agaynst them in that behalf And with this I will leaue also Sir Francis as simple a soule as I founde him but yet somewhat more shufled out of his cloutes and discouered for a conscienceles corrupter of his booke of conscience To Catholique recusantes whome he impugneth I can say no more but that they are happie men to haue such an aduersarie and that the course which they haue hitherto held is most honorable and pious before God and man I meane in shewing first their dutie towardes God by standing constantly and suffering for their conscience and secondly in offering all loyal obedience in temporal causes to their liege prince And lastly in edifying their neighbours by their good lyfe and behaueour VVhich is the exhortation of Saynt Peter in this verie place alleaged Hauing your conuersation good sayth he among these people in such sorte as they considering your good woorkes in that they go about to slander you as wicked men God may be glorified therby in the day of his visitation And agayne the will of God is that you by your good lyf do stop the mouthes of foolish and ignorant men that talke agaynst you c. And yet further this is a great grace if any man suffer sorow for his conscience towardes God being afflicted vniustly for if you suffer for sinne â—or euil lyf it is no glorie but if while you liue well you do suffer patiently it is a great grace with God â—for in this is your vocation and to this you are called for that Christ suffered so for vs and left you example to follow his steppes c. And as for obedience you are to yeeld it simply my deare brethren and playnly as I haue sayed with a true loyal harte and good will as vnto Christe himself vnto all kynde of magistrates whatsoeuer temporal or spiritual though yet with that distinction which Christe him self appoynted quae sunt Caesaris Caesari quae sunt Dei Deo geuing vnto Caesar those thinges that are Caesars and reseruing to God those thinges that are Gods VVhich distinction Saynt Paul to the Romans expoundeth more particularly when hauing commanded all superior powers to be obeyed euen for conscience sake as the ministers of God though they were Gentils he setteth downe this conclusion Geue therefore to all sortes of men those thinges that are due vnto them tribute to whome tribute tole to whome â—â—le feare to whome feare honor to whome honor belongeth Vnto our temporal prince and head of our earthly coÌ„mon-wealth whereof we are citizeÌ„s we owe all temporal obedience in ciuil matters according to the law of God nature and nations and according to the particular ordinances of the countrie wherin we dwel and so we are to serue him with our bodies goodes life and whatsoeuer other earthly meanes or comoditie we haue besides in all iust causes And this with all honor fidelitie redines alacritie and promptnes of minde as to the minister of God ordayned as both the forenamed Apostles say for punishing of the wicked and comforting the good And this obedience was due also vnto heathen magistrates in Christes time for in this temporal goâ—ernment Christ altered nothing at all but left it as he found it And for that some Christians after Christes ascention partly by the comon opinion of the Iewes who held that the Messias should make them free from all temporal subiection and partly vpon those woordes of Christe himself in Saint Iohns Ghospel si ergo vos filias liberauerit verè liberi eritis if the sonne of God once deliuer you you shal be truely free which was meant of spirituall freedom yet for that some Christians imagined that they were now free from obedience also of temporal magistrates the foresayd two chief Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paule took vpon them most earnestly to remoue this error in the places alleaged and to persuade all due temporal obedience also in all ciuil afaires to the ciuil magistrate of what life or religion soeuer he were I say in temporal and ciuil afaires for as for matters of religion and the soule no man of sence or iudgment will imagin that the said Apostles would bynd christians to obey those ciuil magistrates that were not yet christians in the Apostles dayes nor euer ment to be but rather persecutors And heerof also insueth that their must needes be some other distinct superioritie and gouernment for matters of the soule whereof I shewed the commandement before out of Saint Paule and it is that which we commonly call Ecclesiasticall or Spiritual gouernment concerning afaires of religion and conscience And this gouernment ouer soules Christe himself came properly downe from heauen to found and erect vpon earth and to make himself head thereof being a gouernment far different from the other whereof he would take no parte at all and so he fled when the people would haue made him a king and to Pilate he denyed that his kingdom was of this world and being called vpon to deuide the inheritance between two brethren which was an act aperteining to the teÌ„porall magistrate he answered who hath apointed me a Iudge or a deuider ouer you But yet when he talked of the oâ—her superioritie that aperteineth to teaching instructing and gouerning of soules be acknowleged his authoritie You call me maister and Lord sayth he in one place to his disciples and you say wel for I am so And again in an other place your only maister is Christe