t Vid. Roger de Hoveden in Rich. 1. fol. 425 347. on a Concubine bond or free was equally inheritable as any other born in Wedlock which was I believe no small Reason why he stood at first so much for the Laws of Norway to have been generally received in this Kingdom And some Stories also which make mention of Duke Robert his getting William on that Arlet or Arlec as she is sometimes written say That she was to him a good while vice Vxoris So Henry of u In Bibl. Cotton Knyghton Abbot of Leicester Transiens saith he Robertus asiquando per Phaleriam Vrbem Normaniae vidit puellam Arlec nomine Pelleparii Filiam inter caeteras in Chorea tripudiantem nocte sequente illam sibi conjunxit quam vice Vxoris aliquamdiù tenens Willielmum ex ea generavit And he tells us also the common Tale of tearing her Smock If she were so his Concubine or Vice-conjux between whom and a Wife even the old x Fide Legat 3. L. Item Legato 49. §. 4 Imperials make no other difference but Honour and Dignity and by them also some kind of Inheritance is allowed to y Authent 89. c. 12. discretis igitur c. such Bastards as are Naturales liberi that is gotten on Concubines it was much more reasonable that her Son should be reputed as Legitimate than that the Son of every single Woman bond or free whether Concubine or no should be so as the Laws of Norway allow And when he had inherited his Dukedom he made doubtless no question but that his Blood was as good in regard of all other Inheritances that might by any colour be derived through it And therefore William of Malmsbury well stiles him proximè consanguineus also to the Confessor as he was indeed on the Mother's side And those z Videsis Malmsb. de Gest Reg. lib. 2. fol 52. of the Posterity of Edward Son to Iron-side were then so excluded or neglected that their nearness on the Father's side could not prevent him You may see the common Stories of them But whereas that excellent a 18. E. 4. fol. 30. a. Lawyer Littleton says That William the Conqueror was called a Bastard because he was born before Marriage had between his Father and Mother and that after he was born they were married which indeed by the b C. tit de Nat. lib. c. eum quis 10 c. Imperials and by the general Law of c Videsis Bacquet de Domaino du fr-tract du Bastardise c. 9 c. France would have made him wholy legitimate I doubt he had but little or no ground to justify it Had he been so legitimate it is not likely he should have been stiled so commonly and anciently Bastardus which Name even in his d Apud Cambden in Richmondia own Charters he sometimes used with cognomento as also the Bastards of the old Philip Duke of Burgundy were wont to do although of later Time it be reputed as a Name of dishonour and the actio injuriarum or an Action upon the Case lies where-ever it be falsly objected as some will e Videsis Pont. Heuterum de liberis Natural c. 12. have it But these things prove enough that this William seized the Crown of England not as conquered but by pretence of Gift or Adoption aided and confirmed by nearness of Blood and so the Saxon Laws formerly in force could not but continue And such of them as are now abrogated were not at all abrogated by his Conquest but either by the Parliaments or Ordinances of his Time and of his Successors or else by non-usage or contrary Custom Surely then none can believe that William claimed only by the Sword and made an absolute Conquest or that he abolish'd all the old Saxon Laws and constituted a new Frame and Systeme of Government entirely for the Interest of his Normans and to the slavery and ruin of the whole English nor can any one me-thinks after this categorically attest that there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom or that the English had neither Estates nor Fortunes left and that therefore it were of no great matter and consequence to them by what Law Right or Property other Men held their Estates But not to dwell upon the great Authority of this Learned Man we will now hear what Sir Winston Churchill can inform us as to your Second Question Whether the Laws were totally abolished and a New Government set up according to the Arbitrary Will and Pleasure of this Norman Conquenor And thus he writes in his Book dedicated to his present Majesty Duke William better known to us Sir Winst. Churchill's Divi Britannici fol. 189. here by the Name of the Conqueror who with like Confidence and not unlike Injustice as Rollo did Normandy the seventh in Descent from whom was this Duke invaded England pretending a Donation of the Soveraignty from his near Kinsman King Edward the Confessor confirmed as he alledged by his last Will and Testament in the presence of most of the English Nobility But Id. fo 190. what we allow to the Courage we must take from the Wisdom of the English that being subdued they continued nescia vinci vexing the Conqueror after they had submitted to