vttermost skill and endeuour declared and with diuers examples of most renowmed Captaines confirmed against whose doings many may percase repugne but none can take iust exceptions I would once I might see the same put in execution vnder your Lordships gouernance for what auayleth knowledge of law without execution practise if not yet shall I wish all honour and good to those that shal endeuour to put orders in execution If any good come of my labours the same is wholly to be ascribed to your Lordship whose singular fauour towards me both at home and abroade gaue me first occasion leisure and meanes to write these discourses if none yet I trust indifferent men will accept my good meaning My purpose was if my experience hauing nowe almost ceassed from all such wearisome trauailes could doe others good to affoord them all the helpe I could and also to giue my countrey aduertisements concerning such matters as are very important requisite to be generally knowen that order may be taken in time The successe I commit to God the care to your Lordship and others whom it concerneth beseeching the Almightie that is Lord of armies and gouern our of all our actions so to direct the affaires of state vnder the gouernance of our gracious Soueraigne to giue that fauour to your endeuours that the glory of the English nation by your noble deedes may be increased the blemishes of our proceedings in warres washed away and all good orders restored Your Lordships most bounden and willing Matth. Sutcliffe ⧠To the Reader MAny doe wonder some complaine and those that haue least interest if so bee they haue any loue to their Countrey they cannot chuse but lament that in those warlike actions which of late yeeres haue bene attempted publikely the successe hath beene so slender the losse of men so great the charge so burdensome and the proceedings and effects so contrary to antiquitie and as naturall affection leadeth them I doubt not but many are inquisitiue and desirous to know the causes And to say trueth good it were that the true causes of disorders were publikely knowne that not onely those that are wrongfully charged may be cleared but that those that laugh in others griefes and rise out of the common ruines might be knowen and rewarded at least that the causes of former disorders may bee remoued and that such prouision and order as hath beene hitherto wanting may in time to come and in time also be better supplied For this cause I haue framed this discourse Wherein when thou shalt see what is required in the orderly proceeding and managing of warres thou maiest easily see what we wanted and I feare me shal want vnlesse it please God to touch mens hearts with a more zelous care of their countries honour hereafter I doe not meane any one speciall man more then others God is my witnesse What soeuer he is that by delayes irresolution niggardise rapine cowardise trechery and other villeny abuseth his prince and country let him not thinke that I aime particularly at his person but at delayes irresolution niggardise rapine briberie cowardise trechery want of skill and such other abuses I haue no meaning to touch any thing that may sound to any mans hurt or disgrace And therefore although I haue store of domesticall examples yet haue I chosen rather to exemplifie abuses by forreine histories My purpose is to doe good to all without hurt to any particulars vnlesse percase those that liue vpon pillage doe account the common good to be their priuate hurt when the meanes of their gaine shall be taken from them If then thou desirest to see the causes of former losses or els wishest to know how breaches of former time may be repayred behold but this treatise wherein as thou shalt see the good successe of all those that proceeded orderly and like men of warre so thou mayest also see that those that haue neglected discipline of armes and warlike proceeding haue had euents and successe according to their deseruing Now to the intent thou maiest the better both addresse thy affaires if thou hast any charge in warres and vnderstand the
at the pleasure of barbers scriuenoes and some giuen for the loue of ladies The abuse is but too auncient yet neuer so farre inured as now Tully at the b Cic. ad Attic. request of Brutus bestowed a colonels place vpon Scaptius which he refused And writing to Caesar in the fauour of c Huic ego neque tribunatum neque praefecturam peto Cic. ad Caes ep fam Trebatius he sheweth the such places were sometimes graunted of fauour but seldome without desert He obiecteth against d Centuriatus palà m vendidit ordines per seruū assignauit Cic. in Pison Piso as a great reproch that he sold the places of captains and other romes and inferiour offices at the request of his scribes and slaues Caesar in e Hirt. de bel Afric Affrike dismissed certaine of his colonels captaines with this speach to disgrace them that they had gotten those places for fauour without desert Afterward when the centurion began to take money of the common souldier for absence and redemption of other disorders of which Tacitus f Per sordes auaritiam Fonteius Capito adimebat assignabat militiae ordines Tacit. 17. complaineth the centurions place began to be also set to sale which was a great cause of the corruption of militarie discipline among the Romanes and cannot chuse but also worke bad effects among vs if it be continued There is none that buyeth his place that willingly doth hazard his carkasse or hath other respect then of gaine And no maruel if the common souldiers be pilled where the captaines at their entrance are so pinched The places of g Populus tribunos ad 4. primas legiones dixit reliquos coss Liu. 27. colonels were sometime giuen by the people of Rome but most cōmonly with greatest reason by the Generals For otherwise if it were how could they reward those that best deserued Therefore did Aemilius h Liu. 42. Paulus make request that he might bestow those places vpon men of greatest worth and merite which said he is for the honour also and profite of the common wealth Centurions were alwayes chosen by the Generals and by them aduanced for their i Virtutis causa in superiores erant ordines huius legionis traducti Caes bel gal 6. vertue Caesar preferred Scaeua to the highest centurions roome in in the legion for his noble seruice at Dyrrachium Among k Exped Cyr. 2. the Greekes those that were next in degree succeeded in their places that were next about them if any thing came at them The officers of companies namely lieutenants ensignes sergiants corporals are chosen by the captaines of companies But much better it were if as some doe so all did chuse them of their most able and valiant souldiers without respect or fauour Other officers are chosen some for the gouernment others for the prouision of the army Of the sort are the campmasters or marshals with their serieant maior field coporals colonel general lieutenant general of the horse scoutemasters trenchmasters quartermasters and such like Which all tend one way are but partes of the Generals duety which in time past he executed by his legates or lieutenants tribunes The master of the Ordonance captaine of Pioners are likewise but of a late inuention since the vse of artillerie came in and souldiers through slouth began to refuse the labours of warre The iudge and prouost marshall succeede also in a part of the Generals care for deciding and executing matters of iustice The muster-master likewise is of a late stampe namely since captaines began to pay the souldiers and Princes began to be defrauded of their numbers and their treasure Of the second sort are all Commissaries for the pay of souldiers for victuals armes munition carriages and whatsoeuer other prouision necessary For good choice whereof there is but one generall rule to be obserued to wit that all partiality and affection laid aside such be placed in gouernment as be skilfull loyal valiant diligent and haue respect of honour not of profite and in offices of prouision such as haue knowledge in such matters will deale faithfully Such as ambitiously or greedily sue for such places are not lightly to be heard and although they be once placed yet if they be conuicted of insufficiencie or negligence or fraude they are exemplarly to be punished or at the least remoued CHAP. IIII. Part 6. Of musters and choice of common souldiers THe Generals chiefe care is about the choice of his chiefe officers colonels captaines of companies yet may he not neglect the choice euen of cōmon souldiers A matter in our times either not at al or very litle regarded For when occasion is offered of seruice then for the most part order is giuen either to the officers of euery Parish to take vp roges or masterles men or inhabitants of prisons such as if they had their deserts they were to be sent rather to the gallowes then to the warres for the most part or if a greater number must be taken to the officers in the Countrey men for the most part ignorant of warlike actions and such as haue no other respect most commonly then to disburthen the Parish of rogues loyterers pikars drunkards and such as no other way can liue Among that which there is no honest man but would be loth to be numbred If any other be chosen it is for some priuate respect or grudge And of those that are chosen if they haue either friendes fauour or money most of thē are dismissed And sure when I cōsider how in forrein nations men are sent to the slaughter few in nūber vnprouided vnfurnished vnpaid and pilled of their gouernours contrary to all order of seruice I must needes say these men are the fittest to be sent But if Princes meane to haue their honour and countrey defended or their estate mainteined or seruice done vpon the enemie they must haue more regard to chuse men of more strength honestie and abilitie such as haue reason to fight for their Countrey and haue care of their honest reputation and are ashamed of villeny and lewde doing For how can captaines encourage those to fight for their countrey lands goods and honor that haue neither house nor home nor respect of honesty or shame nor care though all were fired so they might hooke somewhat and yet forsooth the Generals commanders that of late time haue bin emploied haue bin blamed that they haue not obserued the rules of militarie discipline among these men As if it were possible to keepe famished men from snatching of victuals or drunkardes from drinke or to master men that are masterles or to keepe rogues in order or to make loyterours to worke or pilferors to march in aray and keepe order or to preserue them aliue that haue neither paye nor prouision in time nor one peny to helpe themselues in their neede If they will therefore haue order
vntill they had money They rebelde against Lewis Sforza and solde the e Guicciar li. 13. poore Duke for Crownes The mercenary souldiers of Laurence Medici and Frances Maria did spoyle the Marquisat of Ancona worse then if they had bene enemies For these causes the French king f Guicciardin Lewis the xii said it was better to be without Switzers then to haue them And in the ende Francis the first trayning 7. legions or regiments of his owne people determined to vse no other souldiers then of his owne nation the troubles of that kingdome I thinke are cause that the order was left off Those therfore that would employ mony vpon French or Dutch rather theÌ„ vpon their own souldiers should but dishonor their natioÌ„ hurt the state or affeeble their people bring g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist polit the Prince in distrust with his subiects without cause Such meÌ„ in time past were thought to haue tyrannical conceirs wish that neither the natiue souldier should rise in honour nor wealth nor any subiect become better practised in warres and all to the ende that they may growe rich them selues and swallow downe the spoyles of their Countrey without feare of accompts or controlement And many do thinke that if the English had but had that treasure and fauour that the Hie Dutch haue had this State had bene better assured and the enemie better cooled and more honorable seruice performed CHAP. IIII Part. 9. Of the souldiers pay BVt forasuiuch as neither strangers nor subiects can be long mainteined without pay because it wil auayle vs nothing to leuy souldiers vnlesse wee pay them mainteine them therefore before we passe any further let vs put those that haue the gouernmeÌ„t of warres coÌ„mitted vnto them in minde that some order be taken for the paiment of the souldiers For want of pay many disorders be committed many opportunities pretermitted It is not possible considering first the pouerty of the common souldier and then their small number that eyther they can liue of themselues or winne any thing from the enemy For want of pay they spoyle their friends and associates yea their companions and commit many outrages and who can execute iustice vpon them that eyther must famish or liue vpon spoyle For want of pay they sell their armes their clothes they growe sicke weake and vnprofitabe Contrariwise if they had their pay iustice might with more reason bee executed and their persons armes and clothes be kept in better estate and many enterprises executed that by weakenesse want of the souldiers are broken Lautreck riding post came in good time himselfe to haue setled the affaires of a Guicciar li. 14. Milan if the 300. thousande Crownes which were promised by the French king to bee sent presently after him had likewise come in poste For want of pay the souldiers disbanded for want of pay occasioned by I know not what friuolous delay the Dutchie of Milan was lost by the French Souldiers are not payd with promises nor wordes The slow prouision of money was the cause likewise of the rashe enterprise and ouerthrow of the French at the b Tardità di proueder denari causa de larotta de Francesi à la Bicâ—cca Guiccia 14. Bicock in Lombardy The miserable niggardise and slow dispatch of the Cardinall c Guicciar 3. San. Malo Treasurer to Charles the 8. of France which deferd necessary paymentes beyond all reason set all the affaires of the French in the kingdome of Naples in disorder as Guicciardin testifieth and the very things themselues declared A very slowe d Gente d'arme â—ardi di pagamenti caminauonâ— lentamente Guicciar li. 3. marche it is that souldiers without pay doe make Guicciardin speaking of the enterprise of Naples by Lautreck sayth that the same was hindered by nothing more then by delayes of pay while such summes as should haue bene deliuered before hand were payde him by piecemeale and out of time A man cannot in this kind vse too great expedition and diligence nothing can be more hurtful herein then auarice and delay Further many mutinies disorders proceede of this only cause I neede not confirme it by examples seeing there is none that hath followed the profession of armes any time but knoweth it by his owne experience Contrariwise due pay doeth binde the souldiers hearts to the Generall as Liuy declareth in the example a Annibal largè partiendo praedaÌ„ stipendia praeterita cum fide exoluendo cunctos ciuium suorum sociorumque animos in se sirmat Liu. 21. of Annibal Without pay souldiers can neither do seruice nor mainteine them selues in strength nor scarce liue With their b Hinc vestes arma tentoria Tacit 1. in Polyb 6. pay they finde them selues victuals clothes armes with the same they succour them selues in sickenes and when they are hurt This was the vse in ancient time and is now practised also For this cause all warlike Nations haue had due care that their souldiers might be orderly payd c Liu. 2. Porsena when the pay day came sate by while all his souldiers one by one receiued their pay For that end they appointed d Tacit. annal 11. Tresurers to attend on the Generall and to pay the army That Generals should then attend the pleasure of Tresurers was as a thing monstrous in nature When the Romanes could not otherwise prouide for their souldiers the Senate decreed that the e Aurea argentea templotuÌ„ ornamenta quae Numa consecrauerat ne militibus stipendium deesset conflata sunt Val. Max. l. 7. c. 6. ornaments of gold and siluer which Numa Pompilius had consecrate should be made into money that they might be payd This was iu the time of Marius When the common wealth of Rome had no mony the charge was layd vpon rich men f Liu. 24. proportionally The Nobilitie and Gentry brought in and lent sufficient Some of the wealthiest in the neede of the State serued without pay The g Hirt. de bel Alexandr Alexandrians in the warres against Caesar by assigning to euery man of abilitie certaine souldiers to be kept mainteined the warres against him And generally such order was takeÌ„ among all nations for pay of the souldiers that in all stories Greeke and Latin I scarce read of any one mutiny for want of pay Some will percase reply and say that there is no comparison betwixt the people of Rome and vs. And that it was an easie matter for that great Empire to pay their souldiers which to vs is so hard and grieuous some conceiue that their souldiers were content with lesse pay and others deeme that the charge of warres is nowe greater then in those times matters vtterly mistaken For not onely the Romanes but also the Athenians Thebans Samnites Aequians Volscians Hernicans Sabines and many other small States in comparison of this kingdome mainteined and paid great armies many
better for the Captaines for they should not be so condemned as they are of the countrey nor of their souldiers and some very wrongfully and who would for so small gaine incurre the losse of his honour or reputation but thus they shall neither liue themselues nor be able to rewarde their souldiers As if I wished them not larger pay and w ih honester conditions And as if they did vse to reward their men or that belonged to them it is the General that should do it vpon their report not they When a Citati milites nominatim stipendium ad nomen singulis persolutum Liu. 28. Scipio paide his souldiers in Spaine euery man receiued himselfe his due paye man by man Which was the continual practise of the b Stipendium praesens omnibus militibus dabatur Liu. 23. Romanes That I likewise confirmed by the example of Porsena the captaine of the Hetruscians who stoode by c Liu. 2. while euery man receiued his stipend Guicciardin disputing and weying the causes why the Frenchmen in the expedition of Charles the 8. into the kingdome of Naples so easily preuailed alleageth this for principall that the Kings souldiers were payed by the kings Officers and not as the Italian vse was by the Captaines For which cause now at length also the Spaniard weary of this abuse appointeth certaine Officers to pay euery souldier according to the a They call them Pagadores moster roll and diuers controllers of these paymasters This I thinke to be the best meanes to remedy the want of pay the fraude of Officers the disorders of souldiers and coruption of false mosters whereby many Princes haue bene greatly abused are like to be further if order be not taken Before Pauy the b Guicciar li. 15 French king Francis had not halfe the number of souldiers that were vpon his moster bookes which was the principall cause of the ruine of the army and of the taking of the king as Guicciardin affirmeth The same was the ruine of the army of Iulio the 2. before c Guicciar lib. 9. Gemuolo and causeth many to presume further then reason thinking their strength greater diuers to detest warres the disorders are so great This I thought necessary to speake concerning pay more perhaps then some will like But the commiseration I haue of poore souldiers and detestation I had of disorders that haue happened vpon this cause in the seruice where I haue bene and feare of worse haue extorted these complaints from me yet not to hurt any particular God is my witnes but generally to do my countrey good if I could to admonish those whom it concerneth to looke better vnto it hereafter CHAP. IIII. Part. 10. Wherein is declared that there is no hope of good successe in warres without a full army and force sufficient THose that know with what difficultie miserie Officers are wont to pay 4. or 5. M. men haue good cause to thinke it a matter very difficult to mainteine 30. or 40. M. and many percase will wonder what I meane to perswade the leuy of a full army seeing the vnwillingnes and vnreadines of this age in sending forth and furnishing any small number of men But notwithstanding the imagination of the first or wonderment of the second both the lawes and practise of armes doeth teach vs that to obteine victorie and to subdue our enemies a iust and full army must be employed and that small numbers of men doe rather feede the warres then end them rather anger the enemy then hurt him The Lacedemonians before the Peloponnensian warre consulting with the oracle by what meanes they might best preuaile against their enemies receiued this answere that the meanes to ouercome was to vse a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. their full strength For if an army be a perfect body as the Athenian captaine Iphicrates was wont to say it must haue the iust proportion of partes and iust complement or els it will be monstrous and not able to doe the actions exspected of such a body The Romanes therefore as in other things so in this excelled that they neuer dealt with any enemie but with a full army If the power of the enemie were great they employed a Consulare army consisting of 4. legions of citizens beside the aide of their associates if lesse they vsed but two legions with the ayde of their friendes The greatest force that they vsually employed were two Consular armies ioyned together The number was diuers as the legions were greater or lesser full or imperfect but their greatest force amounted not past to 50. thousand their middle to 24. thousand their least to 12 or 15. thousand or thereaboutes Lesse number I doe not reade that they vsed in any seruice and therefore proceeding with sufficient force I maruell not if their successe were according It is the vse of all nations neither the French in their expeditious into Italy nor the Spaniard into France or Italy vseth to send lesse then a iust army The Duke of Alua beside 12. or 13. M. Almaines and those of the Low countries brought with him 9000. Spaniards and Italians when first he came into that countrey It is no good nor profitable course to send 4. or 5. thousand against what soeuer enemie If to famish they are too many if to fight too fewe Double that number is neither able to keepe the field nor to besiege any citie nor almost able to doe any enterprise of warre vnlesse it be to defend some place for some fewe dayes in the end to giue it ouer being in despaire of succour Our proceedings in France Flanders if mother reason wil pes wade vs may teach vs that this number is too little the effectes doe declare my speach to be true The b Thucid. 1. Lacedaemonians so long as they sent small numbers of men against the Athenians could doe no good against them but did hurt to themselues Small force doeth rather nourish and kindle the warres then extinguish them euen as a fewe drops sprinckled on the fixe doeth make the same to burne more bright and as much water powred on the fire doeth quench the same so a sufficient army maketh an end of brawles or at least bringeth them to triall Nay further a sufficient force doeth not only worke greater effect but also is lesse chargeable then warres made by these slender supplies It may percase seem a paradoxe to some but reason experience doth proue it true These warres of our times they haue no ende but where a sufficient armie goeth there is an end eyther one way or other There is no end of charge in lingring warres in these if the armie preuaile the victorie mainteineth the same if it be ouercome then is there an end of that armie and charge The burthen is onely in the setting of the same out and mainteyning of it in the meane while But will some say the hazard were great Let
