This Watchfulness to Prevent Mischief any hinderance to the Readinesse of the Nation to Suppresse it The Nobility and Gentry that held by Knights-Service were still to be Ready with Horse and Armes at any Summons and upon pein of Forfeiture to attend the King or his Lieutenant Generall either at Home or Abroad for Forty Dayes at their proper Charge If That were not sufficient the King had the whole Body of the Common People for his Infantry and an unquestionable Right by his Commissions of Array to put the Nation in a Posture from Eighteen to Threescore Beside his Navall Guards to cleere the Seas and watch the Coast And This without any Dispute in those blessed days who should be judg of the Danger As Nothing was here wanting to the Security of the Nation which good Lawes could Contritribute so was there as little wanting to the Felicity of the People in regard of the Constitution of the Government If it be True as Salust sayes that the Desire of Rule is the Cause of Warr Where there 's no place for such Desire there can be consequently no Cause of Quarrell At least there can be no Ambitious Cause the Canker of Great Minds and deadly Enemy of all Politique Settlements This is the Happy case betwixt the King of England and the People Ambition presses forward still and he that 's Uppermost already is above it The Object of it is Conquest not Tyranny and in a Monarch as I have said else-where rather Enlargement of Empire then of Prerogative The People on the Other side They are as much Below it For the Nobility stands betwixt Them and Home and 't is not for a Faction to take Two Stairs at a step So that Their Businesse is but Freedome from Oppression without the least Thought of Dominion Yet Differences break out and Bloudy ones which by a Grosse Mistake we are too subject to assign unto Wrong Causes If ye would know the Right Cui prodest Scelus ille fecit The Gayners by a Publique Ruine are commonly the Contrivers of it and in all Wrangles betwixt the Royall and the Popular Interest we may observe that a Third Party reaps the Fruit of Their Division and seizes the Booty The People only giving in Exchange for the Name of Liberty the Substance of it sinking a Monarchy into an Oligarchy and slipping the Nooze of One Government to be Halter'd in another Were not the Multitude directly Mad they would understand that Their Well-beeing is so Inseparable from the King 's and His from Theirs that the One cannot long survive the Ruines of the Other And that when ever They Divide the Factious part of the Nobility deceives them Both. Therefore why should They either design upon the King or suspect His designing upon Them Touching the Peerage I think we may consider them under this Note of Participation either as Petty Kings or Powerfull Subjects In the One Capacity they may seem Dangerous to the People in the Other to the King If they presume on This hand The Commons are to Assist the King If They bear hard on the Other the King is to help the Commons by virtue of which Mediating mixture of Power in the Nobility as to the People and of Subjection as to the King together with the mutuall Need and Interest of a Fair Understanding betwixt King and Commons All Parties are Secur'd to the utmost possibility of Safety and Satisfaction Yet after all This There may be Danger of an Aristocracy But concerning Government and the severall Formes of it in all their Latitudes and Limitations the Rights and Interests of Kings and the Bounds of Subjects more then enough is said already and the Ball toss'd so long till both the Gamesters and By-standers are sick of the Dispute This Constitution which we have here represented so Eminent both for Defence and Comfort was neverthelesse by a Mean Wretched Faction undermin'd and yet no Age could ever boast greater examples of Love Faith and Duty of Christian Civill or of Military Virtues then were among the Assertours of That Government But all This stresse of Armes and Arguments was not sufficient to uphold the King the Church the Law the Freedome and the Honour of the Nation Their Actings were enough to Cleere the Cause but not to carry it for they Began too Late The Storme was Gather'd and the Shipp of the Publique engag'd among a Thousand Rocks before the Mariners would believe the Danger Accomâ—ting it in Truth too Little to be Consider'd till it was too Great to be Resisted But reserving the more Particular Accompt of the Late Kings Fate for the next Chapter Let us at present look about us where we are yes and Above us too for we have cause of Fear both from Divinity and Reason In This Place now do I expect Observatours in Abundance Here a Marginall Note for Taxing the Government There a for a Scandalum Magnatum And in fine Twenty Peevish Glosses upon my plain and harmlesse Meaning But let no man clap a false Bias upon my Bowle and carry That to the Wall that was Intended to the Hedg Yet let every man take his course I shall not begg so much as a Favourable Construction but readily submit every Syllable and Action of my Life in what concerns my Duty to my Prince and Countrey to the Extremest Rigour Only a Page or Two of good Advice to my Back-friends and I Proceed Good People of what Sort or Quality soever ye are Pray'e do not spare Me if you can do me any mischief but spare your selves if you cannot You that have formerly abus'd Me to the King do so no more For when he comes to find himself Betray'd by your Mis-enformations and Distress'd for want of Those plain honest Offices which so God save me I have ever Meant and Pay'd him with the strict Faith and Reverence of a Subject Will not his Sacred Majesty abhorr you fâ—r it Or if ye are Resolved to Try the utmost force of Power and Calumny upon a Poor and Single Innocent be sure ye be no Advocates for the Kings Murtherers at the same time that ye are of Counsel against his Friends â—he People will suspect you to be of the wrong side else Again since Proofs in Matters of Fact are so Easie and in Poynts of Honour so Necessary Prove what ye say or say Nothing for wherein I am Faultlesse I am a Fool if I cannot clear my self and a Slave if I do not Consider next What if ye crush me May not the Consequence of That Injustice prove Dangerous to your Selves Beside I am not now Now to Learn what 't is to Suffer for my Duty But above all Remember There 's a God that knows your Souls and Mine And at the worst to his Infallible Decision shall I remit my Innocence Now must I arm my self against These Objections Whom does This Sawcy Fellow mean
with lâ—mitations consistent with the Rights of Parliament and People and that for quiet sake they would transact with the Persons then sitting in the Other House as an House of Parliament during that Session The House proceeded by Degrees to make dangerous Inspections into the Militia the Revenue to look into the Exorbicances of Major Generals to threaten the Excise and finally by all Popular pretenses to engage the Multitude Effectually against both Protector and Army enduring the Government neither of the One nor of the Other Whereupon the Officers set up a Counsel at Wallingford-House the Protector advises at White-hall and Aprill 6. 1659. comes a Paper to Richard from the Generall Counsell of Officers Entituled A Representation and Petition c. importing the great danger of Good Old Cause is in from Enemies of all sorts the Poverty of the Souldiery the Persecution of Tender consciences c. which Particulars they Petition his Highnesse to represent to the Parliament with their Desire of Speedy Supply and Certainty of Pay for the future Declaring likewise their Resolution with their Lives and Fortunes to stand by and assist his Highness and Parliament in the plucking the Wicked out of their places wheresoever they may be discovered c. The Paper boded a Purge at least Sign'd it was by 230 Officers presented by Fleetwood Publish'd throughout the Army and followed soon after with a Day of Humiliation the never-failing Sign of Mischief at hand In this Juncture Each of the Three Parties was Enemy to the Other Two saving where Either Two were united to Maintein themselves against the Third and All Three of Them Enemies to the Good of the Nation The House being Biass'd for a Common-wealth and not yet enabled to go Through with it Dreaded the Army on the one hand and Hated the Single-Person on the Other Richard finding his Power limited by the Members and Envy'd by the Officers willing to please Both and Resolv'd to Hazzard nothing becomes a Common Property to the House and Army a Friend to Both by Turns Theirs to day T' others to Morrow and in all Tryals Meekly submitting to the Dispensation The Army on the other side had their Protector 's Measure to a Hair and behind him they Stalk'd to Ruffle That Faction in the House that was now grown so Bold with the Military Interest and it behov'd them to be quick with as the Case stood Then so Popular an Enemy The Members kept their Ground and April 18. pass'd These following Votes First That during the sitting of the Parliament there should be no General Counsell or meeting of the Officers of the Army without Direction Leave and Authority of his Highnesse the Lord Protector and Both Houses of Parliament Secondly That no Person shall Have and Continue any Command or Trust in any of the Armies or Navies of England Scotland or Ireland or any of the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging who shall refuse to Subscribe That he will not disturb or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament of any the Members of either House of Parliament or their freedom in their Debates and Counsels Upon These Peremptory Votes Richard Faces about joyning his small Authority to forbid their Meetings and great Assurances are Enterchang'd to stand the Shock of any Opposition Two or three dayes they stood upon their Guards continuing in that sharling Posture till April 22. when Richard at the suit or rather menace of Disborough and his Fellows signes a Commission to Dissolve his Parliament which to prevent the Members Adjourn for Three dayes and to avoid the shame of falling by an Enemy thâ— Catoe's kill themselves For at the Three dayes end they finde the Dore shut and a Guard upon the Passage to tell them They must Sit no more Their Dissolution being also Published by Proclamation His Highness steps aside next and now the Army undertakes the Government They Modell Cast about Contrive and after some Ten Dayes fooling with the Politiques they found it was much a harder matter to Compose a Government than to Disorder it and at This Plunge besought the Lord after their Wandrings and Back slidings to shew them where they turned out of the Way and where the Good Spirit left the Good Old Cause that through Mercy they might Return and give the Lord the Glory At last they call to mind that the Long Parliament sitting from 1648. to 1653. were eminent Assertâ—urs of that Cause and had a Speciall Presence of God with them Wherefore they Earnestly desire Those Members to Return to the Exercise of their Trust c. This is the Tenor of that Canting Declaration which the Army-Officers presented Lenthall the Good-Old-Speaker with at the Rolls May 6. in the Evening where a Resolve was taken by several of the Members to meet next morning in the Painted Chamber and There to advise about their Sitting They met accordingly and made a shift by Raking of Goals to get together a Quorum and so they sneak'd into the House of Commons and There Declar'd for a Common-wealth passing a Vote expresly against the Admission of the Members Secluded in 1648. This Device was far-fetch'd and not long-liv'd but These were Old Stagers and no ill Menagers of their Time To make short they Erect a Counsel of State Place and Displace mould their Faction settle the Godly appoint their Committees and so soon as ever they are Warm in their Gears begin where they left in 1653 Fleecing the Nation and Flaying the Cavaliers as briskly as if 't were but the Good-Morrow to a Six-Years Nap. But the sad Wretches were filthily mistaken to think Themselves brought in again to do their own Business for the Army makes bold to Cut them out their work in a Petition of May 12. containing 15. Proposals desiring First a Free-state 2. Râ—gulation of Law and Courts 3. An Act of Oblivion since April 19. 1653. 4. All Lawes c. since 1653. to stand good untill particularly Repeal'd 5. Publique Debts since 1653. to be Paid 6. Liberty of Worship c. not extending to Popery or Prelacy 7. A Preaching Ministry 8. The Reformation of Schools and Universities 9. the Exclusion of Cavaliers and loose Persons from Places of Power or Trust. 10. The Employment of the Godly in such Places 11. To provide for a Succession of the Legislative Authority 12. That Charles Fleetwood be Commander in Chief at Land 13. That the Legislative Power be in a Representative of the People and of a Select Senate Coordinate in Power 14. That the Executive-Power be in a Counsell of State 15. That the Debts of his Late Highness and his Father contracted since Decemb. 15. 1653. may be satisfi'd and Twenty Thousand Pounds per Annum setled upon him half for Life and half to him and his Heirs for ever The Principal point was Fleetwoods Command which they agreed to only reserving the Supreme Power to Themselves and constituting the Speaker