c. This superioritie therfore and tribunal ouer soules for instructing directing chastising bynding and loosing of sinnes and the lyke Christ did peculierly erect and setle at his being here making himself the head and leauing his Apostles and their successours for his substitutes to guyd the same vnder him vnto the worldes end Neither did Christe at his departure commit this authoritie or any parte therof vnto Caesar or vnto any other temporal prince but to his Apostles geuing them that supreme dignitie in ioynt commission with his owne person when he saied who heareth you heareth me and who contemneth you contemneth me Nor did Saynt Paule when he talked of matters of the soule subiect Christians vnto Caesar or vnto temporal princes as he did in temporal affaires but vnto their prelates as before hath byn alleaged and addeth this reason for that they wach for vs and are to yeild account of our soules to almightie God as a matter of their peculiar charge And to the end it should appeare how distinct and different these two gouernments and iurisdictions are Christ prouided that this spiritual gouernment of his Churche should stand in the world for three hundred yeares together without any temporal gouernment at all in the hand of Christian Princes to wit vntil the tyme of Constantyne the greate and then and after when any temporal kinges and princes were conuerted and made Christians as
great Saint for his Christian libertie and constancie S. Chrysostome in lyke manner shalbe condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal Lordes Arcadius and Honorius Christian Emperours and with their wyues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with king Henry the second For he prâ—ached agaynst them publiquely with great vehemencie and thundred out excomunication agaynst them and was twyce banished and driuen out of his Bishoprike by their disfauor and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singuler holy man and Theodosius the yonger son of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnitie honour and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the sinnes of his pareÌ„tes in persecuting so blessed a man And as the story sayth made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers sinnes As did also often our king Henry the sonne for the offence of his father in being some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Wel then to conclude this matter treason there was none nor could be in this contention of S. Thomas agaynst king Henry for it was donn with all due respect of the Archbil hopes parte and according to the lawes ecclesiastical both of churche realm And as for the mannes behaueour and actions in the rest of his lyf if we beleeue three or foure historiographers together of greate credit and sanctitie that liued at the same tyme and conuersed with him they were admirable in all kynd of vertue His death was by wilfull murder without iustice or commaundment of king or any magistrate as all the world knoweth His canonization was presently vpon his death by diligent inquiry of all factes and circumstances and by vniuersal applause of all christendom King Henry the second excused himself of the murder admitted his canonization builded his shryne and sepulcher adorned the same with greate giftes came thither in person and not only denyed as I haue sayed that his intention euer extended to his murder but also tooke seuere punishement and pennaÌ„ce of himself for the vniust wrath that by incitation of others he had conceyued agaynst so holy a man of which penance of the kings one that liued at the same tyme and saw it wryteth that he opened his naked shoulders at the sepulcher and receyued first fyue ierkes at fyue Bishops handes and fourescore and three at so many monks â—andes and after lay on the bare ground and other such circuÌ„stances as in the author you may read All those that had byn enemies to the blessed man or had had parte in his death came after to greate miserie by Gods iust iudgmentes And fynally all the Christian world for these foure hundred yeares haue holden him for a glorious martir and builded many a churche to God in his memorie in other countries many great moâ—arches haue come to England of purpose to visit his sepulcher and others haue sent great presentes and donaries Many miracles haue â—yn recorded by graue authors and publique testimony of the whole â— land to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher in witnes of his â—anctitie All these testimonies then being extant in the world for so many hundred yeares together let any man iudge whether they ought â—ot to be of more weight with a wyse and pious Christian then this â—raynles calumniation of a mad hasty hoat spurr that knoweth â—ot what he sayth and much lesse careth or indeuoureth how to â—roue it But let vs see now his third position that he feigneth to be among â—s as a grouÌ„d of religioÌ„ These two irreligious prophane grouÌ„des saith he â—eing layd though you haue seen that the knight hath layd them as fiâ—ions of his own grownds of ours they proceed to a third set it down â—r a Popish ground also that it was a dangerous and deadly sinne for any man 〈◊〉 disobey the Pope and his cleargie in any of their orders inioyned and commanded in such reuerence and regard must he and his