questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.
which followed viz Since with this yeare thy name doth so agree Then shall this yeare to thâ—… most fatall bee And in the upshot were fined as was reported six thousand pounds And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death not that they payed six thousand pounds or â—…t any such Fine was imposed upon them but that they were abused with this false Report But to say truth I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot and so viâ—…e muâ—…r in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt Fiâ—…t in not taking care to suppresse the Râ—…ot which in a discontented and uâ—…quiet City might have gathered strength and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time And â—…econdly in not taking order to prevent the murder or bring the Malefactors to the Bâ—…rre of Justice The punâ—…shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy mighâ—… possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham and had the City smarted for not doing their duty it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi coeperunt saith the Court-Historian Examples seldome â—…nd where they take beginning but eiâ—…her first or last will finde many followers And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment than the fury of an ungovâ—…rned Multitude could 〈◊〉 upon him yet suffering without Form of Law it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly and that it was no small peece of injustice that there was no more justice done in revâ—…nge thereof Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love For howsoever maâ—…ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular persons yet it is justice impartiall and equall justice that gives satisfaction unto all and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain or use it only for a shew or a signe of soverâ—…ignty for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess the fourth part of his Lands for her Joyntâ—… And that was no grâ—…t Joynture for so great a Lady I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died dâ—…d of of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes came to Foure thousand pounds per annum which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous or did abuse his Masters favours to his own enriching And though hee had Three hundred thousand pounds in Jewels as our Authour tells us yet taking back the sixty thousand pounds which he owed at his death two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder a pretty Aldâ—…ans Estate and but hardly that Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ricâ—… the favourite and great Minister of the late French King and it will seem no greater than the Widows mitâ—… in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Phaâ—… The Cardinals Estate being valued at the time of his death at sixty millions of Franks in rents and monies which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely Such was the end of this great Duke not known to me either in his Fâ—…owns or his Favours nec beneficio nec injuria notus in the words of Tacitus and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed as I hope to my love to truth not my affections to his person His body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth and there hung in chains but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all Our Authour is deceived in this for I both saw the whole Gibbet standing and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after the people being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke that though they liked the murder they had no such care of the Wretch that did it That which might possibly 〈◊〉 him was the lâ—…ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down by stealth the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper and for those 〈◊〉 factâ—… was hangâ—…d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly and to him I refâ—… the Reader if he desire any farther satisfaction in it After this Mr. Montague ' s Booke called Appello Caesarem was called in by Proclamation This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January In which it was to be observed that the Book is not charged with any false Doctrine but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away mâ—… would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations Whether His Hiâ—… did well in doing no more if the Book contained any false Doctâ—… in it or in doing so much if it were done only to please the Parliament as our Authour telâ—… us I take not upon me to determine Buâ—… certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes when they make Religion bend to Policy and so it hapned to this King the calling in of Montague's Book and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter a thorow-paced Calvinian unto the 〈◊〉 of Carlâ—…sle at the same time also could not get him any love in the hearts of His people who looked upon those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft So true is that of the wise Historian whom I named last inviso sâ—…mel Principe 〈◊〉 bene facta ceu male facta premunt that is to say when Pâ—…inces once are in discredit with their Subjects as well their good actions as their bad are all counted grievances For 〈◊〉 informations were very pregnant that notwithstanding the Resolution of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at 〈◊〉 Anno 1595. c. Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England First for Arminianisme hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant How so Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth had not of late been so much set by as he and the Committee for Religion did desire they should Why mâ—…n The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them though our Authour please to tell us in following words