but He to Ease the People in Publique of the Grievances which himself had Procured in Private and in fine no man so fit to be made a Iudge in Israel To All This he must be Daring in his Person Close in his Purpose Firm to his Dependencies and rather stooping to the Ordinary People then mixing with them hee 'll do no good on 't else To Proceed let him be Watch'd how he Employes his Power and Favour whether with Machiavel more to the Advantage of his Master Or to his own particular Benefit and Then whether according to the Lord St. Albans he applies himself more to his Master's Business or to his Nature and rather to Advise him then to feed his Humour If he be found to study his Masters Passions more then his Honour and to Preferr his Private Interest to his Duty 't is an Ill sign And 't is no good one if the Favourite grows Rich and the Prince Poor especially if the Former be the Cause of the Latter but it is much a worse if he Presume to graspe Authority as well as Treasure It looks as if the Suppos'd Equality of Friendship had Drown'd the Order of Subjection Take Notice next of the Proportion betwixt the means he uses and his suspected ends Does he Engross the Disposition of all Charges and Preferments See in what hands he Places Them Does he endeavour to Obstruct all Grants of Grace and Benefit that passe not through his own fingers That 's Dangerous for says Sir Francis Bacon When the Authority of Princes is made but an Accessary to a Cause and that there be other Bands that Tie faster then the Band of Sovereignty Kings begin to be put almost out of Possession Marque then again what Kind of Persons he Promotes and for what likely Reasons whether for Mony or Merit Honesty or Faction Observe likewise the Temper and Quality of his Complicates and Creatures and whether his Favours be Bounties or Purchases If the Former Judge of his Design by his Choyce If the Latter 't is but a Mony-Businesse which Avarice meeting with an overweening vanity of mind is many times mistaken for Ambition In fine what Ambition does at hand Corruption does at Length nor is the Power of the One more Dangerous then the Consequence of the Other Subsection II. The Combination of Divers Counsellours PRoceed we now from the Greatness of One Counsellour to the Combination of Divers which to vary the Phrase is no other then a form'd Confederacy in the Counsel against the Monarch Wherein we shall Briefly lay down first the Advantages of the Faction the Methode next and lastly the marques of it Their Advantages are great and many in Regard both of their Privileges exempting them from Question of their Power to Offend their Enemies and Protect their Friends and in Consideration of their Opportunities to look into Both hands and play their Cards accordingly In their Methode of proceeding This is their Master-piece not only to do all the hurt they can under a colour of Good but to Engage Persons of more Honesty then Understanding in Offices seemingly Serviceable but Effectually Pernicious to the Publique by which Artifice those that are Friends to the Government do unwarily serve the Crafty Enemies of it secretly undermining the Honour of the Prince under Pretext of advancing his Profit Lessening his Power at Home under the Disguise of making him more formidable Abroad and where they cannot persuade an Interest if it be Considerable they will not stick to Purchase it As to the Rest the Methode is rather tacitly to Invite and Countenance a Sedition then openly to Head it and to Engage rather for it then with it till the hazzard of the first onset be over In Truth the first Essay of a Tumult is but a Tryall how the Ice will bear and the Popular Faction in the Counsell is more concern'd in case of a Disaster how to bring their Friends off then to Venture the leading them On for Fear of One. Whence it comes to passe that by the Obligation of Encouraging and Preserving their Party they are Cast upon a Scurvy Necessity of Discovering Themselves Their Marques are many for They are known by their Haunts by their Cabales by their Debates by their Domestiques by their Favorites and by their maner of Conversation and Behaviour If there be any Schismatical Teacher that 's Craftier and Slyer then the Rest you may be sure of my Lord's Coach at His Preachment It gives a Reputation to the Conventicle besides the Gracious Looks at Parting that passe betwixt his Honour and the Brethren which Enterchange is but a secret way of Sealing and Delivering a Conspiracy Look into their Cabales and ye shall find them all of a Tribe and Leaven Close Sedulous and United Their Dayly Meetings relishing of a Design as being Compos'd rather for Counsel then Enterteinment In their Debates you 'll know them by their Pleas Shiftings Delayes Extenuations Distinctions their Frequent and Industrious Obstructions of Dispatch in favour of the Faction By their Zealous Intercessions for the Enemies of the Prince and their Coldnesse for his Friends by their watchfulnesse to Seize all Opportunities of helping the Guilty and of Surprizing the Innocent by their Injecting of Snares and Scruples to Amuse and Distract those that are for the Government in Order to the Benefit of such as are against it wherein it is worth a Note that they all Vote the same way and without Question to the same Purpose for they shall sooner destroy a Loyal Subject upon a Calumny then punish a Traytour Convict and prosecute one man for Writing or Saying that it is possible for a Prince to have a Judas in his Counsel when another shall scape unquestion'd or perhaps be justify'd that calls his Sovereign a Tyrant and defends the Murther of Kings They may be guess'd at likewise in some measure by their Domestiques Especially by those of near Relation to Trust Privacy and Businesse as Chaplains Secretaries c. Nor is it enough to have it like Master like man unless it be like Lady like woman too for the pure strein must run quite Thorough for fear of Tales out of Schole and Discovering the Secrets of the Family But This Rule is not Universal From their Favorites much may be gather'd first from their Principles and Abilities And Then from the Frequency Privacy and Particularity of their Enterteining them The True Composition of a Confident fit for such a Statesman as we here speak of is This. He must be One that knows the Right and Opposes it for there is then lesse Danger of his Conversion and Consequently of Discovering his Patron Let him be likewise a man of Sobriety in his outward appearances of Reputation with his Party and well-grounded in the Niceties of the Controversie he must be also a Master of his Passions Peremptory in his mistakes and
Particular Every single Person has Nine Spies upon him Another means which as I hear is now in Agitation may be the Assurance both of Reward and Pardon to the First Discoverer of a Conspiracy though one of the Complotters and This by Proclamation Sir Francis Bacon ' s advice is that the King either by himself which were the Best or by his Chancellour should make use of the Iudges in their Circuits Charging them at their Going forth according to Occurrences and receiving from them a Particular Accompt at their Return home They would Then sayes he be the best Intelligencers of the True State of the Kingdome and the surest means to prevent or remove all growing Mischieves within the Body of the Realm To These Generall excogitations of Prudence somewhat of more Particular relation to the matter in Question might be admitted as â—â—rst an Expresse Abrenunciation of Their Cause and Covenant They do not Deserve their Lives sure that refuse to confesse their Fault As to the Relief of Distressed Royallists I speak of such as want almost to the Degree of Perishing and there are many such 'T is but time Lost to Hunt for new wayes of Device and Project when every Bush is Beat already If it migh but now seem as Reasonable to allow them the Benefit of Forfeitures made since the Act of Indemnity as it did erewhile seem Convenient to debar them of all Remedy for Injuries suffered before it That might in some Proportion stay their Barking stomacks or at least yield them This spiteful Comfort not to fall Alone But possibly if This Course were Experimented it would afford more then the World Imagines I should End this Chapter here but that before I break off This Discourse I think 't is â—it to give some Reasons why I undertook it First it may serve to Those in Power as a Memorial or Note of certain Particulars which deserve not to be Neglected or Forgotten Next it may serve to instruct the People concerning the true Cause of some Miscariages which Popular and Licentious Ignorance is but too apt to place elsewere for in Truth there are many peevish Circumstances which the Discreet Pause upon and the Vulgar neither like nor understand In the Last Place I reckon my self bound by my Duty to the King and Nation not to conceal what I have here Declar'd And Particularly That Treasons are Encouraged by Impunity The Offenders Countenanced and brought off The Prosecutours Menaced and the most Pestilent Enemies of the last King as good as Protected in their Seditious Practises against This. If This falls into a Good hand good use may be made of it for I doe not speak at Guesse However at the worst Our Cause is the same Our Duty the same and our Affections ought to be the same The Sun is not lesse kind because his Influence may be intercepted by a Fogge which Time will certainly dissolve Nay and perchance Discover over and above that some of Those Blazes which the Common People take for Stars of the first Magnitude are in Effect but Comets Portents of That Mischief which they seldome live to see Accomplish'd But enough of These ungratefull and Seditious Machinatours against Their Prince and their Preserver And so from These Indignities against the Son wee 'll passe to Those Fatalities that made way to the Ruine of the most Pious Patient Mercifull and yet Murther'd Father CAP. XII What it was Principally that Ruin'd King CHARLES the MARTYR TO see an Imperial Prince Unking'd Arraign'd and Beheaded with all Formalities of Law and Iustice by his own Subjects and Those too People of sworn Faith and Holinesse Can any man forbear Demanding For what Prodigious Reasons so horrible an Action was Committed Was it for Religion No Hee Dy'd a Martyr for that Cause which to maintein They Sware they Fought Was it for Tyranny of Government Neither for ere the Warr began he had granted more in Favour of the Subject then all his Ancestours put them together Was it for Cruelty of Nature No nor That I can scarce call to