see not how our people can mainteine their honor but the next course to assure them selues is to haue cautionary townes or hostages or both deliuered into their handes townes that they may assure them selues of retraite in case of bad dealing hostages that they may be assured of their good dealing Without townes their case is desperate if the enemie preuaile The b Froâ—ssart French that came to aide Galeazzo Duke of Millain vnder the leading of the Countie of Armignac being scattered in the siege of Alexandria were slaine by the Pesants of the Countrey The like happened to those poore Lanceknights that were defeated at c Anno 1569. Moncontour Neither were the Spaniards better vsed that came in aide of the Leaguers being defeated by the present french king neere Dreux anno 1589. This towne that is giuen in caution is to be garded with a sufficient force of English furnished with victuals and munitions in the garde of the garrison and not as in Vlissingen in the keeping of the townesmen vnto whom whosoeuer trusteth shall assuredly be deceiued Thirly let those that haue the gouernment of our men see that they both march and lodge vnited and strong that they be not either disturbed in the night nor betraied vnder colour of frieÌ„dship Strangers that stragle are a spoile not onely to the pesants but to their secrete euil-willers And those that lodge without defence or suffer any to come within them in the night are open to euery enterprise of their enemies That they may both lodge and march hard together order is to be taken that they may haue victuals deliuered them alwaies before hand and that they be not driuen to seeke abroad for them To conclude the onely meanes of safetie is neither to trust enemy nor friend for none are abused but they that trust dissoyall people If that our men can neither haue townes nor hostages nor victuals nor good vsage what should they be sent among such people or why should they trust others being not themselues trusted or why should any succour be sent but such as may command and punish the dissoyall and haue strength to stand vpon themselues Those therefore that are gouernours I trust they will maturely consider of this point if not let them looke for this issue if the enemy be stronger then are our men either to be slaine or famished by the enemie if by our forces our friendes preuaile then for their rewarde shall they either be turned out of the countrey with disgrace or be famished or cut in peeces by their friendes These things considered let vs nowe consequently proceede to declare howe an army after that it is exercised and furnished and that the Generals haue all due considerations both therein and in all other prouision and proceeding required before the marche of the army may march orderly and safely CHAP. VI. Part. I. Of the order and aray of an army marching toward the enemy THe first care of him that meaneth to march safely in the enemies countrey or where an enemie is neere ought to be that his troupes obserue good order and aray and the neerer that he approcheth to the enemy the greater ought his care to be The neglect of this point onely hath bene the ouerthrow of many armies It giueth opportunitie to the enemy to assaile vs and confoundeth yong souldiers when they are ignorant how to come in order to defend themselues Easie it is to be obserued of men that are willing and vnderstand reason and sharpe effects and correction it worketh on the stubborne and wilfull That the General or his officers may put the armie in good order of march first they are to vnderstand what is the aray of the whole armie considered together as one whole body Secondly the places of euery part as of horsemen footemen and of footemen of the diuers sortes of weapons Thirdly the iust distances of souldier from souldier according to euery mans qualitie and weapon Fourthly the places of the Generall and other chiefe Commanders Fiftly of the great Ordonance and munition Lastly of the cariages and baggage and boyes and seruants that attend vpon it and likewise of marchants and victualers and others that followe the army for other causes then to fight The armie consisteth of three partes commonly considered especially as it marcheth for in fighting the orders and parts doe much differ The first part that marcheth wee call vantgard the second the battell the third the arier ward Euery one of these ought to be a perfect body of it selfe hauing both his smal shot and great ordonnance and his horsemen and his pikes targets and halberds placed in good order Oft times I know it is otherwise and that either horsemen or pikes or targets are wanting in some part or other But howe much of these they want so much they want of perfection and due proportion in a iust army For we speake not of 6 or 7 thousand which cannot obserue this order but had better to march vnited but of a ful army of 24 or 30 thousand which number marching in this order so that one part may succour an other I accompt doth march orderly and strongly If one part goe farre before an other it may fall out as it happened to the Protestants in the plaines of S. Clere anno 1569 that one part shall be in route before the other can come to succour The Romanes marched distinguished by legions whose numbers were diuers and which seldome were complete but in effect the aray was one saue that the Romanes commonly made but two partes of their armie and placed their baggage in the midst as did Caesar marching against the Neruians In the order of the partes and placing of horsemen and footemen and sorting of weapons the same reasons haue place for the most part among all nations Before the auantgard light horsemen by ancient prescription may challenge the first place If they be seconded with some shot and targetters lightly armed they may be the bolder to come neere the enemy and to abide his charge These are called auantcoureurs and serue for discouery of the enemies proceedings and of the situation of the Countrey and intercepting of the enemies espials and diuers other vses Vpon the front of the auantgard march small shot and musquetiers after them follow the armed men with the ensignes in the midst or rather somewhat toward the first rankes On either hand and behind the armed men are other companies of shot to be ranged and without the shot somewhat auanced forward argoletiers and then launces take their place If the enemie make countenance as if he would charge some part of our army with his horse they are to be drawne toward the side where the enemie threatneth to giue the charge but if the enemie doe flie before vs and shunne to fight the horsemen of the whole armie would be ioyned together and sent to charge him on the sides or backe and to stay his marche
argoletiers are to take heede that they come not neere the lances of the enemy lest they make holes in their horses sides if no worse Where the enemy is in disorder there al sorts of horsemen may do seruice At Cerisoles after that the shot had made way in the enemies battell the French entred with their horse among them and ouerthrew them Pikes are the onely defence of footemen against horsemen if they be taken in plaine ground Yet doe I not thinke it good that there should be such numbers of pikes in our armies as is vsed For that vse excepted which I spake of I see no other great profite they haue For execution is seldome doone by pikes Sometime I grant pikes do charge other pikes but it is not the piquier that maketh the slaughter In woodes and shrubbie or brushie groundes these kinde of long weapons are vnprofitable and vnweldie The Germanes by the disaduantage of their long pikes d being taken in such ground were ouerthrowen by Germanicus and the Romane targettiers In straites likewise when souldiers come to lay handes and haue prize ech on other long pikes cannot a Longae hast 〈◊〉 in syluis inter virgulta non tam aptae quam pila haerentia corpori tegmina gladij Tacit. 2. not be a Nec minor Germanis animus sed genere pugnae armorum superabantur cum ingens multitudo arctis locis praelongas hastas non protenderet nō colligeret Tacit. annal 2. managed as the experience of the Romanes fighting against the Germanes and Macedonians armed with long weapons teacheth vs. Further the assailants in assaults of townes and forts haue small vse of them For there is no vse of horsemen there greatly against which pikes are good neither do the defendants greatly vse them saue in the breach Pikemen are too heauie armed to pursue others and without shot they cannot well garde themselues either against shot or targets At Muscleborough field a fewe shot opened the Scottish squadrons of pikes for those that folowing after inuested them And likewise did the French arquebuziers at Cerisoles deale with the lancequenets among whose battelles making lanes they gaue entrance to the horsemen that presently charged them And so little defence there is in that weapon that not onely the Biscaine buckelers entred within them at the battaile of b In the dayes of Lewis the 12. of France Rauenna where they made a foule tailliada and slaughter but also the Counte of Carmignola dismounting himselfe and his company entred among the squadrons of the Switzers pikes and cut them in peeces in an other encounter in Lombardie The Romanes dealing with the c Sarissae Macedonicae Macedonian pikes both in the warres with Philip and Perseus kings of Macedonia and of Antiochus king of a great part of Asia neuer feared to enter vpon them with their targets nor made reckoning of that weapon And not without cause For who seeth not the strength and effect of the pike being in the point that as soone as targettiers or other armed men enter among pikes the piquiers throwe downe their pikes and take them to their other weapons the Portugalles did perceiue by the experience of that fight with the Moores where Sebastian their king was slaine that fewer pikes would haue serued and other weapons done better effects The Switzers that are for the most part piquiers will not march anie whither without their companies of shot attending on them for their garde At Moncontour the Almaine piquiers abandoned of their shot were miserably shot to death most of them For this cause I would haue onely so many pikes as woulde serue for the defence of the army against the enemies horse The Frenchmen haue but ten pikes to euery companie of shot which is too little yea and sometimes they haue no pikes at all But he is abused that maketh the French precedentes and examples to followe in any practice of warre The first rankes of pikes woulde bee armed with corsalets of caliuer proofe on the breast from the twelfth ranke backeward and inward it is sufficient if they haue anie armes or iackes of male Brassats and other peeces of armes except the head-peece gorgeron and corsalet I thinke to be more then they can eyther wel march with or fight with The Frenchmen in time past had some called a Cruppellarii cōtinuo ferri teg mine inferendis ictibus inhabiles dolabtis securibus à Romani◠caeduntur Tac. 3. Cruppellarii by Tacitus that were armed as they saie de cap en pied at which the Romane souldiers laughed For that they were vnable by reason of the weight of their armes eyther to strike the enemie or to defend themselues Therefore did they hew them downe with billes and pollaxes The pike I would haue if it might be of Spanish Ash and betwixt twentie and two and twentie foote long and by his side euerie piquier would haue sword and dagger and a dagge at his girdle especially in the vtmost ranks The number of targettiers I woulde haue encreased Not onely of such as haue targets of proofe which are vsed of those that stand in the first rankes but also of those that haue light targets These would be made of wood either hooped or barred with yron It would be three foote and a halfe in length for that was the measure of the Romane shield two foot a half in breadth in forme ouall A kinde of armes now disused but most excellent in all seruices saue against horsemen in the plaine field Against archers targets are a sure defence and dangerous to the enemy after that men come to close b Liu. 27. Scipio with his targetters cut the Carthaginian archers and slingars in peeces c Romani tela densatis excipiunt scutis Liu. 28. Targets are a good defence against stones in an assault and whatsoeuer is throwen from hand The same are very effectuall against shot A small number of targetters if once they come to reach shot with their swordes put great numbers of them out of the field Put case that some come shorte yet sure not manie considering that onely the first rankes of shot can discharge and that all doe not hit and few mortally especially if the first targets be of proofe and the men march resolutely to the charge Neither can shot retire where many of them are in the field nor saue thēselues in any place but targetters wil come to them Targetters also are mortall to the pikemen as not onely the Romanes dealing with the Macodonian and Germane pikes but also the Biskaines with their bucklers in the battell of Rauenna and Cirignola declared Targettiers in execution are singular and ready and light if their targets be light in following the chase They may be vsed in all seruices and all groundes In assaults of townes and in sallies in fighting in open field and in streites in woodes and in hils in retraites and in chases there is
out without danger Which expedition and resolution of the assaylants did so amaze the townsmen that presently they began to fall to composition Thus wee see howe those that proceede carefully diligently resolutely and according to the practice of warre doe seldome fayle of their purpose but either by siege surprise or assault they take the townes which they beset Townes that cannot be taken neither by sleight nor force at the first yet by continuance and perseuerance may be taken at the last by one meanes or other especially if they be weakened in one or two sallyes Annibal by a deuise causing the Locrians to sally out of their towne cut betweene them and their safety and by taking them made the rest to yeelde Hee would haue trained out those that garded the Castle of Tarentum by laying a bayt for them but they were too wise Romulus by a feined retrayt drawing the Fidenians some prety distance from the towne cut most of them in peeces and pursuing the rest entred Pelle Melle with them into the towne Many other stratagemes may be deuised whereby townes may be forced or surprised but seeing the generall reasons are apparent by this which I haue sayd now I will turne my speech to those that aduerse euents driue to defend them selues within townes For practice of warre doeth teach vs not only to force others but also where the enemy pursueth vs to defend our selues CHAP. XVII Wherein certaine obseruations are set downe good to be practiced for the defence and good gouernment of a towne or place besieged battered or assaulted SEeing as places are taken either by want through long siege or by intelligence and trechery or els by force those to whom Princes commit their garde are diligently to encounter these things with prouision of things necessary first then with watchfulnes care and lastly by strength of men walles They that take on them to defend townes neither well prouided nor fenced howsoeuer they shew therein courage yet doe they shewe no iote of wisedome in it for oft times they cast away themselues and hurt their Prince and countrey both in the losse of so many men in giuing courage to the enemy And better it were for them to conuey them selues into some place of safety or to yeelde then to holde out without reason In which case the Prince cannot blame them if they prouide for them selues The Romanes not being able to defend certaine townes of Apulia and Lucania against Annibal gaue them licence to prouide for them selues by composition Which also the French kings in the victories of the English nation in France permitted to their people a Cas de bel ciu 1. Domitius was blamed by Pompey for that he rashly engaged himselfe and his company in Corfinium without his commandement It was the losse of many braue men and a great preiudice to the cause Dandelot hanged vp a certain coÌ„panion that refused to deliuer vp a paltry castle without view of the canon albeit he saw the army of the Protestants And in deede lesse fauour doeth the practice of armes yeeld to those that vnable to defend them selues wil notwithstanding holde out vntill they be forced b Se ipsos conseruaturum dixit Caesar si priusquam aries murum tetigisset se dedissent Caes de bel gal 2. Caesar did not easily spare them that helde out vntill hee had shaken their walles those that otherwise yeelded he vsed with all clemency The first consideration therefore of him that hath a town committed to his gouernment ought to be whether the same may possibly be defended against the force that coÌ„meth against it or no. For c Nec temerè suscipienda eotuÌ„ defensio est quae tueri non potes nec temerè deserenda quae tueri potes Liu. 34. as we are not rashly to abandon a town that may be defended so we are not ignorantly to take vpon vs the defence of towns not tenable The Romans while Annibal ranged vp down Italy burnt those townes which they could not defend the like did Philip of Macedonia The a Cetera praâ—ldiis firmââ—unt Liu. 34. rest they kept with strong garrisons b Liu. Antiochus did foolishly in abandoning Lysimachia which for the prouision strength that was in the place might haue holden the army of the Romans at bay one whole yere The like error did c Transâ—untibâ—â— Romanis claustra à fronte tergo deseruit Liu. 44. 45. Perseus king of Macedonia coÌ„mit who seeing the Romans approch forsooke those strayts which if he had kept he might haue shut them in both behinde before Likewise are the Gaules taxed by d Caes bel gal 7. Vercingetorix for that contrary to his opinion commandement they would needes defend AuaricuÌ„ against Caesar Some do commend the French that in the defence of paltry townes of late yeeres haue willingly hazarded them selues as they did in the defence of Dorat in Limages Lusignen in Poitou Bray vpon Seyne Nogent such like which haue bene taken diuers of them by assault only of shot but they had deserued more commendation if they had not lost them selues in the end Let those therefore that purpose to winne honor by their actions consider what townes may be garded what not what are difficult to garde before they take on them to garde them Great cities are hardly defended against a great force that is able to strayt them keep them from victuals other necessaries That Paris hath holden out of late time the weaknes of their aduersaries their great succours are cause Gant likewise in the dayes of Edward the 3. held out against the Earles of Flanders a long time But the reason was because he could not besiege so great a city but if that such cities may be kept from victuals they can not long endure it When the Protestants in An. 1567. did but hinder the repayre of the countrey people to Paris the city was in extremity farre greater it was in being besieged by this King For such infinite numbers of people no prouision can serue any long time The e Caes bel gal 7. Gaules and f Caes bel gal â— Belgians thought to oppresse Caesar with multitude But when they were come together they saw that such numbers could not be mainteined with victuals therfore not being fought withal were forced to scatter of theÌ„selues But against a smal force great cities are most strong For neither can they be straited of victuals by reason of their multitude of men nor can they be takeÌ„ by assault being so wel able to defend the breach and repaire it So that to a great force great cities are easy to be taken to a small army that can not without danger compasse the same about they are impregnable Contrariwise small piles or castles hardly resist a great force First for that there is no roome within to make retrenchments or defences against the enemies
to resist prouided to prosecute iniuries contrariwise the peaceable and inconsideratiue are a spoile and praye to their neighbors The careles and peaceable people of b Judges 18. Laish were easily oppressed by the children of Dan. so seely foules are a praye vnto the egles and rauening birdes suppose we should yeeld vnto ouer enemies any thing which in reason they can desire yet is that no meanes for vs to obteine peace for those that c veterem sâ—rendo iniuriam inuitas nouaÌ„ Lin. lâ—b endure one iniurie doe but giue courage vnto their enemies to offer an other and oftentimes the d hostes sibi aliquid dedi postulant vt illud sit ad reliqua agenda gradus Tacit. annal enemie desireth somewhat to be yelden to him that the same may be a steppe to further matters the bitch that desired of the shepheard as it is in the apologue a couch where to litter when her whelpes were growen great began not onely to defend that place as her owne but also to encroche more and to offer diuers iniuries vnto the shepheard the best therefore is to resist betime and though we doe not resist yet it is wisedome to be prouided for no time ought to be spent of wise gouernours in delights of peace before that matters be setled for the execution of warres It was one of the greatest commendations that Liuy giueth to Philopoemen that riding by the way Liui. 35. and in common talke his most common argument was vpon matters of warre which made him so skilfull in those matters much more therefore ought wee to consult and prouide for wars being heretofore openly defied inuaded now very hardly threatned by the Spaniard his nauie came in hostile maner vpon our coast his commissions giuen to his captaines declare that he holdeth vs for enemies his subiectes haue exercised diuers actes of hostilitie in taking our goodes imprisoning and ransomming our persons neither doth any Spaniard thinke but that such as are by the Popes bull excommunicat for heretikes are open enemies and may be inuaded without other defiance And if we did not likewise account the Spaniards to bee our enemies why haue wee sent our shippes to spoyle their countrey why haue we taken their persons and their goodes why doe wee assiste the enemies of Spaine and withstand the Kings proceedings wherein we may That warres are not proclaimed it skilleth not For warres saith a Bellum aut indicitur aut geritur Cic. offic 1. Tullie are eyther proclaymed or made without proclamation Neither can it passe for payment that some distinguish assistance from confederacie and colour all our doings at sea vnder the name of reprisals if the king of Spaine shall euer bee able to requite vs hee will well let vs vnderstand how litle our distinctions will helpe vs and will vse vs as enemies Perdicca King of b Thucid. 2. Macedonia although associate with the Athenians yet for that vnder hand hee ayded their enemies bought it deare as soone as his doubling came to be espied neither doe I thinke that wee shall escape better cheape if which God forbid the Spaniard shoulde at any time be iudge Wherefore seeing there is no other way to escape his malice but by force and armes let vs consider what course is best for the enterprising and prosecuting of warres which being helde of the Romanes at the first by c Disciplina militaris iam inde ab initiis vrbis tradita per manus in artis perpetuis praeceptis ordinatae modum venerat Liu. lib. 9. custome at length grew to Art was administred by certaine precepts by which they grew victorious not only ouer their neighbors but also ouer the greatest part of the worlde by obseruance whereof diuers ancient and later Captaines haue wonne to themselues perpetuall fame and which if it might be recalled would nowe also worke the same effectes Some percase will mislike this treatise as all other of like argument for that they suppose that skill in armes is rather to be learned by practise then rule and that all such discourses are vaine conceites and supposalles of men more able to speake then performe and true it is that as in all other things so in this especially speculation is nothing worth without practise among the Romanes the a Iuuentus in castris per laborem vsu militiaâ—â— discebat Salust coniur Catil youth did learne the Arte of warre by practise and labour in the field but what notorious follie is it to condemne Arte and reason because practise doth manie things oft times without reason or Arte and what man that liketh the effectes can iustly condemne the causes now then seeing as practise dependeth vpon certaine reasons and rules and is often vncertaine by reason that the same hath not the same groundes at all times let no man condemne rules and the reasons of warrelike proceedings in respect of his owne experience and knowledge for although a man shoulde be trayned vp in warres from his infancie yet can hee not knowe all the reasons of warre by his owne experience Wherefore admit a mans experience bee neuer so great yet shall hee learne much by reading of Military discourses more then euer his owne experience could teach him therefore did Scipio and Caesar and other famous captaines spend much time in reading of ancient deedes of Armes and Tully reporteth of b Cum totum iter nauigationem consumpsisset partim in percunctando à peritis partim in rebus gestis legendis in Asiam factus imperator venit cum esseâ— Roma profectus rei militaris rudis Cic. Academ 4. Lucullus that albeit his practise in Armes was not great yet by reading and questioning with those that had skill he grew in short time to be most skilfull if Xenophon had not learned more by reading then practise hee coulde neuer haue perfourmed so many duties of an excellent Captaine as hee shewed in leading of the Greekes so long a iourney and deliuering them from so many assaultes of their aduersaries in their returne from their voyage with Cyrus a Alphonsus a king of Spaine confessed de reb Alph. that by bookes he learned both the practise and lawes of armes Yea Selim the barbarous Emperour of Turkes as their histories witnesse was much conuersant and skilfull in Caesars commentaries translated into Arabicke and read diligently the histories conteyning the famous deedes of his ancestours he must be very arrogant that would say that the reading of Frontinus Vegetius Liuy Caesar Xenophon and other ancient histories and discourses of deedes of armes both of Greekes and Romanes could profite nothing nor adde any thing to his owne experience and meere follie it is where men may haue rules to followe there to rush in at all aduentures La Noue his discourses are much esteemed of men well experimented in armes but double commendation had he deserued if as he hath set downe certeine pointes of his
