but by and by a Messenger coming from the Palace as from the King he was forced to deliver him into the hands of the Guard who were to carry him before the King but they in the way first stabbed Lavardinus with daggers and then threw him over the Mill bridge into the River The same fortune and in the same place ran Claudius Gaudimelus an excellent Musitian in our Age who set the Psalms of David as they were put into verse in the Mother-tongue by Clemens Marot and Theodoret Beza to divers pleasant tunes as they are now sung in the publick and private meetings of the Protestants Briolius a Gentleman who was Tutor to Marquess Conte in his childhood venerable for his grey-head being now an old man was likewise slain in the embraces of his Pupil who stretched forth his arms and opposed his own body to the blows Truly lamentable was the spectacle of Franciscus Nompar Caumonlius who had lodged in that neighbourhood but which fortune sporting after her manner mingled with an event of unexpected joyfulness he with his two sons whom he loved with a paternal affection being taken in bed by the murderers who prosecuted him with his children not through an hatred of his Religion but through hope of gain was slain with one of his sons the other being all bloudy with the bloud that flowed upon him saving himself from their blows as he could at that tender age for he was hardly twelve years old by the interposition of the dead bodies dissembling himself dead he was at last left by them for dead a little after more ran flocking to the house for prey of whom some commended the fact as well done for not only wild beasts but their whelps are altogether to be destroyed others that had more humanity said this might be lawful to be done upon the Father as guilty but the innocent off spring which perhaps would never take the same courses ought to be spared Among those that came toward the evening of that day when as one did highly detest the fact and said God would be the avenger of such impiety the boy stretching his limbs and a little listing up his head gave signs that he was alive and when he asked him who he was he answered not unadvisedly that he was the Son and Brother of the slain not telling his name concerning which when he was asked again he answered that he would tell his name if he would lead him where he desired and withal asked him that he would take care to conduct him to the King's Armory for he was near of kin to Biron Master of the Ordnance or Artillery nor should he lose his reward for so great a benefit which thing he carefully performed This James Nompar that is his name with great gratitude rewarded the man brought to him by the Divine Providence and afterwards married the Daughter of Biron and is now chief of a Noble Family in Aquitania Godfry Caumont his Unckle being dead and leaving only one Daughter Being raised by the King to great honours of which he carried himself worthy as Colonel of the King's Life-guard and Governour of Bearne he seems to be preserved from that danger by the singular Grace of God that he might by his numerous off spring which he had by his Wife propagate that Family that was reduced to a few and by his virtue add the highest ornament to the honours of his Ancestors The same day were slain these Protestants of great note Loverius thrown out of a window into the high-way Montamarius Montalbertus Roboreus Joachinus Vassorius Cunerius Rupius Cobombarius Velavaurius Gervasius Barberius Francurius Chancellor to the King of Navar Hieronimus Grolotius Governour of Aurleance and Calistus his base Brother who were both inhumanely dragged about the streets and at last cast into the River by the instigation of those who gaped after his office and goods Stephanus Cevalerius Pruneus the King's Treasurer in Poictou a man of great integrity and one that was very solicitous for the good of the Common-weal who had been the principal mover for the building the Stone-bridge of Vienne laid at Eraldi-castrum was by certain cut-throats sent by Stephanus Fergo Petauderius who sought after his Treasurer-ship after the payment of a great sum of mony cruelly murdered and thrown into the River and Patanderius is by the commendation of Monpenserius whose affairs he managed put into his office Also Dionysius Perrotus the Son of Aemilius Senator of Paris a man not less renowned for his integrity than his knowledge in law worthy of such a Father underwent the same fortune 19. Nor did they spare those whom Navar being advised so to do by the King had brought into the Palace for they were by the King's command made to come down from their Masters chambers into the Court-yard and being brought out of the Palace their swords being taken from them they were many of them presently slain at the Gate others were hurried to the slaughter without the Palace Among these were Pardallanius Sammartinus Bursius and Armannus Claromontius Pilius famous for his late valour in defending the Temple of St. John He when he was led out to be butchered standing before the heaps of the slain is said to cry out