on foote 4000 l accounting the gulden at 3 s 4 d but accounting it more as without a higher valuation little seruice happily some mischiefe might be expected the monethly pay to strangers amounted higher Hereby a great error was discouered in that the strangers for defence of Boulaine were of greater strength then were the English Now the English commissioners hauing first procured some releife both for victualls pay prepared a tent without the towne for meeting with the French But they erected a house on the further side of the water within their owne territory in a manner halfe way betweene their forte and the towne The English perswaded the French to surcease their building pretending but for their fantasies it was not necessarie because neither their treaty was like to continue long neither was it by solemne meeting that the businesse in hand must be effected But in truth they feared least if peace should not follow the French might in short time either with filling or massing the house or else by fortifying make such a piece as might annoy the hauen or the towne Notwithstanding the French not only proceeded but refused any other place of enteruiew At their first meeting much time was spent in ceremony of salutation Then the commissions were read then M r de Mortier in a sharpe speech declared that the French King their M t had vpon iust grounds entred the warre for recouery of his right and defence of his allies yet was he well minded for an honourable peace so as the things for which the warre began might be brought to some reasonable appointment and hearing of the like disposition of the King of England he had sent them to treat of those affaires nothing doubting but that the English would accord to the restitution of Bouline and other pieces of their late conquest which so long as they should keepe so long they may be assured the warre would continue He further added that Bouline was but a bare ruinous Towne without territory or any other commodity to ballance the charge of defending it against the power of France Lastly he said there should want no good will in them to bring matters to good appointment hopeing to finde the like affection in the English After that the English commissioners had conferred a while the Lord Paget answered that the causes of the warre both with them and their Allies whom he tooke to be the Scots being iust and honourable The towne of Bouline other pieces subdued aswell by their late great master against them as by the K. their then M r against their Allies were acquired by iust title of victory and therefore in keeping of them no iniury was offered either to the French King or to the Scots But the further declaration hee left off vntill their next meeting because both the time was spent and the tide summoned them to departe Touching the good inclination of the King their M r hee had declared it well by sending them thither in whom they should finâ—…e such good conformity that if good successe ensued not the fault should be which they expected not in the French Nothing else was done sauing a surcease of hostility concluded for 15 daies which was proclaimed in both the frontires At the next meeting the Lord Paget spent much speech in setting forth the King of Englands title to Bulloine and to his debts and pension from the French king with all arrerages together with the iustice of his warre against the Scots The French were as earnest in maintaining the contrary wanting no words whatsoeuer their reasons were For betweene great Princes the greatest strength carrieth the greatest reason At the last M r de Mortier roundly said that to cut off all contentions of words he would propose two means for peace All that for old matters of pensions debts and arrerages the English should make white books and neuer mention them more but for Bulloine to set the higher value or else said he let old quarrells remaine so as your right may be reserued to clime and ours to defende And let vs speake frankly of some recompence for Boulloine As for the Scottish Queene For this had beene also mentioned before our King is resolued to keepe her for his sonne and therefore we desire you to speake thereof no more but of what other points you please so as we may draw shortly to an end The Lord Paget answered for the other commissioners that they had greatest reason to desire a speedy end but the matters whereupon they stood were of greater importance then to be determined vpon the sodaine For said he you may make doubts as you please But if the debt to our King be not iust being confessed iudged sworne and by many treaties confirmed wee know not what may be deemed iust neither is it a summe to be slenderly regarded being 2000000 crownes cleere debt besides 12000 crowns resting in dispute The iustice of the warres against Scotland he maintained aswell in regarde of breach of treatise with themselues as for that contrarie to their comprehension in the last treaty of France they had inuaded England in these entercourses the whole afternoone being spent it was agreed that both parties should advise vpon such matters as had beene propounded vntill the next meeting But the French either hauing or supposing that they had aduantage ouer the English partly by reason of their firme intelligence in the English court and partly because they found the English commissioners much yeelding to their desires as first in cumming into France then to Bouline lastly to a house of their owne erecting began to be stiffe and almost intractable sharpely pressing both for speedie resolution and short times for meetings But Guidolti continually trauailed to draw both parties to conformity the French being willing to be entreated by their friend to their most dissembled desires Guidolty in steed of the Queene of Scots propounded that the French kings daughter should bee ioyned in marriage to the King of England affirming that if it were a drie peace it would hardly be durable but hereto the English gaue no inclinable care Then he deliuered 17 reasons in writing for which he said it was necessarie for the English to conclude a peace The English demanded how many reasons he had for the French he answered that he had also his reasons for them which he intended likewise to deliuer in writing At the next meeting the French shewed themselues as before peremptory and precise standing stifly vpon their owne ouertures which they had they said no commission to exceede and therefore they refused to treat either of the pension or debt demanded by the English and declared themselues rather desirous then willing to breake off the treaty The English answered that before their comming Guidolti had declared from the French King that so as Bulloine might be rendred all that was owing from him to the King of England should be paid which Guidolti
people might haue destroied the Nobility and gentry who are the defence and safety of the people and so at pleasure haue reduced all vnder his tyrannous subiection Which how insupportable it would haue beene may well be coniectured by his actions already past what pride and insolency of his men made vp of naught What instruments had he in euery shire to worke his purposes to spread his rumors to harken and to carry tales And those what flatterers What lyers How greedily gaping for other mens liuings How vigilant to grope mens thoughts and to picke out somewhat whereof they might complaine and such vile vermine how deere were they to him and namely Iohn Bonham his one hand in Wiltshire Sir Gyles Partridge his other hand in Glocestershire his customer in Wells Piers country his minister in Deuonshire besides many his bad conditioned minions in courte what monsters were they How esteemed they his fauour aboue all mortall respects And further to accomplish his ambitious ends he devised to make the French king his friend by bewraying vnto him the Kings fortresses beyond the seas which the late noble K. Henry with great charge courage and glory had brought vnder his power which practise was so caryed that no man but such as discerned nothing but did perceiue it And that aswell by his often private conference with the French Embassadors and their secretaries as by failing to furnish those pieces with necessarie supplies as also by the speeches which himselfe and his servants cast abroad that Bulloine and the fortresses about it were an vnprofitable burthen to the realme But for the charge no man will conceiue that he wanted money to keepe them who vndertooke so great a charge as the conquest of Scotland and wasted euery day a 100â—… vpon his phantasticall building Besides it hath beene often heard from his owne communication how he intended to procure a resignation of the rights of the Kings Maiesties sisters and others who are entitled to the possession of the Crowne and to haue entailed the same vpon his owne issue which when he had effected and hauing the Kings person in his power the chaine of soueraignty could not long haue tied him short he might haue atchieued all his ambitious intentions at will Wherefore surely he hath thus put on the person not only of a robber and of a murtherer but of a traitor to the state since we haue euidently discouered both his lofty and bloody minde It behoueth you to ioyne in aide with the Lords of his Maiesties privy counsaile as in extinguishing a raging fire as in repelling a cruell enimie for assuredly wee must either weakly yeelde to his rule and commande or else the ambitious author must be taken away In the afternoone of the same day the Lord Maior assembled a common counsaile in Guildhall where two letters arriued almost in one instant one from the King and the Lord Protector for 1000 men to be armed for defence of the Kings person another from the Lords at London for 2000 men to aide them in defence of the Kings person both parties pretending alike but both intending nothing lesse The Recorder whose voice accordeth commonly with the Lord Chancellor did so well set forth the complaints of the Lords against the Protector that many were inclinable to fauour their side But one named George Stadlowe somewhat better aduised stept vp and spake vnto them as followeth This businesse right Honorable Lord Maior the residue of this court as it is a very high passage of state so it is worthy of serious consideration that vpon sodeine aduice nothing be done or determined them least happely by being serviceable to the designes of other men whose purposes we know not we cast our selues into the throat of danger which hitherto wee doe not see two things I much feare in case wee afford present aide to the Lords either of which should cast vpon vs a bridle rather for stopping a while then for stepping or stirring too soone or too fast at their incitement One is the certaine dangers of the citty the other the vncertaine aduenture of all the realme First then if wee adioine to the Lords whether they prevaile or not wee engulph our selues into assured danger an example whereof I finde in Fabian whose report I entreat you all to obserue In the time of King Henry the third the Lords in a good cause for maintenance of divers beneficiall lawes desired aide of the citty ogainst the King Ayde was granted and the quarrell brought to the arbitrement of the sword In this battaile the King and his son â—…e were taken prisoners vpon their enlargement free pardon was granted not only to the Lords but the cittizens of London which was afterwards confirmed both by oath and by act of Parliament But what followed Was the displeasure forgotten Noe verily nor euer forgotten during that Kings life for afterwards the liberties of the Citty were taken away strangers were appointed governors and the cittizens perpetually vexed both in their persons and in their estates So heauy and durable is the wrath of Kings That Solomon saith The indignation of the King is death For it is naturall for princes to vphold their soveraignty and to holde it in highest esteeme in no case to endure their supreame authority to be forceably either oppressed or dispressed by their subiects Insomuch as they mortally hate such subiects as haue once attempted either to ouerrule them by power or to cast any terror vpon them And howsoeuer they may be either constrained or content to beare saile for a time yet are they so sure paymasters in the end that few haue held out their liues I will not say prosperously but safely who haue offered enforcements against their King Now touching my seare for the commonwealth I much suspect these considerations I alwaies expect from them some lurking mischiefe which the more cunningly it be kept in the more dangerously it will breake forth For albeit there be many hands in this action yet one is the head who doubtlesse hath skille to play his owne game and albeit the pretences giuen forth are alwaies faire and for the publique good yet are the secret intentions commonly ambitions only aime at priuate ends yea many times the end is worse then the first intent Because when a subiect hath obtained the hand against his prince I will not say he will be loath but doubtlesse it is not safe for him to giue ouer his advantage wherefore I am of opinion that for the present if wee will not be so vneurteous as to delay and suspend our giuing aide to the Lords for a time Vpon this aduice the courte resolued to arme 100 horsemen and 400 foote for defence of the Citty To the King they returned answere that they would be ready vpon any necessity to apply all their forces either for his defence or for his honour But they intreated him to bee pleased to heare such complaints as were
obiected against the Lord Protector before he assembled forces in the field which in those tempestuous times as it could not be done without great danger so without great cause it should not To the Lords they answered that they were ready to ioyne with them in any dutifull petition to the King but to ioyne with them in armes they could not vpon the sodaine resolue The next day the Lordes at London dispatched a letter to the Lords at Windesore wherein they charged the protector with many disorders both in his priuate actions and in his manner of gouernment requiring that hee would disperse the sorces which he had raised and withdraw himselfe from the King and be content to be ordered by iustice and reason That this done they would gladly commune with the rest of the counsaile for the surety of the Kings person and for ordering of his estate otherwise they would make no other accompt of them then they might trust to finde cause and would assuredly charge them according to their demerits The King all this time was so farre from gouerning his Lords that he was scarce at his owne liberty and considering that the late rebellions had but newly weared themselues into quiet and fearing new rages among the vnstabie people daily threatned and vpon such occasion not vnlike to take slame conceiuing also that the confederacy trenched no deeper or that the only remedy was to seeme so to conceiue dissolued his companies except only his guarde but charged them vpon warning to be ready so it is most certaine that the troublesome times were a great aduantage to the Lords Had the people beene well setled in subiection or the Protector a man of spirit or witt they hâ—…d beene in danger to haue beene vndone but the protector instead of vsing his authority sent secretary Peter who vnder pretence of gravity couered much vntrustinesse of heart to the Lords at London with some secret instructions sent especially to perswade them that for a publique benefit all either priuate guardes or vnkindnesses might be laid aside But neither did hee returne to Windesore neither was any answere returned from the Lordes After this he wrote two letters one in his owne name to the Earle of Warwicke the other in the name of the Lords at Windesore to the Lords at London in both which he so weakly complained expostulated intreated yeelded vnder their hande as it was sufficient to haue breathed courage into any enimy once declared against him And indeed herevpon the Lords forthwith published a proclamation vnder the hands of 17 persons either for nobility or authority of office well regarded werein the causes of such calamities and losses as had lately before happened not only by inward diuisions which had cost the liues of many thousands of the Kings subiects and threatned more but also by the losse of diuers pieces beyond the seas which had beene wonn by great adventure of the late Kings person and consumption of his treasure they perceiued that the only roote from whence those mischiefes sâ—…rung was the evill gouernment of the Lord Protâ—…ctor whose pride couetousnes and ambition couered only his priuate ends and therefore he was deepely busied in his spatious and specious buildings in the hottest times of warre against France and Scotland whilest the poore souldiers and seruitors of the King were vnpaide and laboured to make himselfe strong in all countries whilest within the realme lawes iustice and good order preuerted prouisions for the forts beyond the seas neglected and the Kings subiects by most dangerous diuisions by his means either raised or occasioned much disquiet That hereupon the Lords of the counsaile for preuenting aswell present dangers to the Kings person as the vtter subuersion of the state of the realme concluded to haue talked to him quietly without disturbance to the King or to the people for reducing him to liue within reasonable limits and for putting order for safety of the kings person and preseruation of the commonwealth of the realme and so to haue passed ouer his most vnnaturall and traitâ—…rous deseruings without further extremities But he knowing that he was vnable to answere for any part of his demeanour began forthwith to spread false rumors that certaine Lords had conspired against the Kings person vnder pretence whereof hee leuied forces in a disordered vproare albeit the treason rested in him and some other his complices wherefore seeing he troubled the whole realme for accomplishing his traiterous ends and vsed the King in his tender age for an instrument against himselfe causing him to put his hand to many of his owne deuises and to speake things tending to the destruction of himselfe they desired and in the Kings name charged all subiects not to obey any precepts licenses or proclamations whereunto the Protectors hand should be set albeit he should abuse the Kings hand and seale vnto them but to quit themselues vpon such proclamation as should proceede from the body of the counsaile protesting therewith their faithfull hearts to the King and their loialty towards the people Instantly after the publishing of this proclamation the Lords directed their letters to Windesore ond addressed to the King another to the Protector the third to the houshold which was openly read The letter to the Protector was guilded ouer with many smooth words intimating faire promises and full of hope but the other two did fully and fowly set forth his obstinacie his auarice his ambition his rash engagements into warres in the Kings vnsetled both age and estate his negligences his deceits and all other insufficiences mentioned before Herewith S r Robert Wingfield captaine of the guarde was sent from the Lords to Windesore who so well persuaded the King both of the loyall affection of the Lordes towards him and of their moderate desires against the protector who then was in presence that partly thereby but chiefly in regard of the turbulent times the Protector was remoued from the Kings person a guard set vpon him vntill the next day when the Lords at London were appointed to be there So the next day diuers of the counsell rode from London to Windsore but the Earle of Warwick rode not with them for he was a perfect Master of his craft he had well learned to put others before him in dangerous actions and in matters of mischiefe to be seene to doe least when in very deed all moued from him He had well learned of the ape to take nuts out of the fire with the pawe of the cat These Lords comming before the King did againe runne ouer their complaints against the Protector and also vnder colour of loue and duty aduiseth the King to beware of such as were both powerfull ambitious mischieuous and rich Affirming that it would be better surety vnto him if this great authority should be committed to many who cannot so readily knit in will or in action as when the whole mannage resideth in one In the end the Duke of