cowards and disorderly persons 21 In the last Chapter for that our souldiers are for the most part raw and ignorant and would haue things expressed and taught them plainely I haue gathered together certaine militarie orders some concerning religion manners others concerning especially tending to the common safetie of the state armie or garrison or els concerning the speciall dueties of captains or common souldiers others respecting the campe or towne of garrison others specially belonging to sea causes and aduentures at sea others to the Officers of the army or fleete others concerning booties spoyles and prisoners and some concerning the execution of lawes and administration of iustice out of which I would haue so many as are fitting for the seruice in hand to be chosen out and put in writing and proclaymed openly and deliuered vnto euery captaine or colonell that euery man may vnderstand some part of his duetie and what punishment is due for his offences These things I haue for thy sake not without great labour brought together and layde foorth in this forme which I haue declared Reade them therefore with indifferencie and weigh them with iudgement and say not this can not be so for I neuer sawe it the authoritie is drawen from those which haue seene more then thy selfe and standeth vpon better reason then without experience thou canst imagine if thou allowest and likest my reasons followe them and vse them if not yet proceede not against reason my only desire was to profit my countrey and to content and profit thee other boone or reward I craue none but that I doe not receiue at thy hands disgrace for my diligence nor reproofe or scorne for my good will which because common humanitie forbiddeth me to feare I will bid thee a dieu and begin to addresse me to my purpose ¶ The right practice proceedings and lawes of Armes CHAP. I. What causes make warres iust or vniust and what are the effectes of lawfull warres and what solemnities or circumstances are to be considered in defiance of our enemies and first attempts of warres IT is needelesse as I suppose to dispute whether it be lawfull either for Christian Princes to make warres or for christians to serue in warres Those that thinke it vnlawfull as men deuoyd of iudgement in religion and state are declared long since to be both heretical and phrenetical persons The lawfulnes there of is apparent for that most godly and religious princes as Iosuah Dauid Iehosaphat Iudas Macabeus were great warriers their warres so allowed that the spirit of God calleth them the warres or battels of the Lord neither was the same altered by Christes comming as the Anabaptists dreame The holy a Rom. 13. Apostle sheweth that the Magistrate carrieth not the sword in vaine But he should carry it in vaine if hee might not as lawfully repell publike force as he may punish therewith priuate wrongs Iohn Baptist when the souldiers came vnto him he exhorted them not to giue ouer their manner of liuing but to content themselues with their wages to do wrong to no mau b Act. 9. Cornelius the Centurion notwithstanding his souldiers profession hath a notable testimony of the holie Ghost to be a man that feared God and if he had not beene such hee had not receiued the holie Ghost The true seruants of God sayth S. c Ad Bonifac. Augustine make warres that the wicked may be restrained and goodmen be relieued Beside this what state in this notable corruption malice of mens nature could endure any time if warres against violent persons were vnlawfull without warres who can warrant vs against spoyle and iniury it is the law of nature and nations that putteth weapons in our hands for our defence without warres ciuill lawes against rebellious subiects cannot be executed and so should remaine without edge S. a Ambr. de offic Ambrose saith that it is the office and parte of iustice by warre to defend our country from the enemy our confederates and such as by reason of their weakenes neede our aide from spoylers and oppressors Wherefore taking this as granted that some warres are lawfull let vs proceede to examine what those things are that giue vs iust cause of warres which is a matter much to be regarded vnlesse we will be accompted among those tyrants that rage and vexe men without cause If the cause of him that warreth be good the issue cannot be euill saith b Bern. de nou mil. Bernard the c Frangit attollit vires in milite causa Ouid. cause as it is good or euill so either abateth and breaketh or whetteth the souldiors courage d causa iubet superos melior sperare secundos Lucan and good and iust causes make men hope ro receiue fauour of God in the issue and triall e Euentus belli velut aequus iudex vnde ius stabat ei victoriam dabat Liui. 21. the euent oftentimes is according to the iustice and qualitie of the cause and f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eurip Electr. seldome do they returne in safety that go forth to draw their swordes in euill quarrels Dionysius of g Lib. 2. antiq Halicarnassus sayth that the Romanes therefore preuayled for the most part for that they enterprised no warres without iust causes contrariwise the h Ius in armis ferebant Liu. 5. Gaules which accompted that iustly gotten which they could winne with their sworde though otherwise very valiant receiued many great foiles for this cause as sayth Philip of i Phil. Com. li. 4. Commines Princes when they list to quarrel with their neighbors pretend honest causes although oft times vntrue The French that with some colour they might receiue such as in Gascoigne or Guienne rebelled against the kings of this realme suborned certaine Gascoignes and Poicteuins to complaine of vniust taxations made by the English in the dayes of Edward the third and Richard the second And Lewis the eleueuth of France instigated certaine rebelles to complaine of k Philip of Commines Charles duke of Burgundie that vnder colour of doing iustice he might with more reason inuade his territories These pretenses shewes make great disputes betwixt princes and states while euery man will seeme to make his cause good and to do nothing without iust causes Let vs therefore now consider what causes are sufficient to iustifie the taking of armes what are counterfeit and insufficient First it is lawfull to vse â—orce and take armes in defence of our country true religion our goodes or liberty a Hoc ratiodoctis mos gentibus feris natura ipsa praescripsit vt omnem semper vim a corpore a capite a vita iua propulsarent Cic. pro Mil. Reason teacheth the learned and custome instructeth all nations thus much which euen the instinct of nature printeth in wilde and sauage beastes that it is lawfull to repell force offered to our life to our person and the
state with force and by what other meanes wee can Most iust cause therefore had the Romanes to make warres vpon the Gaules vpon Annibal vpon the Daues and other barbarous nations that came to take away their country from them like cause had the Greeks to withstand the Persians other barbarous people that by armes would haue conquered them and depriued them of their country and liberty the same cause did the ancient Britons defend against the Romanes Saxons Danes and Normans though not with like successe And seeing of late time the Spaniard came vpon our coast with fire and sword menacing the English nation with all the calamities that follow such inuasions I thinke no man will deny but we haue iust cause to put on armes in defence of our countrey religion liues liberties and lawes in this case not onely our cause is iust but the warre is of necessity to be vndertaken which greatly helpeth the iustice of our cause for as the captaine of b Iustum bellum quibus necessarium pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur salus Liu. 9. Samnites said in like case that warre is iust whereto we are inforced and with good consâ—â—nce may we take armes when there is no safety for vs but in armes It is likewise lawfull to represse pirats and publique robbers by force of armes if they will not yeeld themselues to be tried by order of common iustice They are enemies of peace ciuil gouernment and by the lawes defyed and proclaimed as publike enemies of states their bodies may be taken and their goodes spoiled as in warres with other nations The warres made by the Romanes against Spartacus who assembling a mutinous route of rebelles and hindred al trade was iust and necessary in this c ff de iust iure L. fureÌ„ ad L. Corn. de sicar L. itaque case because such do rise and assaile vs vpon a sodaine the law of nature giueth warrant of defence without publike commandement or commission neither is it onely lawful to cleare the sea of pyrates but also honorable d Thucid. Minos made his name famous for that he cleared the sea of pyrats and opened the way for marchants which fact also procured great commendation to Pompey the Great Moreouer if our country be wasted and spoiled and our goods taken away by forreiners it is lawful by force and armes to seeke for restitution if otherwise it cannot be obtained Tully a Quod rebus repetitis geritur offic 1. accompteth that warre iust that is made after demand of things wrongfully taken vniustly deteined these quarrels often fal out betwixt borderers the b Romulus Albanis bellum in tulit quod eorum dictator nollet res raptas reddete Dion Hal. lib. antiq 3. Romans for this cause made diuers roades vpon the Sabins Volscians Albans and others their neighbors Tullus Hostilius had no other causes of his warres against the same people This hath bene the beginning of many contentions betwixt vs and the Scots of the warres betwixt the c Liu. 1. Romans and Sabins there was no other cause but the spoile of the Roman marchants among other causes of the third warres of the d Flor. Epir. Romanes against the Carthaginians the taking of certaine shippes and spoiling of certaine Marchants is alledged as principall The Switzers beganne their braules with the Duke of e Phil. Commin Burgundy for a loade of skinnes taken away by the Countie of Romont likewise it is where at a sodaine roade our goodes are spoyled or driuen away and deteined from vs. for which cause the Romanes warred vpon the f TarquinieÌ„sibus rebus nequicquaÌ„ repetitis quod agrum Rom. populati essent bellum indictum Liu. 7. Hetruscians diuers of their neighbors Iust cause therefore haue wee also in this respect to make warres vpon the Spaniard that without destance of warre stayed our shippes and our marchants and spoiled their goodes were not mens minds â—â—oled and almost frozen with feare and age these iniuries would inflame them howsoeuer it is men ought not to stay vntill the flames of our country enflame them In this case those that first offend do giue iust cause of warres not those that seeke restitution by armes as is euident g Liu. 1. by the example of the Romanes and Albans where the first iniury being offered by the Albans made inst the cause of the Romanes Yet if things taken away be offered againe and satisfaction be promised to bee made for wrongs done it is not iustice nor reason further to prosecute the quarrel begunne it seemeth not reason saieth h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid 1. Archidamus to prosecute him by force that submitteth himselfe to order of lawe and commonly those that refuse reason when it is offered come afterward to wish they had taken it when they can not haue it The French disdaining and scorning the great offers made by the blacke Prince were shamefully by him ouerthrowne at the fielde of Poytiers The i Non suae redditae res non alienae accumulatae satis erant Liu. 9. Romanes refusing the satisfaction made by the Samnites receiued a notable disgrace being by composition disarmed to saue their liues at the streites of Caudium and Philip of Commines conceiueth that Charles duke of Burgundy prospered neuer the better for that he refused the humble submission and satisfaction of the Switzers desiring peace at his hands The iniurie that is done to the subiects redoundeth to the Prince and reproches and contumelies done to ambassadours and messengers returne vpon those that send them both these things minister lawfull cause for Princes states to take armes in hand The Romanes with sharpe wars prosecuted a Appian Alexandr Mithridates for that by one generall proclamation he had caused diuers of their people to be massacred in Asia the same cause armed them against the Latines and Volscians The Volscians againe inuaded the Romans for that reprochfully their people were commaunded out of the Citie at the time of their b Liui. 3. publike games The Heduans rebelled against Caesar vpon c Caes bel Gal. 7. conceit of some wrong offred to their people in the campe of the Romanes And among al causes of warres betwixt Princes this is commonly inserted for one that either their subiects are slaine or wronged as appeareth both in the beginnings of the Romane warres against the kings of Macedonia and also against the people of Carthage and the same was the common pretense of the d Froissart French to inuade vs when we held Gascoigne Guienne and Normandy Yet more neere doth it touch a Prince when his ambassadours are violated forasmuch as that iniurie is thought to be offered to his owne person Therefore did Dauid warre vpon the children of Ammon for the villeny they offered his ambassadors The shamefull reproche which the Corinthians offered the Romane ambassadours was the cause of
the warre betwixt the Romanes and them and of the sacke of Corinth Friderick Barbarosse for a scorne offered him by them of Milan besieged and tooke their Citie the first quarrell betweene the e Liu. Romanes and Veians grewe vpon a proud answere which the Veian Senate made And deare it cost the Rhodians that taking part with Perseus they abused the Romanes in their insolent termes The slaughter of the Romane ambassadours was the first cause that moued them to warre vpon Gentius-king of Illyrium and aggrauated the wrath of the Romanes against the Veians and caused Caesar to sacke diuers cities of the f Bel. Gal. 6. Armoricans The rebellion of subiects against their lawfull Princes is also a sufficient cause to arme the prince against them he carieth not the sword for other purpose but to represse the wicked and rebellious king Dauid prosecuted not onely the rebell Ziba but also his owne sonne Absaloâ— that rose against him the Romanes suppressed the seditious Gracchi Saturninus and Catiline and iust cause had our Princes to subdue by armes the seditious route that vnder the leading of Iacke Cade Iacke Strawe Kette and other rebels rose against their liege and soueraigne Princes for although rebels and pyrats and robbers are not accompted among the number of lawfull enemies which the Romans called hostes legitimos nor did enioy the a ff De captiu L. hostes right nor were to be vsed as enemies in lawfull warres yet is the force vsed against them most lawfull Moreouer it is a lawfull and iust cause for a prince or nation to arme their people in defence of their associates or such as flie vnto them for succour being vniustly oppressed Deliuer those sayth the wise man that are drawne to death those that are wronged sayth b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist rhet ad Alexandr Aristotle not onely may but ought for their honors sake to arme in defence of themselues their allyes and friends and to helpe their associates being oppressed Cicero in his bookes de rep alloweth those warres to be lawfull that are made aut pro fide aut pro salute that is eyther for our owne defence or for defence of our friendes whome wee are bound by promise to helpe and as well doeth he c Offic. 1. charge them with iniustice that repell not iniurie when they are able as those that doe wrong themselues And if we giue credit to Saint d Fortitudo quae per bella tuetur à Barbaris patriam vel defendit infirmos vel à latronibus socios plena iustitia est Ambros de offic Ambrose valiant men that defend their countrey from barbarous people and protect the weake and shielde their associates from such as would spoyle them doe the office of true iustice for defence of their e Populus Rom. sociis defendendis terrarum omnium potitus est Cic. de rep 3. confederates the Romanes receiued this reward that they became the lordes of the world the Romanes had no other cause to enterprise the warre against the f Visum est Campanos deditos noÌ„ prodi Liu. 7. Samnites but for the defence of the Campanians which were vniustly vexed had yeelded themselues into their protection The first Carthaginian warres had no other originall but for the defence of the Mamertines for the same cause likewise did they send defiance to Philip g Romani infensi Philippo ob infidam erga socios pacem Liu. 31. ob iniurias arma illata sociis populi Rom. belluÌ„ indictum Liu. 31. king of Macedonia for that he vexed and iniuried their confederates in Greece Iosua protected the Gibeonites requiring his ayde from the conspiracie of the kings of the Cananites the forsaking of our associates friends h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. Sthenelaidas the Spartian calleth treason and disuadeth the Spartans from committing any such offence the Romanes were a Saguntinos crules us quam Poenus hostis prodidit vos soci prodidistis L. 1.25 accused of treason for that they abandoned their confederates the Saguntines being besieged by Annibal for which fault they endured the penance of sixteene yeeres warres in Italy neither was any thing more infamous in Charles of Burgundy his actions then his colde defence of his associat the duke of Britaine Philip of Commines accuseth Lewes the 11. for abandoning his confederats of Liege Caesar b Verebarut Caesar ne Gallâ—â—ota deliceret h Gergouia capta nullum in annor praesidâ—m elleâ— Caes 7. bel Gal. least all his associates in France should forsake him was driuen with great hazard to succour his friends besieged in Gergouia the duke of Normandy yonger brother to Lewes the 11. ouerthrewe his owne estate departing from the association of Charles duke of Burgundy wherefore we haue not onely iust cause to warrant our proceedings against the Spaniard in defence of our confederates of France and the lowe Countries but also necessarie reasons to moue vs to prosecute matters more forcibly vnlesse we meane to engage our honour and neglect our owne estate what wisdome or honour it was to refuse them that yeelded themselues before the surrender of Antwerpe vnto the duke of Parma I report me to those that know those mysteries sure nowe that we haue begunne to assist them of Holland and Zeland it is neither honour nor safetie so to mince at the matter or to go backe whatsoeuer we call our doings it wil be as the king of Spaine will take it if euer be haue power to be iudge the onely meanes to marre and crosse his sentence is with great forces to withstand so mightie a Prince and not longer to dally Breach of couenants likewise is numbred among the iust causes of warres we put on armes saith c Plat. in Alcibiad one eyther being deceiued by our enemies that performe not promise or being constreyned the Romanes began their warres with Perseus king of d Liu. 42. Macedonia vpon occasion of breach of the articles of peace made before betwixt his father and them and for the like cause also renewed their warres with them of Carthage and for the same cause warres haue bene opened betwixt vs and the Scots as at Muscleborough fielde vpon the deniall of the Scottish Queene promised to king Edward and betweene the French and vs. Many wise princes haue an eye to their neighbours greatnesse and perceiuing how preiudiciall their encrochments may proue vnto theÌ„ haue iust cause to withstand them Lewis the 11. sent ayde to the Switzers Duke of Lorreine against Charles Duke of Burgundy hauing no other cause then the suspicion and feare of his greatnes The true a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. cause of the Peloponesian warre against them of Athens was the suspicion and feare that their neighbours had of their power and greatnes And yet that cause was not once mentioned The Princes and States of Italy of long time haue had a secret
victuals to be assigned to euery regiment and to follow the army as it was in the expedition of Cyrus into Persia Such as dwell neere where our army goeth would be summoned to bring victuals into the army vnlesse they would haue their countrey ruinated And as the Romanes had ayde of victuals in the warres of l Liu. 21. Carthage out of Sicile in the warres of m Liu. 31. Macedonia out of Afrike and Caesar in his warres of Belgium was furnished from n Caes bel gal 2. Rheims in his warres with the o Caes bel gal 1. Heluetians from the Heduans so our associates such especially as dwell neere are to be prayed to ayde vs with corne and other prouision But yet so that we doe not altogether depend vpon their pleasures as we doe in the low countries where our souldiers receiue from hand to mouth Honest men a C. Cotta Genabi rei frumentariae iussu Caesaris praeerat Caes bel gal 7. would haue commission and money giuen vnto them to buy prouision in places where it may be had Finally such as buy corrupt victuals or vse other fraude woulde seuerely be punished Further order would be taken alwayes before hand that supplies of victuals may follow the armie in time least that as in the Portugall voyage the armie be forced to returne for want before the prouision come at it If this be not then ought not the armie to proceede further then it may be assured of victuals Lastly both such victuals as may bee found in the countrey and such as are in the armie are to be dispensed warely at least without waste b Le soldat vinant a discretion en peu de iours affame tout un pais Hist de troubl de Fr. li. 8. Souldiers as the French saying is liuing or rather spoyling at their owne discretion in few dayes doe famish a countrey The Romanes vsed to giue the souldiers certaine dayes prouision before hande which they might not spende in fewer as is euident both by example of Scipio sayling into Affrike in the seconde warres with Carthage end also of Caesar in his warres in France and by examples of diuers others To conclude all those that looke for good successe in warres must prouide both victuals and armes and all prouision for the warres before hand as the precedents of the preparations made by the c Thucid. 1. Athenians and Spartanes before the Peloponesian warre of d Liu. 29. Scipio before his expedition into Affrike of e Xenoph. exp Cy. 1. Cyrus into Persia of f Salust bell Iug. Metellus and Marius against Iugurtha of the Spaniardes against vs when they came against vs with their Nauie in summe of all wise people and states that knew what perteyned to the wars do teach vs. Charles of g Phil. Commin Burgundie sitting downe before Nancy without sufficient munitions was forced to rise with a scorne The same happened to the French before h Hist de troubl Sancerre anno 1569. and must needes happen to all that without sufficient prouision attempt matters rashly Wise kings therefore doe forecast before hand what force or prouision will be sufficient fooles say Oh had I wist or I neuer thought vpon it CHAP. III. That before we beginne warres we are to procure what strength or helpe wee can of our neighbours or others and to draw the same as much as is possible for vs from our enemies AS in priuate affaires particulars receiue mutuall helpe eche of other of whom it is verified that a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homer two ioyning together doe more easily atchieue matters then ech man single by himselfe so in publike executions where manie are linked together they more easily execute and are hardlier broken Insomuch as friends and b Non exercâ—tus neque thesauri praesidia regui sunt verùm amici Salust bel Iugurth confederates are no lesse the strength of states then forces and treasure Therefore did the c Circumspiciebant ipsi externa auxilia Liu. 1. Sabines hearing of the preparatiues that Seruius Tullius made against them looke out what forreine ayde they mightadioyne vnto themselues The Athenians d Thucid. 2. and Spartanes in the Peloponesian warre did not so much stande vpon their owne strength as the aydes and succours of their confederates The e Thucid. 5. Diodor. Sicul. Syracusans by the helpe of the Spartanes withstoode the inuasion of the Athenians made vpon them and foyled them in diuers incounters I neede not vse anie long discourse in this matter it hath beene the continuall vse of the Kings of this Ilande to vse the helpe of the Burguygnions and low Countries against France And likewise haue the French relyed much vpon the ayde of the Scots against vs. Neither ought anie Prince or nation so to presume of their owne strength as that they refuse the ayde of friends The Romanes although after their victories against Annibal at what time they beganne the Macedonian warre they were in their prime of strength and most flourishing estate yet required they ayde of the Carthaginians of Masinissa and of the Aetolians and others against Philip King of Macedonia And deare it cost Perseus the King of Macedonia that for sparing of money refused the ayde of thirtie thousand Gaules offering to serue him against the Romanes What hinderance it hath beene to vs and what it may bee that the Towne of Antwerpe and other partes of the lowe Countreyes were not receiued when they were offered vnto vs in these brawles against Philip of Spaine I knowe not some doubt It may be sayd they would not yeelde without conditions But what purpose is it to talke of conditions seeing they would haue yeelded themselues into any princes handes if they might haue bene receiued Further as we are to require ayde of our friends so we are to withdrawe what ayde we can from the enemie Many reasons teach vs so to doe which common practise doeth teach vs to be true as the body in the distemper of the partes so the state in the disagreement of the members is greatly weakened and easily dissolued The Romanes therefore as they were masters in other militarie documents so did they diligently practice intelligence with the enemies friendes and subiectes Before they transported their forces into Afrike they dealt with Syphax and assured themselues of Masinissa kings of Numidia Before they charged Philippe king of Macedonia they caused most of his partisans in Greece to reuolt from him And Caesar by the helpe of part of the Gaules which he drewe to his side did subdue the rest and them also afterward Pompey purposing to abase the power of Caesar did first drawe from him two legions or regiments and afterward Labienus one of Caesars chiefe friendes and commaunders Of this onely practice great effectes are wont to ensue Caesar by disioyning and separating the forces and causes of the Gaules ouercame them all By his intelligence with