him by such continual Revolts as suffered him not to sheath his Sword all his Reign or if he did urged him to continue still so suspitious of their Loyalty that he was forced always to keep his hand upon the Hilt ready to draw it forth having not leasure to intend what was before established much less to establish what he before intended So that they put upon him a kind of necessity of being a Tyrant to make good his being a King Yet such was the moderation of his mind that he chose rather to bind them stricter to him by the old Laws than to gall them with any New guarding his Prerogative within that Citadel of the Burrough Law as they called it from whence as often as they began to mutiny he battered them with their own Ordnance and so made them Parties to their own wrong and however some that designed to preoccupate the Grace of Servitude gave him the ungrateful Title of Conqueror which he esteemed the greatest misfortune his good Fortune had brought upon him thereby to proclaim his Power to be as boundless as his Will which they took to be above all Limitation or Contradiction yet we find he suffered himself to be so far conquered by them that instead of giving to he took the Law from them and contentedly bound himself up by those which they called St. Edward's Laws which being an abbreviation of the great Tripple Code of Danique Merke and West-Sexe Laws was such a form of Combination as he himself could not desire to introduce a better and if any thing look'd like Absolute 't was his disarming them when he found them thus Law-bound hand and foot
perusal of another Learned and Modest Book written by an Anonymous Author entituled Patriarcha non Monarcha Authors for whose Names Posterity will have a greater respect than we at present have and that for their discovery of Truth and refuting so many Vulgar Errors I am SIR Your most Faithful Servant c. FINIS The Appendix ABbas de Middleton tenet in Capite de Domino Rege Mannerium de Middleton c. ex Feoffamenti Regis Aethelstani nullum servitium fecit nisi Orationes In Rotulo de Inquisitionibus Dominicorum Dorsetshire Ano. 4to R. H. Fil. R. I. Here we see that King Aethelstan who reigned above 740 Years agoe infeoffed the Abbey of Middleton of the Mannor of Middleton and that by virtue thereof the Abbot held it in Capite 4. H. 3. and did no Service for it but only to pray for the Souls of him and other succeeding Kings and all this you see found by Inquisition in the Fourth Year of Hen. 3. Rot. Cartar 19. H. 6. Nu. 16. m. 27. per Inspex Pro Decano Capitulo Sancti Martini Magni London per Inspeximus Inspeximus Cartam quam celebris Memoriae Dominus Willielmus quondam Rex Angl. progenitor ' nostri fecit Deo Ecclesiae Sancti Martini Magni London in hec verba QUia inter multa bona opera quae fideles Christi pro animarum suarum salute operantur hoc precipun estimatur tenetur Quod institution edification Sanctae Matris Eccle devota mente impenditur in qua suorum Dei supplicationibus peccata a pio Deo diluuntur quod Moises in mystici Tabernaculi constructione pmonstravit quod etiam Salomonis industria pfiguravit dum Templum Dno Artificiosum honorabile edificaret futuram significans Eccleam summo a fidelibus debere honore decorari quorum vidlt exemplo in nomine Dm nri Iesu Christi Ego Willus Dei dispositione consanguinitatis haereditate Anglorum Basileus Normannorumque Dux Rector cujusdam fidelis mei Ingelrici scilicet petitioni acquiescens Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Abbatuum Comitum Vniversorum procerum meorum Sacro Consilio parens omnes possessiones terrarum quas tempore venâ—rabilis ac dilectissimi cognati predecessoris mei Regis Edwardi Idem Ingelricus acquisierat ê™ ipsius insignissimi Regis Animae Salute necnon peccatorum meorum Remissione concedo Regia auctoritate imê‘pm corroboro confirmo Deo Eccle Beati Martini quam infra muros London sitam pfatus Ingelricus Erardus Frat ejus de propriis suis Redditibus in delictorum suorum Remedin honorabiliter ad Dei laudem Canonicalem Regulam imê‘pm servand tenend construxerunt Sunt igitur haec terrarum nomina c. Et si quas alias libtates vel consuetudines aliqua Ecclearum Regni mei Angl meliores het si quis vero hoc in aliud quam concessimus transferre psumpserit cum Juda Proditore Dei haeredibas luat penas Scripta est haec Chartula An ab Incarnatione Dm M. LX. VIII scilicet secundo Anno Regni mei ê‘acta vero est haec Donatio die Nataliâ— Dm postmodum in die Pentecost confirmat quando Matil conjux mea in Basilica Sancti Petri Westm in Reginam divino nutu est consccrata c. Ego Willus Rex Anglorum Dux Normannorum sub Sigillo Sancte ✚ quas indeclinabiliter consensi atque ✚ roloravi Ego Matil Regina consensum prebui Ego Ricus Regis Fil annui Ego Stigandus Archiepiscopus subscripsi Ego Aldredus Archiepiscopus confirmavi Ego Willus Lond Episcopus infra cujus muros pfatum Monasterium situm est