Is this the King's faith Are these his promises Is this the peace But thou O most great and most good God behold the cause of the oppressed and as a just Judge avenge this perfidy and cruelty and putting off his Coat which was very rich gave it to a certain Gentleman of his acquaintance that stood by Take this from me as a remembrance of my unworthy death which gift he not accepting under that condition whiles Pilius said these things he was thrust into the side with a spear of which wound he fell down and died Leiranus now grievously wounded but escaping out of the hands of the murderers rushing into the Queen of of Navars chamber and hiding himself under her bed was preserved and being carefully commended by Margaret to the King's Physitians was healed Bellonarius formerly Tutor to the King of Navar having a long time lien under the Gout was slain in his bed The King received to his grace Grammontanus Lord of Gascoign Johannes Durforlius Duralius Joachimus Roaldus Gamarius and Buchavarius having promised to be faithful to him and they were worth their word Then the King calls Navar and Conde and tells them that from his youth for many years the publick peace had been disturbed by often renewed wars to the great damage of his affairs but now at last by the grace of God he had entred into such a course as would extirpate all causes of future wars That Coligny the author of these troubles was slain by his command and that the same punishment was taken throughout the City upon those wicked men who were infected with the poison of superstition That he remembred what great mischiefs had befallen him from them Navar and Conde who had headed
watch before the dores of Coligny To these were joyned to avoid suspition some but few in number of the Switzers of the guards of Navar. Moreover for the greater security it was ordered by the King that the Gentlemen of the Protestants who were in the City should lodge near Coligny's house and it was given in command to Quarter-masters forthwith to assign lodgings and the King gave command with a loud voice that all might hear it to one of the Colonels that no Catholick should be suffered to come thither nor should they spare the life of any that should do otherwise Upon this occasion the Corporals went from place to place and wrote down the names of Protestants and advised them to repair near to Coligny for that the King would have it so These and such like signs and whisperings abroad though they had been enough to have warned the Protestants if they had not been infatuated yet by the constant dissimulation of the King it came to pass that Coligny and Teligny could not perswade themselves that any such cruelty was in his mind Therefore when the Nobles entred into consultation in the Chamber of Cornaton in the house of Coligny upon the same matter and the Visdame of Chartres persevered in the same opinion that they should depart the City as soon as might be and prevent that imminent danger though with some disadvantage to Coligny's health who yet was that day somewhat better Teligny was of opinion and Navar and Conde agreed with him that they should stay in the City otherwise they should offer a great affront to the King that was so well affected towards them 14. There was a suspition lest this should be caried to the King by one that was then present that was Buchavanius Bajancurius one very familiar with the Queen who presently hasted to the Tuilleries where a Counsel was held by the Conspirators under a colour of walking there was the last time that they consulted of the manner of executing the design There were present besides the King Queen and Anjou the Dukes of Nevers and Angolesme the Bastard Biragus Tavannes and Radesianus And since by the death of one man whom the Physitians did affirm was like to recover of his wound the grievance of the Kingdom which was nourished by him and diffused into many could not be extinguished it seemed good that it should be suppressed by the ruine of all and that wrath which God would not have to be satisfied with the bloud of Coligny alone should be poured out upon all the Sectaries That was their voluntary resolution at first and now by the event necessity and force is put upon their counsels that the danger that hangs over the King and the whole Kingdom cannot be avoided without the ruine of Coligny and all the Protestants For what would not he do so long as the faction of the Rebels remains entire after such an injury who when he was no way provoked was so long injurious to the King and hurtful to the Kingdom whom now all might foresee and dread going out of Paris with his party as a Lion out of his den raging against all without respect Therefore the reins are to be let loose to the people who are of themselves ready enough nor ought they any longer to withstand the will of God which would not that more mild Counsels should take effect After the thing is effected there will not want reasons whereby it may be excused the fault being laid upon the Guisians which they would gladly take upon them Therefore