Mind where ever he deny'd his Grace to any man that besought him for it unlesse where Mercy had been a sinne and where his Power was stinted by his Conscience Was it for want of skill to Rule or Courage to Protect his People For That his very Murtherers acknowledg'd him a Prince of singular Abilities and Valour And touching his Morals or Devotions Malice it self could never deny That King to be a Person of a most Regular Piety and restrein'd Appetite How came it then that a Prince Authorized by his Birth Sacred by his Office Guarded by his Laws Religious in his Practice Gracious in his Nature Temperate in his Likings and lastly Accomplish'd in his Person should come to Fall in the Heart of his Dominions before the Gates of his own Palace and by the Hands of his own People But Christ himself was Crucify'd Ambition drives Furiously and in the way to a Crown Those Christian Rubbs of Conscience or Humanity are not so much as Bulrushes In fine That Blessed Martyr's Actions were so Innocent they were fain to Quarrell with his Thoughts and for want of Faults to ruine him by abusing his Virtues This we shall manifest to have been Their Practice But wee 'll first take a short View of their Approches Never since Calvin bound the Head of the Holy Discipline was ever any Monarch Quiet that admitted it 'T is a Specifique Poyson to Monarchy And the Ground it gets is not so much by working upon the Iudgment as upon the Good Nature of Princes It Looks so Sillily and Beggs so Heartily 't is a hard matter to resist so great an earnestnesse accompanyed with so little shew of Danger If They are Repuls'd Good God! they cry That any man should go about to Damne so many Thousand Souls for such a Trifle when 't is come to That once 't is gone too far for such an Exclamation is enough to raise a Tumult King Iames his Answer to Knewstubb upon the Conference at Hampton-Court was as it should be and no Prince ever had a Truer measure of Sir Iohns Foot then himself Knewstubb desir'd to know how far an Ordinance of the Church was binding without offence to Christian Liberty The King turns quick upon him Le Roy s' avisera says he Wee 'll no more of Those Questions How far you are bound to Obey what the â—hurch has once Ordeyn'd Had he dealt otherwise his Majesty had given the Presbyterian the first Hold. At the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth brake forth Those Broyles in Scotland wherein the Lords of the Congregation so was the Faction distinguish'd Deprived the Queen-Regent by the Approbation and Advise of Willock and Knox to whom the Case was Referâ—'d The French assisted the Queen Dâ—wager and the Lords of the Revolt were for some Reasons of State assisted by Queen
once mov'd the best Remedy is to cut off the Spring that feeds it by pleasing all sorts of People so far as Possible and by Disobliging none but upon Necessity Which Publique Tendernesse must be so menaged that the Majesty of the Prince be not lost in the Goodnesse of the Person for nothing can be more Dangerous to a Monarch then so to over-court the Love of his People as to lose their Respect or to suffer them to impute that to his Easinesse which ought to be ascrib'd purely to his Generosity Offences of That Daring and Unthankfull Quality can scarce be pardon'd without some hazard to the Authority that remits them Secret Contempts being much more fatal to Kings then Publick and Audacious Malice the latter commonly spending it self in a particular and fruitlesse Malignity toward the Person and that with Terror too as being secur'd under a Thousand Guards of Majesty and Power whereas the Other privily teints the whole Masse of the People with a Mutinous Leaven giving Boldnesse to contrive Courage to execute and if the Plot miscarryes there 's the hope of Mercy to Ballance the peril of the Undertaking For a Conclusion of this Point He that but Thinks Irroverently of his Prince deposes him Concerning the Materials of Sedition viz. Poverty and Discontentment it would be endless to dissolve these General Heads into Particularâ—â—leâ— â—â—leâ— the best advice in This Case must be General too that is to endeavour to remove whatever Causes them referring the Particulars to Counsell and Occasion 'T is very well observ'd by the Lord St. Albans touching Poverty So many overthrown Estates so many Votes for Troubles and if this Poverty and Broken Estate in the Better sort be joyn'd with a Want and Necessity in the mean People the Danger is Great and Imminent which to prevent Above all things sayes the same Author good Policy is to be used that the Treasure and Moneys in a State be not gathered into few Hands For otherwise a State may have a great Stock and yet starve And Money is like Muck not good except it be spread And again A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty and Inconvenience in a State for it is a Surcharge of Expence As to the Seeds of Discontentments they are as various as the Humours they encounter dependent many times upon Opinion and inconsiderable in Themselves however Notorious in their Effects Touching the Discontentments Themselves it is the Advice of the Lord Verulam That no Prince measure the danger of them by This Whether they be Iust or Unjust for that were to imagine People to be too Reasonable Nor yet by This whether the griefs whereupon they rise be in Fact great or small For They are the most Dangerous where the Fear is greater then the Feeling Such were those furious and implacable Iealousies that started the late Warr which doubtless may more properly be accompted among the Dotages of a Disease or the Illusions of a dark Melancholy then the Deliberate Operations of a Sober Reason Proceed we now from the Matter and more remote Causes of Seditions to the Approches and Prognosticks of them CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognostiques of Seditions IT is in many Cases with Bodies Politique as it is with Natural Bodies Both perish by Delaying till the Distemper be grown too strong for the Medicine Whereas by watching over and applying to the first Indispositions of the Patient how easie is the Remedy of a Disease which in one day more perhaps becomes Incurable Some take it for a poynt of Bravery not to own any Danger at a Distance lest they should seem to fear it Others are too short-sighted to discern it So that betwixt the Rash and the Stupid a large Proportion in the Division of the World we are past the help of Physick before we can perswade our selves we need it Dangers sayes the Incomparable Bacon are 〈◊〉 more light if they once seem light and more danger have deceived Men than forced them Nay it werâ— better to meet some Dangers half way though they come nothing near than to keep too long a watch upon their Approches for if a man watch too long it is odds he will fall asleep Neither let any man measure the Quality of the Danger by That of the Offender for again 't is the Matter not the Person that is to be consider'd Treason is contagious and a Raskal may bring the Plague into the City as well as a Great man I do the rather press This Caution because Security was the fault of those to whom I direct it But what avails it to wary of Dangers without the skill and providence to foresee and prevent them Or what hinders us from the fore-knowledge of Those Effects to which we are led by a most evident and certain train of Causes States have their Maladies as well as Persons and Those Ill habits have their peculiar Aecidents and Affections their proper Issues and Prognostiques upon the true Iudgement of which Circumstances depends the Life and Safety of the Publique Not to play the fool with an Allegory Be it our care to observe the Gathering of the Clouds before they are wrought into a Storm Among the Presages of foul weather the Lord St. Albans reckons Libels and Licentious Discourses against the Government when they are frequent and open and in like sort false newes often running up and down and hastily embraced to the disadvantage of the State We need not run beyond our Memories to Agree This Point it being within the Ken of our own Notice that Libells were not only the Forerunners but in a high Degree the Causes of our late Troubles and what were the frequent open and Licentious Discourses of 〈◊〉 in Pulpets but the ill-boding Play of 〈◊〉 before a Tempest We may remember also the false Newes of Plotts against the Religion and Liberâ—ies of the Nation and how the King was charg'd as an Abettor of the Design We may remember likewise how the Irish Bloud was cast upon the accompt of his late Sacred Majesty even by Those men whose guilty Souls are to Reckon with Divine Justice for every Drop of it Neither have we forgotten with what Care and Diligence These Falshoods were dispers'd with what Greedinesse they were swallow'd nor what ensu'd upon it If we look well about us we may finde This Kingdom at this Instant labouring under the same Distempers the â—â—esse as Busie and as Bold Sermons as factious Pamphlets as seditious the Government defam'd and the Defamers of it if Presbyteriane scape better then their Accusers The Lectures of the Faction are throng'd with Pretended Converts and Seandalous Reports against the King and State are as current now as they were twenty years agoe These were ill Tokens Then and do they signifie just nothing Now What means all This but the new Christening of the Old Cause the doing over again of the Prologue to the last Tragedy Sir Francis Bacon proceeds
the generality of the People discharging Counsellors and Iudges of their Allegiance and threatning them with Excommunication in case they disobeyed the Assembly All this they did according to the Covenant and whether This was Religion or Ambition let the World judge These Affronts drew the King down with an Army to the Borders and with two miles of Barwick the two Bodies had an Enterview March 28. 1639. But the Scots craving a Treaty his Majesty most graciously accorded it Commissioners were appointed Articles agreed upon and a Pacification Concluded Iune 17. Not one Article of this Agreement was observ'd on the Covenanters part but immediately upon the Discharge of his Majesties Forces the Scots brake forth into fresh Insolencies and Encroachments upon the Prerogative addressing to the French King for assistance against their Native Soveraign And yet the Quarrel was as they pretended for the Protestant Religion and against Popery In August 1640. they entred England and upon a Treaty at Rippon soon after a cessation is agreed upon referring the decision of all differences to a more General Treaty at London In November began the Long Parliament and now the Scene is London Where with great License and Security Parties are made and Insolences against the Government committed and Authorised under protection of the Scotch Army and the City-Tumults By degrees matters being prepar'd and ripened they found it opportune soon after to make something a more direct attempt upon the Soveraignty but by request first and resolving if that way fail to try to force it In Ian they Petition for the Militia In February they secure the Tower and in March Petition again for 't but so that they Protest if his Majesty persist to deny it they are Resolv'd to take it And the next day it is Resolv'd upon the Question That the Kingdom be forthwith put into a Posture of defence by Authority of both Houses of Parliament In April 1642. the Earl of Warwick seizes the Navy and Sir Iohn Hotham Hull Refusing the King entrance which was Iustified by an Ensuing Vote and his Majesties Proclayming him Traytor for it was Voted a Breach of Privilege In May the pretended Governour of Hull sends out Warrants to raise the Trayned Bands and the King then at York forbids them moving the Country for a Regiment of the Trayned Foot and a Troop of Horse for the Guard of his Royal Person whereupon it was Voted That the King seduced by wicked Counsell intended to make a Warr against his Parliament and