signaculo Sancte Crucis subarravi libtatem omnimodam quantumcumque mee ê‘tinet possibilitati concessi Ego Odo Baiocensis Episcopus concessi Ego Hugo Luxoniensis Episcopus interfui Ego Goiffridus Episcopus corroboravi Ego Hermannus Episcopus concessi Ego Leouricus Episcopus concessi Ego Giso Episcopus concessi Ego Edwious Abbas Ego Wolwaldus Abbas Ego Baldwinus Abbas Ego Agelsinus Abbas Ego Turstinus Abbas Ego Brand Abbas Ego Alswinus Abbas Ego Sithricus Abbas Ego Wills Fil Osbti Comes Ego Robtus Frat Regis Comes Ego Edwinus Comes Ego Robtus Comes Ego Marchere Comes Ego Waldeof Comes Ego Rogerus de Monte Goverii Comes Ego Ricus Fil Gislebti Princeps Ego Wills Malet Princeps Ego Arfastus Regis Cancellarius Ego Michael Regis Capellanus Ego Gislbtus Capellanus Ego Osbinus Capellanus Ego Wills Capellanus Ego Thomas Capellanus Ego Bernardus Capellanus Ego Walterus Capellanus Ego Robtus Capellanus Ego Johes Sancte Romane Ecclie Cardinalis Presbit per Gallias Angl concedente Papa Alexandro vices Apostolicas gerens huic constitutioni interfui quantum Apostolice ✚ Sedi ê‘tinuit libtatem Ecclie psenti Signo confirmavi Ego Petrus Sancte Romane Ecclie similit Cardinalis Presbit Cancellarius ab eodem Papa in Angl elegatus ✚ huic Constitutioni acquiescens propria Manu subscripsi I give you this Charter Sir as a further Proof and Evidence for me in these Particulars viz. 1. You may observe by these words Consanguinitatiâ— haereditate Anglorum Basileus that here King William made an absolute disclaimer of Conquest in the second Year of his Reign and only insisted on what he knew full well was his surer hold his claim by Hereditary Right 2. And this is so much the more considerable as it was done in his Great Council of Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Earls Vniversorum procerum suorum a word of a large signification as well in Historians as in Ancient Records for under the word Proceres were comprehended Principes Civium vel Civitatis And the former Instances I have given you of other General Councils and the Parts thereof in this King's Reign fully agree with this Interpretation 3. The Claim and Protestation of the Rot. Parl. 2. H. 5. Pars secunda N. 10. Commons made the Parl. 2d H. 5. which says That so as hit hath ever be their Liberte and Freedom that thar should no Statute ne Law be made of lasse then they yaffe thereto their assent considering that the Commune of your Lond the which that is and ever hath be a Membre of your Parliament been as well Assentirs as Petitioners And which was ratified and confirmed by the King and Lords and so became an Act of Parliament was but an Affirmation and Declaration of the Ancient Law of the Land And the same Right cannot be denied by any Man to the Lords 4. And that he confirmed as the Custom of succeeding Kings have done to this day all the Possessions of those Lands to the Church of St. Martins le Grand which they had in the Time of EDWARD the CONFESSOR Now if this fond Notion of William's Absolute Conquest be true then either the Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Commons in Parl. 15. R. 2. knew it or they
as the Rest in the consequent of a general consecration of Tithes to the Church in England For neither were the Laws formerly made abolish'd by that Conquest altho' by Law of i Vid. Quintilian lib. 5. Institution cap. 10. Athe. Gentil de â—â—re belli lib. 3. cap. 5. Hottoman illust Quaest 5. War regularly all Rights and Laws of the Place conquered be wholly subject to the Conqueror's Will. For in this of the Norman not only the Conqueeor's Will was not declared that the former Laws should be abrogated and until such Declaration Laws remain in force by the Opinion of k Calvin's Can. fol. 17. b some in all Conquests of Christians against Christians but also the ancient and former Laws of the Kingdom were confirmed by him For in his fourth Year by the Advice of his Baronage he summoned to London omnes Nobiles sapientes Lege sua eruditos ut eorum Leges Consuetudines audiret as the words are of the Book of Litchfield and afterward confirmed them as is further also related by l in H. 2. p. 347. Roger of Hoveden Those Lege suâ eruditi were common Lawyers of that Time as Godrie and Alfwin were then also who are spoken of in the Book of m MS lib. 2. p. 33. 30. in Biol Cotton Abingdom to be Legibus Patriae optime instituti quibus tanta secularium facundia praeteritorum memoria eventorum inerat ut caeteri circumquaque facilè eorum sententiam ratam fuisse quem edicerent approbarent And these two and divers other Common Lawyers then lived in the Abby of Abingdon Quorum collationi nemo sapiens says the Author refragabatur quibus rem Ecclesia publicam tuentibus ejus oblocutores elingues fiebant You must know that in those days every Monk here in England that would might remain so secular that he might get Mony for himself purchase or receive by descent to his own use And therefore it was fit enough for practising Lawyers to live in Monasteries But what had those praeteritorum memoria eventorum that is Reports and adjudged Cases of the Saxon Times availed in their skill if the former Laws had not continued More obvious Testimonies to this purpose are had out of u Videsis Cok. Praefar ad Relat. 