cleargie be had that the meanestâ— masse Priest comming with authority from him must be obeyed vnder payn of damnation though he commaund that which is blasphemous before God in Christians and disloyal to men in subiects This is his narration from which if ye separate a manifest lye oâ— two with some fond exagerations for without this kynde of leuiâ— the poore knight can make no batch as for example that the Pope anâ— his Cleargie must be obeyed though they commaund blasphemies against God and disloyalty against princes which is a shameles slander and that the disobedience if he speake of omission in any one order inioyned by Pope and Cleargie is a deadly sinn and the lyke if you separatâ— I say these ouer lauishings of the hastie knight all the rest he obiecteth is rather commendation of Catholique religion then any reproche at all for in that he saith wee obey the meanest preest as the highest if he come with authoritie of the highest he sheweth therby that we haue among vs true obedience and subordination and thaâ— for conscience sake Not respecting so much the person that commandeth as him for whome and in whose name and authoritie hâ— commandeth and therin we fulfill the precept of S. Paule Obedite praâ—positis vestris subiacete eis ipsi enim peruigilant quasi rationem pro animabuâ— restris reddituri Obey your Prelates and humble your selues vnto them he distinguisheth not betwene high and lowe for they keep diligent watche ouer your soules as men that must render account theroâ— to God And in other places he sayth that this obedience must bâ— with such reuerence humilitie and inward affection as vnto Chryâ—â— himself whose substitutes our spiritual superiours be though neuer so mean or contemptible in mannes sight And again S. Paul sayth this obedience must be non solum propteâ— iram sed etiam propter conscientiam not only for feare of punishment but also for conscience that is vnder pain of deadly sinne or of damnation though this wise knight do iest at the phrase which yet is the proper phrase of S. Paul himself in the same place saying qui autem resistuâ— damnationem sibi acquirunt those that resist to obey procure damnation to themselues And this is answere sufficient for so ydle an obiectionâ— that we obey the meanest masse Priest coÌ„ming with authority of the highest in which matter I could teach Sir Francis a spirituall poinâ— of doctrine if he were capable of it and most true to witt that the meaner the substitute is that is obeyed in the name and place of any potent prince or superior the greater honor is donn to the sayd prince or superior and the greater vertue is argued therby to be in him that obeyeth for that he is not induced by any talent or commendation of the sayd substitute to obey him but only for loue
parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
his dignitie Bishopâ—ke held in the tower all the tyme of that gouernmeÌ„t wherin the â—uke ruled all but yet the duke being condeÌ„ned to death knowing â—e gentle nature of the Bishop that he was nothing vindicatiue he â—esolued to rely vpoÌ„ him of all other men so made petitioÌ„ after senâ—ce of death geueÌ„ agaynst him that he might speake only with the Biâ—hop before his death as well about matters concerning his soule â—nd conscience as also for disposing of his other affaires VVhich peâ—tion being graunted though somewhat hardly by the Queen and â—ouncel for that it had byn hindred by the Dukes aduersaries that â—new and feared in this case the Bishops tendernes of hart at last he â—as sent to the tower in the company of an other Councelor to be â—resent at their talke who afterward recounted and I haue heard it â—om his own mouth the hartie teares that the said Bishop shed at â—e sight and conference with the Duke who after much speech said â—o the Bishop towards the end with great affliction of mynd My â—ood lord B. And is there no hope at all for me to liue and to do â—ome pennance in the rest of my dayes for my sinnes past alas let me â—ue a litle longer though it were but in a mous-hole To which the Bishop answered o my lord I would God that any thing could haue â—ontented your grace but a kingdom when you were at libertie and â—n prosperitier and now also I would it lay in my power to geue you â—his mous-hole for I would allow you the best pallace I haue in the world to be your mous-hole and I do offer to do for you what I can â—oâ—sibly But yet for that your offence is great sentence is past aâ—aynst you and your aduersaries are many it shalbe best for you to prouyde for the woorst and especialie that you stand well with God in matters of conscience and religion for to speake playnlie it is mosâ— lykely that you must dye To that the Duke answered that he would dispose him self and desired he might haue a learned preest sent him for his confession and spiritual coÌ„fort And as for religion sayd he you know my Lord B. that I can be of no other but of yours which is the Catholique for â— neuer was of any other in deed nor euer so foolish as to beleeue any of that which we haue set vp in King Edwardes dayes but only to vse the same to my owne purpose of ambition for which God forgeue me and so I meane to testifie publiquely at my death for it is the truth so he did and his coÌ„fession was put forth in print as the world knoweth and at this day