heads of contrary disposition Which mischiefe seeing it can be no otherwise remedied then by giuing the soueraintie to one the Prince is diligently to see that the soueraintie in the army be not diuided amongst many The Romanes albeit they had ordinarily two consuls yet in their greatest dangers they appointed one Dictator or Generall with absolute authoritie The soueraine commandement of one is a helpe and meanes to dispatch matters quickly to take opportunities and vse the time of warre b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Olinth 1. Demosthene doeth playnely declare the same by the example of Philip king of Macedonia While one commaundeth he both vnderstandeth better what is wanting and howe it is to be had his care is greater his proceeding more formall and equall his counsel more speedy and secret Therefore did the Romanes send but one Gouernour into their Prouinces and employed for the most part but one Consull in the gouerument of their armies If both yet where they proceeded orderly the one gaue c In exercitu Rom. cum duo essent Coss potestate pari quod saluberrimum est in rerum magnarum administratione summa imperii concedente Agrippa penes Quintium erat Liu. 3. place to the other A matter most requisite for the dispatch of weighty matters as it is euident in the fact of Agrippa yeelding the chieftie to his felow Quintius The Athenians for that their state was popular vsed yeerely to chuse many captaines yet in their greatest dangers all the rest yeelded to be gouerned by one In the Marathonian fielde against Darius the supreme commandement was in Miltiades in the battell of Salamine against Xerxes in d Herodot Themistocles all the rest submitting themselues to be commanded by him Seldome hath any wise nation done otherwise if they did they payde for the most part the full price of their folly The Romanes were ruinated by the Gaules at the encounter of a Liu. 5. Allia partly by the disorder of the chiefe commanders being diners and hauing equall authoritie Those three b Tres duces delectu habito profecti sunt Veios documentoque fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset Tendendo enim ad sua quisque consilia cum aliud alii videretur aperuerūt ad occasionem locum hosti Liu. 4. captaines that besieged Veij hauing all equal power may be a document vnto vs how vnprofitable the commandement of diuers Generals is for the gouernment of warres For euery man driuing all matters to his owne endes while one man thought one way an other otherwise they gaue occasion to their enemies to hurt them By the discorde c Liu. lib. 5. of the captaines while one refused to succour an other the Romanes were foyled before Veij The Aequians obseruing the disagreement betweene the d Liu. 4. Romane captaines although in force inferiour to the Romanes yet preuailed against them Neither was there any greater cause of the ruine of the e Thucid. 6. Athenian army in Sicile then the contrarietie of opinions and discorde of the three captaines sent thither with soueraigne commandement The originall of all the disorders that fell out in the army of the Protestants in Germany and of the victorie of f Sleidan Charles the fift was the diuers opinions of the Duke of Saxony and Lantgraue of Hesse When the Lantgraue woulde haue foughten the Duke was of another minde or percase was not ready What the one did profitably determine that the other did frustrate From the time of this discorde the affaires of the Protestants went to wracke The French were driuen out of the kingdome of g Discordia di capitani fa perdere Napoli a Francesi Guicciar lib. 3. Naples by a small force by reason of the dissention of the captaines Montpensier and Percy The enuie and contention that fell out betwixt the French and Hungarian captaines gaue an easy victorie to Amurathes the Turke at Nicopolis It had not bene possible for Caesar h Guicciard li. 5. Borgia to escape the hands of so many Princes confederate against him but that the captaines of the aduerse army did weaken their force by their owne disagreement The Venetians were ouerthrown at Ghiaradadda only by the pluralitie of commanders For while i Guicciard lib. 8. Bartholomew Aluian which was one of their Generals determined to fight and the Count Pittiglian which was the other commanded the army to marche the enemie charging them in this instant of their irresolution obteined a great victorie The soueraigne authoritie both of matters by land and by sea is to be giuen only to one otherwise there can be no good correspondence in both places While Lantreck k Guicciard commanded by land and Philippin Doria by sea the siege of Naples was discontinued the towne victualled which happened by reason of the dissention of the Generals It hath bene no small hinderance to our affaires in the Low countreys that those that haue commanded at land haue not likewsie had the gouernment at sea For by this meanes the enemie hath had greater store of victuals and our owne men greater want when the shippes and passages were in others keeping Nay where the commandement is part in the Generall and part in the States things are yet more confused For the States oft times victuall the enemie yea and coutinually trade into Spaine while our souldiers fight against the Spaniard I will not say what inconueniences come of this one point neglected otherwayes for that it would couch some men more particularly then my meaning is For remedy of this mischiefe the Romanes gaue to their captains power both in matters by land and sea Scipio as he had an army by land so he had a Nauie by sea both in the expedition of Spaine and Afrike Neither could Marcellus euer haue preuailed against the citie of Syracusae if he had not besieged the towne both by sea and land Caesar was enforced to goe to sea before he could subdue the sea townes of France But what neede I vse more wordes in a matter so playne both reason and experience teacheth vs that many a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commanders in matters of warre are not good And therefore let there be but one soueraigne commander both by land and sea with what authoritie he ought to be furnished resteth now to be discussed CHAP. IIII. Part. 4 Of the authoritie and Commission of the Generall ACcording to that opinion which Princes and States haue of their Captaines and sometimes respect had to the danger of the times their vse is to giue vnto them more ample or more straite commission But if they purpose that their affaires shal succeed wel of two things one is necessarie to wit that either they furnish them with meanes sufficient or giue them commission to furnish and helpe themselues and that either they doe direct them sufficiently which is scarce possible or els giue them leaue to take order according to
the occasions offered vpon present viewe and varietie of times or things For neither can he doe seruice vpon the enemie that wanteth either conuenient force or meanes nor may he or dare he take the aduantage of time and other circumstances that is brideled and bound by his instructions The Romanes although most expert in deedes of armes whose Senate consisted for the most part of such as in their time had bene commanders and altogether of men exercised in armes yet did not at any time prescribe their Generals what to doe and what they should not doe much lesse howe they should doe or when they should doe it Much more absurd therefore it is that men that neuer sawe enemie nor know the traine of warres should take vpon them to direct Generals what they should doe at land or sea and very strange it seemeth to me that Generals to whome armies are committed should like schooleboyes take forth such lessons as these ignorant pedants and scriuanoes should prescribe Warres are not made by indenture neither can any couenant with his enemie to doe this or not to doe it Nor can any man conceiue what is best to be done but such as are present And therefore the ordinary limitations of some commissions doe nothing els but binde the hands of our captaines that they shall not vse opportunitie or percase further and helpe the enemie Herein therefore it is good to imitate olde warriers at least to come so neere them as difference of times will permit The Romane captaines had authoritie most large and meanes sufficient Their forces were great their furniture and prouision plentifull least they should exact any thing of their associats they were furnished with all things a Liu. 25.26 necessary euen to their b Magistratus mulis tabernaculisque omni alio instrumento militari ornabantur ne quid tale imperarent sociis Liu. 42. 44. mules tentes and carriages That which was wanting or might more easily be had otherwhere they had authority to supply All which consisted was giuen them in one word Now captains haue many words in their commission litle scope or authority Vnder this one word imperium they coÌ„prised al authority necessary for the gouernement of the warres By the same they had power to leuy men to leade them to employ them as appeareth by the c Demus imperium Caesari sine quo exercitus haberi res militaris administrari non potest Cic. Philip Decreui imperium exercitum habenti Quid est enim sine imperio exercitus Cic. Philip. commission giuen to Octauius Caesar that afterward was called Augustus In the Prouince where they made warres they might beside the number they brought with them leuy other souldiers impose vpon the people necessary charges for the defence of the coutry Caesar d Prouinciae quaÌ„ maximum potest militum numeruÌ„ imperat Caes bel â—al 8. to resist the attempts of the Heluetians which threatned to passe through the Prouince of France subiect to the Romanes leuied as many men as he could in his gouernement Fuluius vnderstanding that the a Fuluius quia armare inuentutem Celliberos andiret ipse quanta poterat a sociis auxilia coÌ„traxerat Liu. 40. Celtiberians gathered newe forces he also in his gouernement procured what helpe hee could of his subiectes and associates From their associates and subiects in their gouernment they had power to take victuals carriages shippes and necessarie furniture of warre as is euident in the warres that Scipio made in Spaine and Afrike Caesar in France Sylla and Pompey in Asia and other Countreys They had also power to doe iustice as well to their associates and subiects as to their owue souldiers otherwise they could neither haue encountred with trechery of men euill affected nor defended their fauourers and friendes The defence of the Prouince and their b M. Messala L. Pisone Coss Senatus censuit vti quicunque Galliam prouinciam obtineret quod commodo reip facere posset Aeduos ecterósque amicos populi Rom. defenderet Caes bel gal 1. friendes both against seditious mutins and foreine inuasion was likewise committed vnto them and per consequent power giuen them to leuy power and vse all meanes for the maintenance of their associats and for the gouernment and execution of warres without which they could not be defended Good it had bene for our Generals likewise in the Lowe countreys and other where that their authoritie had bene also enlarged For while they had neither victuals nor lodging nor shippes nor cariages nor artillery nor munition nor other furniture of warre but at the pleasure of the States some whereof were too respectiue of their owne profite nor could execute any man of those Countreys for treason without their consent it is no maruaile if their proceedings were slowe their executions slender their wantes great Further the Romanes gaue their Generals power both to make warres by sea and land Do doubt they had also sufficient meanes without which all power is frustratory Our Captains in the Low countreys as they haue bene weake by land so they depended on others pleasures for matters at sea In later times also the same course hath bene taken When c Corbuloni reges praefecti praetores parere iussi potestas data qualis Pompelo bello Pyratico Tacit. annal 15. Corbulo was sent by Nero against the Parthians hee had power equall to that which Pompey had graunted vnto him in the warres against the Pirats Kings Gouernours of Prouinces and the Officers of the Romanes were enioyned to obey him It is the vse of all Nations both to furnish their Generals and to authorize them sufficiently What authoritie Annibal had it is partly euident by his actions for it is not to be presumed that he did matters without authority and partly by the wordes of Fabius perswading the Romanes to chuse a captaine equall to Annibal a leader sayth hee of great authoritie by reason of his continuance and not restrained by any limitation of times or lawes so but that he might doe all things according as opportunites of warre should require Herein Demosthenes a Olynth 1. declareth what great aduantage Philip king of Macedonia had aboue the captaines of the Athenians for he was not limited by any Superiors commandement nor restrained by termes or time as were they Which thing sayth he is very effectuall for dispatch of matters Those captaines sayth b Duces summi liberi impedimeÌ„tis omnibus dominique rerum teÌ„porumque trahunt consilijs cuncta Liu. 9. Liuy that haue absolute authoritie and are free from impediments and haue power ouer things and times doe worke great effectes with their counsels Whosoeuer therefore for enuy or feare or other cause goeth about to perswade Princes to pare their Generals authoritie and to binde them with strait conditions hath an euill minde himselfe and as much 〈◊〉 in him lyeth ruinateth the affaires of his Prince For what seruice can
they doe that are not onely pinched in their prouisions but also bound fast by their commissions The c Le commissioni di Caesare haueuane espressa o tacita conditione di gonuernarhi secoÌ„do la varietà di tempi Guicciard lib. 17. commissions which Charles the fift gaue to his captaines had this condition either expressed or implyed that they should proceede according to the varietie of times and occasions notwithstanding any thing in them conteined And some very expert and wise men haue not doubted seeing a manifest aduantage to goe against their Princes commission d Il Triuultio anchora che la commessione del rèfusse che prima s' attendesse alle cose de Genoa prese il Bosco nel contado d' Alexandria Guicciard lib. 3. Triuultio although by his directions he was first to haue care of the affaires of Genoa yet doubted not to take Bosco a fit place in the territory of Alexandira And albeit that Lewis the 12. gaue his Captaines expresse charge that they should not fight with the Spaniards yet seeing their weakenes and their owne manifest aduantage they fought with them and foyled them at Cirignola Where for their defence is alleaged that the commaundements of the King being farre off and not seeing the state of things were rather e I commandamenti delrè essendo lontano erano più ricords che precetti Guicci ard lib. 5. remembrances then precepts to be followed Trimoille seeing the danger of the state of France assaulted by diuers enemies and also by the Switzers made f Accordà co i zuitzeri senza commessione salue la Francia Guicciar lib. 5. peace compounded with them although he had no commssion so to doe Of which act Guicciardin guieth this testimonie that by that accorde he saued the realme of France out of a mauifest danger And very absurd it were if a maÌ„ might not doe his countrey seruice without commission The a Salus reip â—â—prema lex safetie of the state and honor of the Prince are warrants and exceptions of a most high nature And for a man to doubt to take the enemie at aduantage for feare of violating his commission as the Spaniards say that the Duke of Medina did in his voyage for England is nothing but to spreade a cloke to couer his owne cowardise or insufficiencie Yet may not the Generall doe against his commission rashly or without apparant cause or sufficient order neither may he doe all things without commission He may not proclaime warres or inuade any nation that is out of commission onely if his enemie flie into an other Countrey he may followe him For in that case b Liuy Manlius auoweth his warres against the Gallo-grecians and c Liuy Fabius his voyage through the wood Ciminia Also all such as inuade his gouernement or his friends or associats he may prosecute without his gouernement He may not make peace or treate of peace with the enemie for he is sent to make warres He may not dimisse his armie without commandement nay he may not proceede against the lawes of Armes The d Dictator optima lege creatus summum imperium belli pacis paenarum sine prouocatione habebat Pompon in l. 2. §. popul ff de orig iuris Romane Dictator although he had great aucthoritie and could determine matters of life and death without appeale yet did not hee execute or iudge any but by the lawes of Armes That which in commoÌ„ termes some cal executing by martial lawe when innocent men are hanged without for me of lawe or cause may better be called martiall force then martiall lawe For this hath only place in warres and redresseth disorders against militarie proceedings e Si quid fraudulenter dux secerit de eo tenebitur L. in personam § generabile ff de reg iur Finally the General whatsoeuer his commission is may not deale fraudulently in his charge nor proceede contrary to militarie profession and practise in which case euery Generall is subiect f ff ad leg Iul. maiest l. 1. 2. to the lawe Very necessarie therefore it is that Generals should haue their commissions large both in respect of their prouision which by this meanes may in some sort be supplied and in respect of the expedition and g Imperator liberè ad summam imperri consulere debet Caes bel ciu 3. execution of warres which ought not to be hindred nor can conueniently be prescribed And without large aucthoritie neither can our owne souldiers nor associats be well gouerned The experience of the seruice in the Lowe Countries and disorders at sea which for want of power haue not bene redressed doe minister vnto vs sufficient proofe of this matter Some will say that it is dangerous to commit so large power into any mans hands especially if he should deale disloyally But what a reason is this because men may abuse their power not to giue them sufficient power for those matters which are committed to their charge Those that meane disloyally toward the State although they should haue neuer so strait limitations in their commissions would not stand vpon termes and wordes of lawe And rather it giueth them occasion of discontentment when they see themselues distrusted then bridleth any euill purpose if they should doe against their allegiance And why should any man without cause suspect any noble man that he will deale against his Countrey hauing so many pledges of his loyaltie but if any should be so euill disposed yet may we not thinke that all his army would follow him rebelling against his Countrey And if they should yet is it not the force of one armie that can preuaile against a whole kingdome that is well gouerned And therefore for feare of disloyaltie of some let no man feare or omitte to make sufficient prouision and rather let loyall men be sought out with diligence and disloyall men remoued then that the necessarie prouisions of warre should be neglected or the proceeding hindred for want of aucthoritie CHAP. IIII. Part 5. Of the choice of Colonels and Captaines of companies and other officers of the armie and their qualities and office DIuers other pointes concerning the place charge and office of the Generall deserue also to be particularly handled as namely who hath authoritie to appoint Generals in what case the Prince himselfe is to come in person into the field how farre the General ought to hazard himselfe and generally what belongeth to his office but the same may partly be vnderstood by that which hath bin spoken already shal more euidently be declared in this treatise for the executioÌ„ of al these matters appertaineth especially to the direction of the General And now we haste to speake of such matters as coÌ„cerne rathe the managing of warre then questioÌ„s of right It is sufficiently knowen that the power to make warre or peace is a marke of souerainty belongeth to the soueraine magistrat and to