all agreed upon the utter ruine of the Protestants by a total slaughter To which opinion the Queen was even by her own nature and proper design enclined some time was spent in deliberating * The Duke of Guise was urgent to have the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde slain with the rest Dav. p. 370. It was also debated whether among the rest they should comprehend the Marshal d'Anville and his Brothers who professed the Catholick Religion but were nearly related to Coligny but they were spared because the eldest Brother Marshal Momcrancy was absent Da. p. 370. whether Navar and Conde should be exempt from the number of the rest and as for Navar all their suffrages agreed upon the account of his Royal Dignity and the Affinity that he had lately contracted For that fact which of it self could not but be blamed by many would be so much the more blamed if a great Prince near of Bloud to the King joyned in a very late affinity should be slain in the King's Palace in the arms as it were of the King his Brother-in-law and in the embraces of his Wife For there would be no sufficient excuse nor would those arguments prevail to excuse the King which might cast the blame upon the Guisians Concerning Conde there was a greater debate he lying under the load of his Fathers faults yet both the dignity of the man and the authority of Ludovicus Gonzaga Duke of Nevers affirming that he would be loyal and obedient to the King and also offering himself as a surety for him upon the account of that close and manifold relation that was between them for Conde had lately married Mary of Cleve the Sister of Henrica Wife of the Duke of Nevers did prevail that he should be spared and exempt from the number of those that were designed for the slaughter as well as Navar. 15. Upon this the Duke of Anjou and Engolesme the Bastard departing as they rode in their Coach through the City they spread abroad a rumor as if the King had sent for Momorarcy and was about to bring him into the City with a select number of horse The very same hour there was one apprehended who was suspected of the hurt of Coligny who confessed himself to be a servant of the Guises which when it was understood Guise and Aumale and others of the Family went to the King to remove that suspition and complain that they were oppressed through the favour that was shewed to their enemies that the ears of Judges were open to calumnies cast upon them and that tho they were guiltless yet they were manifestly set against that they had a long time observed that they were for what cause they knew not every day less gracious with the King but yet that they did dissemble it and hoped that time which is the best Master of truth would at last inform him more certainly of the whole matter But since they find no place for their innocence they did though unwillingly and as forced to it desire that with his good leave they might return home This was done openly and it was observed that the King answered to these things somewhat coldly and the rather that he might perswade the Protestants that he bare no good will to the Guisians Upon this the King adviseth Navar that he should afford no occasion of mischief to the audacity and violentness of the
to his own house that thereby all might take notice that whatsoever had been done at Paris proceeded from their faction But the Queen and Anjou especially who did both of them with an over-weaning affection incline to the party of Guise did intercede seeing the King was at first enraged only against Coligny as not yet forgetting his flight from Meaux drew him on who yet wavered to the slaughter of all the Protestants in the City so that not knowing where he set his foot they brought him by degrees to this pass that he should take the whole blame upon himself and so case the Guisians who were not able to bear such a burden And to that end Anjou did as it it was laid produce Letters found in Teligny's desk written by the hand of Momorancy in which after the wound given to Coligny he did affirm that he would revenge this injury upon the Authors of it who were not unknown with the same mind as if it had been offered to himself Thereupon the Queen and Anjou took occasion to shew the King That if he persisted in his former dissimulation things were come to that pass that he would endanger the security of the Kingdom his Fortunes Riches and Reputation For the Guisians who do by these Letters and otherwise understand the mind of the Momorancies being men desirous of troubles and seeking grounds of them upon every occasion will never lay down their Arms which they have by the King's command taken up to offer this injury that they will still keep them under pretence of desending their safety which they say is aimed at by the enemy and so that which was thought to have been the end of a most bloudy war will prove to be the beginning of a more dangerous one For the remainders of the Protestants who see their matters distressed will without doubt gather themselves to the Momorancies who are of themselves strong