that whosoever should assist him were Traytors They proceed then to corrupt and displace divers of his Servants forbidding others to go to him They stop and seize his Majesties Revenue and declare that whatsoever they should Vote is not by Law to be Questioned either by the King or Subjects No Precedent can limit or bound their proceedings A Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or People have any right The Sovereign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament The King hath no Negative Voyce The levying of Warr against the Personal commands of the King though accompanied with his presence is not a levying of Warr against the King but a levying Warr against his Laws and Authority which they have power to declare is levying Warr against the King Treason cannot be committed against his Person otherwise then as he was Intrusted They have Power to judge whether he discharge his Trust or not that if they should follow the highest precedents of other Parliaments Patterns there would be no cause to complain of want of Modesty or Duty in them and that it belonged only to them to Judge of the Law Having stated and extended their Powers by an Absurd Illegal and Impious severing of the Kings Person from his Office their next work is to put Those Powers in Execution And to subject the sacred Authority of a Lawfull Monarch to the Ridiculous and Monstrous Pageantry of a Headlesse Parliament and That 's the Business of the 19. Propositions demanding That the great affairs of the Kingdom and Militia may be menaged by consent and Apprebation of Parliament all the great affairs of State Privy Councell Ambassadours and Ministers of State and Judges be chosen by Them that the Government Education and Marriage of the Kings Children be by Their consent and approbation and all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom put under the Command and Custody of such as They should approve of and that no Peers to be made hereafter should sit and Vote in Parliament They desire further that his Majesty would discharge his Guards Eject the Popish Lords out of the House of Peers and put the Penal Lawes against them strictly in Execution and finally that the Nation may be govern'd either by the Major part of the Two Houses or in the Intervals of Parliament by the Major part of the Councell and that no Act of State may be esteemed of any validity as proceeding from the Royal Authority without Them Upon These terms they insisted and Rais'd a Warr to Extort them So that 't is clear they both design'd and fought to Dethrone his Majesty and exercise the Soveraign Power Themselves which was to suit their Liberty of Acting to That of Sitting and to make themselves an Almighty as well as an Everlasting Parliament CAP. IV. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators imployed to make a Party THat Their Design was to Usurp the Government is Manifest Now to the Instruments and Sleights they us'd to compass it The Grand Projectors knew very well that the strength of their Cause depended upon the favour of the Ignorant and Licencius Multitude which made them court all people of That Mixture to their Party for men of Brain and Conscience would never have agreed to a Conspiracy against so clear a Light so just an Interest and Those they found their fast Friends whom neither the Horrour of Sin nor the brightest evidence of Reason was able to work upon To fit and dispose Both Humours to their purpose the first scruple they Started was Religion which taken as they used it in the external form and jâ—ngle of it is beyond doubt the best Cloke for a Knave and the best Rattle for a Fool in Nature Under This Countenance the Murther of the King pass'd for a Sacrifice of Expiation and those Brute-Animals that scarce knew the Bible from the Alcoran were made the Arbitratours of the Difference The fear of Popery was the Leading Iealousie which Fear was much promoted by Pamphlets Lectures and Conventicles Still coupling Popery and Prelacy Ceremonies and the Abominations of the Whore by these resemblances of the Church of England to That of Rome tacitly instilling and bespeaking the same Disaffection to the one which the people had to the other Their Zeal was first employ'd upon the Names of Priests and Altar the Service-book Church-habits and Ceremonies From Thence
at London Feb. 3. and upon the 7. comes out the 100000 l. Tax which produced a Common-Counsell the day following to advise upon it where it was Resolv'd To adhere to a former Vote of the Court in the Negative This Refusall puzzled the Counsell of State who without being Masters of the City and of Mony were able to do little so that they forthwith Order'd the Reducing of the City by Emprisoning half a Score of their Citizens and upon another Denyall to take away their Posts and Chains and destroy their Gates and Portcullisses which was accordingly Executed but with such Regret that thereupon they lodg'd the Government of the Army in Five Commissioners the General being One with Evident Design to wipe him of his Employment But Their Ingratitude wrought little with him whose Actions were only steer'd by the Compass of Loyalty and Prudence So that having humour'd the People at Westminster till they had made themselves sufficiently Odious and abundantly try'd the Affections of the City to his Design in hand Upon the 11 of Feb. he gave the House to understand the Necessity of their timely Dissolution in order to the right of Successive Parliaments the very hopes of which Release gave the People a Joy to the Degree of Madness Upon the 21. were re-admitted the Secluded Members of 1648. by whom were Writs Issued out for a Representative to meet upon the 25. of April 1660. and March 16. 1659. they formally Dissolve themselves Committing the Government in that Interval to a Counsell of State Upon the day Appointed the Convention meets but not altogether so Leaven'd as by the Qualifications was intended Excluding Father and Son of such as had serv'd the King from the Election In fine the Major Part of that Assembly according to their Duty gave the King his own again without Those shackles and conditions which the Qualifyers would have impos'd upon his Majesty Upon whose Legal and Imperial freedom depends the safety and well-being of his People CAP. VIII The Usurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the Warr with Spain and his Standing Army WE have now brought Rebellion from the Cradle to the Grave we have seen it Triumphant and now we see it in the Dust subjected at the Feet of our Most Gratious Sovereign to accompt for the Bloud of his Royal Father Be it our Business next to enquire What hinder'd Oliver from Establishing himself Upon what Reason of State Cause Errour or Necessity That prosperous Usurper fayl'd But some will not allow he fail'd as if the sole Fatality of the Cause was his Decease and the Design only miscarryed through the ill menage of a Weak Successour For granted by good order it might have been Caudled up and kept above ground a little longer but still it seems to Me that before Oliver Dy'd the Cause was Bed-rid and Hectique past Recovery Opinion is Free Any Man 's as Mine and Mine as Any Mans so that submitting my Reasons to the Wise and Recommending my Weakness to the Charitable I Proceed Cromwell did wisely to take his Rise to the Sovereignty upon the Necks of those Usurpers whom he cast out in 1653. For in the same Action he Oblig'd the People Master'd his Enemies and Fill'd his Pockets Yet were not Those Means that advanc'd the Tyrant sufficient to Establish him One Obstacle was the Inconsistence of his Doctrine with his Design for the same Arguments that Rays'd him Ruin'd him The People were instructed to Destroy Kings not to set them up and beside he that had so many Sharers in the Hazzards of the Rebellion could not fail of some Competitors for the Benefit of it Further he had no considerable Party sure to his Interest and all but his Meer Creatures and Allies were utter Enemies to it The City Hated him for their Losse of Trade the Countrey for their Taxes the Royallists for his Rebellion and Cruelty the Presbyterians for his Breach of Covenant That is for not destroying the King after Their Way The Levellers for his Ambition and in fine all the hope he had was to New-Modell an Army to his purpose that fayl'd him too at last for want of Mony and Credit to maintein it Which Want was chiefly hasten'd and procur'd by his precipitate Breach with Spain together with the Necessity of keeping up a Standing Army The Former of These was doubtless his Mistake or rather a Temerity scarce advised upon For having brought the Hollander to his Knees the only Stranger he had then to fear and after That shak'd hands with him his next Course should have been by Thrift and Popularity to Ingratiate himself at Home and not by a Rambling Needlesse and Expensive Warr to squander away the life-bloud of the Nation and in That Indigent Extremity of the State to make Ducks and Drakes with the Publique Treasure Nor was the Consequence lesse Fatall to him than was the Enterprize to a common Eye Imprudent the hopes of carrying his Design in no wise Countervailing the risque he ran of losing all he had Got in case he missed it I might Instance in a Thousand wayes of profusion and Oppression Common to all Usurpers both practised by Him and exposing him to great Necessities but I shall rather bestow the rest I have to say upon the Fatality of that Tyrant's Condition Which forc'd him to make use of for his Safety the greatest of all Dangers to wit A Standing Army For Order sake Wee 'll first Consider Upon what Pretense and to what end 't was Rays'd In the Next Place Wee 'll see what it produc'd and weigh the Benefits with the Inconveniences Lastly Wee 'll look into the probable Effects and Influence of it as related to the English Temper Custome and Government To the first what I here call a Standing Army was but the Emprovements of a Slight Temporary force rays'd in pretense at first as an Expedient against Plots being indeed it self the Greatest but Encreas'd Continued and Carried on by Policy and Power This Project came from the Cabale in 1641. Couch'd under the Notion of A Guard for the House of Commons Who conceiv'd that they could not with the Safety of their Persons upon which the Safety and Peace of the whole Kingdom did then depend sit any longer Unarmed and Unguarded so great were their Apprehensions and just Fears of mischievous Designs to ruine and destroy them This was the Popular Colour for that Guard Plots and the Safety of the Publique Where the Plot was in Truth and where the Reall Danger may be gather'd from the Practises of Those Armies whereof The Guard aforesaid was but the Rise and Foundation And That 's the point we handle next The setting of This little Force a-foot was a fair Step toward the Militia One Guard begetting Another and the same Reason standing good for the Augmenting and Upholding of Those Troupes which was employ'd for the first Raysing of