carriages wanted victuals and armes and munitions many things necessary But seeing they haue done such things at such disaduantage they may thinke our men would haue done much more if the party had bin equall or our men better prouided and furnished Beside this souldiers chosen of this nation are bound with a straiter bond to their prince country then any stranger They haue more reason to fight hauing not only the defence of their prince and country but also their religion lawes liberty wiues and children coÌ„mitted to their hands they are more patient in aduersity haue lesse cause to reuolt Wanting of pay or part of their pay which God wot they may percase do oft times they notwithstanding continue constant and loyal If they offend hauing their wiues children landes goods and friends behinde them they are more easily corrected Finally lesse pay doth content our souldiers then any forreine natioÌ„ I doubt not but if that mony which hath bin cast away vpoÌ„ the Dutch and French had bene emploied vpon our poore country souldiers the country had beene better stored with mony and the people better prouided for warres and greater seruice done vpon the enemy Let vs now compare strangers vnto the subiects of this land There is at all no trust in them a Infidas venâ—lésque manus ibi fas vbi maxima merces Their handes are saleable their heartes faithlesse They accompt that cause best where they may haue most hire It is follie saith b Polyb. lib. 2. Polybius and want of iudgement to put trust in strangers beeing more in number and strength then our owne nation The first time that euer the Romanes vsed mercenary souldiers was when the two Scipioes were gouernours of their forces in Spaine Those two being together with their army betrayed and ruinated by the Celtiberians that forsooke them in their neede may be an euident c Liu. 24. document neuer to trust strangers vnlesse wee haue force to commaund them and constraine them Annibal d Liu. 23. abandoned by the Spanish and Numidian horsemen was greatly weakened e Liu. 23. Mutines forsaking the Carthaginians in whose succour hee came out of Numidia disordered all their affaires in Sicile The Romanes giuing themselues to pleasures and ease and vsing forraine forces of Germanes and Gaules ruinated that huge Empire which was left them by their ancestors Which as Tacitus saith were inuincible so long as they vsed their owne souldiers The Gaules f Qua nihil in exercitu Rom. firmum nisi externum Tacit. 3. reuolted from the Romanes because they saw no strength in the Romane army but that which was of straÌ„gers Of whom they presumed that they would not ioyne with the Romans against them The Thessalian horsemen forsaking the Athenians in the battel of a Thucid. 1. Tanagra occasioned the victory to the Lacedemonians their enemies The same had hapned to the b Thucid. 4. Lacedemonians by the treachery of the Macedonians that forsooke them when the Thracians charged them had not the resolution of Brasidas remedied the disorder The departure of c Guicciar 15. 6000. Grisons that left Francis the first of France before Pauy was the beginning of his weakenesse 2000. mercenary men leauing Maximilian the Emperor broke his enterprise against the Venetians d Guicciar 2. Fabritio Prospero ColoÌ„na although highly aduanced by Charles the 8. of France yet in the end reuolted to Ferdinand In the days of Ed. the 3. Rich. the 2. Hen. the 5. and 6 the greatest e Froissart losses we had in France happened by the reuolt of the French which our men without cause trusted When al was lost yet did wée retaine Caleis vntil it was taken from vs by force for that it was kept peopled by the English nation Yet the same was almost betrayed by an Italian to whom Edw. the 3. gaue it in guard How the Germans that came into France of late in aide of the Protestants vnder the Dukes of Bouillion the baron Donaw behaued themselues I report me to the memory of those poore gentlemeÌ„ that by their disloyaltie and treason were left as a spoyle to the enemie Oft times strangers not only forsake their friends but also ioyne with the enemy oppugne them The f Liu. 21. Gaules in the 2. wars with Carthage flew the watch of the Romanes by night fled ioyned themselues with Annibal The Dutchmen that Charles the 8. of France left in the kingdome of g Guicciar lib. 3. Naples for the defence thereof corrupted with mony tooke part with the enemy The b Tacit. 20. Romans betrayed by their associats at one time were slain both by them by the enemy The ancient Britons vsing in time past the help of the Saxons were by them driuen out of their natiue country The like hapned to the i Caes bel gal 1. Sequanians long before For requiring aide of the Germanes against the Heduans their neighbors they were driuen out of their owne possessions by those that came to succour them k Salust bel Iugurth Iugurtha by the trechery of certaine Thracians that serued the Romanes in Affrike entred the Romane campe in the night and made a great slaughter therein The Turkes are now in possession of Constantinople in aide whereof they first came out of Asia Strangers are neuer satisfied with any pay yet seldome do they any seruice The l Dimissi Galli pecuniam ingentem sine labore ac periculo partam retulerunt Liu. 10. Gaules hired by the Hetruscians carried away their mony without doing anie seruice against the Romanes When the French had foyled the enemy then the hired Switzers and Dutchmen crying for mony hindered their victory They tooke mony saith a Guicciar lib. 2. 12. Guicciardin of al hands did seruice to none It is not possible saith he to manage the b Impossible a manegiar li Suizzerisenza denari infiniti Guicciar lib 9. Switzers without infinit treasure It is long to report al the discourses of their insatiable couetousnes treasons Of king Edw. the 3. purposing to recouer his right in France Froissart sayth that with great summes of mony he hired the Dutch to ioyne with him but he got no ayde of them nor other aduancement but a vaine title of Lieutenant to the Emperor Not long since the c Hie duitch or Germanes Dutch calling for mony when they should fight gaue the victorie to the Duke of Alua their enemie and betrayed their Generall the Prince of Orenge There is nothing more cowardly then strangers when they come to seruice They are d Non fide non affectu tenentur Sine pudore flagitii fugiunt Tacit. in vit Agric not reteined by affection nor regard promise and shame not to flye to saue their skinnes Nothing can bee deuised more disorderly nor rauinous The Switzers tooke their owne Captains prisoners in Lombardy and kept them as pledges
yeeres Yea when the a Liu. li. 9. 10. State and Territory of Rome was not the third part of England in bignesse yet did the same mainteine one army against the Samnites another in a contrary quarter against the Hetruscians and the third at home against such of their neighbours as were not perfectly to be trusted The pay all things considered was then rather bigger then lesser in respect of our times The b Decem in dies assibus anima corpus aestimatur Tacit. 1. It is a Roman souldiers speech there pay of the Romanes was for euery day a piece of money which they called Denarium for that it conteined decemasses Although I confesse that afterward the value of that Coyne was enhaunced that wayeth of our money vii d or thereaboutes as both Budey testifieth and I haue tried by waying diuers of the Coynes which I haue seene in Italy and other where The pay of the Athenian souldiers amounted to a piece of money which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for euery day So that both the pay of the Greekes and Romanes came to one reckoning for Denarius Romanus and the Athenian Drachma by c Alciat de ponderib mensur accompt both of Marchants and Physitions weyed alike and was of one value That the Athenian pay amounted to so much as I haue sayd Thucidides shal witnesse who saith that the garrison of d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 3.88 Steph. Potidaea had euery man one Drachma for himselfe and another for his esquire that waited on him dayly Consider the prices of things nowe you shall finde that their pay was greater then either ours which giue commonly viii d a day or the Spanish pay which is iii Duckats a moneth for a man beside their Ventajas as they call them That the charge of warres is now greater then in time past is but an improbable surmise For wherein ariseth the charge of an army nowe but in victuals armes clothes horses cariages and such like which were no lesse chargeable in time past then now powder wee haue nowe and artillerie which in time past was not found out but the charge of their engins and the things about them which nowe we neede not nor vse was no lesse chargeable to them So that if we had that order and proceeding which they had there is no doubt but wee are as well able to mainteine an armie as they Why a sufficient armie should not bee mainteined and paid I see no reason but want of military discipline For seeing this land mainteineth so many millions at home there is no reason but the same should mainteine 30. or 40. thousand of the same number abroad if right discipline of armes were practised The charge of an army is most in meate and apperell But in these things men spend no lesse at home then abroad I doe thinke that albeit this land wanted money yet if the army were well supplyed with victuals and clothes by the Princes Officers that a great armie might sufficiently be payd For that money that should be deliuered to the souldier would most of it come backe for victuals and clothes of which this land God be thanked hath no want The expenses of munitions and armes and other matters are in respect of this charge nothing But what should I talke of this course when there wanteth neither money nor other thing but good orders well executed The reuenues of the Crowne the contributions of the subiects and ayde of our friendes are not so simple but that there may be found maintenance sufficient if mens good willes and loyal dealing were not wanting Besides these if our armie were sufficient to fight with the enemie I would thinke there were want of skill or good order if the same did not aswell liue vpon the enemies spoyles as the Princes pay Clearchus a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph exped Cyr. 1. mainteined his souldiers by the contribution of the cities of Hellespont where they lay The Romanes transporting an army into Asia so wisely did the Generall proceede that he mainteined the same with the spoyles of the Countrey and writ backe to the Senate that for that yeere he needed neither b Liu. 40. prouision nor pay for the victorie gaue his armie sufficient But before Princes bring such a matter to passe many disorders are to be redressed men desirous of honour are to be appointed Officers the rapines and filcheries of former times and hereafter to by strict Auditors and Commissioners are to be sifted out and seuerely punished as matters that disorder all armies c Auaritia di commessarij regij fraudando il re ne pagamenti di soldati cagione della rotta di Garigliano Guicciar lib. 6. Guicciardin shewerh it by the confusion that was in the French army at Gariglian by the default and fraude of the kings Officers for pay If those that kill a woman or a child of no great reckoning deserue death what doe they deserue that are the cause of the death of many valiant souldiers and betray the Realme and their Prince into the handes of the enemie through their fraude filcherie and delayes the abuses in musters must also be redressed Wherein I vnderstand that Gouernours of late haue bene carefull and set downe many good orders but all commeth to this passe that the Captaines shall pay their souldiers which doeth promise no good effect in this matter It is a notorious abuse to giue the pay of the common souldier to the Centurion or Captaine of euery band neuer vsed by the Romanes nor other nation It first came in among the Italians about two hundred and fiftie or two hundred yeeres agone in their scambling warres among themselues The reason was for that the Prince that had warres hired the Captaine out of some other State and the Captaine he hired such souldiers as he could get So that the Prince dealing with the Capatine must pay him and the Captaine must pay his souldiers Which reason now ceasing there is no cause why the abuse should continue Further there are certaine dead payes allowed to the captaine vnder colour whereof I doubt not but they will passe many dead men or such as neuer were in mosters It is asmuch as if he should be alowed to defraude a Prince a litle so it be but in sixe dead payes But better it were and more honorable if the Prince did allowe the Captaine an honourable and sufficient pay and make others the paymasters It is not possible nowe that matters should in these cases be redressed seeing such as haue interest in the gaine are made controllers of the offence Were it not better to pay euery souldier by the poll better I say for the Prince For if the souldiers acquitance moster booke pay-masters and controllers accounts agree he cannot lightly be defrauded either of his money or of his numbers better for the common souldier for he shall haue his due Yea
Romanes had had like care his country had not beene taken from him in his absence by Masinissa and Laelius Hee is not wise that seeking to strike his enemy lieth open himselfe But because warres spend both men and victuals and other prouisions especially where there is made great resistance wee must not onely thinke to send sufficient at the first but also cause the same to be supplied in time Nothing did cause Anniball to c Negando supplementum vos retraxistis saide Annibal to the Senate of Carthage Liu. 30. leaue his hold in Italy but want of succour and supplie The slownesse of d Hist de bel Afric Caesars supplies after his army transported into Afrike made him loose many aduantages and sustaine diuers losses I will not say what hurt want of supplie did vs in the Portugall action whhen it may be imputed rather to presumption that wee went foorth vnfurnished then to want of care that wee had no supply in time For wher to could supply haue serued where the whole was through want disordered before for guarde of shippes of carriage and assurance of the army the whole nauy where the passage is by sea is to be furnished and to saile in warrelike sort e Caes de bel ciu lib. 3. Caesar for that hee was driuen to passe his army in certaine Marchant shippes without guard of shippes of warre lost diuers of his souldiers sayling into Greece King Edward the third passing his army into France sailed in that warrelike sorte that encountring the French nauy at Scluce hee obtained a famous victory If the passage be not cleared by shippes of warre keeping the seas it is to be feared least the enemy lying in wait intercept diuers of our shippes and men passing betweene as hath often happened in the passage betweene England and the Low countries within these few yeares And as at sea so by land likewise the waie is to be cleared that no enemy bee lefte vpon our backes The Generrall being ready to set saile with all his company either by ticket sealed or else word of mouth hee is to declare to what port he will haue his company to bend their course to the ende that such as by tempest are seuered at sea may yet afterwarde meete at a port f Caesar tabellis signatis solebat dicere quem in loâ—â—m petiturus esset Hirt. de bel Afric Caesar vsed tickets g Liu. 29. Scipio sailing into Afrike calling two of euery ship declared what he would haue them do and whither to set their course Cato hauing all his ships and men together being ready to set saile for a Cato nauibus contractis edixit ad portum Pyrenei sequerentur Liu. 34. Spaine caused proclamation to bee made that all his shippes should direct their course to the porte neere the Pyreneies which I suppose was Emporia Because Caesar gaue not like direction in his voiages into Albany against Pompey and Afrike against Scipio he sustained diuers losses And in the voyage of Portugal such as lost sight of the fleet either returned or went to Rochel being vncertaine whither to go That the nauy faile not of the port euery ship is to haue a good pilot The better and more certainely the Generall vnderstandeth the state of the enemies country the ports and defences thereof and proceedings of the enemy the more certaine direction he shal be able to giue And therefore as at all times hee ought by his espialles to vnderstand what the enemy doth and what hee prepareth so in this time especially when hee goeth about to transporte an armie into his countrey For this cause b Caesar antequaÌ„ in Britanniam traijceret Volusenum qui omnia exploraret praemittit Caes bel gal 4. Caesar sent Commius and Volusenus into this Iland the one to vnderstand the state of the people the other to view the coast and sound the Ports Cato before hee went against the enemie in Spaine sent his espialles to vnderstand the number the place and proceeding of his armie After the arriuall of the nauy in the enemies countrey the first care of the Generall ought to be to seize vpon some commodious port towne or harbour and to fortifie the same that both his shipping may be safe there and that both succours and victualles may safely come thither and last of all that both from thence hee may safely proceede in his action and haue a safe retraite in a storme Caesar landing his men in Afrike fortified c Hirt. de bel Afric Ruspina and by trenches and bankes made it both a good harbour for shippes and a safe lodging for his army The same was practised before of Scipio who landing neere a point of land in Afrike did first make fortifications in that place But afterward perceiuing that Vtica thereby was more commodious hee tooke the towne and made that a d Eandem sedem ad cetera exequenda habituâ—us erat Liu. 29. castle of retrait from the land and an accesse for his shippes from sea and a place commodious for dispatch of other marters The reasons that moued Scipio to take newe Carthage in Spaine were these that hee might haue a conueient porte for accesse of his shippes and a commodious storehouse for his prouisions of warre Annibal made many attempts against a Liu. lib. 23. Naples and Nola that he might vse them for the same purposes lying commodiously for those that come out of his countrey Neither had Edward the third other respect in his long siege of Caleis but that he might haue a commodious port for his shipping on that side These causes at this present haue moued the Spaniardes that lately haue set foote in Brytaine to fortifie Hannebon and Bluet Little did the Macedonians vnderstand the practise of warre that taking b Liu. 31. Chalcis a very opportune port for their warres in Greece left the same without fortification or garrison That the nauy be not idle the Generall after he hath landed his men is to employ the same in ranging the coast fetching in of victualles and annoying the enemy both by land and sea Unlesse the same be at sea the enemy wil depriue him of succours and victualles Therein let him follow the precedent of Scipio in Spaine of Caesar in Afrike Those that inuade the enemy by land likewise are to seize some towne neere the enemy which may serue them for a fortresse whither to retire and whence to sally out The c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. Persians inuading Greece vsed the towne of Thebes as a retraite and propugnacle against the Greekes The Lacedemonians to straite the Athenians fortified Eleusis a bourgh in the territorie of the Athenians d Oringis arx fuit Asdrubalis ad excursiones circa in mediterraneos populos faciendas Liu. Asdrubal vsed the towne of Oringis in Spaine as a fortresse from whence hee made roades into the midland countrey thereabout Sulpitius the Romane
bellū foret Fabius per Soranum agrum Decius per Sidicinum legiones duxit Liu. 10. Samnites led foorth their armies diuers wayes whereby the enemy being made vncertain of their comming could not preuent them nor depriue them of prouision Finally it is not possible for an army to enter any countrey but the same shall finde some weary of the present gouernement and desirous of innouation which may bee induced to helpe to furnish it with necessary prouision Caesar in his warres against the Heluetians and Ariouistus had his prouision from the Heduans in his iourney into Belgium from those of Rheimes Arriuing here in Britaine he found both partisans and prouision sufficient Neither are the times nowe changed In all estates there are some malcontents and many desirous of alterations If desire of innouation worke nothing yet if our army haue good successe the same shall procure vs friendes and meanes After Annibals victory at Cannae most of the subiectes of the Romanes reuolted and tooke part with him When the Frenchmen inuaded the b Guicciar lib. ◠15. kingdome of Naples the countrey either folowed them or tooke against them as they had prosperous or bad successe And if that our successe in Portugalll had bene good there is no doubt but that all the country would haue reuolted from the Spaniardes The Generall aboue all things is to haue regarde that hee spend no time vainely Opportunitie to doe great matters seldome offereth it selfe the second time By all meanes the enemy is to be prouoked to fight while our army is strong and his souldiers yong and vnexercised Annibal had more paine at the first to bring the Romans to fight then to ouercome them If the enemy refuse to fight he is to be pursued into some towne or straite or else by besieging of some strong place driuen to come to succour the same All the countrey doth followe the successe of the chiefe citie yet forasmuch as it is not sufficient to take vnlesse we keepe the same there is no lesse care to bee taken in fortifying and furnishing a towne taken then in taking the same Unlesse wee meane to loose our prize as the c Guicciard French did Nouara in the dayes of Lewis the twelth for want of prouision and good order Those that haue followed this course haue done great matters as is euident by the examples of Caesar Scipio Annibal the rest eyther failed of victory or could not maintaine their conquest I will not specifie it by our expeditions into France Portugal Flanders For that might be odious Although those that are wise by that which we wanted may see what we ought to haue had and done But I will rather vse forraine examples The enterprise of a Guicciard Lautrecke in the kingdome of Naples was broken by niggardly expenses slender preparatiues slowe proceeding couetousnesse of officers disorder and want of care about victualles and other prouisions The like disorder in the times of Charles the eight of France made the French to loose the kingdome of Naples which but lately before they had wonne Some of the chiefe gouernours spent their time in pleasures others minded nothing but spoyle they furnished not their townes with victualles nor with souldiers they pursued not the enemy so but that they suffered him to gather strength againe Neither may we impute the losse of Normandy Gascoigne and Guienne to other causes then to disorders in warres want of succour and supply and too much credulitie in trusting the French and presumption in hoping for successe without meanes But may some say to what end tendeth al this discourse seing mē now a daies are so farre from inuading their enemies that some can be content to leaue their friends languishing for want of help which are ioyned neere vnto them both by bond of religion and couenant and what hope is there that such shall giue the charge on others seeing they suffer the fire so neere their owne doores true it is that gouernours haue not beene so forward as some would haue wished and percase as some thinke their honour and the profite of their state required yet haue not matters beene so carelesly neglected as is surmised But suppose they had yet I hope the same course will not alwayes be continued nor that the discipline of armes shall foreuer be neglected of commanders There are yet a number left of the posteritie of those that haue made the name of the English nation famous in France Flanders Spaine and other countries and many do now beginne to mislike and condemne former disorders If at anie time such men may be heard or folowed I doubt not but that this discourse may be put in practise and such aduertisements heard and accepted more gratefully To annoy our enemies and procure our own safetie there is no better course then to translate warres frō our own doores into the enemies countrie Whatsoeuer wil be performed I thought it myduety not to conceale that which I thought not onely profitable but necessary for my countries honour as God willing by many reasons I shall shew vnto you CHAP. V. Part. 2. Wherein is prooued that it is farre better for the English nation things standing as now they do to inuade the Spaniard or any other enemy in his owne country then to receiue their assault and invasion here at home or to stay vntill we do see the enemy on our owne coast MAny there are I doubt not of a contrary minde but especially those that enioy honour wealth and ease These commonly vesire peace and detest warres and against such enterprises alleadge these reasons they say wee haue neither towne nor port in Spaine to receiue vs that the way thither is long and vncertaine by reason of contrarietie of windes and that it will be hard to remedie anie disorder that shall fall out in our army by reason of the distance of the place they alleadge further that we haue no friendes nor confederates in the countrey and that it will be more difficult to subdue the Spaniard in his countrey then abroad for euery man doeth 3 Ante ora patrū ante alta moenia Troiae The Troians were most venturous Virg. fight most valiantly when his wife and children and his owne landes and goodes are in his sight Lastly they suppose that the number of the enemies will be such as that an armie shall bee wearied with killing them On the other side if wee attend the Spaniardes comming hither say they they shall haue all obese things to make against them and wee all things fauorable for vs men municious and victuals sufficient our wines children country in our sight safe places to retrait vnto As Anteus wrastling with Hercules so oft as he touched the earth receiued new strength after his fall so they that in their owne countrey do◠fall rise againe very easily A 5 Tit. Quintius vsed this similitude to dissuade the Achaeans frō forreine warres Liu.