3. 8. si placet Not. ad fortesc p. 7 8. Gervase of Tilbury Ingulphus and others and we here omit them But also indeed it was not to be reputed a Conquest or an Acquisition by right of War which might have destroyed the former Laws so much as a violent recovering of the Kingdom out of the hands of Rebels which withstood the Duke's pretence of a lawful Title claimed by the Confessor's adoption or designation of him for his Successor his nearness of Blood on the Mother's side not a little also aiding such a pretence to a Crown For the Confessor's Mother Emme was Sister to Richard the Second Duke of Normandy to whom William was Grand-child and Heir But these were only specious Titles and perhaps examined curiously neither of them were at that time enough And howsoever his Conscience so moved him at his death that he profest he had got * Historia Cadonensis England only by Blood and the Sword yet also by express Declaration in some of his Patents he before pretended his Right from the Confessor's Gift p Chart. Eccl s Westm in inspex part 7. 1. Ed. 4. m. 26. vid. Camb. pag. 104. In ore gladii saith he Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devicto Haraldo Rege cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum beneficio concessionis Domini cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi concessum conati sunt auferre c. And the Stories commonly tells us That the Confessor Successionem Angliae ei dedit And although Harold also pretended a Devise of the Kingdom to himself made by the Confessor in extremis and urged also that the Custom of England had been from the time of Augustine's coming hither q MS. sive Autor Guil. Pictav sive quis alius sit in Bibl. Cotton Donationem quam in ultimo fine quis fecerit eam ratam haberi and that the former Gift to the Norman and his own Oath for establishment of it were not of force because they were made r Malmesb. lib. 5. de Gest Regum p. 56. a. aliâ— in Will. 1. videsis Mat. Paris in Hen. 3. p. 1257. Edit Londin absque generali Senatus Populi conventu edicto yet for his own part he was driven to put all upon the Fortune of the Field and so lost it And the Norman with his Sword and pretence of the sufficiency and precedence of the Gift made to himself got the Crown as if he had been a lawful Successor to the Confessor and not an Vniversal Conqueror All this is plain out of the Stories and justified infallibly by that of the Titles of many common Persons made to their Possessions in England after his Kingdom setled upon the possession of themselves or their Ancestors in time of the Saxon Kings especially of the Confessor But this was always in case where they by whose possession the Title was made had not incurr'd Forfeiture by Rebellion Many such Titles are clearly allowed in the Book of Dooms-day written in the Conqueror's Time One especially is noted by the most learned Camden in his Norfolk That as I remember is touched in Dooms-day also but enough others are dispersed there which agree with it How could such Titles have held if he had made an absolute Conquest of England wherein an Vniversal Acquisition of all had been to the Conqueror and no Title could have been derived but only from or under him More might be brought to clear this but we add here only the judicious Assertion of a great s Shard in cas in itin temp Ed. 3. fol. 143. b. Lawyer of Edward the Third's Time Le Conqueror saith he ne vient pas pur ouster eux que avoient droiturell possession mes de ouster eux que de leur tort avoâ—ent occupie ascun terre en disheritance del Roy son Corone It was spoken upon an Objection made in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough touching a Charter of King Edgar which the King's Councel would have had void because by the Conquest all Franchises they said were devolved to the Crown But by the way for that of his nearness of Blood which could not but aid his other pretended Title let it not seem meerly vain in regard of his being a Bastard There was good pretence for the help of that defect also For although the Laws of this Kingdom and I think of all other Civil States at this day exclude Bastards without a subsequent Legitimation from Inheritance yet by the old Laws used by his Ancestors and Country-men that is by those of Norway a Prince's Son gotten