Somerset for hereafter he must be no otherwise called was committed into their power and committed to custody in Beâ—…uchampe tower within the castle The next day he was brought to London as if he had bin a captaine caried in triumph He rode through Holborne betweene the Earles of Southhampton and of Huntington and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the number of 300 mounted on horsebacke At Holborne bridge certaine Aldermen attended on horsebacke and the cittisâ—…ns housholders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets through which he passed At Sopherlane he was receiued by the Maior Shâ—…riffes Recorder and diuers Knights of especiall note who with a great traine of officers and attendants bearing halbeards carryed him forthwith to the Tower all this was to beare in shew both that the Duke was a dangerous man and that the common both aide and applause concurred in his restraint Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton courte where all things being borne as done well because nothing was ill taken seauen of the Lords of the counsaile and 4 Knights were appointed by turnes to attend the Kings person The Lords were the Marquis of Northhampton the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell the Lordes Russell S t Iohn and Wentworth the knights were these S r Andrew Dudley S r Edward Rogers S r Thomas Darcy and S r Thomas Worth As for affaires of state the gouernment of them was referred to the whole body of the counsaile Soone after the King rode to his house in Southwarke then called Suffolke place there dined all-After dinner he rode in great estate through the citty to Westminster as if the people should be giuen to vnderstand that nothing was dâ—…minished either from the safety or glory of the King by imprisonment of the Duke And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower certaine Lords of the counsaile were sent vnto him who after a shorte preface in such termes as hate and dissimulation could temper together remembring how great the amity had beene betweene them and of what continuance Then acknowledging what offices seruices he had done for the commonwealth yet enterlacing some errors defects wherewith they seemed to reproach him Lastly they presented him certaine articles as from the residue of the priuy counsaile desiring his present answere whether hee would acknowledge them to be true or else stand vpon his iustification The articles obiected against him were these 1 That he tooke vpon him the office of Protector vpon expresse condition that he should doe nothing in the Kings affaires but by assent of the late Kings executors or the greatest part of them 2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder iustice subuert Lawes of his owne Authority aswell by letters as by other commande 3 That he caused diuers persons arrested and imprisoned for treason murther manslaughter and felloâ—…y to be discharged against the lawes and statutes of the realme 4 That he appointed Lâ—…euetenants for Armies and other officers for the weighty affaires of the king vnder his own writing and seale 5 That he communed with Embassadors of other realmes alone of the weighty matters of the realme 6 That he would taunt and reproue diuers of the kings most honourable counsailors for declaring their aduice in the Kings weighty affaires against his opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsaile and sometimes that he needed not to open weighty matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion he would discharge them 7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diuers to answere there for their freeholde goods and did determine of the same 8 That being no officer without the aduice of the counsaile or most part of them he did dispose offices of the Kings guift for money grant leases and wards and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gaue Bishoprickes and made sales of the Kings lands 9 That he commanded Alchimie and multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the Kings coine 10 That diuers times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth Whereupon the people rose to reforme matters of themselues 11 That against the minde of the whole counsaile he caused proclamation to be made concerning enclosures wherevpon the people made diuers insurrections and destroied many of the Kings subiects 12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annexed concerning enclosures commons highwaâ—…es cottages and such like matters giuing the commishioners authority to heare 〈◊〉 determine those causes whereby the lawes and statutes of the realme were subuerted and much rebellion raised 13 That he suffered rebells to assemble and lie armed in campe against the nobility and gentry of the realme without speedie repressing of them 14 That he did comfort and encourage diuers rebells by giuing them money and by promising them fees rewards and seruices 15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law and in fauour of the rebells that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion 16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebells and that the auarice of gentlemen gaue occasion for the people to rise and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want 17 That he said the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reforme enclosures and other things therefore the people had a good cause to reforme them themselues 18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them he would neuer amend the same 19 That he would not suffer the Kings pieces of Newhauen and Blacknesse to be furnished with men and prouision albeit he was 〈◊〉 of the defaults and aduised thereto by the Kings 〈◊〉 whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt vpon them 20 That he would neither giue authority nor suffer noble men and gentlemen to suppresse rebells in time conuenient but wrote to them to speake the rebells â—…aire and vse them gently 21 That vpon the fifth of October the present vâ—…ere 〈◊〉 Hampton courte for defence of his owne priuate causes hee procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands and secretly to be dispersed into diuerse parts of the realme beginning thus Good people intending thereby to raise the Kings subiects to rebellion and open warre 22 That the Kings priuy counsaile did consult at London to come to him and moue him to reforme his gouernment but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diuers places that they were high traitors to the King 23 That he declared vntruly aswell to the King as to other yong Lords attending his person that the Lords at London intended to destroy the King desired the King neuer to forget but to reuenge it and required the yong Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof
as they held the first summe to be vnreasonable so all the other they esteemed excessiue Then the English demanded what the French would giue first they offered 100000 crownes afterwards 200000 which they said was the most more theÌ„ euer had bin giuen with a daughter of France they followed a stiffe contention both by reasons precedents but the French in no case would rise any higher only they agreed that the French K. at his proper charge should send her to the K. of England 3 moneths before she should accomplish her age for marriage sufficiently appointed with Iewells apparell furniture for house that bands for the performances should then be deliuered at London by the K. of England and at Paris by the French King and that in case the Lady should not consent after she should be of the said age for marriage the penalty should be 150000 crownes the French set downe these offers in writing and sent them to the King of England Soone after Mounsier lâ—… Marshall and other commissioners were sent by the French King into England where they arriued at such time as the sweating sicknesse was most furious a new strange violent disease for if a man were attached therewith he dyed or escaped within 9 houres or 10 at the most if he tooke cold he dyed within 3 houres if he slept within 6 hours as he should be desirous to doe he dyed rauing albeit in other burning diseases that distemper is commonly appeased with sleepe It raged cheifly among men of strongest constitution and yeares of whom 120 perished in some one day within the liberties of London few aged men or children or women died thereof Two of Charles Brandons sonnes both Dukes of Suffolke one of the Kings Gentlemen and one of his groomes died of this disease For which cause the King remoued to Hampton court with very few followers The same day the Marshall and other French commissioners were brought by the Lord Clinton Lord Admirall of England from Grauesend to London They were saluted by the way with all the shot of more then 50 of the Kings great ships and with a faire peale of Artillery from the Tower and lastly were lodged in Suffolke pallace in Southwarke and albeit they had more then 400 gentlemen in their traine yet was not one of them nor any other stranger in England touched with the sweating disease and yet the English were chased therewith not only in England but in other countries abroad which made them like tirants both feared and auoided wheresoeuer they came The next day the French were remoued to Richmond whence euery day they resorted to Hampton court where the King remained the first day after they had performed the Ceremonies of court and deliuered to the King their letters of credence they were led to a chamber richly furnished for their repose the same day they dined with the King and after dinner being brought into an inner chamber the Marshall declared that they were come not only to deliuer vnto him the order of S t Michaell but therewith to manifest the entire loue which the King his Master beare him which he desired him to conceiue to be no lesse then a father can beare to his naturall sonne That albeit diuers persons either witlesse or malitious raise diuers vaine rumors to draw the King as it is thought from his 〈◊〉 friendship yet he trusted that the King would not listen vnto them That it much concerned the common quiet that good officers be placed vpon the Frontires for as good may doe good in moderating things amisse so euill will doe euill albeit no bad occasion be offered Lastly he desired in case any new controuersie should arrise it might be determined by commissioners on both sides and not by conflicts the parent of warre To this the King both suddenly and shortly answered that he much thanked the French King for his order as for the large expression of his loue which he would be ready in all points to requite Touching rumours they are not alwayes to be credited nor alwayes to be contemned it being no lesse vaine to feare all things than dangerous to doubt of nothing and in case at any time hee listned to them it was only to prouide against the worst and neuer to breake into hostilitie concerning officers he appointed such as hee esteemed good and yet preferred the ouerdoubtfull before the ouer-credulous and secure new controuersies he would alwaies be readie to determine by reason rather than by force so farre as his honour should not thereby be diminished The French after this returne to their lodging at Richmond and the next day resorted againe to the King inuested him with garments of the order and accompanied him to the Chappell the King going betweene the Marshall de Guise both which after the Communion kissing his cheek The residue of that day and a few dayes following were passed ouer with pastimes and feasts At the last the Lord Marquis of Northampton and the residue who had beene formerly sent with commission from the King into France were appointed to treat with the French Commissioners touching the great matters of their Embassage And because the French could be serued no higher than their offer of 200000. crownes it was accepted The one moitie to be paid vpon the day of marriage and the other six moneths after the Dote was agreed to be 10000. markes of English money and not to be paid in case the King should die before marriage This agreement was reduced into writing and deliuered vnder Scale on both sides at the same time an Embassador arriued out of Scotland to demand an exemplification of the articles of peace betweene England and France vnder the great Seale of England which without any difficultie they obtained The Marshall at his taking leaue declared to the 〈◊〉 how kindly his Master did conceiue of the Kings 〈◊〉 nesse to conclude this treaty and also commended his 〈◊〉 sters great inclination to the agreements thereof Then presented Mounsier Boâ—…s to be Embassador Legier for 〈◊〉 French and the Marquis presented M r. Pickering to Embassador for the King of England in France The 〈◊〉 of the Marshall was three thousand pound in gold 〈◊〉 a Diamond taken from the Kings finger esteemed 〈◊〉 an hundred and fifty pound Mounsier de Guy had 100â—… Mounsier Chenault 1000 l. M r. Mortuillier 500 l. the 〈◊〉 cretâ—…ry 500. l and the Bishop of Pâ—…riguer 500 l. The 〈◊〉 were exceeding sumptuous and at their returne they 〈◊〉 wafted ouer the seas by certaine of the Kings ships reason of the wars betweene the Emporour and the 〈◊〉 King The Lord Marquis reward was afterwards 〈◊〉 red at Paris worth 500 l. the Bishop of Ely 200 l. Sir 〈◊〉 Hobbies 150 l. and so were the rewards of the rest Now the King supposing his estate to be most safe 〈◊〉 indeed it was most vnsure In testimony both of his 〈◊〉 and of his loue aduanced many