equitum ibat Tacit 13. marched in his voyage against the Parthians as was both for the marche and fight most safe and fit in the right side marched the thirde Regiment the sixth on the left and the tenth in the midst the carriages were placed betweene the Regiments a thousande horse followed for garde of the Rierwarde vpon the winges were the rest of the horse placed and by them the archers and light armed footemen When the blacke h Froissart Prince marched into Spaine his armie was deuided into three partes vpon the winges marched the horse the archerie being then wel armed made the body of the battaillions The weakenesse of the armies of our time proceede of contempt of military arayes and orders The French among their footemen haue fewe or none armed Before the encountre at Rocheabeille Anno 1569 a Hist. de troubl de Fr. l. 7. the Protestants marched thus the horsemen made the Auantgarde on either side marched certaine troupes of shot seconded by horsemen after the vantgarde followed a battaillion of lansquenets and in front of them were drawne eight field pieces after them followed diuers Regiments of shot representing the battell and on the side thereof another battaillion of lansquenets with some other pieces That which was the strength of the army that is pikes and halberds and targets armed was wanting and shot placed where if they had bene charged they could haue done no seruice Oft times the Vantgarde marcheth and lodgeth so farre from the rest of the partes of the army that it is no hard matter for a vigilant man of warre to cut one in pieces before the other can come to succour This b Hist. de troubl de Fr. was the death of the Prince of Condè and ouerthrow of his auantgarde at the battell of Cognac And the same was the ouerthrow of c Appian de bel Parth. Crassus by the Parthians for his sonne was so farre auanced before the rest of the army that before he could be relieued he and his troupes were defeated And in our times some great commaunders albeit they had but fiue or sixe thousand yet would they needes make three partes forsooth which is the cause of the weakenesse of the whole the Captaines lieuetenants and sergiants which are a good part of the strength of the army stand for the most part out of ranke and will all take vpon them to be leaders because of contrary commaundements no man can tell where to goe while commaunders striue together there is great contention and noyse made And finally a great matter made of nothing and nothing made of all their seruice and matters very easie made difficult For if the army be a body then euery souldier ought to be taught that he may knowe howe to stand in his place as euery member is placed in the body But we haue saide ynough of the aray now therefore let vs talke of the proceeding of an army CHAP. VI. Part. 2. Wherein is declared by what meanes an Army may march safely in the enemies countrey and ouercome all difficulties whereby either in champion or wooddie grounds or els in the passage of riuers or hils and straites the same may be disordered or hindered BEside the common aray of the army in marching which we are as nere as we can to endeuour to vnderstand and keepe if we meane to marche assured we are also to learne the estate of the enemie the site of the countrey where we do marche and how the ordinary aray is to be changed according to the diuersitie of the grounds to the ende that wee may both in champion and in wooddy grounds and also ouer riuers and hils passe safely Chabrias the Athenian captaine a Plutarch Apopth said he deserued not the name of a General that vnderstood not the estate of the enemies And of b Liuy 22. Annibal Liuy giueth report that he vnderstood what was done in the enemies campe as well as themselues The enemies purposes and estate we vnderstand partly by the examination of prisoners taken partly by the report of such as flie from the enemie vnto vs but most assuredly by our owne espials and discouerers which either goe disguised among the enemies or els in warrelike sort approche his lodging or army to see what countenance he hath The situation of the countrey is vnderstoode partly by cardes truely representing the hils straits and riuers and partly by report of the countrey people examined seuerally but most exactly by men of iudgement frō some hie place viewing it c Xenoph. exped Cyr. 1. Xenophon enquired and learned of such prisoners as he had taken both the estate of the enemies and the diuers wayes wherby he might returne into Greece by the same also he vnderstood the situation of the countreys and maners of the people by which he was to passe with his company Ring Edward the d Froisart thirde being in paine to passe the riuer of Some in France by the instruction giuen him by one of his prisoners vnderstood of a foord The Romanes by the examination of diuers prisoners taken in Afrike vnderstood all the proceedings of the enemies Yet must not we giue too great credite to such for subtil persons do often dissemble and desperat villeines wil not sticke to lead vs into trappes Diuers of them therefore are to be examined seuerally streitly and not to be beleeued vnlesse they consent and speake probably a Caes de bel ciu 2. Curio lightly examining a prisoner concerning the force of the enemie was greatly abused and pursuing the enemie vpon his report was himselfe and his companie ouerthrowne Many things are likewise vnderstood by relation of those that flie vnto vs from the enemie By such kinde of men the b Per transfugas cognitum est quos leuitas ingeniorum ad cognoscendas hostium res in omnibus bellis praebet Liui. 31. Romanes discouered the preparatiues of the king of Macedonia against them Annibal partly by such and c Annibalem nihil eorum quae apud hostes gerebantur fallebat perfugis multa indicantibus per suos explorantem Liui. 22. partly by his owne diligence searching out matters continually by his espials vnderstood whatsoeuer the Romanes did King Edward the 3. by Robert of Artois that vpon some displeasure was driuen out of the Court of France vnderstood diuers secrets of that state as also by Godefry d'Harecourt the erle Momfort that fled to him out of Britaine Yet may we not giue light credence to all their words Percase they vnderstand not matters well or els deale doubly d Transfugis non fidens Syllanus speculatores ad hoftem misit Syllanus therefore in Spaine beside the report of those that fled from the enemie sent his espials to see what the enemie did And Annibal vsed to keepe them diligently that reported any thing that if the reports were found vntrue they might be punished The e
occasion of their ouerthrow But howsoeuer the place be chosen aduantageous yet there is alwayes some part that lieth open which is to bee assured with trenches and palissadaes The lesse aduantage that the nature of the ground yeeldeth the more labour our souldiers are to take in working and trenching the same And that with a trench and banke sufficient if not such as the Romanes vsed yet such as may couer the defendants and hinder the ascent of the assailants without ladders Caesar in the b Castra in altitudinem pedum 12. vallo fossaque 18. pedum muniuit Caesar bel gal 2. warres against the Belgians enuironed his campe neere Soissons with a banke twelue foote high and a ditch eighteene foote broade If the danger were great the Romanes vsed to make their bankes higher and trenches deeper It would be incredible if I should report all those bankes trenches and workes which Caesar made about Alexia in France and at Dyrrhachium in the warres against Pompey and other places and howe hee cast trenches of great depth tenne or eleuen miles compasse Which was also the vse of all the Romanes Whose workes yet remaining in England in diuers places because it seemeth incredible they should be doone by men are called diuelles ditches and supposed by them to be cast That this fortification may be made with more ease and greater speed euery man is to worke eyther with mattock or spade I know our men will at first refuse it and discharge themselues vpon pionniers but why should they disdaine to doe that which the Romanes did and why shoulde anie refuse to worke to saue his life and the liues of their company Let them consider howe such idle fellowes that woulde not fortifie their lodgings haue beene vsed c Castra procos habebat nee loco satis tuto posita ne◠praesidiis firmata hac negligentia fretus cum incautum Annibal opressit Liu. 27. Fuluis the Romane Proconsul neither for place nor defence nor garde lay strongly enough with his army which was no sooner brought to Annibal but marching thither with his army he tooke him at vnawres and ouerthre we him and all his companie La Loüe and his companie lying secure and carelesse without trench or barriquade had their throates cut by the garrison of Montpellier in the night being asleepe in their lodging Anno one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and nine Neither did the companie that vnder Napoleon Vrsini a Guicciard came to the succor of Florence besieged by the Prince of Orenge in the daies of Charles the fift escape better cheape to teach others percase to make better barriquades and trenches and to keepe better watch If the Protestantes durst haue charged Charles the fift before his campe was fortified at Englestat they had b Natal com l. 1. no doubt foyled him Neither is it sufficient to trench the wayes if wee lie open on the sides Euerie waie must haue some defence Strossi c Hist. de troubl de Er. li. 7. stiffely defending a certaine valley by Rocheabeille Anno one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and nine fensed onely in front with a weake palissade was inuested on the sides and forced by the Protestantes In which disastre himselfe was taken and most of his troupes distrouped and slaine If his defence had beene strong in all places hee had saued himselfe and foyled his enemy Q. Cicero d Caes bel gal 5. one of Caesars lieutenants by the fortifications of his campe abode diuers assaults of the whole power of France and held out vntill such time as Caesar succoured him And well befell it Prospero Colonna that his lodging was strong at the Bicocke For otherwise he and his companie had beene drawen out thence not by the eares but by the legges There is none so small a fortification but it may doe vs fauour in such a case The Spaniardes making a trench betweene themselues and the French at e Guicciard li. 5. Cirignola and bordering the same with their shot made them to this day remember what daunger it is to passe a trench resolutely defended In these late braules of France captaine Granry f Hist de troubl de Fr. li. 6. lodging in Esse a village vpon the riuer of Vienne gaue the enemy a rude welcome comming to see him in his lodging in the night His safetie was in a double barrier and trench made by him at the endes of the streetes Yet let euery man take heede howe hee presume vpon euery small defence and rather let him cause his men to take more paines It is no base labour that is vndertaken for the defence of our liues and little doth he deserue his life that will not digge a few turfes to saue it Ludouike of Nassau the brother to the Prince of Orenge presumed too much vpon a little bad ditch betwixt him and the Duke of Aluaes army If it had beene but sixe foote deeper hee had repulsed the enemy with great slaughter a This happeued anno 1568. For idlenesse and want of skill he and his company were ouerthrowen and driuen to take Embden for their succour And yet not warned herewith when hee brought a supplie out of Germanie to aide his brother b Mich. ab Islael◠lying in a village without sufficient defence hee was charged by the enemie and there slaine and with him Christopher the Prince Palatins sonne a Prince vnworthy that disastrous death and with them most of the company That the campe may with more ease be trenched and fortified the worke is equally to be diuided amongst the company That equitie the Romanes taught vs and c Singula latera castrotū singulis attribuit legionibus munienda Caes bel gal 1. Caesar practiced diuiding the ground among his regiments to be wrought And shame it is among vs seeing as the vse of warres teacheth vs the great profite of labour in banking and trenching that wee put it ouer to a sort of men called Pionniers vnknowen among the Romanes whose workes were alwayes d They are commonly termed Opera militum done by souldiers This is the cause of the great charge of Princes and slow proceeding and slender effects of warres Therfore they that will not worke and take paines rather then die shamefully let them die But let not the idlenesse of such preiudice the state or the safety of braue men But let such defend themselues as well with bankes as with weapons and not follow the slouthful pride of athers The forme of the campe is much according to the site and lying of the ground Among the Romanes it was made for the most part foure square But it skilleth not though it bee three or fiue square So the bankes woulde bee made tenne e Lesse depth bredth wil serue but this maketh the bankes sufficient or twelue foote hie the ditch sixeteene or eighteene foote broade The deeper the ditch and higher the banke is the more assured is
the defence At euerie corner especially towardes the enemy there woulde bee made a litle bulwarke or platforme somewhat auanced from the cortine of the campe for the placing of the great ordonance for defence of the ditch and cortaine and clearing of the grounde wythout the campe In the sides there woulde bee lefte two great passages or issues for the army to enter and issue and two lesser on the outsides for the necessarie vses of the campe The compasse is according to the number of the armie allowing tenne foote square for euery horseman and foure foote square for euery footeman or thereabouts There are to be left foure broade streetes in the place for the passing and repassing of souldiers and for the commoditie of victuallers and Marchantes a market place The Generall ought to pitch his tent in the middest of the camp about him are his Gentlemen and garde to bee placed if there bee not place sufficient for them in his tents The horsemen are to be quartered in the middest of the camp for that they are most vnreadie if any sodaine assault should happen but in some conuenient square for the beauty of the campe The shot and archerie are to haue their tentes next to the ring of the campe round about the same within them are the halbardiers targettiers and other short weapons to haue their quarter assigned and betwixt them and the horsemen the pikes So that euery man may know both where to lodge directly and what place to goe vnto if the enemy doe charge vs. The waste places remayning are to bee assigned to the carriages and the boyes and seruants that followe the campe For flaughter of beasts and necessities of nature there are two places to bee assigned eyther in some out place of the campe or without the campe The whole distance and compasse is rather with the iudgement of the eye then with Geometricall instruments to bee cast out Yet must the quarter-master take heede both that his compasse be not too great for that is hardly defended and that it be not too litle For in that case the army shall be straited That souldiers may bee commodioussy lodged in the field without going out of the way to finde townes or villages it is necessarie that euery company haue their a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. paed Cyr. 2. tentes assigned to them of publike charge and carried with them in cartes For to lodge without couer in colde raine or heate is verie intollerable and wood to make cabbanes sufficient in fewe places can bee found and if it could yet were it a matter long for one nightes lodging to make a cabbane of boughes Contrariwise tentes are easilie pitched and not heauie to bee carried nor verie chargeable to bee bought That the souldiers may finish their work with more speed it were necessary likewise that euery company had their spades mattocks axes and other tooles caried along with their tentes and baggage that euery man presently vpon view of his lodging staked out might know where to worke For ease of the souldiers a iudicious Quartermaster will chuse some place neere a wood or a riuer or some hill that with the naturall situation of the place a small fortification may serue If the Quartermaster do chuse some Villages to lodge in yet fâ—â— greedines of couer for his men let him take heed how he do diuide separate the army farre a sunder And further let euery part fortiâ—â— the quarter where they are lodged The cause of the ouerthrow of the Prince of Conde at Cognac in which encounter hee lost also his life was the distance of the lodging of the auantgarde and battell which was so great that the one part being charged by the enemy the other could not come to succour it before it was too late a Histoir de 〈◊〉 bl lib. 4. Dandelot dispersing his companies in Villages was surprised on the sudden by Martigues and put to flight himselfe hardly escaped most of his company were defeated which if his troupes had bene together could not haue happened For his forces were foure times greater then those that ouercame them La Louè might haue bene succoured when the enemy charged him but that he b Hist de troubl lib. 12. lodged so far from helpe that before the same could come he his men were dispatched The cause of the ouerthrow of the Baron Donaw his Almains was for that they lay dispersed without defence c Xenoph. exped Cyr. 3. 4. Xenophon although necessity forced him in his return from the battel against Artaxerxes to lodge his company in diuers Villages yet whensoeuer the enemy made shew to approch hee drew them all together into one place If so be that necessitie driue vs likewise to lodge our armie in Villages let vs know first how vpon neede we may bring them together and next how euery part may susteine the enemies assault vntil helpe come to it This I say is wrought first by trauersing the waies then by trenching places of easy accesse The wayes are to be trauersed by deepe ditches banks for defence of our shot next by palissadaes barres placed ouerthwart the sides are to be viewed and either with trenches or walles to be fortified Those wayes that leade vs into the Village on the backside are to be dammed vp where there is greatest shew that the enimy wil assault vs there gretest store of shot are to be placed in the chambers looking that way The carts baggage conueniently placed may breake the force of the enemies horse make the accesse for footemen also more difficult The Heluetians a Caes bel gal 1. had no other defences of their lodging neither do the Germans at this day vse any other defence or encamping vnlesse the place naturally aforde it But nothing is more weake nor vaine where the enemy commeth resolutely to the charge Scipio his father that ouercame Annibal being foyled by the Carthaginians in Spaine through the trecherie of the Celtiberians that forsooke him thought to shroude him selfe and his b Liu. 25. company vnder the carts packs and such things as he could bring together to make a defence on But it serued for nothing but to linger the enemies victory a litle For in such defences there is no strength If therefore we wil neither fortifie our campe as did the Romans nor barre the Villages where we lodge strongly as is the vse of wise Captaines in these dayes I will neither warrant our troupes nor by my wil keepe among them lying so open The c Philip. Com. French king Duke of Burgundy lying in the suburbes of Liege without trenche or barriquade escaped very narowly in a certaine sally of the townesmen by them besieged Besides the fortification of the campe or lodging it is requisite for the assurance of our company that we place not only sentinels and scoutes within but also good gardes at all the gates
d Hist de troubl de Fr. l. 9. Admiral at Moncontour would willinglie haue passed the day without fight but being neere the enemie hee could neither passe the riuer without disordering his armie nor retire without manifest danger of being vtterly broken and ruinated Philip of Macedonia albeit hee was encamped vpon the banke of the riuer Aous very strongly and had most high mountaines for his defence vpon his backe yet being charged suddenly from the vpper ground he was both driuen to fight against his will and foyled by Tit. Quintius Wherefore considering the losse and calamities that come of suffering the country to be burned and spoyled the hazard that to wnes besieged by the enemie without hope of succour stand in the discouragement of our people that see and enemie in the countrey whom they dare not encounter I hold it a rule most certaine that no countrey nor state can well be defended against a strong enemie any long time vnlesse the same either haue or can procure an armie to come into the field able to encounter him and not vnwilling also if the same may haue any good aduantage to fight with him And therefore all valiant men that loue their countrey are rather to endeuour to ouercome the enemie by force then dull him and wearie him by patience and delaies which bring with them contempt of those that want an edge and force That wee may fight with aduantage and proceed with reason let vs now examine and see what things are to be foreseene and considered before that the General do bring foorth his armie into the field to fight CHAP. XI Conteining speciall matters to be well considered before the Generall bring foorth his armie to fight with the enemie in open field MAnie things in warre are executed by force and strength of men but seldome doeth force preuaile much without counsell and direction Counsell in all deedes of armes chalengeth a principall place but especially in ioyning battell with the enemie To refuse good counsell therefore in this case is a brutish follie oftentimes seuerely punished The Constable of France peeuishly refusing the good counsell of Coucy that dissuaded him at that time to fight with the Turkes was the cause of the miserable slaughter of Christians at Nicopolis The Frenchmen detest in their histories the pride and insolencie of a certaine Duke of Bourbon who a Froissart being Generall in a certaine enterprise against the Saracens in Afrike ouerthrew the action by disdaining to heare any man speake and refusing all counsell but his owne A man wise inough to ruinate any enterprise Wise captains therefore as they will consider many things themselues so I trust they will not disdaine to vnderstand the experience and aduise of others Before a Generall doeth resolue to fight with the enemie with all his force hee is first diligently to vnderstand both the strength of the enemie and the numbers and strength of his owne men least presuming too much of his owne power or contemning the enemie he doe that which afterward hee may repent a Guicciandin Francis the first of France not knowing how much hee was abused by his moster rolles and supposing his strength to bee greater then it was accepted of the battell of Pauie where himselfe was taken and his armie discomfited b Caes bel ciu ◠Curio not knowing the great strength of the enemies horsemen did rashly leaue the aduantage of the ground and fight with him that in the plaines was to strong for him which was his ruine Cassius in the battell of Philippi not vnderstanding the victorie of Brutus his companion desperately slew himselfe and was the cause of the discouragement of his side and the victorie of the enemie If therefore he shall vnderstand that his enemie is too strong for him let him keepe his aduantage of ground and auoyd fight if his owne power be greater let him not delay it for it is no lesse dishonour to let slip an opportunitie then to aduenture rashly Yong souldiers are not rashly to be brought into the field against an armie exercised and beaten with long practise of warre The Romanes found this true by their owne practise in the warres with their c Veterani exercitus tobore rex Rom. vicit Liu. 1. neighbours and with Annibal Where their armie was well trained they preuailed their fresh souldiers could not endure the force of Annibals beaten men Caesars old souldiers were inuincible With the men that Philip of Macedonia had exercised in many warres Alexander ouerthrew the Persian empire For it is not d Veteres non tam numerosos exercitus habere voluerunt quà m eruditos Veget. l. 3. c. 1. number that preuaileth but experience and skill The e Philip. Comin gallants of Charles Duke of Burgundie bragged that they would doe and venture but when they sawe their enemie they forgot their wordes and ranne away in the encounter with Lewis the eleuenth at Mont le herie Therefore did Caesar wisely that carying ouer with him diuers yong souldiers into Afrike f Noluit conuulncrari exercitum tyronmen Hirt de bel Afric would not put them to the triall before he had made them better acquainted with warres Souldiers likewise when they are faint wearie hungry or thirstie fight but faintly And therefore as there is no trust in young souldiers so there is no strength in souldiers that are faint with labour or want of victuals Doe not therefore rashly encounter the enemie when they men are either wearied with long marching or watching or faint for want of meate or drinke The a Inde cibo corpora firmare iussi vt si longior esset pugna viribus sufficerent Liu. 27. Romanes before they entred the battell refreshed their men with victuals and rest that if the same continued long yet their strength might continue b Syllanus ante pugnam militem cibum capere iubet Liu. 28. Syllanus being readie to charge the enemie commaunded his souldiers to dine first The principall cause of the ouerthrow of the Romanes at Trebia was that Annibal brought foorth his men to fight fresh hauing well dined warmed themselues and rested where as the Romane c Liu. 21. Generall brought foorth his armie fasting and cold by reason they passed a riuer and wearie for that they stoode many howers in armes before the battell began Aemilius in the warres against Perseus in Macedonia albeit his souldiers desired to fight with the d Statuit Aemilius lassitudinem sitim sentientes milites integro hostinon obijcere Liu. 44.214 enemie so soone as they saw him yet considering that by their long march they were wearie thirstie and faint would not fight with the enemie that was fresh and lustie but deferred it to the next day Yea although aduantage be offered yet if our e Furius lassitudini militum timens occasionem rei praeclarè gerendae omisit Liu. 31. souldiers be faint and wearie it is more safe to