Governs by his Laws at Home The Apprehension of Conspiracies and Plots in my opinion weighs not much or if there be any danger the failing is rather in the Constitution or Administration then in the want of Power to keep the Peopâ—e quiet Good Lawes and Good Officers will do the Business without an Army and if the Instruments be bad The Hazzard's Ten timeâ— greater with it It will be needful here for the Clearing of the Question to make a Particular Enquiry concerning Seditions and That 's the Point wee 'll handle in the Next Chapter which for Order sake we shall divide into Seaven Sections with their Subdivisions as occasion shall require CAP. IX Of Seditions in Particular and shewing in what maner they arise from These Seaven Interests The Church the Bench the Court the Camp the City the Countrey and the Body Representative IN the first Chapter of this Tract we have touch'd upon the Matter and Causes of Seditions in General We must be now a little more Particular The Scene 's Utopia and wee 'll Divide it into Seaven Interests The Church the Bench the Court the Camp the City the Countrey and the Body Representative the least considerable of which being in any great disorder hazzards the whole and That either by engaging in some Actual Violence against the Government or by some Irregularity of Proceeding that may Provoke or Cause it Of These in their Course and first of the Church Sect. 1. Seditions Arising from the CHURCH THose Troubles in the State which derive from Distempers in the Church proceed either from Faction Ignorance or Scandal The Strongest Tie upon Reasonable Nature is Conscience and the Stubbornest Consciences are Those that do they know not What they know not Why. In Truth what is Conscience without Understanding but a well-meaning Madnesse And That 's the Fairest Sense my Charity can Afford to the Blind Zeal of a Transported Multitude If Conscience bids them Kill the King Râ—b the Church and Tear up the Foundations of Both Governments They 'll do it Nay More This has been done and Providence it self Proclaim'd for the Doer of it Great Heed should then be taken what Persons are Entrusted with the Care of Souls since the Consequence of a Factious Preacher and a Mistaken Conscience proves many times the Ruine both of Prince and People Under the Note of Faction I comprize all Opinions delivered Publiquely and with Design against the Doctrine Practice or Authority of the Church Reduce it in Short to Haresie and Schismâ— The former whereof reflecting only upon Matters of Faith concerns rather Religion then Government and lyes beyond the Line of my Purpose but in This Place the Latter is the Question and briefly as we may wee 'll take a view of the Rise the Methode the Design and the Effects of it It is with Church-men as with other Mortals There are of all Sorts Good Bad and Indifferent Some we have known whom neither the Losse of Dignity Fortune Freedome no nor the Losse of Life it self could ever move from the strict Rule of Conscience Magnanimity and Duty Others we have seen to Exercise these Cruelties though Ecclesiastiques themselves upon the Nobler Sort of their own Function And some again we have Observ'd to shift with every Turn and Steer by Interest Still putting on the Livery of the Prevayling Party Squaring the Rule and Will of Heaven to tho Appetites and Passions of Humanity so that upon the whole 't is evident some Clergy-men are Quiet because they have Preferments and Others Troublesome because they want them The Principal Ingredients into Schisme are These Ambition Avarice Popularity and Envy The Scope of it is to destroy Authority and advance a Faction Now how to accomplish This is the great work for a Rent in the Church signifies nothing without a Sedition in the State and in This manner they Proceed First in a Stile of Holy Tendernesse they slily disaffect the People against the Rites of the Church as in themselves unlawful and utterly Destructive of Christian Liberty To strengthen and advance the Imposture what do they next but rip up all the Faylings and shew the Nakednesse of their Superiours still aggravating what they find and Creating Scandalous Matter where they want it When the Multitude are once mov'd in Conscience against the Impositions and in Passion against the Imposers their next attempt is upon the Authority and Then they divide into Separate Assemblies which under colour of so many Conscientious Dissenters from the Ceremonies of the Church are infallibly so many contrivers against the Peace of the Kingdom For here comes in the Civill Power to prohibit their Seditious meetings and Then the Saints they cry are Persecuted The Cause is God's and they are ty'd in Conscience to bind their Kings in Chains and through all Extremities to persue a Reformation This is the Fruit of Tolerating a Faction under a Countenance of Conscience Nor is it any wonder to see Those wretches draw their Swords against Their Sovereign in the Field whose Souls are turn'd against him in the Pulpit But 't is Objected that some Ministers do really make a Conscience of Conformity Truly the better for Them if they forbear upon That Accompt but 't is the same Thing to the Publique upon what-accompt-soever for they Prescribe what they Practise and by the President of Sticking upon a Doubt of Conscience they open a Dore to Disobedience upon any Pretence of it breaking the Bond of Unity in favour of a Particular nicety of Opinion Very Notable is The Determination of the Lord St. Albans in This Case In Points Fundamental he that is not with us is against us In Points not Fundamental he that is not against us is with us Let this suffice to shew the Political Inconvenience of Enterteining Schismatical Preachers It may be now a Question How far a Christian Magistrate may justifie the sufferance of any man to exercise the Ministery within his Dominions that 's a profess'd Enemy to Episcopacy Which I Offer with the fit Modesty of a Proposal and with Reverence to the better-enform'd But if as the Danger of such a Mixture is Evident so the Lawfulness of it shall appear doubtful their own Argument is then turn'd against Themselves and we have both Scripture and Experience on our side over and above The Three Questions wherewith King Charles the Martyr Choak'd the Presbyterian Ministers in the Isle of Wight Remain still Unresolv'd and they are These First Is there any Certain Form of Church-Government at all prescrib'd in the Word Secondly If there be any Prescript Form Whether or no may the Civil Power Change the same as they see Cause Thirdly If any Prescript Form there be and That unchangeable If it were not Episcopal what was it In Fact the Constant Exercise of Church-Prelacy is so manifest that the whole stream of Story and Tradition Runs Episcopal which to Oppose were
to the People for whose Behoofe the Law was made This is a Specious but a Poysonous Inference and rather adapted to a Mutinous Interest then to a Peaceable and candid Reason Let a Transgression be supposed are there any Laws Paenal upon the Monarch But there are none that warrant Tyranny Right but there are some yet that forbid Rebellion and without questioning the Cause that declare all Violences whatsoever upon the Person or Authority of the King to be Crimina Laesae Majestatis or Treason Are there any Laws now on the Other side that depose Kings for Male-administration If none the Law being Peremptorily against the One and only not for the Other what does it but constitute the Subject in all cases accomptable for his Resistance to the Sovereign and Leave the Supreme Magistrate in all cases to answer for his Mis-government to Almighty God But let the Controversie passe for we are not here so much to enter into the True State Matters as to deliver their Appearances And now is the time to bring the Faylings and Mis-fortunes of the Prince upon the Stage and by exposing him Naked before the Multitude to make his Person Cheap and his Government Odious to his People Which they Effect by certain Oblique Discourses from the Presse and Pulpit by Lamentable Petitions craving Deliverance from such and such Distresses of Estate or Conscience and These they Print and Publish converting their pretended supplications for Relief into bitter Remonstrances of the Cruelty and Injustice of their Rulers By These wiles are the Vulgar drawn to a dislike of Monarchy and That 's the Quëue to a discourse of the Advantages of a Popular Government the next step to the Design of introducing it There 's none of This or That they cry at Amsterdam and in short from these Grudgings of Mutiny These Grumblings against Authority they slide Insensibly into direct and open Practices against it Alas what are These Motions but the sparkling of a Popular Disposition now in the Act of Kindling which only wants a little Blowing of the Cole to Puff up all into a Flame From the Leading and Preparatory Motives to Sedition now to the more Immediate and Enflaming Causes of it which are reducible either to Religion Oppression Privileges or Poverty Subsection I. Seditions which concern Religion THose Seditions which concern Religion referr either to Doctrine or Discipline Haeresie or Schism The Former is a Strife as they say for a better or a worse a Contest betwixt the Persuasion of the People and the Religion of the Government in matter of Faith and tending either to Overthrow the One or to Establish the Other In This Case the People may be in the Right as to the Opinion but never so as to justifie the Practice for Christianity does not dissolve the Order of Society To Obey God rather then Man is Well Let us obey him then in not Resisting Those Powers to which his Ordinance hath Subjected us Touching This with the Brethren's Leave I take it to be the more Venial-Mortal Sin of the Two That is the Rebellion of Haeresie is lesse unpardonable than That of Schism in regard first that the Subject of the Difference is a matter of greater Import Secondly 't is not Impossible but the Mispersuasion may be founded upon Invincible Ignorance I do not say that I had rather be an Arrian then a Calvinist but I averr that he is the foulest Rebell that for the Slightest Cause upon the Least Provocation and against the Clearest-Light Murthers his Sovereign Those Seditions which are mov'd upon accompt of Schisme are commonly a combination of Many against One of Errour against Truth and a Design that strikes as well at the Civill Power as the Ecclesiastick This being a Subject which both in the first Section of This Chapter and Else-where is sufficiently discours'd upon we shall rather addresse our selves to the Means Peculiar to a City of Comforting and ayding these unquiet agitations as more properly the Businesse of our present Argument Great Towns have first the Advantage of great Numbers of People within a Small Compasse of Place where with much Ease and Privacy Those of the Faction may hold their full and frequent Meetings Debate Contrive nay and Execute with all Convenience For when the Plot is Laid the Maner and the Time Appointed ther 's no more trouble for the Rendezvons the Party 's Lodg'd already the Town it self being the most Commodious Quarter 'T is in respect of These favourable concurrences that men of Turbulent and Factious Spirits rather make choyce of Populous Cities to Practise in Another Hazzard may arise from the Temper of the Inhabitants as well as from the Condition of the Place and from the very Humour and application of the Women in a notion distinct from That of the Men. From the Temper of the Inhabitants first as partaking usually of the Leaven of their Correspondents whom we find very often both Famous for Trade and Notorious for Schisme But Men are Generally so good-Natur'd as to think well of any Religion they Thrive under Further their Employment being Traffique or Negotiating for Benefit and their Profession being to Buy as Cheap as they can and to Sell as Dear without any measure between the Risque or Disbursment and the Profit they are commonly better Accomptants then Casuists and will rather stretch their Religion to their Interest then shrink their Interest to their Religion They have again so superstitious a Veneration for the Iustice of Paying Mony upon the Precise Hour that they can very hardly believe any man to be of the right Religion that Breaks his Day And observe it let a Prince run himself deep in Debt to his Imperial City they shall not so much Glamour at him for an ill Pay-Master as upon a Fit of Holinesse suspect him for an Haretique or Idolater Proposing a Tumult as the ready way to Pay themselves and That I reckon as the first step into a Rebellion Now how The Women come to be concern'd That first and Then why the City-Dames more then Other It is the Policy of all Cunning Innovatours when they would put a Trick upon the world in matter of Religion which they desire may be Receiv'd with Passion recommended with Zeal and Dispersed with Diligence to begin with the stronger Sex though the Weaker Vessell that excellent Creature Woman And This Course they take out of These Considerations First as That Sex is Naturally scrupulous and Addicted to Devotion and so more susceptible of delusive Impressions that bear a face of Piety Secondly as it is too Innocent to suspect a Deceipt and too Oredulous to Examine it so is it probably not crafty enough to Discover it Thirdly Women are supposed not only to Entertein what they Like with more Earnestnesse of Affection but also to impart what they know with a Greater Freedom of Communication which proceeds from a