would be a hindrance to the Mart if preuention were not vsed 7 That the pouerty and smalnesse of Southampton would be a great impediment 8 That the Riuer Rhene was more commodious for Antwerp then any riuer was for England 1 Herevnto answere was made that at the time when the Mart should beginne at Southampton the French King and the Almans would stop entercourse to Antwerp by land so as nothing should passe that way but in great danger Againe as South ampton wanteth the commodity of accesse of merchandise by land so it hath the commodity that there can be no accesse of enimies by land and if warres should be raised then the Nauie of England is sufficient to defend them And further that trafique that cometh to Antwerp by land is almost only from the Venetians who may with greater ease and lesse danger transport their merchandises into England by sea That the ill making of cloathes was fit to be redressed by the Parliament then sitting and the matter was then reduced to some ripenesse the vpper house hauing one bill and the neither house another in good forwardnesse Neither were they so ill made but that the Flemmings did easily desire them offering rather to Pay the imposition of the Emperor then to be without them That it were necessarie that the passage of ships should be staied vntill the Mart should aduance to some ripenesse and that cloathes should be bought with the Kinges money and conueied to Southampton to be there vttered at the Mart which should helpe the inconuenience very well That merchants neuer binde themselues to any mansion which either to atchieue gaine or to auoide danger they will not readily forsake for so they remoued from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English commodities And therefore seeing they shall haue a good commodity by coming to Southampton and be rid of great feare of danger both in their liues and goods in forsaking Antwerp there is little feare that they will be curious in making the change That the Emperor was then so neerely driuen that neither was he willing to attend the impeachment of the Mart neither could he at that time doe it for the Flemmings and the Spaniards vnder him could more hardly be without the English then the English without them and therefore would hardly be brought to forbeare that trafique and besides they liued then in feare of loosing all That it were good that for the present the Stilliard meâ—… were generally answered and triall made whether by any gentle offer of some part of their liberties they might be brought to ship and their wares vnto the mart The French also might easily be drawen ouer hauing one trafique at that time but with England That these two might suffice to beginne a Mart. That the merchants would make good shift for their lodging and it is not the ability of the place that maketh a mart but the resort of Merchants as Spaniards Almans Italians Flemmings Uenetians Danes in exchanging their commodities one with another With whom also would concurre the Merchants of London Bristowe and other places of England and some of the cloaths which should be carried thither at the first might be taken vp with the Kings money and there be vttered That Bruges where the Mart was before standeth not vpon the Rheene neither doth Antwerp where the Mart was then Frankeford doth and may well serue for a faire for high Almaine but Southampton serueth better for all countries vpon the sea for few of these resort to Frankeford Herewith diuerse reasons were alleaged for the Mart and namely that the vent of English cloathes would hereby be open in all times of watre that the English merchants goods would be out of danger of strangers and without feare of danger of arresting vpon euery light cause That it would much enrich the Realme because as a Market enricheth a towne so doth a Mart enrich a Kingdome That vpon occasion great summes of money might be borrowed of them who frequent the Mart. That the King might command a great number of strangers ships to serue in his warres That warre being made all goods should be in the Kings danger that the English should buy all things at the first hand of strangers Wheras then the strangers sold their wares to the Flemings the Flemings to the English That the townes towards the sea would hereby be made more populous rich beautifull and strong That the merchants insteed of Tapistrie points glasses and other laces would then bring in bullion and other substantiall merchandizes to haue the English cloath and tinne That by this means the English should abate the power of their enimies and not be enforced to borrow of Merchants but when they list and that in no great quantity or summe The time was then esteemed most conuenient because the warres betwixt the French and the Emperor caused the Italians Genowaies Portugals and Spaniards to forbeare their trade to Antwerp The Prussians also and other East countries hauing 14 ships against the Emperor would not be very forward to aduenture thither Againe the French inuading Lorraine and menacing Flanders and the Almaines lying on the riuer of Rheene did stop the course of merchants out of Italie as well to Frankeford as to Antwerp And further the putting of souldiers into Antwerp moued the Merchants to forbeare their trafique and to looke to their safety Also the breach which a late tempest had made was like to make the channell vncertaine and the hauen naught Lastly the stop of the exchange to Lyons would make many Flemmings bankrupts And because these nations cannot liue without a vent These things decaying the Mart of Antwerp Frankeford they would most willingly vpon erecting a 〈◊〉 Mart resort to England And here the towne of Southampton was esteemed most sit because the Spaniards Brittaines Gascoins Lombards Genowaies Normans Italians the Merchants of the Eastland the Prussians Danes Swedens Norwegians might indifferently resort thither more easie than to Antwerpe And wheras the Flemmings hauing few commodities haue allured Merchants by their priuiledges to settle a Mart among them much more easily should the English doe it hauing both opportunity meanes as cloath tinne seacoale lead bellmettall and such other commodities as few christian countries haue the like Lastly the meanes to establish this mart were contriued to be these First that the English merchants should forbeare their resort for a mart or two beyond the seas vnder pretence of the impositions there charged vpon them Then that proclamation should be made in diuerse parts of this Realme where Merchants chiefly resort that there shal be a free Mart kept at Southampton to beginne presently after whitsontide and to continue fiue weekes so as it should be noe hindrance to St Iames faire at Bristow nor to Bartholomew faire in London The priuiledges of which Mart should be expressed to be these That all men should haue free libertie for resort and returne without arresting except
effusion of Christian blood and for that the English had not done any vnmanlike outrage or spoile he was content they might returne and should haue his safe conduct for their peaceable passage Then the Trumpeter that the Lord Huntly his master sent message by him that aswell for breefe expedition as to spare expence of christian blood he would fight vpon the whole quarrell either with 20 against 20 or with 10 against 10 or more particularly by single combate betweene the Lord Generall and himselfe which in regard the Scots had advantage both for number and freshnesse of men in regard also that for supply both for provision and succors they were at home he esteemed an honourable and charitable offer To the Herald the Lord Generall answered that as his comming was not with purpose or desire to endammage their Realme as he was there he would neither intreat nor accept of him leaue to depart but would measure his marches in advancing or retiring as his owne iudgment guided by advice of his counsaile should deeme expedient To the Trumpeter he returned answere that the L. Huntley his master was a young gentleman full of free courage but more desirous of glory then iudicious as it seemed how to win it That for number of Combatants it was not in his power to conclude a bargaine but was to employ all the forces put vnder his charge to the best advantage that he could that in case this were a particular quarrell betweene the Governour and him he would not refuse a particular combat but being a difference betweene the 2 kingdomes it was neither fit nor in his power either to vndertake the adventure vpon his owne fortune or bearing a publike charge to hazard himselfe against a man of private condition Then the Earle of Warwicke said I marvaile Trumpeter that thy master would make his challenge so fond as he might well knowe it could not be accepted For tell mee Trumpeter can he thinke it fit that he to whose charge is committed the command of all this Army abroad and at home the Kings person and protection of all his Realmes should vndertake a combate with a particular man But he might haue found others his equals amongst vs by whom he might haue beene assured that he should be answered And therewith turning his speech to the L. Generall vnder your Graces favour I accept the challenge And bring me word Trumpeter that thy master will performe with mee as thou hast said and thou shalt haue 100 crownes for thy travaile Nay answered the L. Generall you haue a great charge in the Army which vpon a private mans challenge you must not abandon But Herault tell the L. Governor and the L. Huntley That we haue entred your country with a sober company for so the Scots terme a thing that is meane your army is both great and fresh but let them appeare vpon indifferent ground and assuredly they shall haue fighting enough And bring me word Herault that they will so doe and I will reward thee with 1000 crownes This Earle of Huntley was a man young bold adventerous of very good resolution and skill in Armes But this challenge was so farre beyond the point both of discretion and honor that the English that knew his noble spirit did beleeue that his name was therein abused which hee manifested to be true by disavowing it openly afterwards For it is not fit that a man should abandon his publike charge to vndertake both the office and danger of a private Souldier And therefore the like challenge of Tullus was refused by the commander of the Albanes For that the contention was not betweene their persons but between the Citties of Alba and Rome So Sertorius was refused by Metellus Antonius by Augustus and Iohn Emperor of Constantinople by a king of Scythia So Antonius Caracalla by reason of his often challenges was esteemed not to be so valiant as vaine And herevpon the histories of our times forbeare not to blame Charles the fift Emperour Henry the eight king of England and Francis the first king of France for that they often adventured rather as Souldiers then as Commanders But doubtlesse the L. Governour made a most honourable offer and the rather for that it was conceiued by the English that he held himselfe no lesse assured of victory then he was of his owne resolution to fight whereto it seemed that he wanted not good reason cheifly vpon confidence of his owne forces and partly vpon expectation of 12 Gallies and 50 ships well appointed out of France to assayle the English at their backs All the chiefe Captaines yeelded to the same advice of giving battaile as out of their owne iudgements because they saw it agreeable to that which the L Governour had determined To these the residue attributed so much that albeit diverse were of a different opinion yet they chose rather to condemne their owne vnderstanding then to question theirs During this enterparlance the Scots discharged 4 great shots against the English campe without harme as it happened but not without breach of the Laws of the field whereby not only publike messengers are priviledged to passe without either danger or scorne but vntill they haue discharged their message all hostility should surcease Howsoeuer this happened the Generall of the English army vnwilling to bee behind in any equall or honourable offer sent letters to the L. Governour of Scotland Wherein he desired him and theresidue of the Scottish nobility to consider That both armies consisted of Christians to whom nothing should be more deere then peace nothing more detestable then effusion of humane blood That the cause of this warre did not proceed from ambition avarice or hate but from desire of perpetuall peace betweene their people and nations which could no way so firmely be knit as by knitting their Princes together in marriage That many other respects set aside their King for his birth his yeares his royall estate his princely personage education and qualities was such a marriage for their Queene that a more convenient could not be found that in case all the Nobility of Scotland were not of one minde The English would bee content that their Queene should bee brought vp amongst them vntill she should be of age to make her owne choice Provided that in the meane time she should not bee transported to any forraigne country or any agreement made for any other marriage That vpon this condition there should be an abstinence of hostility for all that time and they would in quiet manner withdraw their army and repaire all dammages which indifferent Commissioners should adiudge No answere was hereto returned but rumors ran freshly among the Scottish souldiers that the intention of the English was to take away their Queene by force and vnder pretence of marriage to reduce the kingdome vnder their dominion and verily it may seeme almost incredible that all these faire ouertures made by men well esteemed for honest dealing
and intentions of the Scots wholly vpon them The Lord Wharton and the Earle of Leuenoxe entred Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men and hauing marched two miles they wonne the church of Anan a strong place and alwaies much annoying the English there they tooke 62 prisoners fired most part of the spoyle and ouerthrew the fort with powder passing 16 miles further they tooke the castle of Milke which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein and after much spoile and wast of the country returned safely into England These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earle Bothwell and diuerse cheife gentlemen of 〈◊〉 and Meers supposing to finde more easy conditions by yeelding then by striuing submitted themselues to the King of England and were receiued by the Lord Generall into protection But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improuements of these fortunate euents and that especially by two miserable errors â—…unctation in prosecuting and haste in departure But doubtlesse the vnion of these two realmes was a worke most proper to Gods omnipotent arme which afterwards effected the same as by milder meanes so in a more durable manner then they could haue bin vnited by Armes This high appointment of God we must reuerence and admire but not omit to obserue the errors committed First therefore after the retreit the English lodged the same night in the place where the battaile had bin fought Where and in the villages not farre distant they soiourned fiue daies without doing any thing in the meane time the English searched the riuers and hauens whether the Scottish ships were retyred in such sort as they left few ships of war vnspoiled or vntaken the army also gathered the spoile of the field whereof 30000 iacks and swords 30 peices of great artillery were shipped for England The English hauing thus long breathed and thereby giuen breathing to their enimies fired Lieth tooke S t Colmes Broughticragge Rockesborough Humes castle Aymouth Fial castle Dunglasse Kilnecombe and diuers other small pieces whereof parte they ruined parte they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able souldiers accustomed with often and prosperous successe Herewith as if they had beene weary of their faire fortunes they suddainly brake off the enterprise and returned another way into England hauing staid not aboue 25 daies in Scotland and lost vnder 60 men The pretence of their departure was worse then the departure it selfe namely for that the yeare and their prouisions were far spent and the country afforded little forrage Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in hast so violent and storm-like fortunes how terrible so euer are seldome durable Now the Lord Gouernor of Scotland being of great courage and sober iudgement as a man might well read in his face as he had amply performed his duty both before the battaile and in the field so especially after the fight he declared himselfe to be of a stout and vnbroken spirir For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army albeit not in sufficient manner to giue a fresh battaile by reason that much of their armor was lost yet able to keepe the English from ranging at largâ—… Then hee presented the English with diuers offers of â—…reaty touching matters in difference vntill the country was dischargâ—…d of them lastâ—…y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by euents and that in matters of armes albeit the praise of prosperous successe is shared amongst many yet the blame of misadventures is charged vpon one And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his owne people and contempt of others hauing first assured the young Queene in place of good defence he assembled the Scottis nobility and vsed words to this effect I assure my selfe that many of you my Lords and more of the vulger are much displeased with me for that I haue advised this warre whereof so sad euents haue followed for this cause I haue assembled you together to reduce you to a better opinion or to blame you deepely either if you remaine offended or if you cast downe your courage throw feare the betrayer of all succors which reason can afforde for tell me if you are discontented with me for aduising this warre doe you not condemne your selues for following the aduice It is certaine that at the first you were all of my opinion and that I did nothing without your approuement If now vpon one misadventure you change your iudgements and charge the fault only vpon me you doe me wrong and discouer your owne weaknesse in being vnable to endure those things which you knew were casuall and which you were resolued to endure But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertaine this warre will induce you also to prosecute the same howsoeuer sodaine and vnexpected euents dismay your iudgments for the present Touching my selfe I was alwaies of opinion and shall never change that it is better the kingdome should be in good estate with particular losse to many of the people then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdome altogether lost or dishonourably impaired euen as it is better that a ship should be preserued with some discommodity to the sailers then that the sailers being in health the ship should perish or as it is lesse dangerous when diuerse parts of a tower are decaied and the foundation firme then when the foundation is ruinous albeit the parts remaine entire For the common estate is but weakned by calamities of particular persons but the ruine of the state inâ—…olueth all in a generall destruction And therefore they are to be blamed alike both who moue and who decline warre vpon particular respects the comeither honour or necessity must bee the true measure of both But the cause of this warre is no other then that wee will not incontinently submit our selues to doe what our neighbours require That is because at the first word wee are not forward to thrust our necks vnder the girdles of our enimies yea our old enimies yea our only enimies of any accompt for many years who in their gluttenous hope haue devoured our kingdome who by the bloody execution of their late victories haue shewen what curtesie wee may expect at their hands In doeing whereof wee shall abandon our ancient and approved friends who as they neuer failed vs in our extremities so are they now prepared with large aides to relieue vs who will not feare or pause at the least before he leap vpon this sodaine changeâ—… who will forsake long tryed friends to rely vpon those who alwaies haue beene ready by Armes to infest vs. Not at all times vpon desire either of revenge or spoile but to bring vs vnder their ambitious dominion which of vs had not rather dye this day then see our enimies in our strongest castles and yoakes of garrisons cast vpon our necks Who