much of it extant in Stowes chronicleâ— B. Gardener went away with an afflicted hart for the Duke shed many a teare for him on the way as he returned and presently went to the Queen and intreated so earnestly for him as he had haâ— gayned her consent for his lyf which so much terrified the Dukes aduersaries as presently they got the Emperour Charles that was iâ— Flanders to wryte to the Queen a verie resolute and ernest letter that it was not safe for her nor the state to pardon his lyf and with that he was executed All which story I haue byn inforced to repeate a litle the more larger therby to check the malignant speech of this our sicophanâ— knight against so worthie a man whome he will needes make â— bloody and cruel monster and to haue sought malitiously the death of her Maiestie when she was Lady Elizabeth VVhich was so faâ— of from his condition and nature espetially she being at that tyme an obiect rather of loue and compassion then of enuy and hatred aâ— I dare say he doth him apparent and wilful wrong Yet it may be that he hath heard somewhat about the discouery of a certaynâ— bracelet imputed to the Chancelor in examination of Sir Thomas Wiattes affayres and his complices In which bracelet it was said that all the secretie of that conspiracie lay hidden and that the Chancelor did pearse the matter further then others which may be alsâ— true that point belonging then to his office and obligation but that he euer vsed or vrged the knowledge gotten therof to the ladies peril this Hastinges neither in hast nor by leasure will euer be able to proue And so much of this poynt touching her Maiesties person Let vs examine the rest that he writeth of B. Gardener some â— the woords were repeated before but heer they are necessary againâ—â— by reason of the commixion with that which followeth The recusants sayth he cannot professe more loyalty and loue to the Queen that now is then did Gardener to her father and brother writing a booke de vera obedientia c. But when these two noble princes were dead and Queen Marie in the kingdom then he did tear of his glorious vizard for he and his compliâ—ces neuer rested vntil they had brought in the Spanyard aud matched him with Queen Marie by which they betrayed God her and the whole realme It seemeth that this poore seely man is either very ignorant in matters of our own realm or very badly bent to tel manifest vntruthes For who knoweth not that albeit Bishop Gardener at the beginning of king Henryes defection from the church of Rome being born away with the stream of the tyme and with some feare of the kings violent proceeding and not very full instructed perhaps in that controuersie of the Supremacie for that it was at the very first entrance to his Bishoprik after the fall of Cardinal VVolsey shaken also with the frailty of humane infirmity he shronk with S. Peter and stepped somwhat asyde in that booke of his de vera obedientia c. But yet how soon he did recall himself agayn and condemned his owne doing therin and how much also he preuailed in secret with the king himself in that poynt of doctrine you shall hear afterward by his own testimony And as for king Edwards raigne it is a flat fable and fiction which our knight telleth vs of Bishop Gardeners following the sway also of that time for it is well knowen that he being one of the cheifest among those sixteen counsellors that were apoynted by king Henries testament and earnest charge of mouth at his last hower to gouern his sonne and realme during the minoritie of the yong king with expresse commaundement also of the dead king that neither protector should be chosen nor yet any poynt of Luthers Zwinglius or Caluins religion brought in Bishop Gardener as a faithful counsellor striued what he could at the very first entrance to haue both these orders of king Henry obserued But ambitioÌ„ ouerbearing all first a Protector within 40. howers after the kings death and then soone after an innouation also of religion was thrust vpon the realme by violence of some that packed
ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen
gouernours as I haue sayd with equal authoritie all in his opinion or the far greater parte very catholique But he was no sooner dead but all these orders of his were ouerthrowen and a protector made the third day after the kinges death and sone after religion changed and the law of six articles abrogated and as litle regard had to king Henries will and ordinances as if he had neuer byn king of this realme or mayster to the breakers And among other these changes was displaced Gardener himself one of the cheef of those sixteen appoynted for gouernours by king Henry and not only thrust from all authoritie but sent also to the tower of London prisoner as before I haue shewed and other Catholique Lordes remoued in lyke manner from the Councel for lyke endes and purposes Then began a new world of making new Lordes new Earles new Marqueses new Dukes in deuiding great states offices dignites in good felowship amonge themselues all in the name of the childe king though he were not yet crowned nor three weekes past synce his fathers death New men also were called out of Germany to wit Peter Martir and Martin Bucer two apostated friars with their wenches that had been Nunnes who must come to teache a new religion in England but with