and thence will take new strength and spirits which if it should happen what a face of the Kingdom will appear when the name and authority of the King's Majesty being slighted and trampled upon every one shall take liberty to himself and indulge to private hatred and affections according to his own â—uâ—t Lastly what will foreign Princes think of the King who suffers himself to be over-ruled by his subject who cannot keep his subjects in their duty and lastly who knows not how to hold the reins of legal power Therefore there is no other way to prevent so great an evil but for the King to approve by his publick Proclamation of what was done as if it had been done by his command For by this means he should take the arbitrement and power to himself and on the one hand disarm the Guises and on the other hand keep the Momorancies from taking up Arms and lastly should bring it about that the Protestant affairs now already very low should be separated from the cause of the Momorancies That the King ought not to fear the odium of the thing for there is not so much danger in the horridness of a fact the odium whereof may be somewhat allayed by excuse as in the confession of weakness and impotency which doth necessarily bring along with it contempt which is almost destructive to Princes By these reasons they easily perswaded an imperious Prince who less feared hatred than contempt that he might recall the Guisians to obedience and retain the Momorancies in their loyalty to confirm by publick testimony that whatsoever had been done was done by his will and command Therefore in the morning viz. upon the Tuesday he came into the Senate with his Brethren the King of Navar and a great retinue of Nobles after they had heard Mass with great solemnity and sitting down in the Chair of State all the orders of the Court being called together He complained of the grievous injuries that he had from a child received from Gaspar Coligny and wicked men falsly pretending the name of Religion but that he had forgiven them by Edicts made for the publick Peace That Coligny that he might leave nothing to be added to his wickedness had entred into a conspiracy how to take away him his mother his brethren and the King of Navar himself though of his own Religion that he might make young Conde King whom he determined afterwards to slay likewise that the Royal Family being extinct he usurping the Kingdom might make himself King That he when it could not otherwise be did though full sore against his will extinguish one mischief by another and as in extream dangers did use extream remedies that he might extirpate that impure contagion out of the bowels of the Kingdom Therefore that all should take notice that whatsoever had been that day done by way of punishment upon those persons had been done by his special command After he had said these things Christophorus Thuanus chief President in a speech fitted to the time commended the King's prudence who by dissembling so many injuries had timely prevented the wicked conspiracy and the danger that was threatned by it and that that being suppressed he had now setled peace in the Kingdom having well learnt that saying of Lewis XI He that knows not how to dissemble knows not how to reign Then the Court was commanded that diligent enquiry should be made concerning the conspiracy of Coligny and his Associates and that they should give sentence according to form of Law as the heinousness of the fact did require Then lastly Vidus Faber Pibraccius Advocate of the Treasury or Attorney-General stood up and asked the King whether he did will and command that this declaration should be entred into the acts of the Court to the preservation of the memory of it whether the orders of Judges and Civil Magistrates which he had complained were corrupted should be reformed And lastly whether by his command there should be an end put to the slaughters and rapines To these things the King answered that he did command the first that he would take care about the second and that for the third he did give command by publick proclamation through all the streets of the City that they should for the future abstain from all slaughters and rapines Which declaration of the King astonished many and among the rest Thuanus himself who was a man of a merciful nature and altogether averse from bloud and feared that example and the danger that was threatned thereby who also did with great freedom privately reprove the King for that if the conspiracy of Coligny and his company had been true he did not rather proceed against them by Law This is most certain he did always detest St. Bartholomews-day using those verses of Statius Papinius in a different case Excidat illa dies aevo nec postera credaut Saecula nos certe taceamus obruta multa Nocte tegi propriae patiamur crimina Gentis So that he seems to have commended the King's art