to deny Liberty of Speech to take Notice of any Thing in Debate to Question any One Member without the Leave of the Rest is a Breach of Privilege The Representative we here speak of answers the nearest of any to the House of Commons in England which Resemblance will much facilitate the task we are now upon having only to look back into the History of Charles the Martyr to find the Greatest Mischiefs and the Foulest Crimes which such a Convention in disorder may be capable of not medling with the Names of Persons but contenting our selves to discover the Arts Grounds and Occasions of Seditions without reproaching the Authors of them The Dangerous Mixture of a Representative we mâ—y divide into These Three Parties The Designers of Mischief tho Permitters of it and the Incompetent Iudges of it whose faylings are either of Commission Omission or Ignorance To begin with the First The Designers are either the Ambitious Heads of the Faction that ayme at Power as well as Profit in the Subversion of the Government or such Dependencyes as they can Engage by Menace Flattery faire Pretences Mony or Preferment These in their Severall Places promote the same Seditious Interest and every man knowes his Station They have their Contrivers their Speakers their Sticklers their Diviâ—ers their Moderators and their Blancks their I-and NO-men by which Method and Intelligence all Debates are Menaged to the Advantage of the Party and Occasion They know when to Move when to Presse when to Quit Divert Put off c. and they are as Skilfull in the Manner of Moulding their Businesse as they are Watchfull for the Season of Timing it Add to this Agreement and Confederacy of Designe their Zeal and Earnestness of Intention and what will not an Indefatigable Industry joyned to these Emprovements of Order and Counsell be able to accomplish The Lower and Weaker Faction is the firmer in Conjunction says Sir F. Bacon and it is often seen that a few that are Stiffe doe tire out a Greater Number that are more Moderate Yet to the Miracles that are wrought by Forecast and Assiduity there is still requisite a Matter predispos'd and fit to work upon and That 's the Dresse or Cleanly Couching of the Project 'T is not at first dash to attempt the Person of the King but the Multitude must by Degrees he made sensible of the Faults of his Ministers and Instructed to clamour against Oppression and Prophaneness Why should a Free-borne Subject be Press'd with Taxes and Obedience or a Christian Libertine be ty'd to worship by a Set-forme Is it not against the Fundamentals of a Mix'd Monarchy That ridiculous supposition for the Supream Magistrate to impose upon his Coordinate Subjects Or where is it Commanded in the Bible for people to Kneele at the Communion or to stand up at Gloria Patri These are sore Grievances indeed and now the Humour ' s ripe for Petitions to the Senate which being both Procur'd and Fram'd by a Cabale of the Senatours Themselves cannot fayle of being acceptable to the Faction who by this Artifice get the Credit of being taken for the proper Arbitratours of all Differences betwixt King and People through which mistake the Popular Representative becomes both Party and Iudge and it is Then no hard matter to Guess what will become of the Prerogative By making the most of all Compleints and the Worst of all Abuses they bespeak a Compassion for the One side and they provoke an Odium toward the Other which Amplification renders exceedingly Necessary the Remedy of a Thorough-Reformation The Subject is to be Free in One Point and the Monarch Limited in Another These Courts are to be Abolish'd Those Counsellours to be remov'd c. And in fine when the Prince has yielded till they want matter for Compleint Their Fears are not lesse Clamorous and Importune then were their Compleinings Of which undutiful and unlimited Distemper This is the certain Issue from one desire they proceed to another till the Prince to secure Their Jealousy has parted with all possibility of Preserving Himselfe This is their Course where they find the Government allready in Disorder but how to Introduce That Disorder is quite another point of Cunning. They are here onely to procure Those Grievances for which they are afterward to provide Remedies and to cast the State into a Disease that with better Pretense they may give it Physick Siding with the Prerogative against the People in the first place and with the People against the Prerogative in the next In a word Their Services are snares they give a little that they may take all and by a Plausible Oppression provoke a Barbarous Rebellion Another sort of ill Ministers in a Representative are the Permitters of these Abuses Such as being Chosen and Entrusted for the Publique Weale Abandon their Stations and Deliver up their Country Betwixt whom and the Conspiratours Themselves there is but This Difference The One Quits the Breach and the Other Enters These Throw down their Armes and Those Take the Town what the One Party carries by Treason the Other loses by Cowardice Of These Deserters some are taken Off by Profit Pleasure Vanity Sloth Neglect or Partiality Others are led by their Passions as Fear Anger c. In all which Cases whoever preferrs a Private Interest to a Publique Betrayes his Trust. Some Peoples Mouths are Stopp'd with Offices Rewards Fair Promises Hopes of Preferment c. And These upon the very Crisis of a Debate find Twenty Shifs to waive the pinch of the Dispute and let the Question fall even though the Crown it self depend upon the Issue of it This is done either by coming too late or perhaps not at all by Going away too soon or saying Nothing when they are There by which Discouragements the Cause is lost only for want of Their Arguments and Voices to Turn the Scale Others are Drawn from Their Duties by Pleasure perhaps a Party at Tennis Bowles Chards a Pack of Dogs a Cock fight or a Horse-match a Comedy a Good-fellow or a Mistresse And while They are Thus Employ'd the Vigilant Faction steals a Vote That 's worth a Kingdom Some again are so Transported with the Vanity of Dresse and Language that rather then serve the Publique with one hair amisse or in one Broken Periode they 'll let the Publique Perish Mallent Rem-Publicam turbari quà m Capillos These while their Country lies at Stake are ordering of their Heads and Polishing the Phrase Shaping the Parts of a Set-Speech till 't is too late to use it Nothing methinks does lesse beseem a Grave Assembly then This same Facultatula loquendi this same Rhetoricall Twittle-twattle it spins out so much Time in Tedious Circumstance that it makes a man e'en sick of a Good Cause and for the very Form prejudg the Reason of it Sloth and Neglect are yet more dangerous in a Senatour nor onely in
have no Cause to Complein of any Wrong or Oppressions Contrary to their Iust Rights and Liberties To the Preservation whereof he holds himself in Conscience as well obliged as of his prerogative This Answer though Clear and Full as possible to any just Intention did not yet Relish and the pretended Exception was not to the Matter of it but the Forme So that a New Petition is agreed upon for a more formal Answer Which his Majesty taking notice of Prevents with a Le droit soit fait comme il est Desirè This Grant finish'd Foundation of the Kings Ruine Now see the Return they made him for This Goodnesse how they Requited This Benignity and Trust. The Commissions Of Loan and Excize are Instantly Cancell'd and a Scandalous Remonstrance is Presented to his Majesty with the Bill of Subsidies Upon which the King reflects as he had Cause with some Displeasure and drawes a Stinging and a Punctuall Answer to it This puts the Commons upon Another Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage which Provok'd the King to give a sodain End to That Session Declaring before his Assent to the Bills The true Intent of what he Granted in That Petition And that as it was the Profession of Both Houses in the time of Hammering That Petition no way to Trench upon his Prerogative so he could not be conceiv'd to have Granted any New but only to have Confirm'd the Antient Privileges of his Subjects And here his Majesty Prorogues This Parliament In Ian. following they Meet again and Appoint Two Committees The One for Religion the Other for Civill Affairs And These are to Inspect Abuses and lay open the Kings Misgovernments to the People In the Heat of their haste his Majesty sends Secretary Coke upon an Interâ—eding Message to them with all the Gentlenesse Imaginable Whereat the House takes Snuffe and calls to Adjourn In short the King Adjourns them from Ianuary to the 2. of March and Then being Met Sir Iohn Eliot begins with a Bitter Invective against the Lord Treasurer After which the Speaker acquaints the House with his Majesties Command of their Adjournment till the 10th They give him a Check for his Peins and follow their Businesse Up rises Sir Iohn again and Offers a Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage to their Reading which both Speaker and Clerk Refusing Hee Reads it Himself When it should be put to the Vote whether or no to be Presented to the King the Speaker excuses himself as Commanded by the King to Leave the House and endeavouring to Rise he was forcibly kept in his Chaire till as the Protestation of the House was Read as Follows First Whosoever shall bring in Innovation of Religion or by favour seek to introduce Popery or Arminianisme or other Opinions disagreeing from the true Orthodox Church shall be reputed a capitall Enemy to this Kingdome and Common-wealth Secondly Whosoever shall Counsell or Advise the Taking or Levying of the Subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage not being Granted by Parliament or shall be an Actor or Instrument therein shall be likewise reputed a Capitall Enemy to this Common-wealth Thirdly If any man shall voluntarily yield or Pay the said Subsidies of Tonnage or Poundage not being Granted by Parliament he shall be reputed a Betrayer of the Liberties of England and an Enemy to this Common-wealth Upon Notice of These Distempers the King sends for the Sergeant of the Mace and the House refuses him Whereupon the Usher of the Black Rod is Dispatch'd to Dissolve them but finding no Entrance at length the Guard is call'd for and Then the Members Vanish After These Provocations and Contempts The King Himselfe Dissolves them This was the Embryo of our late Rebellion and the Indulgence of That Gratious Prince to That Ungrateful Faction was That which Ruin'd him Whether Design'd or not may appear from the Sequel Divers of the most Popular and Active persons in This Contest being found afterward among his Mortal Enemies in the Warr. Having Trac'd the Mischief to This Head we may be shorter with the Rest and taking for Granted that neither Scotland would be out at a Godly Project nor the English Faction upon any Terms reject their Brotherly Kindnesse we may rationally presume that they were of Intelligence in our succeeding Troubles especially if we observe what Time they kept in their motions towards one another In that which follows we shall not so much apply our selves to the Order of the Story as to the Noting of those Fatalities which had a most particular Influence upon the Life and Fortune of That