h Maxima pars ab equitibus in flumen acti sunt Liu. 1. pursue those that are put to flight But those that leade horsemen are to proceede with great caution they may not charge pikemen standing resolutely together The price of their folly that did otherwise our men did somewhat vnderstand at Muscleborough field Neither may they charge shot or archers that haue a defence either of a trench or a hedge or a wall or certaine rankes of pikes before them For in the case they make them selues markes to the enemie whom they cannot come at Further they had better charge the enemie disarrayed by shotte or other weapons then when the armie standeth close together For against an armie well empaled with pikes yea with halberds close set and well backed with shotte horse cannot preuaile whatsoeuer a certaine a Histoire de troubl de Fr. l. 2. French man in his glorious stile vaunteth of the strength of the French men of armes Against men out of order in open fielde horsemen worke great effectes and so no doubt they haue done in these late disorderly braules of France and did alwayes among b Arist polit barbarous nations which fought out of order But against an army well ordered they can do but little And any small impediment doth make them vnseruiceable The Romanes although their pikes were not halfe so long as ours yet did they not feare any numbers of horse Against the Macedonian pikes the Persian horse could doe no seruice Neither will the French horsemen looke vpon our pikes well backed with musquets if they be wise notwithstanding their great crakes Nay our archers at Agincourt fielde founde them not so rough in handling as they would seeme Horsemen therefore in all expeditions I accompt very requisite for the causes aboue rehearsed and for that without them albeit we could foyle the enemie yet we cannot kill many nor preuaile against him that is swifter of foote then we as c Xenoph. exped Cy. 2. Clearchus both said and proued by experience in the warres against Artaxerxes At the bridge of Burgos in Galicia where the Spaniards ranne so lightly before vs we felt what want we had of horse Of horsemen I thinke it requisite also to haue some part lances some light armed like to our borderers and some carbines The barded horsemē both for their heauines great charge I thinke not very needefull When Lucullus his men were much afraide of Tygranes his barded d Plutarch in Lucullo horses he willed them to be of good cheere for that there was more labour in spoyling them being so armed then in foyling thē they were so vnweldy And so it came to passe For I neuer read that euer they did any seruice but in diuers places that they were foiled e Xenoph. exped Cyr. 1. Cyrus had diuers barded horses in his iourney against his brother but there is not any mentiō of any seruice that they did Darius had multitudes of them in the encounter betwixt him and Alexander a Arrian exped Alex. 3. at Arbela and Antiochus in the battell against b Liu. Scipio but scarce did they giue one blowe to hinder the course of the enemies victorie The armour of the c Cataphracti inhabiles ad resurgendum humi dilabentes caduntur Tac. annal 17 man and the horse is so heauie and so boisterous that if they fall there they lye stopping the way to those that come after Neither can they auoide it but many shall lye vpon the ground especially if the pikes stand close and be well flanked or backed with mosquettiers shooting ouer their heades If we haue fewe horsemen or not so many that wee may therewith match the enemie we are then to followe the prudent deuise of Caesar both here in Briteine and in Afrike and Greece shewed him by valiant men before him Before Capua the Romanes not being able to match the enemie with horse seconded their men with certeine lusty young men armed lightly and weaponed with short pikes Which while their men were at the charge did so gall the enemie with their pikes that presently they turned visage Caesar by reason that his shippes wherein his horse were helde not their course comming into this Iland had onely 30. horse yet foyling the enemie with his footemen with those fewe horses and the lustiest of his young men he so pursued them that many remained behinde their company In Afrike likewise he susteined the charge of the enemies horsemen with his footemen and after that he had made them turne their backes did so charge them with some fewe horsemen which he had that they had no desire to returne thither againe Seconding his horsemen with certaine halfe pikes lightly armed he not only repelled Pompeis horsemen in Albany and Scipioes in Afrike but also vanquished their forces By the same d Caes bel gal 7. deuise before time he foyled 7000. Gaules well horsed with a very fewe of his owne ayded and seconded by his footemen e Xenoph. exped Eyr 3. Xenophon charging the enemie that would haue fled from him with a few carriage horses shewed vnto vs that bad horses serue for a shift to follow the chace and run better then good footemen In the warres of Naples 12. Italian horsemen fighting in steccato as they call it with so many Frenchmen the Italians f Guicciard 1. preuailed by this meanes In the place where they met the Italians let fal certain iauelins which those that were first vnhorsed by the French tooke vp ioyning with their companions striking the French in the faces preuailed against them The Admirall of France at the encounter of S. Denis by Paris being ouermatched by the enemy in horsemen placed behinde euery company a company of shot which following the horsemen going an easy trot to the charge vpon the approch of the enemy auanced themselues forward and discharged so thicke and full vpon him that all his companie came not to the charge and those that came were more gentle in handling then otherwise they would haue beene This may serue those that are inferior to the enemy in horsemen For this nation I trust this discourse is needelesse For albeit we haue hitherto had great want of horsemen in our expeditions in France Flanders and Portugal yet there is no reason that this land should want hereafter hauing such meanes There onely wanteth liberall mindes and good order that some part of that is now spent in surfet silkes golden laces and other vanities may be employed in keeping horses for seruice Lances and Carbines haue like vse in following the victory and chase But while the enemy standeth lances are best employed against shot and carbines against pikes But yet must they take heed how they do inuest them In discouering the enemy and fetching in of victualles and brideling the enemies forragers both lances and carbins and archebuziers on horsebacke would be ioyned together But carbins and
fight nor lodge without danger But yet in dressing of Ambushes he is to take great heede first that the enemy haue no notice of his purpose so prouide against him For by this means traps theÌ„selues are oft entrapped c Caes bel gal 8. Corbey of Beauois lying in waite where he supposed Caesars souldiers would come to seeke prouision was himselfe and his company cut in peeces by a greater number then he looked for which Caesar sent thither hauing intelligence of the matter before hand Secondly those that lie in ambush must rise suddenly and execute speedily and courageously least the enemy putting himselfe in order and gathering courage giue them more then they came for Labienus had placed certaine felowes in ambush that should haue charged a Hiâ—t de bel Afric Caesars army as the same passed by but they came foorth so faintly irresolutely that Caesars horsemen before they could doe any thing had hewen them in peeces Thirdly let them beware least while they thinke to doe the feat the rest of the enemies come on their backes before they can dispatch The b Liu. 41. Dardanians had well hoped to haue executed a part of the Macedonian army which they charged vpon the backe as it passed through the countrey but before they were aware they were them selues charged by them that folowed after and were taken as they say betweene the hammer and anuill and well beaten Fourthly when a part of the army is sent to lie in ambush the rest of the army ought to haue correspondence with it that as those that rise vp in ambush doe charge the enemy one way so the rest of the army may charge him another way and alwayes be ready to succour their men Which if they of c Caes bel gal 8. Beauois had considered they had not suffered their best men to haue bene cut in peeces without reliefe The reason that Ambushes doe preuaile so much are diuers first the terrour that the same strike the enemies minde withall comming vpon them vpon the sudden secondly the disorder and confusion that is in the enemies army surprised suddenly and thirdly the vantage of ground which they chuse and the weaknes of the enemy where they charge him Therefore let all valiant souldiers to whom such executions are committed beware how they protract time or loose their aduantage or by vntimely noyse or stirre giue notice of their purpose to the enemy or by stirring before the time cause the enemy to retire before he come within danger By reason whereof I haue seen some my selfe but haue heard of many more enterprises that haue come to nothing CHAP. XIIII Wherein is shewed how the enemy being vanquished the victory is to be vsed and the conquest mainteined HI therto we haue declared by what meanes the enemy may be vanquished in open fielde a marke whereat all valiant Captaines aime and whereunto they addresse all their actions and â—ounsels Yet all consisteth not so in victory but that they deserue farre more commendation that can vse it to purpose and mainteine that which they winne a Vincere scis Annibal victoria vâ—i nescis saâ—de Maherbal vnto him Liu. 22. Annibal had the happe to ouercome the Romanes in diuers battels but he had not the wisdome or happe to vse the victory And diuers great victories hath God giuen to our nation against the Frenchmen and many partes of France haue our ancesters possessed but we could not vse our time nor Gods graces nor at this day haue we so much grounde in France as to builde a fishers cabane in Therefore seeing it is a miserable thing to say we haue had when wee haue not and b Non minor est virtus quà m quaetere parta tueri wise men no lesse consider how they may keepe them winne let vs see if God would so much fauour vs as to suffer vs to winne any thing hereafter how the victory may be vsed and our purchase assured Least as the Spaniard foyled by sea An. 1588. escaped without pursuite or memorable losse saue of some shippes so hee or any other might escape againe so good cheape and continually returne to inuade vs with hope of victory at the least without feare of pursuite or great losse Either the enemies army is altogether vanquished and dispersed or els some good part there of is retyred entire and whole In both these cases what course the Generall is to take let vs nowe consider beginning with the latter If the enemy be not so vanquished but that some part of his army remaineth sound or at least vnbroken then is the Generall to follow him and vrge him while the terrour of the late affright is not yet out of his minde Caesar hauing obteined a great victory against the Heluetians c Caes debel gal 1. ceased not to pursue the remaynder so long vntill all yeelded And afterward hauing foyled Vercingetorix in the fielde and caused him to retire with the rest of his army hee did not d Caes debel gal 7. leaue him vntill hee had forced him to take Alexia for his defence nor then neither vntill such time as he had the towne and all within it yeelded to his mercy e Caes debel ciu â— Vanquishing Pompey in open fielde he would not suffer him to take Sanctuary in his campe but droue him thence and rested not vntill he had taken his flight nor before the reliques of his army that fledde to the hilles thereby had yeelded being cut from water Gaston de Fois hauing foyled the Spaniards at Rauenna did like a man of iudgement follow the reliques of the enemies army the reason hee had no successe was for that hee charged the pikes with his horsemen which should haue bene done with shot and with small forces auanced himselfe too farre forward being so euill followed which cost him his life If he had charged them with shot and taken the way before them with his horse or staied vntill he had taken them at aduantage in some straite where they could not haue kept their rankes or cut betweene them and their victuals without many blowes they had bene forced to yeelde Scipio after he had vanquished Asdrubal in Spaine and driuen him to retraite he so followed him with his horsemen that the man could finde no rest vntill he came vnto the vtmost coast of Spaine Those that after they haue victorie giue themselues either to pleasures or to rest for a small rest purchase to themselues great labour and sometime losse If a Caes de bel cin 3. Pompey after he had giuen Caesar two repulses at Dyrrhachium had vrged the reliques of his armie not yet being recouered from their late affright his successe had bene farre better The Carthaginians not pursuing their victorie in b Liu. 24. Spaine after the death of the two Scipioes but suffering the reliques of their armies not onely to breath but also to gather head were themselues ouercome not
long after by those whome before they had vanquished When such men erred it is not maruell if diuers errors were committed in these late French braules After the battell of S. Denys both Protestants and the kings side departed quietly each from other and at Moncontour albeit the kings brother gaue the Protestants a great ouerthrowe yet he suffered the Admirall to depart with a great part of his army and to gather newe forces to returne againe the next spring to fight againe But may some say it is not good to driue the enemy to vtter despaire for that constraineth men to aduenture and to try all meanes to escape c Desperatio vltima audere experiri cogebà t Aequos Liu. 3. Desperation saith Liuy caused the Aequians to aduenture and try their last refuge The Hetruscians being entered the campe of the Romanes and being compassed about without way to winde out fought so desperately that they slewe one of the Consuls and many braue men and had done much more d Maiorem cladem nisi data via fuisset dedissent Liu. 2. harme had not some wiser then the rest giuen them way to depart out of the campe quietly Afterward of themselues they fell into disorder and were easily vanquished by the horsemen that pursued them For this cause Themistocles said that a bridge of golde was to be made for an enemie that flieth that he might depart quietly All which I yeelde to be true in such an enemie as flieth without purpose to returne and which cannot be broken without great danger But if he purpose to returne no danger is to be refused nor labour to be shunned that he may be broken which in deede is no difficultie For he that cannot resist whole can euill resist broken And therefore this is a controuersie without firme reason of the contrary cause Yet in pursuing the enemie I would not haue him so stopped but that he may flie nor would I haue desperate men fought withall but I would haue them with hunger and disease forced to accept of their liues and so yeelding their armes to depart Which if the French had practised in the conquest of Naples they had not so ignominiously bene driuen out thence by 3 or 4 thousand Bisognos that they suffered to nestle in 2 or 3 out townes of the Countrey But if the enemies forces be vtterly dispersed and dare not looke vpon vs in the fielde then the next labour is to besiege their chiefe cities and that presently while the smart of their woundes is yet fresh Aswell in a Tam secundis quà m aduersis rebus non datur spatium ad cessandum si se Laelius cum equitatu victóque Syphace Cirtham praecedere sinat trepida omnia se metu oppressurum Liu. 30. good successe as in bad a prudent Capteine may not giue himselfe to rest Masinissa by shewing himselfe and his victorious companie before Cirtha so terrified the same especially vpon view of their king that was taken prisoner that the same yeelded vnto him presently Great is the terrour of a victorious armie and sufficient to make any towne to yeelde The Romanes by the terrour of their victorious troupes led by Quintius Cincinnatus obteined nine townes of the enemies in short space The b Antium paucos dies circumfessum deditur nulla oppugnantium noua vi sed quòd iam inde ab infoelici pugna castrisque amissis ceciderant animi Liu. 2. courage of the Volscians was so cooled after their ouerthrowe by the Romanes that they yeelded their citie for feare without any force Therefore Scipio after the ouerthrowe of Annibals army brought his forces presently before Carthage which he draue to accept of composition If Annibal vpon his victorie at Cannae had brought his victorious army before Rome he had proceeded with more iudgement The Rhodians c Stratoniceam recepissent Rhodij post victoriam nisi tempus in castellis recipiendis triuissent Liu. 33. hauing vanquished the enemy in open fielde spent time in taking of certeine paltry hamlets and castles whereas if they had vrged the enemy as they might haue done they had taken Stratonicea the head citie of the countrey There is no towne that dare holde out without hope of succour But may some say it is a hard labour to take townes well fortified and manned and stored with victuals I grant if armies that besiege them be such as ours and so furnished and the townes haue hope of reliefe otherwise as d Scipio vidit dissipatum bellum circumferre ad singulas vrbes arma diutini magis quà m magni esse operis Liu. 28. Scipio said it is a matter of more time then labour For where the Countrey is spoiled no townes can long holde out But that may be done easily where an army goeth vp and downe victorious without stoppe or encounter The reason that the townes of Holland and Zeland haue so long holden out against the Spaniard is that they haue both the sea open and many good friends and fauours in England A victorious army not only taketh whatsoeuer towne it besiegeth but also seaseth the whole countrey Annibal after the victory at Cannae possessed a good part of Italy After the ouerthrow of their forces by Scipio in Afrike the Carthaginians could not say that they had any one towne remaining in obedience After Caesars victorie at Alexia almost all France yeelded it selfe vnto him so well did he followe the victorie against Pompey in Epeirus against Scipio in Afrike against Afranius and Pompeyes sonnes in Spaine that with one victorie he assured himselfe of the whole Countrey and with one enemie fought no more but once The French by one victorie recouered all the kingdome of Naples and by one ouerthrowe at Gariglian lost it againe Francis the first by his victorie at Marignan came in possession of most of the Duchie of Millain being ouerthrowne and taken at Pauy he lost the same againe The Earle of Warwike after one victorie in the daies of Henrie the sixt assured all England to his Prince Edward the fourth by one victorie recouered the same againe and if that our ancestors had well followed the victories at Cressy Poytiers and Agincourt the French had not so easily dispossessed them of their holde in France But what cannot delaies want of supply and diuision worke in such cases First therefore the armie that is victorious ought not to suffer the enemie to gather head but to scatter his forces Secondly the same ought to besiege the chiefe Citie and to sease the Countrey into their handes not suffering the enemie in any place to rest The French king after his victorie at Moncontour besieging S. Iean d'Angeli lost there the vigour of his armie which might better haue bene emploied about Rochel Thirdly the Generals care ought to be howe to take away the enemies subiects from them and to depriue them of the aide of their confederats A matter not difficult if he proceede wisely in