between the Arch-bishop of York and this same Bishop of Worcester was here judicially determined And 4. If there were no English Men in this great Council how then came it to pass that the Bishop of York and London were there who certainly were Bishops in the Saxon Times And it may also seem not improbable that there was then an universal Consent among them that these two Bishops should be intrusted to write down for them the English Laws 5. And there is one great Thing more to close withal which is That at this Parliament when the Saxon Laws were confirmed there was a particular Law past Carta Regis Wil. ielm apud Lambard c. 54. fol. 170. in favour of the Normans qui ante adventum Guilielmi Cives fuerant Anglicani that they should be participes Consuetudinum Anglorum quod ipsi dicunt Anhlote Anscote persolvant secundum Legem Anglorum The meaning of the words Anhlote Sir H. Spelm. Gloss verbo Anhlote f. 31. and Anscote as Sir Henry Spelman informs us is vulgò Scot Lot that is That every such French Man should not be charged with double Taxes and Duties as a Foreigner but that he should pay his easy share and proportion as any natural English Man. But then II. It was in such a grand Assembly of wise Men of the Kingdom where Lanfranc was elected to the See of Canterbury for it was by the Assent of the Lords and Prelats and of the whole People that is to say by the Parliament of England This likewise was about the fourth Year of the Conqueror And an Ancient Historian writes thus of Gervas Dorobernens Act. Pont. Cant. fol. 1653 l. 5. his Election Eligentibus eum Senioribus ejusdem Ecclesiae cum Episcopis ac Principibus Clero Populo Angliae in Curia Regis in Asumptione Sanctae Mariae But another Contemporary Writer gives it you in these words Relat. Willielm prim ad finem tract de Gavelkind à Syla Taylor p. 194. Rex mittens propter illum in Normanniam fecit eum venire in Angliam eique Consensu Auxilio omnium Baronum suorum omniumque Episcoporum Abbatum totiusque Populi Angliae commisit ei Dorobernensem Ecclesiam III. There was another General Ex Cartulario Coenobii Westmonasteriensis in Biblioth Cotton sub effigie Faustinae A. 3. Dugdal Orig. Juridic sol 16. Council or Parliament held at Westminster in the fourteenth Year of this King where by his Charter he confirmed the Liberties of that Church after he had subscribed his own Name with the Sign of the Cross adding many of the great Clergy and Temporal Nobility and instead of cum multis aliis says multis praeterea illustrissimis Virorum personis Regni Principibus diversi ordinis omissis qui similitèr huic confirmationi piissimo affectu Testes Fautores fuerunt Hii autem illo Tempore à Regia potestate Provincia i. e. Comitatus Seld. Tit. Hon fol. 273. Spelm. Gloss Tit. Provincia f. 471. diversis Provinciis Vrbibus ad Vniversalem Synodum pro causis cujuslibet Christianae Ecclesiae audiendis tractandis ad praescriptam Celeberrimam Parliamentum Synodus magna nuncupatur Somneri Gloss Synodum quod Westmonasterium dicitur Convocati c. In the Margin of the Book there is writ this Remarque Nota hic hos omnes convocari à Rege suâ auctoritate ad causas Religionis tractandas tà m Nobiles de Clero quà m Principes Regni cum aliis inferioris gradus Convocatio quorum videtur esse Parliamentum IV. I think by the general direction of the Writs of this King as also by that of his Charters some of which I have given you in my Argument to your third Question and therefore shall refer you back to them it is plainly demonstrable that William had as well English Barons as French Barons and that his Barons were always a part of his great Council will hardly I suppose be denied by any And that one Law of his which may be called the First MAGNA CHARTA in the Norman Times by which the King reserved to himself from the Free Men of this Kingdom nothing but their free Services due to him according to Law in the conclusion saith That they to wit the English LL. Guilielm c. 55. shall hold and enjoy their Estates well and in peace free from all unjust Exactions and Tallage and this ratified and confirmed by the Common Council of the whole Kingdom which cannot be restrained to the Norman Barons only So that herein is asserted the Liberty of the English Free-men and of the Representative Body of the Kingdom These I think are uncontrovertible Proofs and Evidences 1. That there were General Councils or Parliaments in this first William's Time. 2. That in these Parliaments the English Barons as well as the French Barons were present 3. And lastly That there likewise was as an essential part thereof 1. The Communitas Anglorum the Community of English-men 2. Besides the Bishops and Nobility there were the Clerus Populus the Inferior Clergy and People of England And 3. Not only the Great Clergy and the Temporal Nobility but the Principes diversi Ordinis a Regià potestate diversis Provinciis Vrbibus ad Vniversalem Synodum Convocati c. viz. The Chief and Principal Men of several Ranks and Degrees in Condition were summoned by virtue of the King 's Writ out of their several respective Counties Cities and Burroughs to this General Synod