Incomparable Prince In 1634. a Seditious Practice was discover'd in Scotland and the Lord Balmerino detected to be one of the Prime Conspiratours His Father out of Nothing became Chief Secretary to King Iames whom he Betray'd the Treachery was Prov'd and the Traytour Condemn'd but by the Mercy of the King Restored both in Bloud and Estate So was the Son found Guilty and Pardon'd likewise by the Successour of the Father's Master Never in shew a more remors-ful Penitent Yet in the next Conspiracy of 1637. who deeper In again then this Presbyterian It would be hard to find Two Persons of That Leaven to whom the Late King ever refused his Grace or that did not abuse it How easily had the Scotch Rebellion been Crush'd in the First Tumult had not his Majesty's Excessive Goodness ore-slipped the Time of Doing it by Force expecting their Return by fairer means He that would read the greatest Opposition that ever was in Nature of Truth and Falshood Kindnesse and Malice Mercy and Ingratitude Piety and Wickedness Let him but Read the Story of the Scotch-Rebellion in 1638. drawn by his Majestie 's expresse Command The Perjuries Insolencies Forgeries and Usurpations of the Holy Kirk at Glasgow and then say if ever such a Contest of Light and Darkness as betwixt That Saint and Those Monsters Nor was his Majesty's Clemency abused more then his Confidence betray'd for to the Publick Mockery they made of his Indulgence was added the Private Correspondence and Treachery of a Presbyterian Faction in his Counsell His Majesty himself avers as much This says the King in his large Declaration Our Commissioner did not adventure to communicate with the whole Counsell because he did know that some of our Counsellours were Covenanters in Their Hearts though for Dangerous ends they had forborn the Subscribing of the Covenant with their Hands and that They would acquaint the Covenanters with it with whom they kept Private Meetings The next Eminent Transaction was upon the Enterview of the Two Armies near Berwick where his Sacred Majesty had the Rebells Effectually at his Mercy and exhausted himself and his Friends to the Despair almost of ever Raysing another Army Yet even There also was his Majesty persuaded such was his Royall Charity and Tendernesse for his People upon the Supplication of the
Rebells to admit a Treaty and thereupon soon after to Conclude a Pacification whereof the Covenanters kept not One Article Nay after This they Libell'd the Kings Proceedings Broke forth into Fresh Insolencies and Sollicited the Assistance of the French King against their Native Sovereign We see the Faith and Loyalty of the Scotch Presbyterians Marque now if the English use him any Better And That but in a Word or Two for 't is a peevish Subject His Majesty calls a Parliament that Meets Novemb. 3. 1640. Which by the violence of Tumults abroad and the Artifice of Iuggles within-doors is with much adoe Modelled into a Faction Observe now the Proportion betwixt the Favours of the King and the Returns of the Party and see the Fruits of Clemency here likewise His Majesty passes the Trienniall Bill Abolishes the Star-chamber and High-Commission Court Passes an Act for the Continuance of the Parliament Not to insist upon the several other Concessions concerning Ship-mony Forrests and Stannary Courts Tonnage and Poundage Knighthood c. In Requitall of these Benefits The Presbyterians Clap up and prosecute his Majesties Friends Prefer Enlarge his Enemies Reward the Scots for a Rebellion Entertain their Commissioners Vote them Their Dear Brethren for Invading us Call in all Books and Proclamations against them Take away the Bishops Votes Impose a Protestation Deny the Earl of Straffords Life to the Intercession of his Majesty Present him with a Libellous Remonstrance to welcome him out of Scotland Charge 12. Bishops of High Treason Declare the Kings Proclamation to be False Scandalous and Illegall Petition for the Militia Keep the King out of his own Towns and Seize his Armes and Ammunition Send him 19. Propositions for the Delivery up of his Authority Vote a Generall and Raise an Army against him They give the King Battle Levy Monies Vote the Queen a Traytour Hang up the Kings Friends Enter into a Rebellious League Counterfeit a Great-Seal Call in the Scots Again Abolish the Common-Prayer Seize and Imprison the King Share the Revenues of the Church and Crown Sequester Banish Imprison his Majesties Adherents Sell him Depose him and at last call themselves his Majesties best Subjects because they did not MURTHER him Upon the whole Matter That Blessed Martyr's Transcendent Charity undid him How many did he Oblige and Advance in hopes to Win and Reclaime them How many did he Pardon and Cherish in Confidence of their Pretended Repentance How long did his Patience forbear Others in expectation of their Return And how unwilling was He to call any thing Schism which the Faction call'd Scruple Till Alas too Late he found his Bounties Abus'd His Mercies misplaced His Waitings Frustrated His Charity Deluded and in short no other use made of all his Pieties and Virtues then to his proper Ruine For while his Sacred Majesty suspended the exercise of his Politicall Severity under the amusement of a Religious Tendernesse the Sectaries became Bold upon his Favour and strong by the advantage they made of his Patience There were indeed some other praevious Encouragements to the Warr as the Remissnesse of Diverse Bishops in Matter of Uniformity The sufferance of Factious Meetings c. But the Two Grand Fatalities were These The King WANTED MONY and TRUSTED PRESBYTERIANS Dum Clementiam quam praestiterat expect at INCAUTUS ab INGRATIS Occupatus est Vell. Paterc Hist. Lib. 2. The End of the First Part. THE CONTENTS OF THE First Part. CAP. I. THE Matter and Causes of Seditions in Generall Pag. 1. CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognosticks of Seditions 4. CAP. III. The True Cause of the Late Warr was AMBITION 10. CAP. IV. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators employed to make a Party 16. CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions from 1648. to 1654. 24. CAP. VI. The Temper Streights and Politiques of Cromwell during his Protectorship 30. CAP. VII A short Accompt from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver to the Return of Charles the Second whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies 48. CAP. VIII The Usurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the Warr with Spain and his Standing-Army 61. CAP. IX Of Seditions in Particular and shewing in what maner they arise from These Seven Interests The Church the Bench the Court the Camp the City the Country and the Body Representative 85. SECT I. Seditions arising from the CHURCH Pag. 85. SECT II. The BENCH 96. SECT III. The COURT 99. Subsection I. Over-greatnesse in One Counsellour 100. Subsection II. The Combination of Divers Counsellours 106. SECT IV. The CAMP 114. SECT V. The CITY 117. Subsection I. Seditions arising from Religion 121. Subsection II. Oppression 126. Subsection III. Privileges 128. Subsection IV. Poverty 130. SECT VI. The COUNTRY 139. SECT VII The BODY REPRESENTATIVE 143. CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General together with certain Particular Remedies apply'd to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests mentioned in the foregoing Chapter Pag. 152. SECT I. By what means Haeresies and Schismes may be kept out of the CHURCH Their Encrease hinder'd and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented â— with the Remedies of other Mischieves arising from Disorders in the CHVRCH 159. SECT II. How to prevent Seditions arising from the Disorders of the BENCH 171. SECT III. How to Prevent or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT 177. Subsection I. The Remedies of certain hazzards arising from the Over-greatnesse of One Counsellour 182. Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Diverse Counsellours 197. SECT IV. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP 201. SECT V. How to Prevent or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY 205. SECT VI. How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY 212. SECT VII Certain Cautions directing how to prevent and avoid Dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE ibid. CAP. XI Certain Reflections upon the Felicity and Advantages of the Government of England with some Observations upon the Present Juncture 217. CAP. XII What it was Principally that Ruin'd King Charles the MARTYR 236. The End of the Contents of the First Part. The Matter of Sedition The Causes of it The Remedy Contempt more fatal to Kings then Hatred ☞ Poverty breedâ— Sedition ☜ A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty Fears and Jealousies The danger Libels ☜ Sir F. B. Sir F. B. ☜ The Rise of the late War The first Tumult against the Service-book The Covenanters Usurp the Supreme Authority The Institution of the Scotish Covenant The Promoters of it Hist. Iudep Appendix pag. 14. The Covenant a Rebellious Vow A Plea for Treason The Usurpâ—tions of the Covenanters A Pacification with the Scots Their Infidelity They enter England The influence of the Scotish Army and the City Tumults upon the long Parliament The two Houses usurp the Militia The Rebellion begins at Hull The Kings Defence of himself Voted a Warr against his Parliament Treasonous
Positions of the Two Houses Deposing Propositions of Iune 2. The Cause of the Warr was Ambition The Rabble were the Pillars of the Cause Religion the Pretense Their Zeal against Popery The Methode of the Reformation Rebellion divides God and the King Scandals Emproved and Invented The late King was betray'd by Presbyterians in his Counsel A Dear Peace the cause of a long Warr. Tria Priciipia The Methode of Treason Rebellion begins in Confusion and ends in Order ☜ ☞ The English follow the Scotish Pattern The Prologue to the late Warr. Loyalty persâ—cuted ☞ Rebellion Rewarded The King goes for Scotland His Welcome at his Return ☞ The King Affronted by Tumults first And Then for compleyning of them ☜ The Presbyterians ruin'd by their own Arguments England a Free-State Quarrels with the Dutch The Long-Parliament dissolved Barebones Parliament Their Acts. Their Zeal Their Dissolution The corruption of a Conventicle is the Generation of a Protector Cromwell Installed and Sworn Protector A Counsell of one and Twenty Cromwels Masteries The Foundation of Cromwels Greatness Cromwels Character Cromwell Jelous of his Counsell And of his Army Oliver erects Major Generals and then fools them ☞ The Persecution of the Cavaliers Cromwells Tâ—â—â— of the Hoâ—se The Recongition ☜ Cromwels design upon Sr. Domingo Disaâ—â—rous Blake makes amends at Tunis His Success against the Plate-Fleet near the Bay of Cadiz Addresses ☞ Olivers Kindred stood his Friends ☜ The Petition and Advice To Declare his Successour 〈◊〉 Other House Privy Counsel Revenue Cavaliers incapable of Office ☜ Cromwell Installed Protector ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ Oliâ—er durst not take upon him the Title of King For fear of the Sectaries His Reserve And the Reasons of it Olivers Other House Enraged the Commons The new Peers The Commons pâ—ck a Quarrell with the Other House Olivers heart-breaking cross He Fools the City of London Addresses Barbarous Cruelties ☞ Cromwels Death ☜ Olivers Maximes Richard Recognized upon condition Each of the Three Parties Enemy to the Other Two The Army Ruffles the House The House Opposes the Army Richard dissolves his Parliament And is laid aside himself The Army acknowledge their backslidings And invite the old Parliament to sit again The Rump 〈…〉 The Factioâ— fliâ—s high The Rump and the Army Clash The Rump thrown out The Army settles a Committee of Safety General M. Secuâ—es Scotlâ—nd Hewsons Insolence toward the City Hazelrigg seiâ—es Portsmouth The Rump sits again Lambert and his Party