expresse condition to be indiffereÌ„t to reache that sect opinion either of Luther Swinglius or Caluin or other that should be determined and agreed vpon by the Parlament then in gathering together and so they were contented and with that condition they were sent the one to Oxford and the other to Cambrige Then was the new English forme of seruice drawen out in hast by certayne of the Protectors chaplayns in Somerset place in London not fully agreeing to any of the Captaynes doctrine aforesaid but somewhat mingled of them all and much also of the Catholique ryte and forme all which was approued soone after for apostolical and established by the lay part of the Parlament for the cleargie reclaymed and all men inforced to sweate vnto it and so for the old religion receaued by the vniuersal church and continued in England for aboue a thousand years and confirmed by so many miracles at the beginning as S. Bede and other ancient authors do affirme and allowed by the consent of all our learned English for so many ages now was there a new religion deuised in corners set vp by certayne obscure and hungrie fellowes in hast within the space of two monethes and authorized by a parlament of vnlearned lay men to be the rule of our saluation But in the meane space the Duke of Somerset now head of this church for that the childe king was at play could think nothing of it attended principally to his temporall aduancement to purchase good old land and caused his seruantes to set forward the new religion without troobling him therin saying that all should be examined and approued afterward by the authoritie of the yong king as trew head of the Church and so it was Then followed great tumultes and rebellious in the realme as also iarring and falling out of the great protestant Councellors among themselues The protector first cut of the head of his brother the Admiral and then the Earle of VVarwicke cut of the head of the Protector and diuers of his frendes and made himself duke of Northumberland and then plotted with the duke of Suffolke to cut of all king Henries children and to bring in Suffolkes daughter and Northumberlandes sonne as they did For which soone after both their heades were cut of also by Queen Marie and Catholique religion was restored agayne to the state wherin first it was when king Henry her father began this tragedie and first put all out of ioynt Thus passed the matter briefly and all this Bishop Gardener had seen and passed through and had plaied his parte in diuers actes and pageantes to wit as an actor in the beginnyng and as a patient after as hath byn shewed And being now restored to his old estate agayne and more ouer made Chancelour of the realme and looking back vpoÌ„ the dream past had he not trow you iust cause to preache hora iam est nos de somno surgere it is tyme to aryse from sleep wherin we haue slumbered these tweÌ„ty yeares and more in suche varietie of tossinges and to walk with more light and stead fastenes for the tyme to come let it be left I say to the iudgment of euerie discreet reader whether this theame parable were fitly chosen and wel applied by B. Gardener or no or rather blasphemously peruerted as our Hunting deuyne Sir Francis wil needs haue it and so much for this tyme of Bishop Gardener About C. Allen for that I haue byn ouer large in B. Gardeners affaires I meane to be verie breef so much the breefer for that the matters obiected agaynst him by this accuser are very cauils if we consider the substaÌ„ce of the thing it self for he sayth that this English traytor though he were a Cardinal at Rome and sworn to the Popes paÌ„table hath sent froÌ„ thence many slanderous and seditious pamphlets and in one which was the treatise against the English execution of iustice he seemeth to wish that doctor Sanders and doctor Bristow had spared to speak so much in defence of Pius Quintus Bul agaynst her Maiestie and yet he doubteth not to affirme that these two learned men of â—reat zele and excellencie had their special reasons to do so which he will neither desend nor reproue c. And further he proceedeth sayth this maÌ„ to excuse all the preestes and studentes beyond the seas and all such as haue come ouer and saith that all of them â—ince that censure of his holinesse to vse sayth he his owne wordes did vse all â—euerence and respect to her Maiestie vttering in no preaching speach or booke â—o not at the houre of their death and martyrdome nor euer before in any their confessions to the magistrate any disloyal word agaynst her Maiestie These woordes recyteth Hastinges out of the discourse against their English iustice as wordes of moderation or rather blushing as he â—ermeth them for that which was done before and yet he sayth that â—n an other treatise of defence of Sir VVilliam Stanlies act in geuing â—uer Deuentrie to the king of Spayne the Cardinal cometh to â—tter himself as far as either Sanders or Bristow or any other in approbation of the sayd excomunication which thing albeit this kinght â—o greatly condemne yet cannot I any thing marueyle thereat considering that the Cardinals opinion being as he was could be no other in substance touching matters of controuersie then was that of doctor Sanders doctor Bristow and the rest And though for peace â—â—oderation and edification he liked wel in others and specially â—n the yonger sorte of preestes that they should auoyd all occasion of â—ateful speach in this odious