will not preferre a death for libertie before a life without it Their promises are faire and large indeed I must say but of what assurance What assurance can we haue but that when we haue lifâ—…ed them into the chaire of state wee shall not be compelled to be their footemen If our prince were a man and should marry an inheretrix of England wee should happily haue no cause to feare but that he would maintaine the liberty of his natiue country but being a woman and desired in marriage of a King of England vnder whose power and custody she must abide how shall we be able against his minde either to benefit or preserue vs verily as men hate those that affect that honour by ambition which perteineth not to them so are they much more odious who either through negligence or through feare will betray the glory and liberty which they haue Now my Lordes if any surmise either that this warre will be long or that we shall haue the worst in the end his error is great for removing whereof I must tell you that which many of you seeme either little to remember or never to haue knowen doe you suppose the state of this realme of the valâ—…ur whereof the enimy hath often found wofull proofe to be now so feeble that it cannot beare off a greater blow then this It hath often done it and is able of it selfe to doe it againe if our endeavours be answerable to our meanes Our Ancestors haue sustained many greater dangers and yet retaining their libertie haue left both it and their honour entire to vs what are wee of lâ—…sse heart then they For of lesse ability we are not shall we shew our selues vnworthy of our succession from them Assuredly it is more shame for a man to loose that which he holdeth then to faile in getting that which he never had But suppose our forces to be neerer driven then they are our ancient allies the French are vpon the seas and neere approaching for our reliefe also our friends in Italie and other partes haue sent vs money to supply our wants wherfore Lords it is meete that we resume our ancient courage and addresse our selues for new preparation not only vpon those hopes both from our selues and our friends but in contempt of our enimies For often it hapneth that a prosperity vnexpected maketh men carelesse and remisse if they be not very wise whereas they who haue receiued that wound become more vigilant collected especially when they see not only the common honour and liberty but their particular both seignories and safeties to be at the stake And albeit the enimy hath done that which it was to be belieued they would endeavour to doe in case we would not yeeld vnto them yet as those things must be endured vpon necessity which happen by the hand of God So those which come from enimies must be borne by vertue And since it is a custome of our country so to doe sith our people are famous for being nothing abashed at crosse events take wee heed this vertue faile not in vs. If it doth If we shew our selues heartlesse and faint wee shall vtterly overthrow not only the glory but the memory both of our ancestors and of our state As for those who haue yeelded to our enimies let vs esteeme them as fugitiues and traitors who endeavour to cast themselues and their country into subiection but let vs stand assured that they who least shrinke at the stormes of fortune whether in publique or private affaires are alwaies most vertuous and victorious in the end On the other side K Edward added to his glory curtesie liberality shewing himselfe most gratious in couâ—…tenance to all giuing rewards sutable to every mans performance or place The L Protector he rewarded with lands of the yeerely value of 500 l and certaine it is that these first fortunes raised vnto him a great respect both in other countries and among his owne people and the rather because he was discerned to be much searching both into the Counsailes and after the events of all his affaires and likewise into the condition and state both of his owne strength and of the countries neere vnto him But these prosperous proceedings were not only hindred in their fairest course but altogether stayd and in some measure turned backe by reason of the vnadvised forwardnesse of divers chiefe counsailors in making both sodaine and vnseasonable alterations in matters of state whose greedy desires of having their wills in all they liked bred both trouble to the realme and to themselues danger for great sodaine changes are never wiâ—…hout danger vnles the Prince be both well setled in government and able to beare out his actions by power but whilest K. Edward was both vnripe in yeers and new in government to attempt a change both sodaine and great could not be accompanied with many mischiefs The great matters wherein alteration was wrought were especially two religion and enclosures Now for that Religion is of so high and noble a nature of so absolute necessity in a common wealth that it is esteemed the foundation of Lawes and the common band of humane society no sodeyne alteration can almost be made therein but many will be induced thereby to attempt some alteration in rule whence saith Dio conspiracies seditions are often occasioned For Religion being seated in the high throne of conscience is a most powerfull ruler of the soule and farre preferred before estimation of life or any other worldly respect for this advanceth man to the highest happinesse It leadeth him to his last end all other things are but instruments this is the hand all other things are but accessaries this is the principall And therefore as all men are naturally moued by religion so when they are violently thrusted forward by those who as Liuie speaketh make it their purpose to possesse soules by superstition then doe they breake all bands of reason and of rule no persuasion of the one no command of the other can then restrame them Multitudo vbi religione capta est melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret Curt. lib. 4 0. I will not deny but that some change in religion is often expedient and sometimes necessary because more in that then in any other thing it is hard to containe men from running into one of these extreames either of vaine superstition or of carelesse contempt but this must be done with a lost and tender hand as Cicero speaketh vt quum minimo sonitu orbis in republica convertatur Some respect should also haue been given to those greene times to the monstrous multitude muffled with 2 great plagues corruptions of iudgement custome and ignorance whereto may be added griefe at their owne wants and envy at the prosperity of others especially for that many bold spirits were busied not only to incense but to lead them into much variety of mischiefe And if it be said
that K. Henry the 8 th had quietly passed the like change before I answere the example was not then to be followed the kings were not equall either in spirit or in power Euen as it is in the â—…able that albeit an Eagle did beare away a lamb in her talents with full flight yet a raven endeavouring to doe the like was hold entangled and fettered in the flecce Touching enclosures I am not ignorant what a profitable purchase is made thereby not only to particular persons but generally to the whole Commonwealth in case it bee without depopulation because a companie of lands inclosed are therby improved in worth 2 or 3 d parts at the least hereby two great commodities ensue riches and multitude of people because the more ritches are raised out of lands the more people are thereby maintained This doth plainely appeare by two shires almost equall both in greatnesse and in goodnesse of soyle Northampton much champion and Somerset altogether enclosed for if estimation may be made by musters and by subsidies tenths and fifâ—…eens enclosure hath made the one county more then double to exceed the other both in people and in wealth Notwithstanding the Lord Protector gaping after the fruitlesse breath of the multitude more desirous to please the most then the best causing a proclamation to be set forth against enclosures commanding that they who had inclosed any lands accustomed to lie open should vpon a certaine paine before a day assigned lay them open againe This Proclamation whilst fewe were forward to obey gaue occasion to the mutinous multitude instable in iudgement and intempestuous when they are stirred all carried with a headlong rashnesse and one following another as wiser then himselfe immoderatly both in desire hope to be easily drawn by others who had dâ—…per reaches then themselues to matters which at the first they least intâ—…nded And againe soone after the beginning of the young kings raigne certaine iniuncâ—…ions were set forth for remouing images out of Churches which had beene highly not onely esteemed but honoured before and for abolishing or altering some other ancient observations in the Church Herevpon commissioners were dispatched into all parts of the realme to see those iniunctions to be executed with those divers preachers were sent furnished with instructions to perswade the people from praying to Saints as for the dead for adoring Images from vse of beades ashes and processions from masse dirges praying in vnknown languages from some other like things wherevnto long custome had wrought a religious observation and for defect of preachers 〈◊〉 were appointed to be publikely read in Churches ayming to the very same end Some other offring to maintaine these ceremonies were either punished or forced to 〈◊〉 Edmund Bonner Bishop of London was committed prisoner to the Fleet for refusing to receiue these iniunctions Stephan Gardiner was likewise committed first to the Fleet afterwards to the Tower for that he had openly preached that it were well these changes in religion should be stayed vntill the King were of yeares to governe by himselfe This the people apprehending worse then it was either spoken or meant a question began to bee raised among them whether during the Kings minoritie such alterations might lawfully be made or no for the like causes Tonstall Bp of Duresme and Heath Bp of Rochester were in like committed to prison all these being then and still continuing famous for learning and iudgement were dispossessed of their Bishoppricks but no man was touched in life Herevpon a Parliament was held in the first yeare of the King and by prorogation in the second wherein diverse Colleges Chaâ—…tries free Chappell 's Fraternities Guildes c. with all their lands and goods were put into the actuall possession of the King part of the goods and lands being sold at a low value enriched many and enabled some and thereby made them firme in maintaining the change also that no mâ—… should speake against receiuing the Eucharist vnder both kindes which had beene restrained in times before and that Bishops should be placed by collation of the King vnder his Letters Patents without any precedent election or confirmation ensuing and that all processes ecclesiasticall should be made in the Kings name is in writs at the common Law and that all persons exercising Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction should haue the Kings armes in their seales of office and further the Statute of the 6 Articles and other statutes concerning punishment of Lollâ—…rds were repealed and so was another statute restreining the vse of Scriptures in the English tongue and the Kings supremacy ouer the Church of England was confirmed Herewith a booke was set forth for publike prayers by proclamation and for administration of the Sacraments other rights and offices of the Church and diuerse punishments were appointed by proclamation either for not vsing the formes prescribed in that booke or for depraving any thing therein contained I forbeare to rehearse other acts of this Parliament albeit a noble writer in our time esteemes it to be a mayme in historie that the acts of Parliament should not bee recited which I conceiue so farre to bee true as they occasion tumults or division or some remarkable alteration in state otherwise as I finde them not regarded by most imitable writers so I account the relation of them both fruitlesse improper for a true caryed history Now in this meane time the commissioners before mentioned were earnest in executing their authority And either pulled downe or defaced all images in Churches and that in such vnseasonable vnseasoned fashion as if it had beene done in hostility against them hereat many did expresse a sense of distast some for religious respects others in regard of the excellent artifice of some of their pieces affirming that albeit religious reverence migh happily haue beene either taken away or moderated yet the civill regard which all men doe not only afford but affect in maintaining the memory of those whom they honour or loue night be endured without offence Certainly albeit the religion of the Romans endured 170 yeeres according to a law of Numa Pompilius without any images albeit the Persians had neither images nor temples nor altars being of opinion that God could bee represented by no device that he had no temple but the world no Altar but the heart of man albeit Eusâ—…bius writeth that the people of Asia called Seres by expresse law forbad adoration of images albeit that images were forbidden of Lyâ—…urgus as drawing men from the true worship of that which cannot be seene Albeit the ancient Germans from the Brittaines and the Gaules had neither Images nor Temples albeit the Iewes and in imitation of them the Saracens and Turkes abhorre nothing more then Images either in their temples or in their houses because the lawe of God forbiddeth not onely to adore but to make any image Albeit the Christians continued a long time without Images in their Churches yet were they
it could not be done by his ordinary power without a parliament yet he would so farre extend his authority roiall and absolute as to giue charge to his commissioners to trauaile with all persons within their counties to reduce lands to their former rents where at they were farmed 40 yeares before and that rents should be paid at Michelmas then next ensuing according to that rate that such as would not presently yeeld to his commissioners for that redresse should at the parliament which he would forthwith summon be overruled Concerning their complaint for price of wolles hee would forthwith giue order that his commissioners should cause clothiers take wolles paying only two partes of the price wherat they were commonly sold the yeare next before and for the other third part the owner and the buyer should stand to such order as the parliament should appoint At which time also he would giue order that landed men to a certaine proportion should be neither clothiers nor farmers and farther that one man should not vse divers occupations nor haue plurality of benefices nor of farmes generally that he would thē giue order for all the residue of their requests in such sort as they should haue good cause not only to remaine quiet but to pray for him and to adventure their liues in his service This parliament he promised should beginne in the beginning of October then next ensuing against which time they should appoint 4 or 6 of their countey to present bills of their desires and in the meane season apply themselues to their harvest and other peaceable businesse at home and not to driue him to necessity whereof he would be sorry by sharper meanes to maintaine both his owne dignity and the common quiet These letters carrying the Kings name in the front and the protectors with the kings signature at the foote were sent by a heralde to Monsholde a place guarded with great but confused and disordered strength of the seditious herewith also the King sent his generall pardon in case they would quietly desist and dissolue But the seditious were so farre from accepting these of any other offers of accord that herevpon they discharged the first shot against the citty and because their Artillery being planted on a hill could little or nothing endammage the walls they remoued their batterie to a lower ground but because their citty was weake and the cittizens but weakely disposed against them with no danger and little travaile they made themselues masters thereof Here they imprisoned the Maior and many other of the chiefe cittizens and ordered all things at their pleasure but maintained the chiefe seat at Mansholde where it was before The Maior of Norwitch and some other gentlemen of credite they constrained to be present at all their counsells with intention to countenance their actions with some authority but in no sort to be guided by them All this time the Kings forces advanced but slowly being imploied in appeasing the like disorders more neere the heart of the kingdome So that it is most certaine that had these seditious beene so mischievously bent as in number they were great they might haue proued more dangerous then they were but they aimed not at ambitious ends their rude earthly spirits were neuer seasoned with any manly adventurous thought and therefore they were content with a licentious idle life wherein they might fill their bellies by spoile rather then by labour to this side their companies ranged in all parts thereabouts and tooke away for their vse much