submit The City refuse to Levy Monies The Rump offended with the City The Secluded Members re-admitted ☞ Cromwel's Rise to the Sovereignty What hindered his Establishment He was Generally Hated The Warr with Spain was an Oversight A Standling Army dangerous The Rise of Cromwels Standing Army Exact Collect. Pap. 44. Ibid. ☞ The Consequences of the House of Commons Guard The Effects of a Standing Army Note ☞ ☞ Exit The Rump All Factions Unite against the King They Divide And Subdivide ☜ The Effects of a Military Government The English Impatient of of Slavery ☞ It seems to bâ— the Interest of France to maintain a 〈◊〉 Army ☞ A sad Mistake A Guard both Sutable and nâ—cessary about the Person of a King The Maiâ—es of Fraâ—â—e abus'd the Confidence of their Masters Pepin the Son of a Powerful Subject deposes his Prince and â—ets up 〈◊〉 The State of France ☜ The effects of a Standing Army in France ☞ A Standing Army more hazzardous in England than in France Alteratâ—ons of Câ—stoâ—es dangerous Our Saxon Kings kept no Standing Army Nâ—r Edmoâ—d 〈◊〉 Nor Wâ—lliam the Conquâ—ror Noâ— William Rufus Nor Hen. 3. Edw. 1. Edw. nor Ric. 2. Nor the Henries 4 5 6 7. Nor Hen. 8. â—dw 6. Queen Mâ—ry nor Qâ—een Eliz. Nor K. Iames nor Charles the MARTYR ☜ Expedients to prevent or disappoint Dangers A Standing Army destructive to the Government An Army without Pay is the most Dangerous Enemy Mony is the Interest of This World ☜ What 's the Benefit of a Standing Army The Mischief and Danger of it ☞ A Royall Guard Necessary and Sâ—fficient With the timely execuâ—ion of Good Laws ☜ Conscience the strongest Tie The Rise of Schism The Method of it The Motion of Schisâ— into Seditâ—on The Design ☞ And Effect of it Note Qu. May an enemy to Bishops exercise the Ministry Three Questions propounded by King Charles the Martyr concerning Church Government The Derivation of Episcopal Government Christs Mandate to the Apostles â—ipiscopacy unalterable Corruptio Optimi Pessima The Method of Schism A Scandalous Clergy makes a Seditious Laity Slander is the Sin and Practice of the Devil Shun Appearances of Scandal Ignorance a species of Scandal Bishops blamed by the more blameable Fears and Jealousies Bishops charged with Pride by the Prouder Brethren ☞ Conscience and Law Govern the world ☜ Occasions of Sedition Seditious Lawyers and Schifmarical Divines are the most abominable Seducers Plotters of Sedition Are of three Sorts Usurpers Monarchoma-châ—â—sts Jâ—suited Puritans Time is the best Tryall of Fidelity The Knowledge of Persons is more then the Understanding of Matters ☜ The Noblest Natures most easily Deceived Abuses from Great Persons hardly Rectify'd What he must do that undertakes it The Art of Flattery Conscientious Sedition An Ambitious Person The Test of an Honest Favourite An ill sign Another as bad Note Marque again The Advantages of a Confederacy in Counsell Their Method Rather to Countenance a Sedition then Head it How to know the Faction By their Haunts ☜ By their Cabales By their Debates By their Domestiques By their Favorites The Composition 〈…〉 sic Instrumâ—nt or a Corrupt States-man ☜ By their Conversation and Behaviour An honester sort of Ill Subjects A Caâ—eat to 〈◊〉 The Politiques of the Vulgâ—â— The Effects of Corruption in a Court. Court-Beggers Non payment of Debts The Interests of the Souldiery An Ambitious Commander does better Abroad then at Home A Haly War iâ— a Contrafiction ☜ Hazzard not a Rebellion in one Place for fear of a Sedition in another The Constitution of a Guard Royall Court and City seldom agree The Reason of it The Power of a City The Maner of Preparing the People for Sedition A Seditious Principle The King only Accomptable to God and the People to the King Cuâ—sed be the Sons of Châ—m ☞ Religious Sedion either referring to Haeresie or Schism Rebellion upon a point of Heresie more Pardonable then That from Schisme Seditions arising from Schisme The Means of provoking Sedition The Advantages of Great Towns for Seditions Cities are inclinable to Seditions from the Temper of the Inhabitants ☜ Religious Innovatours begin with Women Four Reasons why A Zealous Sister And her Confessour ☜ ☜ ☜ A Shee-Proselyte ☞ Oppression causes Sedition A Presbyterian Trick The Politique Hypocrite Loyalty is Indispensable Citizens are Tender of their Privileges Principally in point of Trade Their immunities are Precarious Neither Prince nor People can be secure but by Agreement ☞ Poverty an Irresistible Incentive to Sedition
The most Dangerous Poverty Corruption the Cause of Scarcity * A word us'd in Westminster Schoole when a Boy Counterfeits Sick Private Hoards breed Publique Penury The Composition of Wicked Ministers of State The Misery of them If either they look Back Forward Round about Above them Bâ—low or within them The Sollicâ—tous estate of the Guilty Taxes may cause or occasion a Scarcity divers wayes Subjâ—cts are to Obey without Disputing ☜ Note Leave no Marque standing to remember a Discourtesie by Josh. 4. 6. Shiftings passes for Wisdome Excessive Building Knavery of â—radesmen Pride The Coâ—ntry is sure to be undone by a Waâ—r The Fruits of it A Discontented Nobleman Ambition Pride Râ—venge The Rich Chuâ—le The Contentious Free bornâ—Subject ☜ The Dangerous mixture of a Representative The Designing Party Their Industry and Combination The Matter they work upon Their Maner of Proceedâ—ng ☜ The Permâ—tters of Seditious Contrivements The Deserters of their Trust are taken off by Profit Pleasure Vanity by Sloth and Neglect ☜ by Partiality Passion Fear or Personal Animosity Fools are fit Instâ—umâ—nts for Knâ—ves Love and Reverence are the Pillars of Majesty The Power of a Prince depends upon the Love of his People The Grâ—unds of Sedition Let a Prince Stick to his Laws and his People will stick to him The Oath of Protecting implyes a Power of Protecting Where a King has it not in his Power to Oppresse his People They have it in Theirs to Destroy their King ☜ A Mixture of Indulgence and Severity Obliges the Loyall and Aws the Refractary The Influeâ—ce of Prudence and Courage Aâ— Prince that bears Affronts and Familiarities from his Subjects Lessens himself How to hindâ—r the Sprâ—ading of a Seditious Humour ☜ Let a Prince keep an Eye over Great Assemblies Let him be Quâ—ck and Watchfull The mostdangeâ—â—us of all Sects A sure way to prerent Schisme Have a Care ☜ The Presbyterians Set-form And Methode Their Modesty ☞ The means of Preventing Schisme Object Petition fâ—â— Peace pag. 4 5. Answ. The Hazzards of Toleration ☜ The Foundaâ—ion of Presbytery ☞ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 239. Let Pagans blush at These Christians ☜ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 263. The Growth of Schisme ☜ A Noble Resolve Let the Prince Reform betime And Impartially Note Ambition is the Cause no matter what 's the Cry Corrupt Divines and Lawyers are in the forlorne of all Rebellions ☞ But the Contrary are the Pillars and Blessings of Society The Common Crime of Vitious Lawyers is Avarice The Basest of Corruptions An Ignorant Judg is a Dangerous Minister And so is a Timorous A hard matter to make a good choice A Rule to Chuse by He nugâ— sâ—riâ— duc 〈◊〉 in mala ☞ A way to prevent Treasonous Mistakes The Contrivers of Seditions are of Three Sorts The Puritan ☞ Religion is but Talk Every man for himself A Traytour is of no Religion No ill Story The Presbyterian has gotten a Streyn A Ceremony may be as well impos'd as a 〈◊〉 ☜ ☞ Ambition dangerous in a Favourite A Caution Ambition does better in a Souldiour then in a Counsellour It is the Interest of a Prince to dispose of Offices by Particular Direction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 240. How to 〈◊〉 an Insolent Favourite The Danger of a Favourite that upholds a Faction And menage of his Design St. 〈◊〉 Bacon ☜ How to disappoint an Ambitious Design Favouritâ—s necessary to the Prince and desirable to the People Concerning the Choice of Servants Let them be Honest and Fit Of approved Loyalty to thâ— Father Not upon Recommendation Publique Natures for Publique Places Not One to all Purposes Let a Prince set his Confident his Bounds afore-hand In Points of Conscience Honour and Convenience let not a Favourite presse the Sovereign The Danger of Over greatnesse as to the People A Proud man in Power Easily crush'd A Covetous Great man The Mischief of False Intelligence Good Advice 〈…〉 Counsel 〈◊〉 ☞ Prudence provides for the worst Reward and â—unishment keep People in Order Honest Truths are Dangerous A Case put The Lower Region of the Court. Four or Five Beggers in Chief ☞ Corrupt Officers a General Pest. Ill-Pay the reason of Ill-Payment Want of Mony makes People Religious The Ill-principled Courtier Dangers from the Camp How Mutinies may be caused ☜ Good Pay will bear good Discipline Modelling and Disâ—banding are dangerous How to New-Modell an Army How to Dis-band The Causes of Revolts A good Choice is the best Security against a Revolt The Danger of an Illâ—order'd City ☜ Pretext of Religion is a dangerâ—us and wicked Quarrell Is there a God Or â—s there None All Seditions proceed from Misgovernment Begin with the Clergy to prevent Schisme Let the Magistracy be well-affected Oppression procur'd by Ill Instruments ☞ Though the Levy be Extraordinary let the way be Ordinary Privileges are Sacred ☞ Poverty is a terrible Enemy The Prince not to forsake his Metropoliâ— Let the Choice be Legall and Prudent ☜ Better the Sovereign Reforme then the Counsell The effects of a Good Choyce and of a Bad. The Mischieves of Partiality ☜ 〈◊〉 a â—yranny then 〈◊〉 Anarchy The Antient Prudence of England for the Prevenâ—ing of Seditâ—ons The Custome of 〈◊〉 or Frank-Pledges The Condition of it Oathes of Allegeance The Judges Charge concerning Tâ—easons c. Knights Service Commission of Array Libido Dominandi Causa Bâ—lli Sal. The King is above Ambition And the Commons Below it ☞ The Interests of the King and Commons are Inseperable The Peerage are either as Petty Kings 〈◊〉 Subjâ—cts The Excellent Government of England was subverâ—ed by a mean â—action Security lost us ☞ A word to my Back fâ—iends Object Answ. Ask Doctor Owen and 〈…〉 That was Anglicâ—e D. â— A Private Person may discover a Publique Enemy The King the Law the Parliment and the Counsell are Sacred Beware of Imputing the faults of a Faction to the Government The Faction has a great Advantage The Presbyterians are True to their Principles but not to their Profession Their Industry ☞ Two Libels The Libellers Character Kings had need to be well enform'd ☜ ☞ 8 H. 6. 11. 11 H. 6. 6. Edict Iuly 7. 1606. Ill Appearances The Custome of Frank-Pledges revived ☜ Discoveries Rewarded Judges in their circuits are good Intelligencerg ☞ How This Discourse may become usefull Treasons Encouraged ☜ Why was Late King Murther'd Not for Religion Nor Tyranny Nor Cruelty Nor for want of Abilities and Valour Nor for Impiety or Intemperance The Kings Indulgence was his Ruine Presbytery is a Specifique Poyson to Monarchy king Iames his Answer to a Presbyterian Queen Elizabeth â—uieted the Schismatiques by Severity Sâ—r did King Iames. Three Disadvantages of King Charles the martyr The Originall of his Troubles The Progresse of them The House of Commons Affronts him The King put to a sad Choice ☜ The Kings Speech The Bounties of the Faction are Baites The Petition of Right His Majesties first Answer to the Petition of Right The Commons Cavill The King Passes the Bill The Commons Requitall His Majesty Explains himself The Commons Inquisition and Insolence ☜ The Protestation of the Commons Their Contest and Dissolution The Kings Mercy Abusâ—d ☜ Abus'd again ☜ The King Betray'd by his Counsell Scotch Declar. Pag. 124. The Kings Mercy again abus'd The Ingratitude of the Scotch Presbyterians Now see the English The Bounty and Grace of the King The Requital of the Presbyterians ☞ His Majesties Patience and Goodnesse Ruin'd him The Kings grand Fatalityes