the murderers and cut-throats for a time slipping out of the City This example raged through other Cities and from Cities to Towns and Villages and it is reported by many that †It was Credibly reported that there were slain above 40000 Hugonots in a few days saith Davila p. 376. more than thirty thousand were slain in those tumults throughout the Kingdom by several ways though I believe the number was somewhat less In September Castres a City in la Paix Albigeois which was held by the Protestants when after great promises by the King for their safety it was delivered into the hands of Creuseta one of the principal of the neighbouring Gentry it was by him cruelly plundered and laid waste In the beginning of October happened the Massacre at Burdeaux The Author and chief Promoter of it is reported to have been one Enimundus Augerius of the Society at Claremont who also is said to have perswaded Franciscus Baulo a very rich Senator of Burdeaux that he should leave his wife and being supported by his wealth he had founded a rich School in that City He when as he did in his Sermons daily inflame his Auditors that after the example of the Parisians they should dare to do something worthy of their piety so especially upon S. Michael's day when he treated of the Angels the ministers of the grace and vengeance of God what things bad been done at Paris Orleance and other places he did again and again by often repeated Speeches inculcate to have been done by the Angel of God and did both openly and privately upbraid Romanus Mulus the King's Solicitor and Carolus Monferrandus Governor of the City men of his faction as dull and cold in this business who contented themselves to have interdicted the Protestants the liberty of meeting together and to have kept the Gates of the City with guards but otherwise they wholly abstained from violence and slaughters being admonished so to do as is believed by Stozzius who had a design upon Rochel who did fear lest that should hinder his attempts But when as about that time Monpesatus came to Blaye as though the sign for effusion of bloud had been given by his coming certain men were slain in that Town But when he arrived at Burdeaux the people began to rage and the seditious to run up and down Enimundus thundered in his Preaching more than ever at last after some days private discourses of Monpesatus with Monferrandus though it be uncertain whether he did discourage or perswade the thing when Monpesatus was departed who a little while after died of a Bloudy Flux V Non. VIII br which fell upon a Friday Octobr. 3. the Magistrates of the City with their Offcers as they were sent came after dinner to the house of Monferrandus bringing with them lewd impudently wicked men who were drawn together by Petrus Lestonacus and receiving the word of command from him they ran through the City to the slaughter being distinguished by their red Caps a sign very agreeable to their bloudy design They began with Joannes Guillochius and Gul. Sevinus Senators who were both cruelly murdered in their houses which were presently rifled Also Bucherus the Senator who had redeemed his life of Monferrandus for a great sum of mony did hardly escape the danger whose house was also plundered Then promiscuous slaughters and rapines are committed for three days together throughout the City wherein two hundred sixty four men are said to be slain and the Massacre bad been much greater had not the Castle of Buccina and the other Castle of the City yielded an opportune place of refuge to many Jacobus Benedictus Longobastonus President of the Court was in great danger of death and was hardly preserved by the help of his friends 29. Nor were they in the mean time in quiet at Paris and at Court where by the Queens special command and the diligence of Morvillerius Coligny's Cabinet was examined if by any means they might find any thing in them which being published might take off the odium of so bloudy a fact either in the Kingdom or with foreign Princes Among those Commentaries which he did every day diligently write which were afterwards destroyed by the Queens command there was a passage in which he advised the King that he should be sparing in assigning the hereditary portion which they call Appennage to his Brethren and in giving them authority which having read and acquainting Alanson with it whom she had perceived to favour Coligny This is your beloved cordial friend saith the Queen who thus advised the King To whom Alanson answered How much he loved me I know not but this advice could proceed from none but one that was faithful to the King and careful for his affairs Again there was among his papers sound a breviate wherein among other reasons that he gave for the necessity of a War with the Spaniards in the Low-Countreys this was added as being omitted in the Speech which he made to the King lest it should be divulged and therefore was to be secretly communicated to the King that if the King did not accept of the condition that the Low-Countreys offered he should †V. Walsingham's Letter 14 Septemb. 