or Parliament And Sir if this be so I doubt not but that both your self and all judicious and unbiassed Persons who have not resolved to espouse a Party and who will not suffer themselves to be drawn aside by any novel unwarrantable Opinions but will fairly submit their Judgments to clear and perspicuous Truth when once it manifestly appears I say both you and they will certainly rest satisfied in these great and powerful Authorities which I have here presented to publick view and serious consideration and I think these have sufficiently made out and proved That 1. William the first vulgarly called the Conqueror did not get the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword nor made an absolute Conquest of the Nation at his first entrance 2. Nor that he abolished all the English Laws or changed the whole Frame and Constitution of the Saxon Government But 3. That the English had still Estates and Fortunes continued to them and that it was a great mistake in any to affirm That the King and his Normans divided and shared them all among them As likewise 4. In the fourth place It has been a grand Error to ascertain That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom in the Reign of William the Conqueror Now Sir as a corroborating Testimony to explain and enforce what I already have said I shall conclude my Discourse at present with a very memorable and studied Speech of a
also to satisfy the Wonder If they were not brought out of Normandy or some other part of France how come they then to be written in the French Language Sir It is to me an Argument That because they are written in French therefore they were not brought in by Duke William the Norman for the French Tongue was not the Language of Duke William and the Normans They had not been then in Duke William's Time past four descents in that part of France and it is improbable that they in so short a Time should lose their Native Tongue and take up and use the Language of another Countrey which was conquered by them The Normans came from Sweden Gothland Norway and Denmark between whose Languages and with the High-Dutch their Neighbours there is a great affinity but between these Languages and the French there is none at all Vlphilus holds that the Dutch Tongue came from the Goths Jornandus saith The Goth's Tongue came from the Dutch. All agree That between those Languages and the French there is no affinity It is so improbable that Duke William should cause our Laws to be in French that when he proclaimed them as Ingulphus testifies he commanded that they should be used in the same Language they were written in English to his Justices and gives the Reason Lest by Ignonorance we should happen to break them But it hath been further objected If Duke William did not cause our Laws to be written in French what then should be the Reason that the Grand Custumary of his Norman Laws were written in the French Tongue The Reason thereof is given That the Normans being a Rough and Martial People had few Clerks amongst them but made use of those French amongst whom they then lived and whose Language they then began to be acquainted with and to understand But when they were in England they had not so much use of those Clerks and that Language but more of the English And probably it might be that the Confessor had been so long in France that he was more Master of that Language than the Normans and that the Normans understood that Language better than the English and thereupon the Custumary was written in the French Tongue But it doth not therefore follow that Duke William must cause the English Laws to be written in the French Tongue but it is more likely that he might cause them to be continued in their Native Idiom which was much nearer in affinity to his own Northern Language than the French was That the French Tongue was not introduced as to our Laws and other things by Duke William into England appears in that the French was in great use with us here both before and some-time after his Invasion Beda affirms That in Anno 640 it was the Custom of England to send their Daughters into the Monasteries of France to be brought up there and that Ethelbert Ethelwulf Ethelred and other Saxon Kings married into the Royal Blood of France Glabor notes That before the Time of Duke William the Normans and English did so link together that they were a Terror to Forreign Nations Ingulphus saith That the Saxon Hand was used until the Time of King Alfred long before the Time of Duke William and that he being brought up by French Teachers used the French Hand And he notes many Charters of Edward and Edgar written in the French Hand and some Saxon mixt with it as in the Book of Dooms-day That Edward the Confessor by reason of his long being in France was turned into the French Fashion and all England with him But that William the first commanded our Laws to be