enemies of many commodities and spoyled their coastes by diuers sudden incursions And albeit they had no dominion in firme land yet kept they the Ilands in subiection so long as they kept the Sea The same people before that being inuaded by the Persians comming vpon them with huge array in so much that they thought themselues vnable to resist at land abandoned their Citie and made themselues strong at Sea By which meanes in the ende they vanquished their enemies and recouered their losses with great aduantage both of wealth and honour The Cities likewise on the coast of c Caes bel gal 6. France which is nowe called Briteine although they could not defend themselues against Caesars forces at land yet suffered no great losse as long as they had ships to commaund at Sea Their ships furnished them with things necessarie being besieged the same conueyed the men their goods away being distressed Contrariwise howe strong soeuer a Nation is by land yet cannot the same mainteine it selfe long nor continue in reputation without a sufficient power at Sea The Romanes were driuen to great straytes by the Pirates that kept the rule of the Sea a great time and continued it vntill such time as they were driuen thence by the victory of Pompey the great Sext. Pompeius keeping the Seas with his ships draue Augustus and Antony to a harde cōposition The Lacedemonians could not remedy the spoiles of their countrey made by the incursiōs of the Athenian ships nor could Caesar haue reason of the coast Townes of France before he had prouided a Nauy vanquished them at Sea Neither shall euer the Spaniard obteine his purpose of the Low-countries so long as they can keep the sea but if they faile of that it would goe hard with them This was the cause that made the Romanes albeit before that vnacquainted with sea causes to arme to sea Without their nauy they could neither haue defended their Empire against the Carthaginians first nor afterward against the pyrates nor without strength at sea coulde either Caesar haue subdued the coast townes of France or entred this Iland Nor could Augustus haue vanquished Pompey nor the Lacedemonians preuailed against the Athenians The experience of these nations and great warriers doth teach vs this conclusion that if we meane either to mainteine the honor reputation of our countrey or to defend our selues against the enemie the pursueth vs or to prosecute iniuries done vnto vs or to aide our friends that craue our helpe we must haue diligent regard to our seafaring men shipping that both may be mainteined kept in order Our owne experience diuers reasons may teach vs the same Before that this Nation did vse the sea first the Romanes then the Saxons after them the Danes nowe last of all the Normans haue taken possessed diuers partes of this coūtrey Neither could we wanting sufficient force at sea resist them Sithence that the kings of England haue had the gouernment at sea neither haue forreine nations had like courage to inuade vs nor haue we wanted meanes to defend our selues or aide our friends If that our ships had not had the vantage of sayling when the Spaniard came to inuade vs or that we had wanted shipping God knoweth what would haue bin the issue How much then is it better nowe then when our auncesters had neither nauy to defend their coasts nor to transport their armies to pursue their right or help their friends in the daies of king Edward the 3. and Edward the 4. our nation for want of shipping was beholding to the Flemmings and Hollanders for shipping to transport the English armie into France The vse of the nauy is great in peace greater in warres Thereby trafique entercourse betwixt friends is mainteined victuals that goe to the enemies are stopped our wants of victuals armes munition other necessaries are supplied the enemies coast is spoiled our owne defended the coast townes of the enemies countrey that liue vpon the sea are brought to great extremities our owne mainteined Without the same neither can the trade of marchandize be mainteined nor the sea townes of the enemie be besiged nor their country spoyled nor can we vnderstand the enemies proceedings nor helpe or wel defend our friēds or our selues For three causes especially as a Classem trium rerum causa parauimus vt Africae oram popularetur vt tuta nobis Italiae litota eslent ante omnia ne supplemētum cum stipendio commeatuque a Carthagine Annibali transportaretur Liu. 24. Fabius witnesseth did the Romanes furnish set out their nauy First to spoile the coast of Afrike next to gard the coast of Italy but chiefly to hinder that no supply of men victuals or money should come from Carthage to Annibal with whō then they had great wars Octacilius sayling frō Sicily toward Afrike cōming vpon the coast vpon a sudden first tooke Vtica a rich towne and then spoiled the country returned with 130. ships laden with spoile And all this within 3. or 4. dayes Caius Laelius cōming with his nauy to b C. Laelius nocte ad Hipponē Regium cùm accessistet luce prima ad populandum agrum sub signis milites sociosque nauales duxit Omnibus pacis modo incuriosè agentibus magna clades illata Liu. 29. Hippo on the coast of Afrike landed his men on the sudden and at the breake of day led forth his souldiers mariners in warlike manner vnder their colours and made a great spoile for that as in time of peace the people of the countrey were without care M. Valerius c Liu. 25. Messala sayled into Afrike aswel to spoile the country as to vnderstand the proceedings and purposes of the enemie which he learned by the examinations of diuers prisoners of good accompt which hee tooke there d Liu. 27. The Romanes vnderstanding what spoiles were done vpon their coastes by Pirates and others sent two captaines each of them with 10. ships to defend the coastes and to keepe the seas These vses of shipping although experience hath taught vs yet many will not admit nor beleeue For by reason of their want of skill they thinke that neither the enemie can land here nor we land in the enemies country And if the enemie should attempt any such mattter they verily beleeue that the countrey people with their forkes and the women with their rockes and spits will kill them downe But litle doe they knowe howe small trust there is in such defence nor what great actions may be performed when resolute men land in the enemies countrey vpon a sudden Which in part I haue shewed by the examples of Octacilius Laelius and Messala Neither will any trained men or small garrison helpe the matter as nowe I shall shewe The king of e Vrbem tenebat regium praesidium agrum circa depopulati sunt Romani exscēsione ex nauibus facta Liu. 37. Macedonia did place
notice tooke the towne disfurnished of souldiers The a Qualquiera persona que hiziere o fixare carteles o dixiere palabras escandalosas de las quales puede causarse tumulto o motin muera por ello Que ningun soldado sobre enemistad o pendentia vieia durante la guerra y iornada rinne nitrate ni por pendentia nueua desafie a otro so pena de la vida al prouocante y destierro al prouocado Spaniards therefore doe expresly forbid all cartels iniurious wordes and braules vpon great penalties both in their armies and garrisons 20 21 No souldier nor other shal fraudulently c. Those that know what necessities poore souldiers are driuen vnto cannot chuse but pity their estate that contrary to orders of law are forced to shift Yet for the necessitie of some the disorder of others that as they stole at home so steale abroad may not passe vnpunished b Nemo pullum alienum rapiat ouem nemo contingat oleum salem lignum nemo exigat Vopisc in vita Aurel Aurelian the emperor would not suffer his souldiers to take so much as a pullet or oile or salt or wood from the country people For c De praeda hostium non lachrymis prouincialiū habeat Vopisc ibidem souldiers saith he ought to enrich themselues with the spoiles of the enemie not with teares of the people that are friends d Sueton. in Tyber Tiberius caused one of his gard to be put to death for taking a peacocke out of a mans yard e Tacit. annal Aufidius Cassius punished rapine and theft most extremely Of the Turke it is reported that he put one of his souldiers to death for taking away a poore womans milke f L. 3. § qui aliena ff de re milit Modestinus iudged him worthy of death that stole his fellows armes To restraine this disorder the Romane souldiers when they were first inrolled did sweare that they would bring to the general or his deputy whatsoeuer they should take vp Onely certaine trifling things were excepted Caesar setting gardes at the gates of the city of g Leptitanis se tradentibus centuriones ad portā posuit ne quis miles ingrederetur Hirt. de bel Afric Leptis that yeelded to him kept his souldiers out for feare they should spoile the inhabitants The Romanes most seuerely punished h Liu. 29. Pleminius and others that spoiled the towne of Locri wherein they lay in garrison And put to death al that legion that driuing out the townsmē seized Rhegium to their owne vse The Spaniards doe diligently a Que ningum soldado dentro ni suera del campo tome ni quite cosa alguna a persona alguna forbid such filcheries In summe the ancient orders of warre require that not only souldiers and others within the campe or garrison possesse their armes and goods in peace but also that our associats and friends be kept from spoyle 22 No man shall burne c. Many things may be found in the enemies countrey which might greatly benefit the army if they could be saued from the wanton spoyle of the souldier Wherefore that souldiers fall not into needlesse wants through their owne default let this law among others be diligently executed 23 All murders c. Such offences as by ciuil lawes are punished at home ought to haue like punishment abroad Yet must the Iudges and Officers that dealt herein proceede with great discretion For small matters in time of peace as neglecting of the watch and disobedience against Officers are seuerely punished in time of warres and contrariwise great matters in time of peace are for some euident cause neglected in warres Fauour and alliance b Aliter in ardore belli aliter in pace iudicandum saith Fabius Liu. 24. haue liew in choyce of Officers in peaceable gouernment but in warres they that make not choyce of worthy men worthily repent themselues Againe in time of peace proceeding is flow and formes are obserued but in proceeding in martiall causes neither formalities nor delayes are admitted Prouided alwayes that in cutting off formalities and delayes iniustice be not done 24 No souldier nor other c. The fift lawe of this Chapter concerneth Captains and Officers this is proper to souldiers and such as passe for souldiers Both are litle ynough to redresse disorders and if there were diuers other lawes made to the same purpose yet were it good if all could remedy the inconueniences that follow false and fraudulent dealing in mosters 25 No souldier that hath c. Military discipline is so farre growne out of vse that men are constreined by expresse lawes to prescribe many particular matters which otherwise might seeme either trifling or needeles And among other things as you see that souldiers dispence and spend their victuals moderatly or rather sparingly for he that betime spareth not very timely shall want CHAP. XXI Part. 4. Wherein orders especially concerning the campe or towne of garrison are conteined 1 WHosoeuer shall deale fraudulently or negligently in such matters as are by his Camerada committed to his trust or gouernment let him haue punishemnt according to his offence and make double restitution out of his pay 2 All manner of persons within the campe or garrison after the watch is set shall repaire to their quarter and there vse silence that euery man may rest All straglers and tumultuous persons that are taken abroad after that time shal be cōmitted to prison and there abide vntill their cause be examined by the officers of iustice order taken for their punishment or dismissing 3 No man in campe or garrison in time of warre shall lodge out of his quarter or delay to repaire thither vpon an alarme giuen vpon paine of imprisonment 4 No souldier nor other shall receiue any stranger into his cabine or lodging vpon paine of imprisonment nor shall harbour any spye or messenger from the enemie vpon paine of death 5 No manner of person shall passe in or out of the campe or towne of garrison any other then the ordinary wayes vpon payne of death 6 Women and boyes and such as do idlely follow the souldiers not being enterteined in pay as much as may be are to bee banished the campe 7 No captaine souldier nor other person in time of necessitie and for defence of himselfe and the armie or garrison shal refuse to worke with mattocke spade basket or other instrument vpon pain of imprisonment 8 No souldier appointed to stand sentinell shall depart from the place or sleepe in the place vpon paine of death nor shall sitte downe vpon paine of imprisonment 9 For keeping the campe cleane and mainteining of mens health some places shal be assigned for the slaughter of beasts others for other necessities at the outsides of the campe or towne of garrison out of which places it shall not be permitted to anie to kill beastes or doe other offices vpon paine of imprisonment Euery
victuallas ni a impedir los conductores dellos ni a romper o quemar los molinos villas granias cazare y lugares de la comarca ni compre victuallas fuerae de las plaças qu◠para venderlas fuerē senna ladas y despues deapreciadas per los officiales Spanish gouernement such spoilers are seuerely punished and victuals both well saued and reasonably rated Neither are victuals onely to be looked vnto but also corne-mils and houses and granges that may serue for the vse of the army streames of water are to be kept cleane not onely for the vse of men but of cattell also These lawes being wel obserued and prouision made not only of victuals things necessary for the whole but also of phisick places of ease for the sick hurt I would wel hope that matters would proceed in better order among souldiers thē they haue done heretofore CHAP. XXI Part. 5. Wherein a forme of lawes especially concerning sea causes and ships going in publike seruice of the Prince is prescribed 1_THe ordinary practise and laws of warre concerning religion and the state also concerning obedience and peaceable conuersation betwixt fellows which haue course in seruice at land shal be obserued likewise at sea respect being alwayes had to the diuers circumstances which are diuers in either 2 The execution of iustice at sea appertaineth to the Generall or chiefe captaine with his counsell if a ship be seuered from the rest of the company then the punishment of faults that may not be differred belongeth to the captaine with the aduise of the most apparent men in the ship Prouided that no execution be done at sea contrary to the lawes of armes nor that such as offend and escape at sea do escape at land also especially where the fault is heinous For which cause those that haue iurisdiction at sea are to haue their iurisdiction cōtinued at land vntil such time as offences be punished 3 No ship shall go foorth vpon publike seruice without sufficient ordonance armes souldiers mariners munition victualles surgeons and other necessary furniture 4 No man shall sell away the armes tacle artillerie victualles or munitions belonging to the ship vpon paine of death 5 Whatsoeuer ship hauing directions to come to a place certaine shall not keepe course if it be possible nor come thither so soone as the winde wil serue the captaine and master and those that are in fault shal suffer death for it 6 Whosoeuer shall motion to do contrary to the Generals direction so long as there is possibilitie or meanes to folow it shall suffer imprisonment for the same and if he persuade the company so that the ship goeth another way both he and those that willingly yeeld to him shal suffer death for their disobedience 7 Whatsoeuer captaine or other doth boord a ship of the enemies without direction or reasonable cause or when commandement is giuen or a signe made of fight doth see a ship boarded vpon one side and doth not if he be able board her on the other side or at least do what hurt he can to the said shippe shall be dismissed from his charge and suffer such further punishment as the General shal thinke meete 8 Euery particular person shal execute his charge imposed vpō him in the ship where he is placed vpon paine of imprisonment 9 No souldier nor other whē the enemy attempteth to board our ship shal abandon his standing vpon paine of death 10 No souldier nor other appointed to board the enemies ship seeing his fellowes entred shal draw backe or resuse to folowe in his turne and order vpon paine of death 11 No man shal breake open his fellowes or others caban or coffer nor shal take any thing thence or from their persons or hide any thing that is not his vpon paine of death 12 He that neglecteth his watch or sleepeth leauing a candle or match light or any fire in any place and putteth it not out shall be put into the bilbowes and haue further punishment as the offence shall deserue 13 When a ship shall be taken then shal the spoile be brought to persons deputed by the Generall or Captaine And whosoeuer shal hide any thing of valew from their knowledge shal not onely loose the same but his share of the rest also Notes vpon the former lawes 1 The ordinary practice c. How many voyages haue bin broken of late time for want of gouernement euery one that is acquainted with sea causes that haue passed of late vnderstandeth Nothing therefore is more requisit then that such as go in those seruices that hereafter shal be attempted should haue both authority to do iustice a forme of proceeding set before them For this cause I haue made this light and as it were first draught that men of wisedome experience seeing what is wanting therein may adde more and bring the same to more perfection Those lawes that concerne treacheries against the prince and state or against the Generall or else concerne mutinies disobedience braules murders or else are common in seruice at land and sea I haue not here set downe for auoyding vnnecessary repetitions Yet are they no lesse necessary at sea then at land And therefore let them be borrowed thence that no militarie disorder nor other offence escape vnpunished 2 The execution of iustice c. The want of this consideration hath bin cause that many notorious treasons and villenies haue escaped without punishmēt I wil not name particulars for that my meaning is rather to prouide against future disorders then to haue the sword drawne for matters forepassed Onely let there bee heereafter care that such as go to sea may be furnished with authoritie to do iustice that rules be set downe that they may know what to doe 3 No ship shal c. The Admirall of France in time of peace at home hath speciall care of this matter In ciuill warres all things are in garboile He putteth into men of war the tenth man and is at a tenth of the charge and deserueth a tenth of the a Popelliniere in a treatise concerning the admitaltie of France prise Which many do wonder how in our daies certaine officers contrarie to all custome do come to challenge especially in goods taken by reprisall Where if law might take place neither the taker nor other ought to haue more then hath beene taken from him in forraine countries But if men will needes haue a tenth yet let them haue a tenth of the care that ships may go foorth well furnished that they be not lost and the land disfurnished in time of seruice 4 No man shall sell c. Euery gunner and petite officer in the Queenes ships can tell the mysterie of this law I woulde it were so wel knowne how we might meete with their filcheries The best means is to looke to matters narrowly and to punish such companions as offend seuerely 5 Whatsoeuer ship c. As at land
statiuorum mutationes venditauit Fab. Valens foedis pactionibus Tacit. annal 17. mention it in one Fabius Valens as a notorious and singuler griedines and filthy kind of gaine That equallity might be therin obserued Arcadius e Tertia pars domus mil tibus assignabatur l. 2. Cod de metat epid Honorius decreed that no souldier lodging in any mans house should haue more then one third part therof the rest to remaine to the owner his family No souldier by the orders of the Romans might exact so much as salt light or vineger of those where he lodged The lawes of France vpon paine of death forbid their f Petr. Gregor Tholos Syntag. iuris furriers or quartermasters to take any money of any either for lodging or for sparing them for lodging By the law Iulia made against exactions g Lege Iulia repetundarum tenetur qui ob militem legendum mittendumue pecuniam acceperit l. eadem §. lege Iul. ff ad leg Iul. repetundaruÌ„ of Officers hee was banished and condemned to make restitution that either for choosing or dismissing of souldiers receiued mony Cassius caused a reuolt in Spaine by reason of the peoples discontentment For that he h Hiâ—t de bel Alexandr exacted mony of such as would not go with him into Afrike whither he pretended a voyage that rich men being inrolled might redeeme them selues with great summes of mony Of which abuse Caesar had no sooner vnderstanding but he gaue order for to displace him The Romanes condemned those Colonels Captains i Tribunus CeÌ„turio vel alius qui refert falsuna numerum militum stipendia intercipiens condeÌ„natur in quadruplum dâ—gnitate priuatur l vlt. § pro limitaneis Cod. de offic praefect Afric and Officers that brought in false moster rolles or inter cepted the pay of souldiers to pay foure folde and to loose their places By the constitutions of France such as deale in k Petr. Greg. Tholos Syntag. iuris mosters fraudulently whether they be Officers or others are condemned to dye and yet all this is not sufficient to restreine the vnlawfull shiftes and practices that are therein vsed The like seuerity did the Romanes vse against them that dealt fraudulently in any other military charge M. Posthumius and other a Liu. 25. marchants for deceit vsed in prouision of victuals and other necessaries for the army in Spaine and for giuing in false accompts and pretence of losse where in deede they lost nothing were banished the citie of Rome and all their goods confiscate But what should I neede to shew their iustice against fraude and deceit when they vsed to punish and dismisse those that were negligent in their charge Caesar disarmed and dismissed b Hirt. de bel Afric Auienus for that in a ship wherein he should haue transported souldiers into Afrike hee put nothing but his owne priuate seruants and goods And for that diuers of his men and ships were intercepted and taken by the enemy as they passed into Afrike hee c Quos apud Thapsum custodiae causa esse iusserat ob negligentiam ignominiae causa dimittendos ab exercitu curauit Hirt. de bel Afric dismissed his Admirall and others and put them from their charge For by their negligence hee receiued that great losse If then the Romanes when these offences were yet new and rare for repressing them vsed great diligence and seuerity howe much more ought Princes to vse iustice and seuerity herein when scarce any punishment vnles it be very peremptory can restrein mens griedy and vnsatiable desires the principall cause of the neglect of military discipline proceedeth from fraude negligence and insufficiency of Officers He therefore that desireth to bring things into order must begin with reformation of Officers who both first brought in and since haue continued many disorders in the proceeding and practice of armes CHAP. XXI Part. 8. Comprising orders concerning booties spoyles and prisoners taken in warres 1 AFter that the enemy is driuen out of the field or the fortresse or towne besieged is entred yet shall no man leaue his ranke or ensigne to runne to spoyle before licence or a signe giuen vpon paine of death 2 Whatsoeuer aduenturers that serue vpon their owne charge and are not enrolled in companies that receiue pay of the Prince or State shal winne from the enemy by their owne labour that shall they haue diuided among them selues except a fift part that goeth to the Prince If they ioyne with other companies in consort then shall there be a proportion made of the spoyle according the number of aduenturers and other souldiers Prouided alwayes that no aduenturers attempt any enterprise without direction from the Generall or lord Martiall 3 All spoyles taken from the enemy belong to the Prince or State that payeth the army And therefore whatsoeuer any souldier shall take or finde being in value aboue ten shillings the same is to be brought to the Generall or his deputy vpon paine of imprisonment and losse of the double value of the thing concealed By this meanes the Generall may reward the most valiant forward souldiers haue wherewith to make payment of the souldiers wages 4 Euery man shall haue liberty to ransome his prisoner taken in warres at his owne pleasure But if once he compound with his prisoner that composition shall stand if it be made without fraude Also if the prisoner be a Prince or great man then the Generall is to haue the prisoner to make what commodity hee can of him for the benefit of his Prince and countrey allowing to the taker either the valew of the prisoner or an honorable reward Annotations vpon the former lawes 1 After that the enemy c. This hath bene already enacted in former lawes in other termes Yet when I consider the disorders herein committed and griedines of souldiers I thought good more specially to prohibit their disorderly running to spoyle of which I haue by diuers examples shewed the inconueniences a Phil. Comm. Charles Duke of Burgundy hauing in the taking of Liege made proclamation against breaking of Churches killed a certaine souldier with his owne hands for that he tooke him in the manner doing contrary to his commandement 2 Whatsoeuer aduenturers c. This is to be vnderstoode of companies of aduenturers not of euery single person that shal folow the army vpon hope of spoyle likewise of spoiles taken only by their owne prowes and not of spoyles which the enemy forsaketh for feare of the army Such aduenturers we haue few in our warres therefore I say the lesse of them yet because good it were they should be there somewhat I thought good to say of them 3 Al spoyles taken c. Nothing is more equal nor profitable either for the Prince or the souldier then that the spoyle be brought to the Generall For by that meanes the Prince may be eased of some part of his charge and