1572. in the Compleat Ambassador p. 241. not transfer it to his neighbours of England who though they were now as things stood friends to the King if once they set footing in the Low-Countreys and the Provinces bordering upon the Kingdom would resume their former minds and being invited by that conveniency of friends would become the worst enemies to the King and Kingdom Which being likewise imparted to Walsingham Queen Elizabeths Ambassador and the Queen telling him that by that he might judge how well Coligny was affected towards the Queen his Mistress who so much loved him He made her almost the same answer and said He did not know how he was affected towards the Queen his Mistress but this he knew that that counsel did savour of one that was faithful to the King and most studious of the honour of France and in whose death both the King and all France had a great loss So both of them by almost the same answer frustrated her womanish policy not without shame unto her self About the end of the month wherein Coligny was slain the King fearing lest the Protestants should grow desperate in other Provinces writes to the Governors with most ample commands and principally to Feliomrus Chabolius President of Burgundy Carnii Comes in which he commanded that he should go through the Cities and Towns that were under his jurisdiction and friendly convene the Protestants and acquaint them with the tumult at Paris and the true causes thereof That nothing was done in that affair through hatred of their Religion or in prejudice to the favour that was granted them by the last Edict but that he might prevent the conspiracy made by Coligny and his confederates against the King the
Queen the King's Brethren the King of Navar and other Princes and Nobles That it was the King's pleasure that his Edicts might be observed and that the Protestants every where taking forth Letters of security from the Presidents should live quietly and safely under the King's protection upon pain of death to any that should injure or molest them in any thing On the other hand he should admonish the Protestants that they should keep themselves quiet at home and because in their Meetings and publick Assemblies there used to be such Counsels among the Protestants as were suspitious to Catholicks and which might put them upon new stirs therefore that they should abstain from those meetings and expect the same favour and safety from the King's clemency and goodness as he doth exercise towards others But if they should foolishly neglect this advice command and promise of the King and should presume to meet publickly stir up troubles and take up Arms under colour of their own defence he would then proceed against them as against Rebels To the same effect were Letters sent to Melchior Monpesatus President of Poictou Pria President of Toures and the Presidents of other Provinces Chabolius managed his office with great prudence and moderation having learnt that the Protestants who had hitherto been exasperated by severity and cruelty of punishments might be better reduced to their duty by clemency and mildness And matters were ordered without almost any bloud-shed in Burgundy many returning either through fear or of their own accord to the Religion of their Ancestors renouncing the Protestant Doctrines Only Claromontius Travius of the prime Nobility whose Sister Helena Antonius Grammontanus had married was when the news was hot slain at Dijon in the absence of Chabotius by the people Those that were suspected at Mascon being by the King's command apprehended and cast into prison by Philibertus sustained no further damage 30. So foul a tempest in France being in some sort allayed and the liberty of killing and plundering repressed when the more prudent that yet no way favoured the Protestant party did upon the sad thought of the present state of things by little and little come to themselves and abhorring the fact did curiously enquire into the causes of it and how it might be excused they thus judged That no example of like cruelty could be found in all Antiquity though we turned over the Annals of all Nations These kinds of outrages had been confined to certain men or to one place and might have been excused by the sense of injury newly offered or their rage did only exercise it self upon those whom it was their interest to remove out of the way For so by the command of Mithridates King of Pontus upon one message and the signification of one Letter 40000 Romans were slain in one day throughout all Asia The Sicilian Vespers So Peter King of Arragon commanded 8000 French-men to be slain in Sicily who had seized upon it in his absence But their case was far different from this For those Kings exercised their rage upon strangers and foreigners but this King upon his own subjects who were not more committed to his power than to his faith and trust They were obliged no otherwise by their faith given than to the strangers themselves but he was bound in a late league with his neighbouring Kings and Princes to keep that Peace which he had sworn to They used no arts unworthy of royal dignity to deceive them he for a snare abused his new engaged friendship and the sacred Nuptials of his own Sister whose wedding