written in the English Tongue because most Men understood it and that there be many of his Patents in the Saxon Tongue I suppose we may be satisfied that William the first did not cause our Laws to be written in French though the French Language was much in use here before his Time. And if he did not introduce the French Language into England the Argument falls That because they are written in French therefore he brought them in But Sir I shall offer you some Conjectures how it came that our Laws were written in French which I suppose might be begun in the Time of our K. Hen. 2. who was a Frenchman born and had large Territories and Relations in France and with French-men of whom great Numbers came into England and they and the English matched and lived together both here and in some parts of France Hence it came to pass as Giraldus Cambrensis notes that the English Tongue was in great use in Burdeaux and in other parts of France where the English-men were resident and conversant the like was when the French-men were so conversant in England Mathew Westminster writes That he was in hazard of losing his Living because he understood not the French Tongue and that in King Hen. 2. and King Stephen's Time who had large Dominions in France their Native Country and the Number of French and of Matches with them was so great that one could hardly know who was French and who English Gervasius Tilsberiensis observes the same And Brackland writes That in Rich. 1. Time preaching in England was in the French Tongue Probably Pleading might be so likewise and in King Iohn's Time French was accounted as the Mother Tongue There are scarce any Deeds of our Kings in French before Hen. 2. his Time the most are in Ed. 1. and Ed. 2. their Time. That our Laws were pleaded and written in French before Edw. 3. his Time appears by the Stat. 36. Edw. 3. c. 15. which recites the Mischief of the Law being in French and enacts That the Law shall thereafter be pleaded in English and enrolled in Latin. This is one ground of the mistaken Opinion of Lambard Polydore Speed and others That Duke William brought in hither both the Norman Laws and Language which I apprehend to be fully answered and the contrary manifested by what I have said before on this Subject Polydores Mistake may appear the more when he asserts that by the Stat. 36. Edw. 3. Matters are to be enrolled in English which is contrary to the express Words that they are to be enrolled in Latin. Many of our law-Law-Books were written in Latin before the Norman Invasion as appears by the Ancient Rolls of Mannors and Court Barons and our Old Authors Glanvill Bracton Tilsbury Hengham Fleta the Register and the Book of Entries The Records at Westminster and the Tower and other Records yet extant are in Latin and many Books of our Law in Latin were translated into English about Edw. 3. his Time. Most of our Statutes from Edw. 1. his Time till about the middle of Hen. 7. his Reign are enrolled in French notwithstanding this Stat. 36. Edw. 3. except the Stat. 6. R. 2. some others in Latin R. 2. H. 4. H. 5. and H. 6. used to write their Letters in French and some of our Fleadings
are in French and in the Common Pleas to our Time. But Sir our Law is Lex non Scripta I mean our Common Law and our Statutes Records and Books which are written in French are no Argument that therefore the Original of our Laws is from France but they were in being before any of the French Language was in our Laws Fortescue writes That the English kept their Accounts in French yet doubtless they had Accounts here and Revenues before the French Language was in use here My Lord Cook saith That the Conqueror taught the English the Norman Terms of Hawling Hunting and Gaming c. yet no doubt but that these Recreations were in use with us before his Time. And tho' Duke William or any other of our Kings before or after his Time did bring in the French Tongue amongst us yet that is no Argument that he or they did change or introduce our Laws which undoubtedly were here long before those Times and some of them when the French Tongue was so much in use here were translated written and pleaded and recorded in the French Tongue yet remained the same Law still And from the great use of the French Tongue here it was That the Reporters of our Law-Cases and Judgments which were in those Times did write their Reports in French which was the pure French in that Time tho' mixt with some words of Art. Those Terms of Art were taken many of them from the Saxon Tongue and may be seen by them yet used and the Reporters of later Times and our Students at this day use to take their Notes in French following the Old Reports which they had studied and the Old French which as in other Languages by time came to be varied I shall not deny but that some Monks in elder Times and some Clerks and Officers might have a Cunning for their private