houshold-stuffe and goods but especially they brought to their stations many droues of cattle for besides deere out of parkes besides beeues besides fowles of all kinds within a few daies were brought out of the country 2000 muttons such numbers of sheepe were daily brought in that a fat weather was sold for 4 d. This was interpreted for a present plentie but it made such scarcitie afterwards as could not in many yeares be repaired S r Edmond Kneuet Knight with such company as he could assemble charged vpon one of their watches by night but he was so farre inferior vnto them that it was esteemed a great fortune that he departed from them with his life But soone after the Lord William Parre Marquis of Northampton was sent against them with 1500 horsemen and a small band of Italians vnder a Captaine named Malatesta he was accompanied with the Lord sheffield the L. Wentworth with divers knights and gentlemen of principall estimation when he approached within a mile of the citty the magistrates and chiefe cittizens vpon summons resorted to his standard yeelded vnto him the citty sword and professed their owne loialty and excused others of inferior force who neither by ignorance fauoured the seditious or through feare durst not declare against them with these the Lord Marquis entred the citty at Saint Stephens gate the citty sword being borne before him and therewith caused the chiefe cittizens to assemble in the market place both to giue aduice and to take direction how the citty might best be defended In the meane time the strangers who came with him whether by appointment or by adventure issued forth of the citty to view both the numbers and orders of the seditious They againe first put forth their Archers then their horsemen lastly a company ran furiously forth without either direction of others or iudgement in themselues intending to haue enclosed the Italians but here might haue beene a great difference betweene men practised to fight and men accustomed only to spoile For the Italians in so well advised order receiued the seditious coming rashly vpon them without either feare or skill that divers of the tumultuous numbers were slaine at the last the Italians perceiuing themselues almost invironed cast themselues into a ring and retired backe into the citty But they left one gentleman of their company behinde who being overthrowne from his horse fell into the hands of the seditious who like sauages spoiled him of his armour and of his apparell and hanged him ouer the walls of Mount Surrey This caused the seditious to remaine the first part of the night within their station which by reason of the nastines of the beastly multitude might more fitly be termed a kennell then a campe Within the citty diligent watch was kept which was often visited and relieued The souldiers remained in their armor all night and kept so great a fire in the market place that all parts of the citty were lighted therewith The seditious about midnight began to shoote off their great artillerie very liuely and thicke hereupon the Lord Marquis directed part of his forces to rampart the gates and ruinous places of the walls which the seditious espying with a hideous roaring and rage they powred themselues vpon the citty some endeavoured to fire the gates some to mount ouer the walls and some to passe the riuer the fight continued three houres and it is almost incredible with what rude
might both discourage his peope and bring diâ—…reputation to himselfe forbad any report to be made not only of the euent but of the iourney After this the French King leuied an army by lande wherewith marching towards Bulloine he tooke Blackenesse and Newhauen two fortes of the English neere vnto Bulloine This he did effect chiefly by the treason of one Sturton a bastard sonne of Lord Sturtons and by reuolt of diuers Almaines who serued in the garrisons who being meerely mercenarie did easily encline to the strongest From whence the French King marched towardes Bullaine vpon whose approach S t Nicholas Arnault captaine of Bullingberge holding the place not of strength to be held withdrew all the ordinance matters of worth into high Boullaine and with gunpowder blew vp the Forte So the French Kinge brought his armie before Boulline but because the plague raged amongst his souldiers the weather was vnseasonable by reason of much fall of raine he departed from his army and left Chastilion gouernor in his steed Chastilion bent his siege against the Pierre which was erected in Boulline haven and after batterie of 20000 shot or more the breach was thought reasonable and therevpon the assault was giuen But the same was so well encountred by the valour of the defendants helped with advantage of place that the obstinacy of the assailaÌ„ts did nothing but increase their losse so as the first fury being broken and spent The French resolued to attempt the peice no more by assault notwithstanding they continued the seige presented diuers skermishes false attempts but they spent both their labour shot without putting the defendants in any feare Then they planted their artillery against the mouth of the hauen to impeach supply of victualls to the towne Yet the English victualers surceased not at the Kings adventure to bring all things necessary vntill the end the souldiers of the towne set vpon the French suddainly by night slue many of them and dismounted their pieces Then the French applied their batterie againe wherein they sometimes spent 1500 shot in one day But finding this to be a fruitlesse fury they afterwards vsed it more sparingly and rather vpon a shew of hostility then vpon any hope thereby to prevaile In the meane season they charged a galley with grauel and stones and prepared to sinke it in the middest of the hauen But the English tooke the galley before it sunke and drew it to the shoare and vsed the stones to reenforce the Pierre After this they made faggots of light matter mixed with pitch tarre tallow rosin powder and wildfire with intention to fire the ships in the hauen but that enterprise was defeated by the Bullenois and their fagots taken from the French During these enterfeits diverse skirmishes passed betweene the English and the French about the frontires of Calleis which as they were but light so most of them ended with disadvantage to the French And now if all these troubles had not beene sufficient to trauaile the realme of England at once a great diuision fell among the nobility so much the more dangerous by how much the spirits were more actiue and high And albeit the heat thereof was much appeased for a timâ—… by the great iudgement and moderation of the King yeâ—… did it breake forth in the end to tragicall euents not vpon particular persons only but did much ouerslow and 〈◊〉 ouerwhelme the whole realme with disquiet and here of the most apparent originall was this The King had two vnkles brothers to Queene Iaue his deceased mother Edward D. of Somerset Lord Protector Thomas Lord Seymer Baron of Sudley high Admirall of England as the Duke was elder in yeares so was hee more staied in behauiour The Lord Sudley was fierce in courage courtly in fashion in personage stately in voice magnificent but somewhat empty of matter both were so faithfully affected to the King that the one might well bee termed his sword the other his target The Duke was greatest in fauour with the people the Lord Sudley most respected by the nobility both highly esteemed by the King both fortunate alike in their advancements both ruined alike by their owne vanity and folly whilest these two brothers held in amity they were like two armes the one defending the other and both of them the King but many things did moue together to dissolue their loue and bring them to ruine First their contrary disposition the one being tractable and milde the other stiffe and impatient of a superior whereby they liued but in cunning concord as brothers glued together but not vnited in graine then much secret enuy was borne against them for that their new lustre did dimme the light of men honoured with ancient nobility Lastly they where openly minded as hasty and soone moued so vncircumspect and easy to be minded By these the knot not only of loue but of nature between them was dissolued so much the more pitty for that the first cause proceeded from the pride the haughty hate the vnquiet vanity of a mannish or rather of a diuelish woman For the Lord Sudley had taken to wife Katharine Parre Queene Dowager last wife to King Henry the 8 th A woman beautified with many excellent vertues especially with humility the beauty of all other vertues The Duke had taken to wife Anne Stanhope a woman for many imperfections intollerable but for pride monstrous she was exceeding both subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends for which she spurned ouer all respects both of conscience and of shame This woman did beare such invincible hate first against the Q. Dowager for light causes and womans quarrells especially for that she had precedency of place before her being wife to the greatest Peere in the land then to the Lord Sudley for her sake That albeit the Q. Dowager dyed by childbirth yet would not her malice either dye or decrease But continually she rubbed into the Dukes dull capacity that the Lord Sudley dissenting from him in opinion of religion sought nothing more then to take away his life as well in regard of the common cause of Religion as thereby happely to attaine his place Many other things she boldly fained being assured of easie beliefe in her heedlesse hearer alwaies fearfull and suspitious as of feeble spirit but then more then euer by reason of some late opposition against him Her perswasions she cunningly intermixed with teares affirming that she would depart from him as willing rather to heare both of his disgraces and dangers then either to see the one or participate of the other The Duke embracing this womans counsaile a womans counsaile indeede and nothing the better yeelded himselfe both to aduise and deuise for destruction of his brother The Earle of Warwicke had his finger in the businesse and drew others also to giue either furtherance or way to her violent desires Being well content she should haue her minde so as the Duke might thereby incurre infamy
and hate Herevpon the Lord Sudley was arrested and sent to the tower and in very short time after condemned by act of parliament And within few daies after his condemnation a warrant was sent vnder the hande of his brother the Duke whereby his head was deliuered to the Axe His owne fierce courage hastened his death because equally ballanced betweene doubt and disdaine he was desirous rather to dye at once then to linger long vpon curtesie and in feare The accusations against him contained much friuolous matter or terme them pittifull if you please The act of parliament expresseth these causes of his attaindor For attempting to get into his custody the person of the King and gouernment of the realme For making much prouision of mony and of victualls for endeauouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister for persuadinge the Kinge in his tender age to take vpō him the Rule order of himselfe The proofes might easily be made because he was neuer called to his answeare But aswell the protestations at the point of his death as the open course carriage of his life cleered him in opinion of many So doubtfull are all weighty matters whilest some take all they heare for certaine others making question of any truths posterity enlarging both D r Latymer pretending all the grauity and sincerity of a professed diuine yet content to be seruiceable to great mens ends declared in a sermon before the King that whilest the Lord Sudley was a prisoner in the Tower he wrote to the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sisters that they should reuenge his death which indeed the Lady Mary afterwards more truely did by ◅ting the Earle of Warwicke then either shee was or at that time could in particular be required Many other imputations he cast forth besides most doubted many knowne to be vntrue and so whereas Papinian a ciuill lawyer but a heathen chose rather to dye then to defend the murth◅r which the Emperor Caracalla had done vpon his brother Geta some theologians haue beene imploi◅d to defile places erected only for religion and truth by defending oppressions and factions deste◅ning their professions and the good artes which they had learned by publishing odious vntruths vpon report and credite of others O wiues The most sweete poison the most desired evill in the world Certainly as it is true as Syracides saith that there is no malice to the malice of a woman so no mischiefe wanteth where a malitious woman beareth sway a woman was first giuen to man for a comforter but not for a counsailor much lesse a controler and directer and therefore in the first sentence against man this cause is expressed because thou obeyedst the voice of thy wife And doubtlesse the protector by being thus ruled to the death of his brother seemed with his left hand to haue cut off his right For herevpon many of the nobility cryed out vpon him that hee was a bloodsucker a murtherer a parricide a villaine and that it was not sit the K. should be vnder the protection of such a rauenons wolfe Soone after it was giuen forth and belieued by many that the King was dead wherevpon he passed in great estate through the cittie of London to manifest that he was both aliue and in good health whether this speech were spread either by aduenture or by arte it is vncertaine certain it is it did something shake the strength of the Kings affection towards the Protector B◅sides many well d◅sposed mindes conceiued a hard opinion of him for that a church by strand-bridge and two Bishops houses were pulled downe to make a seat for his new building in digging the foundation whereof the ◅ones of many who had beene there buried were cast vp and carried into the fields and because the stones of those houses the church did nothing suffice for his work the sle◅ple and most part of the church of Saint Iohn of Ierusal◅m neere Smithfield most beautifully erected and adorned not long before by Docray Priour of that church was mined and ouerthrowne with powder and the stones applied to this spatious building And because the worke could not be ther with finished the cloister of Paules on the north side of the church in a place called Pardonne churchyearde and the dance of death very curiously wrought about the cloister and a chappell that stood in the midst of the church-yeard also the charnell house that stood vpon the south side of Paules now a carpenters yeard with the chappell tombes and monuments therein were beaten downe the bones of the dead carried into Finsbury fields and the stones conuerted to his building It is constantly affirmed that for the same purpose hee intended to pull downe the church of S Margaret in Westminster and that the standing thereof was preserued only by his fall assuredly as these actions were in an high degree impious so did they draw with them both open dislike from men and much secret reuenge from God And now hath the Lord Protector played the first act of the tragedie of his life namely his high and prosperous estate he is now stopping into the second act wherein he beginneth mainly to decline For the Earle of Warwicke espying opportunity shewing him selfe and knowing that in troublesome times the obedience of great persons is most easily shaken drew about 18 of the priuy counsaile to knit with him against the Lord Protector These he did so winde vp to his purpose that they withdrew from the courte fell to secret consultations and walked in the citty with many seruants weaponed and in new liueries the causes thereof many coniectured but few knew They were all desirous that the Protectors greatnesse should be taken lower but none conceiued that the Earles malice did extend vnto death But the Lord Protector as humble then as he had beene haughty before sent secretary Peeter to them in the Kings name to vnderstand the causes of their assembly and to declare vnto them that he would thanke them for hating him in case they did it in loue to the King intreating them for the Kings sake if not for his safetie yet for his quiet that they would forbeare open shew of hostility and resort vnto him peaceably that they might commune together as friends In the meane time he armed 500 men parte of the kings parte his owne the court gates were rampard and people raised both by letters and proclamation to aide the King and the more to encrease the present terror he remoued the king by mightfrō Hampton courte to Windosor with a company more resembling an army then a traine On the other side the Lords at London first taking possession of the tower sent for the Maior and Aldermen of the citty to the Earle of Warwicks lodging at Ely house in Holborne here they presented themselues secretly armed and the Lord Rich then Lord Chancellor of England a man of quicke and liuely deliuery of speech but