garment was even stained with bloud These are the vertues that use to be commended in Kings Justice Gentleness and Clemency but savageness and cruelty as in all others so especially in Princes use to be condemned Famous through all ages was Publius Scipio who was wont to say he had rather save one Citizen than slay a thousand enemies and Antonius who was called the Pious did often use that saying Kings indeed have power of life and death over the Subjects of their Realm but with this limitation that they should not proceed against them till their cause was heard upon a fair tryal This rage and blindness of mind was sent by God upon the French as a judgment for the daily execrations and reproaches of the Deity from which the King himself ill educated by his Mother and by those Tutors that she appointed him did not at all abstain the example whereof proceeding from the Court to the Cities and from the Cities to the Country-Towns and Villages they now at every third word swore by the head death bloud heart of God Moreover the patience of God was even wearied with their Whoredoms Adulteries and such lusts as are not fit to be spoken Lastly nature it self doth now expostulate as it were with God for his so long patience and for bearance nor could the Country of France any longer bear such prodigious wickedness For as for the causes which are pretended against Coliguy they are feigned with such improbability that they can hardly perswade children much less can they be proved For how is it probable that Coligny should enter into such a conspiracy within the walls of Paris who though he were guilty before the Pacification to suppose that yet certainly after the Edict if indeed the publick Faith and the King's promises ought to be observed he came to the King guiltless altogether abhorring a Civil War and solicitous only about the Belgick War But whereas they say he conspired after he had received his wounds this hath less colour of truth For how could Coligny that was indisposed by two such wounds now grown old disabled in both his arms one of which the Physitians talked of cutting off rise with three hundred young men that attended him against an Army of sixty thousand men that bare him deadly hatred and that were well appointed with Arms How could he in so little time consult concerning so great and vast a design for he lived hardly forty hours after he had received his wound in which all conference was forbidden him by his Physitians Then had he been accused of any crime was he not committed to Cossenius and his guards and the passages being every where secured was he not in the King's power that he might in a moment if it had so pleased the King been thrust into prison and witnesses being prepared after the manner of judicial proceedings might he not have been proceeded against in form of Law Moreover if Coligni with his Dependents and Clients had conspired against the King why must needs the rest that were innocent so many Noble Matrons and Virgins who came thither upon the account of the Marriage so many great-bellied women so many ancient persons so many bed-ridden persons of both Sexes and all professions that were ignorant of these last counsels of Coligni be comprehended in the same guilt To whom doth it not seem absurd and most ridiculous that Coligni should at so unseasonable a time conspire against Navar that professed the same Religion with him and whom he had in his power for four years together Thus many did discourse and so they judged that upon the account of this fact the French Name would for a long time labour under an odium and infamy and that posterity would never forget an act of so great unworthiness Typographical Errors to be Corrected as followeth in THe Hist of the Massacre Pag. 5. l. 1. Burleigh l. 7. Cosmus p. 7. l. 4. compact p. 8. l. 10. when he l. 36. Palace near the Louvre p. 12. l. 1. receive p. 13. l. 28. Antonius Marafinus Guerchius without commas so p. 14. l. 2. Rochus Sorbaeus Prunaeus l. 7. Armanus Claromontius Pilius l. 8. Moninius l. 26. racket p. 18. l. 7. your Kingdom p. 21. l. 9. as he did p. 28. l. 11. Cossenius l. 36. Atinius l. 37. Sarlaboux p. 29. l. 5. Merlin the Minister Coligny p. 32. l. 32. Claromontius Marquess of Renel p. 34. l. 19. Caumontius p. 35. l. 25. Montalbertus Roboreus Joach Vassorius Cunerius Rupius Columbarius Velavaurius Gervasius Barberius Francurius p. 36. l. 15. Armanus Claromontius Pilius l. 32. Bellovarius l. 36. Durfortius Duracius l. 37. Gomacius Buchavanius p. 40. l. 36. Perionius p. 41. l. 13. Languages who had private feuds and contentions with Carpentar l. 22. to those l. 30. Roliardus p. 43. l. 2. Sancomontius Sauromanius l. 3. Bricomotius p. 53. l. 33. Meletinus p. 57. l. 17. Arles where l. 36. suspition of poison given p. 58. l. 2. Mombrunius p. 62. l. 20. Helionorus Chabotius p. 63. l. 11. Chabotius THe Hist of the Powder-Plot Pag. 8. l. 27. Harrington p. 14. l. 30. detest p. 15. l. 21. for wikes r. de Vic p. 16. in marg So on the p. 22. l. 27. dele Book entituled l. 29. for Provincial r. Father General