Elizabeth then those which you presume catholiques to haue for that the thinges which you imagin catholiques do wish as restoring of masse and catholique gouernment and the like may stand with her Maiesties life raigne securitie and prosperitie if it would please almightie God to inspire her to admit them euen as they haue stood with the honor and prosperitie of all her noble ancestors Kings and Queenes of our realme before her but your wishes cannot preuaile but with her ruine if they be such as may be presumed But as I sayd I wil not vrge you in this behalf what you would wish nor is there any well gouerned common wealth in the world in my opinion that vrgeth men vpoÌ„ suche vayne poyntes of inward wishes and secret cogitations or desyres The Turke doth it not vpon the Christians that are vnder him nor Christian Princes vpon Iewes that dwell in their states nor the king of Spayne vpon the Moriscos that liue in his kingdomes nor the Emperour king of France king of Polonia or other Catholique monarches vpon the Lutherans Swinglians Caluinistes or other sectes that are tolerated in their states Only this barbarous knight of ours contrarie to all reason and humanitie would haue it vrged vpon catholiques in England what they wish and what they desire where notwitstanding if the same should be inforced against all persons that any way be discontented in court or countrie in their hartes would wish perhaps some alteration who seeth not but that as in other common-wealthes so especially and aboue others in ours where so many diuisions and dissentions do raigne as wel by reason of religion as otherwise many thowsand â—nward sores and vlcers would be discouered that now lye hidden and is expedient that so they should remayn notwithstanding the ridiculous folly or rather furie of this frantik man in persuading contrarie Let vs see now his third chardge against recusantes touching their dissimulation as he calleth it his woords are these in most odious manner set down These ciuil honest men sayth he that vnder pretence of conscience rebel agaynst God in religion and refuse to yeeld a loyal obedience to their liege Lady and Soueraigne seem to carry a most lamentable resolution lurking in their bosomes against Queen countrie and vs all when they wil seek the life of their and our Queen the thraldom of their and our countrie and the ruine of vs all that professe the ghospell to haue their popish Priesthood and Massing sacrifice vp again And if this be conscience I know not what conscience meaneth and yet this conscience they fetch from Rome c. To answere first to that which is heer last if we should graunt this great absurditie that Sir Francis Hastinges knoweth not what conscience meaneth either in nature and definiton or in practise and feeling what great inconuenience would follow therof trow you for as for the definition of conscience it were easie I suppose to pose Sir Francis seeing that his bringing vp hath bin rather in court and hawking then in schooles and studying And for practise or feeling of conscience how little sence he hath there needeth no other argument but onely this slanderous libel stuffed with such monstrous lyes and calumniations as no man of any conscience would euer haue set downe were he neuer so different in matters of religion Nay truly it may be doubted whether easily there might haue bin found any so careles or conscienceles an atheist about London that so resolutely for any bribe would haue accused so many worshipfull honest ciuil men as himself confesseth the recusant catholiques of England to be which is so much as any ciuill common-wealth can requier of their citizens as this man doth and that of most hainous crimes of trecherous falshood disloyal dealing and wicked treasons to their prince of lameÌ„table lurking resolutioÌ„s in their bosomes agaynst Queen and countrie and of seeking the life of the one and thraldom of the other and all this vpon so vayn and light suppositions as you haue hearde before which yet he would haue so constantly to be beleeued of all men as that the said recusantes notwithstanding his owne former testimonie of their ciuil good life must be condemned for the catalines of the land and out castes of the comon-wealth for to Cataline and his compagnions he compareth them in the end of his inuectiue in these wordes VVe maie well say of them as Tullie sayd of Cataline the conspiratour in one of his orations that in all or most of these happie yeares of her Maiesties most prosperous and peacable gouernment there hath byn no trayterous practise agaynst her person or our countrie but it came alwaies from them and by them whome neither shame of their villanies nor feare of punishement nor any sound reason out of Gods booke nor yet the rule of true Christian policie could withold from pursuing their trayterous purposes and practâ—ses And to see or heare that the royal person of our Souerayne lady was in danger was pleasing to them As contrarywise the newes of her happie escape was irk some So that where there is only the bare sense of a true English haâ—t these popish recusantes cannot bewitche or deceyue with their hypocritical holinesse or ciuil honestie and so I leaue them Though you