being present affirmed to be true well said they what our King told Guidolti we know not but to vs hee hath giuen no other commission then you haue heard which in no case wee must exceede As for the pension whereof you speake thinke you that a King of France will be tributary to any No No assure you he will not and touching the debt because the K. of England gaue occasion to the warres wasted the French Kings countrey thereby caused him to expend such summes of mony as exceeded the debt he tooke himselfe to be acquitted thereof Hereto the English answered that the French King might take matters as he pleased but in honour iustice and conscience no debt was more due and the warres being made for deniall thereof he could not be for that cause acquitted That the pension was also granted vpon diuers causes both weighty and iust and amongst other by reason of the King of Englands vncontrouleable title to Normandie Gascoine and other parts of France Here they were interrupted by M r Rotchpot who brake forth into warme words and was againe as warmely answered but the French would nothing moue from their owne ouertures which they stood vpon by way of conclusions At the last the English said that they might doe well to report these differences to their Masters on both sides that their pleasures might therein be knowne Hereto the French answered that they knew their Kings pleasures so well that if they should send to him againe he would and might thinke them of small discretion and herewith they offered to breake The English told them that if they would breake they might but they intended to conclude nothing vntill they had further instructions from England which they would procure as soone as they could To this the French did easily incline These matters aduertised into England much troubled the counsaile and the rather for that the Earle of Warwicke was at that time retired pretending much infirmity in his health Hereupon many sinister surmises began to spring vp among some of the counsaile partly probable parte happely deuised for as they knew not whether hee were more dangerous present or away so as the nature of all feare is they suspected that which happened to be the worst From hence diuerse of the counsaile began in this manner to murmure against him What said they is he neuer sicke but when affaires of greatest weight are in debating Or wherefore else doth hee withdraw himselfe from the company of those who are not well assured of his loue Wherefore doth he not now come forth and openly ouerrule as in other matters hee is accustomed Would he haue vs imagine by his absence that he acteth nothing Or knowing that all moueth from him shall wee not thinke that he seeketh to enioy his owne ends which bearing blame for any euent Goe to then let him come forth and declare himselfe for it is better that should finde fault with all things whilest they are doing then condemne all things when they are done with those and the like speeches he came to counsaile more ordinary then before and at last partly by his reasons and partly by his authority peace with France was esteemed so necessarie that new instructions were sent to the English Embassadors according whereto peace was concluded vpon these articles 1 That all titles and climes on the one side and defences on the other should remaine to either party as they were before 2 That the fautle of one man except he were vnpunished should not breake the peace 3 That prisoners should be deliuered on both sides 4 That Bouline and other pieces of the new conquest with all the ordinance except such as had beene brought in the English should be deliuered to the French within 6 moneths after the peace proclaimed 5 That ships of merchandise might safely passe and ships of warre be called in 6 That the French should pay for the same 200000 crownes of the summe euery crowne valued at six shillings 8d within three daies after the deliuery of the towne 200000 like crownes more vpon the fifth day of August then next ensuing 7 That the English should make no new warres vpon Scotland vnlesse new occasions should be giuen 8 That if the Scots rased Lords and Dunglasse the English should rase Roxborough and Aymouth and no fortification to be afterwards made in any of those places To these articles the French King was sworne at Amiens the King of England at London Commissioners being especially appointed to take their oaths and for further assurance 6 Hostages were deliuered for the French at Ards and 6 for the English at Guisnes and it was agreed that at the deliuery of Bulloine the English hostages should be discharged that vpon the paiment of the first 200000 crownes 3 of the French hostages should be discharged and other 3 vpon paiment of the last 200000 crownes In the peace the Emperor was comprised in case he would consent and further to cut off future contentions commissioners were appointed both by the English and French to make certaine the limits betweene both territories Other commissioners were appointed summarily to expedite and determine all matters of piracie and depredations betweene the subiects of both kingdoms whereby many had not only liued but thriued many years before So the Lord Clinton gouernor of Bulloine hauing receiued his warrant discharged all his men except 1800 and with them issued out of the towne and deliuered it to M r Chastilion hauing first receiued of him the 6 English hostages and an acquittance for deliuery of the towne and safe conduct for his passage to Calais These 18000 men were afterwards placed vpon the frontires betweene the Emperor and the English Soone after the first paiment of money was made by the French to certaine English commissioners wherevpon 3 of their hostages were discharged the other three namely Count de Anguien next heire to the crowne of France after the Kings children the Marquis de Meaux brother to the Scottish Queene and Montmorencie the constables sonne who at that time chiefly guided the affaires of France came into England They were honourably accompanied and with great estate brought to London where euery of them kept house by himselfe Of the monies of the first paiment 10000 l was appointed for Calais 8000 l for Ireland 10000 l for the North and 2000 l for the Nauie the residue was earefully laid vp in the Tower Likewise of the second paiment wherevpon the hostages aforenamed returned into France 8000 l was appointed for Calais 5000 l for the North 10000 l was emploied for enerease towards outward paiments certaine persons vndertaking that the mony should bee doubled euery moneth the residue was safely lodged in the tower And now it remained that the chiefe actors in this peaee whatsoeuer their aimes were must be both honoured enriched with great rewards first Guidolti the first mouer of the treaty was recompenced
the woll fleete they aduised the King to send an Embassador legier for the Emperor as well to satisfie him for other matters by him required as to winne time thereby both to prepare a mart in England and to withdraw their goods out of Flanders So M r Wotton was dispatched with particuler instructions to desire the Emperor to be lesse violent in his requests And to aduertise him that the Lady Mary as she was his cozen so was she the Kings sister and which is more his subiect that seeing the K. was a soueraigne Prince without dependancy vpon any but God it was not reason that the Emperor should entermeddle either with ordering his subiects or with directing the affaires of his realme Thus much hee offered that what fauour the Kings subiects had in the Emperors dominions for their religion the same should the Emperors subiects receiue in England The Emperor pereeiuing that his threats were little regarded regarded little to threaten any more About the time that the Lady Mary should haue beene transported vnto Antwerp a rebellion was attempted in Essex where she then lay For furtherance whereof speeches were cast forth that strangers were arriued in England either to rule or to spoile the naturall inhabitants vpon this surmise many appointed to assemble at Chelinsforde and from thence to make pillage as their wants or wanton appetites should leade but the Principall being put to death and the residue pardoned all remained quiet Many Londoners also hunting after riot and ease contriued to tumult vpon May day pretending grieuances and fears from strangers but because where many are of counsaile counsell is hardly kept the enterprise was discouered and defeated before it was ripe herewith Lyon Gorran Ireland persons of meane condition but desperate and discontent endeauoured to raise a rebellion in Kent They often met and had conferences both priuate and long They seemed highly busied in minde and their heads trauailing with troubled thoughts which they often dissembled with impertinent speeches this was first discouered by one of their seruants doubtfull whether before knowing the mischiefe and vntill then secret or ignorant before and then first apprehending suspitions So they were apprehended and after conuiction the danger determined by their deaths Herewith rumors were raised of great discord and practises among the nobility for this cause the Lords assembled at London and feasted diuers daies together giuing order to apprehend the reporters of these surmises albeit happely not altogether vntrue For this cause gentlemen were newly commanded to remaine in the countrey to gouerne the people easy to be dealt with whilest they stand in feare The King being thus vncertaine of the faith both of his subiects and of his confederats intended by aliance to strengthen himselfe To this purpose one Bortwicke was sent to the King of Denmarke with priuate instructions to treat of a marriage betweene the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister and the King of Denmarks eldest sonne But this Lady albeit she was furnished with many excellent endowments both of nature and education yet could shee neuer be induced to entertaine Marriage with any After this the Lord Marquis of Northampton was directed with a solemne embassage to the French King aswell to present him with the order of the garter as to treat with him of other secret affaires with him were ioyned in commission the Bishop of Elie S r Phillip Hobbie S t William Pickering S r Iohn Mason knights and M r Smith secretary of state The Earles of Worcester Rutland and Ormond were appointed to accompany them and likewise the Lordes Lisle Fitswater Bray Abergauennie and Yuers with other knights and gentlemen of note to the number of 26 and for auoiding immoderate and burthensome traine order was giuen that euery Earle should haue foure attendants euery Lord three euery Knight and Gentleman two The commissioners were not limitted to any number They arriued at Nants and were there receiued by Mounsier Chastilion and by him conducted to Chasteau Bryan where the French King then lodged they were twice banquetted by the way and the neerer they approached to the castle the more encreased the resort of the French nobility to doe them honour being come to the court they were forthwith brought to the King abiding then in his bedchamber Here the Marquis presented vnto him the order of the garter wherewith he was presently inuested and thereupon gaue for the garter a chaine worth 200 l and his gowne addressed with aglets esteemed worth 25 l. Then the Bishop of Ely in a short speech declared how desirous the King of England was not only to continue but to encrease amity with the French King That to this purpose he had sent the order of the garter to be both a testimony and tye of loue betweene them to which purpose chiefly those societies of honour were first deuised He further declared that they had commission to make ouerture of some other matters which was like to make the concord betweene the Kinges their realmes not only more durable but in all expectation perpetuall desiring the King to appoint some persons enabled with authority to treat with them To this speech the Cardinall of Lorraine answered that the French King was ready to apprehend and embrace all offers tending to encrease of amity and the rather for that long hostility had made their new friendship both more weake in it selfe more obnoxious to ielosies distrusts and therefore he promised on the Kings behalfe that commissioners should be appointed to treat with them about any matters which they had in charge praying to God that it might be a means not only to assure but to enlarge their late setled loue so a commission went forth to the Cardinall of Lorraine and Chastilion the Constable the Duke of Guise and certaine others at the first the English demanded that the young Queene of Scots might be sent into England for perfection of marriage betweene K. Edward and her but hereto the French answered that they had taken too much aduenture and spent too many liues vpon any conditions to let her goe and that conclusion had beene made long before for her marriage with the Dolphine of France Then the English proposed a marriage between their King and the Lady Elizabeth the French Kings eldest daughter to which the French did cheerefully encline So after agreement that neither partie should be bound either in conscience or in honour vntill the Ladie should accomplish 12 yeares of age they fell to treat of the portion which should be giuen with her in marriage The English first demanded 150000 crownes and offered that her dowrie should be so great as K. Henry the 8 th had giuen with any of his wiues The offer of dower was not disliked but for the portion some of the French wondred others smiled that so great a summe should be demanded The English descended to 1400000 crownes after by degrees fell so low as 800000 but the French
haue lost their heads and that the Earle of Arundell was made acquainted with the practise by S r Michaell Stanhope and that it had bin done but that the greatnesse of the enterprise caused delaies and sometimes diuersity of aduice and further said that the Duke of Somerset once faining himselfe to be sicke went to London to assay what friends he could procure This Crane was a man who hauing consumed his owne estate had armed himselfe to any mischiefe Hamonde confessed that the Duke of Somersets chamber had beene strongly watched at Greenwich by night All these were sworne before the counsaile and the greatest part of the nobility of the realme that their confessions were true and as fauourably set downe in behalfe of the Duke as with a safe conscience they could and forthwith vpon the information of Crane the Earle of Arundell and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower so were Stradley and S t Albones seruants to the Earle of Arundell the Lord Strange voluntarily enformed how the Duke desired him to moue the King to take to wise his third daughter the Ladie ◅ane and that he would be his especiall about the King to aduertise him when any of the counsaile spake priuatly with him and to acquaint him what they said Herevpon to giue some publique satisfaction to the people the Lord Chancellor who had words at will wit enough to apply them declared openly in the starre chamber all these accusations against the Duke of Somerset letters were allso published to all Emperors Kings Embassadors chiefe men in any state wherein these matters were comprised By other letters the muster of the Gendarmorie was deferred for certaine moneths other letters were directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take charge of the tower and to discharge Sir Arthur Markham For that without acquainting any of the Lords of the counsaile he suffered the Duke of Somerset to walke abroad and permit entercourses of letters betweene Dauid Seymor and M rs Poynes Whilest these matters were in trauerse messengers arriued from Duke Mauris◅ of Saxony the Duke of Mickleburge and Iohn Marques of Brandenburge Princes of the religion in Germanie to vnderstand the Kings minde whether he would agree to aide them with 400000 dollars in case any necessity should assaile them they consenting to doe the like to him in case he should be ouercharged with warre the King gaue them an vncertaine answere but gentle and full of faire hopes that because their message was only to know the Kings inclination and not to conclude he could giue them no other answere then this that he was well enclined to ioyne in amity with them whom he knew to agree with him in religion but first he was desirous to know whether they could procure such aide from other Princes as might enable them to maintaine their warres and to assist him if need should require and therefore he willed them to breake this matter to the Duke of Prussia and other Princes about them and to procure the good will of Hamborough Lubecke and Breme then he desired that the matter of religion should be plainly set downe least vnder pretence thereof warres should be made for other quarrells lastly he willed that they should furnish themselues with more ample instructions from their Lords to commune and conclude of all circumstances pertaining to that businesse The Kings answere was framed with these vncertainties and delaies least if the King had assured his consent at the first it might haue beene taken as breach of league with the Emperor afterwards they and other Princes of Germany made a league offensiue and defensiue with the French King against the Emperor into the which the French King desired the King of England to come but because the French K. was the chiefe of the league the King did plainly perceiue that the warre was not for the cause of religion wherefore he answered that he could not doe it with breach of his league with the Emperor against whom hauing no pretence of hostility he was not so desirous of warres as without iust cause of his owne to pull them vpon him About the same time the Lord admirall was sent into France as the Kings deputie to be Godfather at the baptisme of the French Kings sonne also a French man who had committed a murther at Diepe and fled into England was remitted into France and deliuered vpon the borders to receiue iustice by the same lawes against which he had offended And now the Duke of Northumberland being impatient of long working wickednesse the 4 th act of the Duke of Somersets tragedie must not be delaied least thereby feare abating as being false it could not be durable either the Kings gentle disposition or the loue which he had formerly borne to his vnkle might happily returne to their naturall working So the Duke of Somerset after a short aboad in the tower was brought to his triall at Westminster The Lord William Paulet Marques of Winchester and Lord treasurer sate as high Steward of England vnder a cloath of estate on a bench moūted three degrees the Peeres to the number of 27 sate on a bench one step lower These were the Duke of Suffolke and of Northumberland the Marques of Northampton the Earles of Darby Bedforde Huntington Rutland Bath Sussex Worcester Pembrooke and Here◅orde The Barons Abergauenny Aud◅ly Wharton Euers Latimer Borough Louch Stafford Wentworth Darcie Sturton Windesore Cromwell Cobham and Bray First the inditements were read in number 5 containing a charge of raising men in the north parts of the realme at his house of assembling men to kill the Duke of Northumberland of resisting his attachment of killing the Gendarmorie of raising London of assaulting the Lords and deuising their deaths when the prisoner had pleaded not guilty and put himselfe vpon triall of his Peeres the examinations before mentioned were read and by the Kings learned counsaile pressed against him Hereto albeit he was both vnskilfull and much appalled causes sufficient to driue him out of matters yet after a short entreaty that words either idly or angerly spoken might not be enforced to any high crew to the points obiected he answered That he neuer intended to raise the north parts of the realme but vpon some brutes he apprehended a scare which moued him to send to S r William Herbert to remaine his friend That he determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland or any other Lord but spake of it only and determined the contrary That it had beene a mad enterprise with his 100 men to assaile the Gendarmory consisting of 900 when in case he had preuailed it would nothing haue auailed the pretended purpose and therefore this being senselesse and absurd must needs dis◅redid other matters which otherwise might haue beene belieued That at London he neuer proiected any stirre but euer held it a good place for his surety That for hauing men in his chamber at Greenwich it was manifest he meant no harme