Honour and Profit to keep up a Mystery to have as much as they could of our Laws to be in a kind of Mystery to the Vulgar to be the less understood by them But the Councellors at Law and Iudges can have no advantage by it but perhaps it would be found that the Law being in English and generally more understood yet not sufficiently would occasion the more Suits And possibly there might be something of the like nature as to the Court Hand yet if the more Common Hands were used in our Law-writings they would be the more subject to change as the English and other Languages are but not the Latin. Surely the French Tongue used in our Reports and Law-Books deserves not to be so enviously decried as it is by Polydore Aliot Daniel Hottoman Cowell and other Censurers But Mr. Speaker if I have been tedious I humbly ask your pardon and have the more hopes to obtain it from so many worthy English Gentlemen when that which I have said was chiefly in vindication of their own Native Laws unto which I hold my self the more obliged by the Duty of my Profession and I account it an honour to me to be a Lawyer As to the Debate and Matter of the Act now before you I have delivered no Opinion against it nor do I think it reasonable that the generality of the People of England should by an Implicit Faith depend upon the knowledg of others in that which concerns them most of all It was the Romish Policy to keep them in Ignorance of Matters pertaining to their Souls Health let them not be in Ignorance of Matters pertaining to their Bodies Estates and all their worldly Comfort It is not unreasonable that the Law should be in the Language which may best be understood by those whose Lives and Fortunes are subject to it and are to be governed by it Moses read all the Laws openly before the People in their Mother Tongue God directed him to write it and to expound it to the People in their own Native Language that what concerned their Lives Liberties and Estates might be made known unto them in their most perspicuous way The Laws of the Eastern Nations were in their proper Tongue The Laws at Constantinople were in Greek at Rome in Latin in France Spain Germany Sweden Denmark and other Nations their Laws are published in their Native Idiom For your own Country there is no Man that can read the Saxon Character but may find the Laws of their Ancestors yet extant in the English Tongue Duke VVilliam himself commanded the Laws to be proclaimed in English that none might pretend ignorance of them It was the Judgment of the Parliament 36. Edw. 3. That Pleadings should be in English and in the Reigns of those Kings when our Statutes were enrolled in French and English yet then the Sheriffs in their several Counties were to proclaim them in English I shall conclude with a Complaint of what I have met with abroad from some Military Persons nothing but Scoffs and Invectives against our Law and Threats to take it away but the Law is above the reach of those Weapons which at one time or another will return upon those that use them Solid Arguments strong Reasons and Authorities are more fit for Confutation of any Error and Satisfaction of different Judgments When the Emperor took a Bishop in compleat Armour in a Battle he sent the Armour to the Pope with these words Haeccine sunt vestes Filii tui So may I say to those Gentlemen abroad as to their Railings Taunts and Threats against the Law Haeccine sunt Argumenta horum Antinomianorum They will be found of no force but recoiling Arms. Nor is it ingenious or prudent for ENGLISH-MEN to depravâ— their Birth-right the Laws of their own Country Thus Sir have I impartially given you my Sentiments of VVilliam the first his Conquest which hath been so terribly and frightfully represented and published to the VVorld by the Ignorance Interest and Artifice of some Modern VVriters Thus have I as an English Man endeavoured to do my Country Justice and to support the true Honour both of our worthy Saxon Ancestors and of our excellent and famous Laws against Conquest and Slavery as also to justify the Ancient Parliamentary Right as well of Lords as Commons But yet for your fuller and clearer satisfaction in this so weighty a Point I shall refer you if you please to the Learned and Judicious Discourses writ in some measure more particularly upon this Subject never yet sufficiently answered to my Conviction though I have industriously compared and considered all the pretended Answers and them together without the least of byass or prepossession and I heartily could wish others would do the like and that for TRUTH 's sake The Discourses are these viz. Mr. Selden's Jani Anglorum Facies Alterâ— Mr. Sytas Taylor 's History of Gavelkind Mr. Petyt's Rights of the Commons of England asserted And Mr. Attwood's Jani Anglorum Facies Nova And his Jus Anglorum ab Antiquo You would likewise I suppose be extreamly pleased in the