wil leaue them Sir hoatespur in this your choler yet mean I not to leaue either them or you vntil this matter be better examined And first in this inuectiue if we take away railing speach without proof there is nothing added to that you haue scolded before against the recusantes And if in the rest we consider how you stammer stil at the good opinion of Catholiques fained holinesse and ciuil honest lyf a hard bone as it seemeth for you to disgest there is much to their praise and commendation in this your accusation But yet to shift off this matter and to bring in contempt the persuasion of their good life and to induce men not to make account thereof and much lesse to be bewitched as your phrase is by the same you require the sense only of a true bare English hart to resist this witchcraft of perswading by good woorkes and what you mean by a bare english hart to serue you in this conflict I know not except it be som hard heathenish hart as strong as flint to resist the knockes of all Gods motions and as bare of all piety remorse and conscience as yours seemeth to be to which also if you do adde the English cutte as hartes go there for the most parte among protestantes at this day and furthermore if it be so truely and barely English as it hath seen no other countries nor knowen other paradice then English earth nor thought of other blisse then with you is comonly treated and that it be as seruilly tyed to oxen and steeres and other temporal base comodities as your soule sheweth it self to be And that
English nation as Sir Francis sayth here of the Spaniardes or to take a comparison from himself if one English knight of a noble familie haue byn so madheaded as to make a fantastical booke stuffed with ignorances lyes and calumniations is it reason that foraine nations should iudge hereby thar all our knightes and nobilitie of England are so fond and frantik and haue so litle respect to their honours and credit as he I trow no. VVherfore as concerning the Spanish nation in general no such preiudice or slanderous rule can be geuen as this malignant spirit setteth downe for that they are in this poynt as other nations be where all sortes of people may be found some bad and many good and if comparisons may be made without offence for that comparisons are odious in such affayres between nations no nation in Europe hath more cause to glorie and geue God thankes for his giftes abundantly powred vpon them both natural moral and Diuyne temporal and spiritual for tymes past and present then the Spanish who haue a countrie both rich ample fertile and potent and praysed in scripture it self a people able and apt in respect both of wit and body to attayne to any thing they take in hand as in old tymes appeared by the most excellent Emperours Traian Theodosius the great and some other of that nation that surpassed all the rest as also by their famous learned men in ancient tymes Seneca Lucan Martial and others when they were yet heathens Osius Damasus Leander Isidorus Orotius and such lyke old renowmed Christians both for learning sanctitie by their most famous martyrs in lyke manner Saynt Laurence Saynt Vincent and many others and in our age he that will consider after their valiant deliuering of themselues out of the handes and captiuitie of the mores that inuaded and oppressed their countrie what Christian Zelous Princes Kinges Emperours Captaynes Knightes famous soldiers they haue yeelded to the world and do yeeld daylie and what store of singular learned writers do appeare from thence from tyme to tyme what countries they haue conquered by the sword and how many millions of soules they haue gayned to Christ by preaching his word in diuers and most remote partes of the world all these thinges I say put together do make ridiculous and contemptible this malignant description set downe by Sir Francis whose spetial hatred agaynst them is founded in that which of all other commendations is their greatest to wit their constancie and zeale in defence of the catholique religion for which probablie God hath so greatly exalted them alredy aboue other nations of Europe will do more daylie if they continue that feruour in defending his cause notwithstanding any other humane infirmitie or defect in lyfe that as to men of what nation soeuer may happen which our merciful lord in regard recompence of the other rare vertues of zeale iustice constancie and feruor in his cause will pardon no doubt and geue grace of true amendement and rising agayne whyle the prating heretique that scornfully sitteth downe to score vp other mens synnes shall walk for his owne to his eternal habitation prepared in hel for that his one malitious and obstinate sinne of heresie if it may be called one prepondereth with Gods iustice more greeuously then all other infirmities and sinnes put to gither which catholique men do or may commit of humane frayltie And thus much of this poynt may suffice for if I should ad to this the ancient loue and amitie of the Spanish nation towardes vs in tymes past the large leagues that England hath held with them heretofore the great wealth and gaynes we vsed to gather and reape by their trafique the noble and bountefull Queens of that linage maried into England which aboue all others taken from forayne countries haue byn most gratefull and beneficial to