heare matters of greatest moment debated because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with maiesty nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state but in the presence of the King Generally all the counsaile agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures aboue xx l or for reuersion of leases or any other extraordinary matter vntill the state of his Reuenewes should be further knowen Besides these commissions another went forth to ouersee and order the Kinges reuenewes and to cut off superfluous charges to ouersee all courts especially those of new erection as the court of augmentation and of first fruits and tenths and to prouide that the reuenewes were answered euery halfe yeare another went forth for debts owing to the King and to take accompt of paiments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8 th and in what manner the King had beene deceiued either by not accompting or accompting falsely Another also for taking away needlesse Bâ—…ulwarkes by vertue whereof diuerse were dimolished vpon the sea coasts in peace chargeable and little seruiceable in warre And further for more orderly and speedy dispatch of causes the King deliuered to his counsaile these Articles following 1 That all suits ' petitions and common warrants deliuered to the priuy counsell be considered by them on mundaies in the afternoone and answered oâ—… saturdaies in the afternoone and that those daies and no other be assigned to that purpose 2 That such suits and petitions as pertaine to any courts of law be referred to those courts where properly they are triable others to be determined with expedition 3 That in making warrants for money it be forseene that they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant least by such meanes accompts should be vncertaine 4 That vpon Sundaies they intend publique affaires of the Realme dispatch answeres to letters for good order of the state and make full dispatches of all things concluded the wâ—…cke before Prouided that they be present at common praier 5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliuer to the King a memoriall of such things as are to be debated by the priuy counsaile and he to appoint certaine of them to be debated vpon seuerall daies viz. Munday afternoone Tuesday wensday Thursday and Friday beforenoone 6 That on friday afternoone they shall make a collection of such things as haue beene done the fower daies before what they haue concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse Also the principall reasons which moued them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtfull 7 That on Saturday before noone they present this collection of the King and enquire his pleasure vpon all things which they haue concluded and also vpon all priuate suits 8 That none of the priuy counsell depart the court for longer time then two daies vnlesse eight of the counsell remaine behind and vnlesse the King haue notice thereof 9 That they make no assembly in counsell vnlesse they be to the number of foure at the least 10 That if they assemble to the number of fower and vnder the number of sixe then they may reason or examine the commodities or inconueniences of matters proposed and make things plaine which seeme diffused at the first opening and if they agree then at the next full assembly of sixe a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made 11 That if there be vnder fower and a matter arriseth requiring expedition they shall declare it to the King but not giue answere vnlesse it requires extraordinary hast 12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to heare the same debated warning shall be giuen that the more may be present 13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating the counsaile shall not intermeddle with other causes vntill they haue concluded the same 14 That no priuate suit be entermedled with great affaires but shall be heard on Mundaies only 15 That when matters for scantnesse of time be only discussed and not brought to an end then it shall be noted to what point the businesse is brought and what haue beene the principall reasons that when it shall be treated againe it may the sooner come to conclusion 16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same that being lesse cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dispatched 17 That no warrant for reward aboue 40 l or businesse or affaires aboue 100 l passe but vnder the Kings signet 18 That if vpon aduertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appeare which require hast such matters shall be considered and determined notwithstanding those Articles which appoint businesse for seuerall daies so as this order be not generally or commonly broken Assuredly albeit the King declared both his iudgment and his diligence and care of affaires of the realme Yet is there one rule more and not by him neglected for all great officers which if it be not sufficient in itselfe to hold matters in order yet are no rules sufficient without it And this is to choose persons both for ability and integrity well reputed albeit happily they be not alwaies vsed For besides that these will be a rule to themselues it is a great satisfaction to the people and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsailes of State which is neuer good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to passe vnder such mens iudgements In theese times it was conceiued by many that by erecting of a Mart in England the realme would be much enriched and made more famous and lesse obnoxious to other countries The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the warres betweene the Emperor and the French King The places deemed most meete were Hull for the east countries and Southampton for the South London was thought no ill place but Southampton was iudged most conuenient for the first beginning This matter detained the Lords of the counsell in a deliberation both serious and long with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides which because they may giue some light to the like question which in times ensuing may happily againe be set on foot I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King Against the Mart these octiections were made 1 That strangers could haue no accesse into England by land which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was 2 That the ill working of English cloaths made them lesse esteemed abroad 3 That the great quantity of English cloathes in Flanders would make them lesse desired from hence 4 That the Merchants had then established their dwelling places at Antwerp 5 That other Nations would forbeare their resort into England for a while vpon commandement of the Emperor 6 That the deniall of the requests of the Merchants of the Stilliard
in cases of treason murther or selony That for the time of the Mart all men should pay but halfe the custome due in other places of the Realme That during the time noe shipping should be made from any place betweene Southwales Essex but only to South-hampton That in Hampshire Wiltshire Sussex Surry Kent Dorseâ—…shire and no bargaine should be made for wares during that time but only at that Mart. That a court should be erected to punish offendors with liberties of good condition That some one commodity as happily some one kind of cloath should be assigned as proper to the Mart. That some liberties must be giuen to the inhabitants of South-hampton and some monies lent to them if it might be spared to beginne their Trafique That ships should attend the safegard of Merchants so well as they could and that if this Mart tooke good effect another might be erected at Hull for the Northeast countries to beginne presently after Sturbridge faire so as they might returne before the great Ices stopped their seas Thus it was concluded but the execution was for a time delaied because the wooll fleete of 60 saile was lately before departed for Antwerp could not possibly be called backe But to make the first preparation because a Mart could not subsist without exchang liberty was granted to the English Merchants to exchang and rechange money for money As vpon this occasion this profitable purpose was first delaied so afterwards it was altogether dashed first by the Kinges sicknesse after by his death Now albeit the King was both deepely in debt and had many extraordinary occasions yet in regard of the troublesome times he did forbeare to charge his subiects with such loanes and impositions as vsually in peace breed discontent and in turbulent times disquiet but he chose rather to deale with the Foulker in the low Countries for moneys vpon loane at a very high rate And hereupon letters were directed from the Lords of the counsell to the Foulker at Antwerp that he had receiued from the King 63000 punds Flemmish in Februarie and 24000 in Aprill next before which amounted to 87000 pounds Flemmish A faire summe to be paid in one year especially in that busy world when it was necessarie for Princes not to be without money Hereupon and for that they vnderstood that at that time he was well able to forbeare money they aduised the King to pay to him only 5000 pounds of the 45000 l which then remained vnpaid and to continue the rest at the vsuall yearly interest of 14 l for euery hundred wherewith they desired him to retaine good patience Hereto the Foulker answered that as he had found faire dealings before so he would rest content to deferre paâ—…ment of 30000 l so as 20000 l thereof might be well assured to be paid within some conuenient time All this was presently agreed and no lesse faithfully performed afterwards And assuredly as God is the word and cannot but make good his word so a Prince so much looseth of his dignity as hee declineth from his word About this time a garrison pay of 10000 l was sent to the Frontires of Scotland and the like to Calais and in the same yeere 5000 l into Ireland hereto if we adde the Kings great charges in fortification vpon both the frontires of Scotland and France the particulars wherof I omit as matters now altogether of no vse it may easily be be discerned that the hostility with Scotland and France and the inciuility of Ireland were a great part of the cause which held this frugall King thus diued in debt And for another means of raising of mony commissions went forth for selling chantry lands and houses for paiment of the Kings debt giuen forth to be 251000 pounds sterling at the least Also to enquire of all Church goods either remaining in Cathedrall or parish Churches or embesâ—…ed away namely of Iewels of gold siluer or siluer crosses candiâ—…sticks censors challicies ready mony coapes and other vestiments and reseruing to euery Church one Challice and couering for the Communion â—…able the residue to be applied to the benefit of the King â—…y their sales and enquiries the Kings wants were 〈◊〉 what relieued And many persons uery meane both for birth and ability of minde and of no lâ—…sse place of emploiment found means to aduance themselues to so great estate as they left their posterity ranged among the nobility of this realme Of these church purchasers I haue seene many melt to nothing and the residue shall be obserued either by riot or by improuidence to consume At the same time for more assured strength of the Borders vpon Scotland order was setled that no man in those parts should beare two offices at once which not well obserued in later years hath much derogated both from the dignity and discharge of offices aswell in state as in some inferior places Another means for raising mony was practised no lesse pleasing to the people then profitable to the common-wealth And that was by enquiring after offences of officers in great place who as by vniust dealing they became most odious so by iustice in their punishments the Prince acquireth both loue and applause And so one Beamont M â— of the Rolles was conuinced that in his office of wardes he had purchased lands with the Kinges mony also that he had lent aboue 700 l of the Kinges mony and forborne 11000 of the Kinges debts for his owne profit Also that being M r of the Rolles he dealt corruptly in a case betweene the Duke of Suffolke and the Lady Powes For he bought the Ladies Tithe and caused an indenture to be forged from Charles Brandon the Duke a little before deceased purposing a grant of the lands in question from Duke Charles to the Lady Powes Also that he had concealed the felony of his seruant who hauing stolne from him 200 l he tooke the mony to himselfe againe Hereupon he surrendred to the King all his offices lands goods in satisfaction as well for the monies due by him to the King as of the fines which his offences had merited he was a man of a dull and heauy spirit and therefore the more senslesly deuoted in his sensuall auarice One Whalie receiuer of Yorkeshire acknowledged how he had lent the Kinges mony for gaine how he euer paid one yeares reuenue with the arrerages of the yeare before how he had bought the Kinges land with the Kinges mony how he had made diuerse false accompts how vpon fall of mony he borrowed diuerse summes whereby he gained 500 l at one crying downe For these misdemeanors he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to pay such fines as the King or his counsell should charge vpon him The Lord Paget Chancellor of the ' Duchie was conuinced that he had sould the Kings landes and timber woods without commission that he had taken great fines for the Kings lands and applied them to his proper vse and
the French King had drawen the Turke into Christendome and therefore was to be resisted as a common enimy And further in case the Emperor vpon extâ—…emity should compose agreement with the French the danger to England would be double First vpon offence taken by the Emperor then vpon the French Kings old disposition edged by euery new displeasure wherein the deuotion of the Bishop of Rome would not be wanting And againe the English Merchants were so ill intreated in the Empire the Realme was so much engâ—…ged in honour and in wealth as some remedy was to be sought none better then by giuing aide Lastly the French Kings proceedings were no lesâ—…e doubtfull then fearfull not only in regard of Stukelies report not altogâ—…ther to be neglected but by reason of his breaking and firing diuers English ships the auncient strength and fortresses of the realme Others were of aduice that the Emperors demands of aide should be denied First for that it would be too chargeable and almost â—…mpossible for the English to performe Thâ—…n for that when the Emperor should die the whole weight of the warre would râ—…ule vpon the English And further the Germaine Protestants would be offended herewith conceiue some doubts of their owne estates Lastly there was hope that the amity with â—…rance would not long continue but aâ—…end that the â—…mbassadors then lately sent would repaire all harmes done by the French upon English shipps Betweene both these the King stroke a midâ—…ing iudgment so to aiâ—…e the Emperor against the French King as other Christian Princes should also adioine and that for no other cause but as a common enimy for drawing the Turkes forces vpon them That herâ—…by as the cause was common so would there be more parties to it And this also would moderate the charge of aiding the Emperor according to the treaty and whensoeuer the Emperor should die or breake off it was likely that some of those Princes and parties should remaine so as the King should not stand alone Moreouer this friendship would much advance the Kinges other affaires in Germany and finally it would be honourable to breake with the French King vpon this common quarrell Against this advise of the King two obiections were made one that the treaty must be entertained with so many that it could not be speedily or secretly concluded The other that in case the purpose should be discouered and not concluded the French might be prouoked thereby to practise the like confederation against the English All these the King did knit vp in this conclusion first that the treaty should be made only with the Emperor and by the Emperors means with other Princes Secondly that the Emperors acceptance should be well vnderstood before any treaty were either entered or entertained against the French Herevpon letters were dispatched to M r Morison the Kinges Embassador with the Emperor whereby he was directed to declare to the Emperor how the King touched with pitty at the invasion of Christian countries by the Turkes would willingly ioinâ—… with him and other States of the Empire in case the Emperor could bring it to passe in some league against the Turkes and against their confederats But caution was giuen that he should not once mention the French King nor answere any mention made of him only to say that his commission extended no further But if the Emperor would send a messenger into England he should happily know more Herewith and because time beateth out truth letters were sent to M r Pickering the Kinges Embassador in â—…rance to know whether Sâ—…ukely hâ—…d acquâ—…inted hiâ—… with any of those matters which he had disclosed in England And with what familiarity the French King vsed him or by what other circuâ—…stances he could conceiue his report to be true Herewith also the Lord Gray was chosen deputy of Calais the Lord Wentworth remoued as one whose youth want of experience was held vnfit to gouerne that châ—…rge in turbulent times On the other side S r Nicholas Wentworth was remoued from being Porter of the towne by reason of his old age but had an hundred pounds yeaâ—…ly pension assigned him for his life Also by abating needlesse expences to be the better enabled against charge the seuerall tables for young Lorâ—…s for the masters of Requests and for Sergeants at armes 〈◊〉 laid downe and diuerse extraordinary allowances weâ—…e taken away And further because the King was to make paiment of 48000 l beyond the seas and had but 14000 l towards the summe 300 of the chiefe Merchants aduenturers granted to him a lone of 40000 l for three moneths to be leuied from the cloaths which they were then to transport after the rate of 20 shillings for euery cloath But these Aduenturers went not vpon any aduenture because at that shipping 40000 broad cloaths were by them transported Whilest these matters were in action two Lawyers arriued in England with direction from the French King to declare what matters had beene determined against the English by the French Kings counsell and vpon what reasons and also what matters were then depending and what care and diligence was vsed in those dispatches They were much commended by all for their modest behauiour and their sweet eloquence much delighted the King who againe in a short speech first thanked the French King for his desire to giuâ—… him satisfaction then commended them for well performing their charge but for the substance of their businesse he referred them to London where some of his counsell should commune thereof fully with them Here M r Secretary Peeter and M r Watton and S r Thomas Smith laid before them the grieuances of the English merchants whose losses by the French exceeded the summe of 50000 l To this the Embassadors gaue little answere but said they would make report thereof at their returne into France affirming that they had no commission but only to declare the manner and causes of iudiciall proceedings Presently aâ—…ter their returne Mounsier Villandry was sent againe in post to the King to declare vnto him that albeit M r Sydneies and M r Winters matters went iustly against them yet because thâ—…y were the Kings seruants and one of them in place neere his person the French King was content freely to giue to M r Sydney his ship and all his goods in her and to M r Winter his ship and all his owne goods But this offer the King refused assuming that he required nothing freely but expected iustice and expedition Villandry shewed further that the King his master was desirous that the ordinances and customes of England and France touching Marine affaires might be reduced into one forme without any difference betweene them Wherto answere was made that the English ordinances for marine affaires were no other then the ciuill lawes and certaine auntâ—…ent additions of the Realme wherein they could conceiue no reason or conueniâ—…ncy of change hauing long continued without râ—…proofe After this Uillandry brought
forth two proclamations not long before published in France and very aduantageable for the English for the which he had a letter of thankes to the King his master Lastly which was indited the maine of his message and whereto all other were but insinuations he desired that certaine Frenchmen taken vpon the coâ—…st of England might be released Hereto he receiued answere that they were Pirats and that some of them should by iustice be punished and some might happily by 〈◊〉 be spared so with this dispatch he returned for France But before it was conceiuâ—…d he could be fully at home he came againe to the English court and there declared to the King how the King his master would deliuer 4 shipps against which iudgment had beene giuen And that hâ—…e would appoint men of good sort and sufficiency to heare the English Merchants at Paris and that he would alter his ordinances for marine affaires of which emendations he then sent a copy to the King The King appointed his Secretaries to consider therof And after some passages of time Uillandry had his answere That the King intended not by receiuing fower ships freely to preiudice his right in the rest That the appointing of an inferior counsell to heare Merchants at Paris after former tedious suits in a higher court he thought would be but dilâ—…tory and so to little purpose because the inferior counsell would neuer vndoe that albeit good cause should appeare which had bin iudged by a higher counsell That the new ordinances he liked no better then he did the olde and therfore desired no other then the customes which oflate times had beene vsed in France and then continued in force betweene England and the low countries Lastly he desired no more words but deeds And now were letters returned from M r Pickering out of France wherby he aduertised the King how Stukely neuer discouered any of those speeches to him which since he had charged vpon the French King And further that he neuer was either in credite or conuersant with the French King or with the Constable nor euer resorted vnto them except once when he was interpreter betweene the Constable certaine English pioners wherfore as it was very like so did he verily belieue that as the French King was alwaies close reserued amongst his best knowne friends so would he not be open and vncircumspect to impart a matter of such import to a meere stranger and in a most vnseasonable time Hereupon Stukely was examined againe and then sir ding it dangerous alike to confesse a truth or stand to a ly he became more vnconstant and variable then he was before wherfore he was committed to the Tower and notice was giuen to the French Kings Embassador of all those proceedings to the intent that he might acquaint his master with them Letters were also sent to the Kings Embassador in Frace directing him to aduertise the French King of all these matters and that for two speciall ends One to manifest the Kings considence in his amity with France the other to bring the French King into suspition against all English fugitiues who resorted daily to his court And so because no better person was the author incredible fables were not belieued But herevpon some began to discourse that the accusations against the Duke of Somerset were no lesse improbable and vpon the credict of no better persons and therefore might happily be no lesse vntrue But the difference is great betweene both the persons and the facts of a soueraigne Prince and of a subiect And now when the French K. vnderstood aswell the imputation which Stukely had raised as his imprisonment First he deepely protested his innocence in his particular and his generall sincere meaning for preseruing amity with England Then he much blamed Stukelies villany and nolesse thanked the King aswell for that he had not afforded a credulous care to such mischeiuous devises wherein the tender touch of his estate might happily haue excused his error as for his Princely manner in acquainting him therwith On the other side whâ—…n M r Morrison the Kings Embassador with the Emperor had opened the mattâ—…rs giuen him in charge touching a league against the Turke and against his confederats The Emperor much thanked the King for his gentle offer and promised to procure the Regent to send ouer some persons of credâ—…te to understand the Kings further meaning Soone after M r Thomas Grosham câ—…me from Antwerp into England and declared to the counsell how Mounsier Loâ—…gie the Emperors Treasurer in Flanders was sent to him from the Regent with a packet of letters which the Burgundians had intercepted in Bullonois sent as it was said from the Dowager of Scotland wherein she set forth how she had imprisoned George Paris an Irishman because she vnderstood that vpon grant of his pardon he had a meaning to come into England and how she had sent Oconners sonne into Ireland to giue encouragement to the Irish Lords Also he shewed instructions giuen about 4 years before vpon the fall of the Admirall of France to a gentleman then coming from England that if any were in England of the Admiralls faction he should doe his best to excite a trouble The deputy of Ireland was at that time ready to transport into England But vpon this aduertisement S r Henry Knowles was sent in post to stay him there yet with caution that he should pretend to stay vpon his owne occasions and therevpon deferred his departure from weeke to weeke least the true reason should be discerned Letters of thankes were also sent to the Regent for this gentle ouerture And the messenger was directed to vse pleasing words in the deliuery of the letter and to wish a further amity betweene the two states And further to acquaint her with the French Kings practise in waging 5000 Scottish footmen and 500 horsemen how he tooke vp 100000 l by exchange at Lubecke whereby the coniecture was evident that he had some meaning against the Emperor in the spring then next following Doubtlesse the aduertisement of neighbour Princes are alwaies much to be regarded for that they receiue intelligence from bâ—…tter Authors surer grounds then persons of inferior note and sort About this time one of the Earle of Tyrones men was committed to the tower for making an vntrue complaint against the deputy and counsell of Ireland And for bruting abroad how the Duke of Northumberland and the Earle of Pembrooke were fallen into quarrell and one of them against the other in the field In Aprill in the 6 th yeare of the raigne of the King he fell sicke of the Measles wherof in short time he well recouered afterwards he sickned of the small poxe which breaking kindly from him was thought would proue a means to clense his body from such vnhealthfull humors as commonly occasion long sicknesse or death And herof he also so perfectly recouered that in the soâ—…mer next following he rode his progresse
with greater magnificence then euer before For whether it were to maintaine his maiesty or to manifest the feare which had beene formerly impressed he caried with him a band of 320 men which made vp his whole traine aboue the number of 4000 horse But because this multitude was burthensome to the Country through which he passed which did afford little meadow or pasture because also it seemed to bewray distrust as if the King should thinke that he rather marched among dangerous rebells then tooke his pleasure among faithfull and quiet disposed subiects about the middest of his progresse the greatest part was discharged For furnishing the charge of this progresse 500 pound weight of gold was coined with 1500 pounds sterling Soone after the King did complaine of a continuall infirmity of body yet rather as an indisposition in health then any set sicknesse And about that time certaine prodigies were seene either as messengers or signes of some imminent and eminent euiâ—…l At Middleton eleuen miles from Oxford a woman brought forth a female child which had two bodies from the nauill vpward so vnited at the nauill as when they were laid in length the one stretched directly opposite to the other from the nauill downward it was but one it liued weakly 18 daies and then both bodies died together Vpon birth of such monsters the Grecians and after them the Romans did vse diuerse sorts of expiations and to goe about their principall citties with many solemne ceremonies and sacrafices supposing hereby that wrath from heauen was menaced against them At Quinborough three great Dolphins were taken and a few daies following at Blackwall sixe which were brought to London the least in bignesse exceeding any horse After this three great fishes were taken at Grauesend called Whirlepooles and drawen vpon the Kings bridge at Westminster These accidents the more rarely they happen the more ominous are they commonly esteemed either because they are so indeed or because they are neuer obserued but when sad euents doe ensue In Ianuary about the beginning of the 7 th yeare of the Kings raigne his sicknesse did more apparantly shew it selfe especially by the symptome of a tough strong streining cough All the medicines and diet which could be prescribed together with the helpes both of his yong age and of the rising time of the yeare were so farre either from curing or abating his griefe that it daily encreased by dangerous degrees it was not only a violence of the cough thad did insect him but therewith a weaknesse and faintnes of spirit which shewed plainly that his vitall parts were most strongly and strangely assaulted and the talke hereof among the people was so much the more because through an opinion obscurely raised but running as most absurd that his sicknesse grew by a slow working poison Vpon this cause it happened that a Parliament beginning vpon the first day of March was vpon the last of the same moneth dâ—…ssolued And now the danger of the Kings sicknesse was much laâ—…ented not only by his owne people but by strangers abroad because his curtesy and wisdome had begot to him such loue that he was no lesse honoured by those who heard of him then of those who conversed with him For he was famous in all places by reason of his foresight and iudgment in affaires and did so well temper the greatnes of his estate both with modestie and with grauitie that he auoided enuie by the one and contempt by the other Some compared him with the greatest persons that had beene both for warre and peace because in the like pitch of yeares none of them attained to the like perfections Haply hee did not appeare in souldiery so great but that was because he was not so rash being also drawne backe from his pursuâ—…es abroad by domesticall disorders and diuisions both amongst the people and Nobilitie of his Realme by reason whereof he scarce seemed well seâ—…led in his Chaire of Estate and yet his fortunes were alwayes Victorious It hapned during his sicknesse that Doctor Ridley Bishop of London preached before him and in his Sermon much commended workes of charitie which as they were a dutie for all men to performe so most especially for men in mâ—…st especiall dignitie and place as well in regard of their large abiâ—…ities as for that they were much obliged to giue examples of goodnesse to others the same day after dinner the King sent for him priuatly into the Gallery at White-Hall caused him to sit in a chaire by him would not permit him to remaine vncouered and then after courteous thankes he reported all the principall points of his Sermon and further added I tooke my selfe to be especially touched by your speech as well in regard of the abilities which God hath giuen me as in regard of the example which from mee hee will require for as in the Kingdome I am next vnder God so must I most neerely approach to him in goodnesse and in mercie for as our miseries stand most in need from him so are we the greatest debtors debtors to all that are miserable and shall be the greatest accomptants of our dispensation therein And therefore my Lord as you haue giuen me I thanke you this generall exhortation so direct me I intreat you by what particular actions I may this way best discharge my dutie The Bishop partly astonished and partly ouerioyed with these speeches was strucke into a sad silence for a time at last â—…eares and words breaking forth together he declared to the King so as he little expected such a question so was he not furnished with a present answer for this matter had a great mixture of a ciuill gouernment wherein he concelued that the Citizens of London had best experience as ouerburthened with multitudes of poore not only of their owne but from all parts of the Realme besides and therefore as they best know both the qualitie of such people and the inconueniences which they occasion so could they best aduise what remedies were fittest wherefore if the King were pleased to afford his Letters to that effect he would confer with them and in very short time returne with answer The King forth with caused his Letters to be written and would not suffer the Bishop to depart vntill hee had firmed them with his hand and Signet and enioyned the Bishop to be the messenger imposing great charge for expedition The Bishop hasted with his Letters to the Lord Maior who presently assembled certaine Aldermen and foure and twentiâ—… Commissioners by whose aduice the poore were cast into three companies and â—…orts some were poore by impotenciâ—… of nature as young fatheâ—…lesse children old decrepit persons Ideots Criples and such like others arâ—… poore by facultie as wounded souldiers diseased and sicke persons and the like the third sort arâ—… the poorâ—… by 〈◊〉 or vnthriâ—…itinesse as riotiâ—…us spenders vagabonds 〈◊〉 lewâ—… strumpeâ—…s and their companions that the first of these were to be educated