our land and people the exceeding charitie of the present king and of his whole nation shewed to our English catholiques abrode in this long tyme of bitter banishment persecution for their faith these thinges I say if I should repeat or set out at large would perhaps help nothing to the argumeÌ„t we haue in haÌ„d but rather geue offence tymes standing as they do and therfore I recount them not in particular but leaue them to be considered with pietie gratitude by such as are indifferent in these dayes and to be recorded in the honorable monumentes of our posteritie And so hauing answered thus much about the iniurie offered to the Spanish nation by Sir Francis in general I will passe to the approbrious speaches vsed personally agaynst their present famous and noble king once also ours with such indignitie of vnciuil and most reprochfull termes as is not sufferable And if any of the sayd kinges subiectes were to answere our knight in this demand he would cast him his gauntlet and geue him the lye and chalenge him to the defence of so notorious calumniations and therby proue him either a lying or cowardly knight or both His ordinarie termes of the most excellent most Catholique king Philip are these the ambytious king of Spayne the vsurping tyrant the proud popish champion trecherous cursed cruel and the lyke all which vyces the world knoweth â—nny herself being witnes that his Catholique Maiestie is most free of and is indewed abundantly with the opposite vertues wherof no nation hath had better proof then England by the experience we had of his sweet nature coÌ„dition both in princely behaueour pious gouernment during the few yeares he liued amongst vs ruled ouer vs which tyme notwithstaÌ„ding of his being in EnglaÌ„d this malitious sycophant will needes calumniate draw into suspition of great mysteries of iniquitie meant by him as he sayth agaynst EnglaÌ„d English people by meanes of that ioyfull mariage gouernmeÌ„t which there he had If you will geue me leaue sayth he to call to your remembrance the manner and meaning of his coming into England when he came not as an inuader to conquer but as a frend to fasten a strong league of amitie by a mariage I doubt not but to discouer the trecherous crueltie of his hart This is Sir Francis promisse and you shall see after you haue gyuen him leaue how wisely he will performe the same and how substantially he will declare vnto vs the kinges intention or at least his own inuention But before I set downe his discouerie vnder his owne hand I shall declare a litle the state of thinges whyles the Spaniards were in Queen Maries dayes in England and how the king did actually beare himself by testimonie of all those that knew him conuersed with him or lyued vnder him And then shall Sir Francis tell his tale of that he imagineth or faigneth the king would haue don in tyme and before we both haue ended I beleeue that in steed of this discouerie promised of the trecherous crueltie of
had this intention to get the kingdome as he sayth for if it were a mature deliberation and consulted also with his counsel in England as this discouerer sayth then some act and monument belike is extant to testifie the same or at leastwise some witnes or other firm argument fit to prouè it or if not how could the true harted English-man know it in Spayn and write it to the Nobles of England Or with what face can our rash and falstongued English knight professe to know it now and to wryte it so confidently Shall so great so greeuous so haynous a slander against so mightie so munificent so bountiful a Monarch passe out to the world vpon a bare assertion and malignant interpretation of one English hastie-hote-spurre that sheweth malice in euery syllable and turneth euen the kings loue and fauours to our nation his expences and benifits towards our people vnto a deceitful meaning And vpon that without other act of hostilitie on his parte appearing shall he be called ambitious and proud vsurping tyrant VVho seeth noâ— that this fellow in steed of discouering the kings malice bewrayeth his owne and in place of prouing the king an vsurping tyrant doth shew himself a shameles sicophant But let vs see what effects he sayth had like to haue ensued vpon this deuised designment of the king If once sayth he this king had obtayned the crown then as in the letter of discouerie is layd open the council table must be filled with his Councelors the hauen townes must be possessed with gouernours of his appointing fortifications must be made by his direction soldiars of his owne must be placed in garrison at places most fit to strength him self then must the common lawes of this land be altered by which iustice is truly taught to all sortes his vnholy and bloody inquisition would be not haue fayled also to bring in with all other his Spaynish lawes and ordinances sutable to the same their intolerable taxes we must haue byn pestered withall a taste wherof I will here geue you c. These are the seuen deadly sinnes which Sir Francis inforceth out of his Spanish letter as certayne to haue insued if the king had gotten the crowne which yet whyles he had the crowne did not insue as the world knoweth for that they were prouyded for before hand by the councel nobilitie and parlement of England and by all lykelihood would haue byn foreseen and prouided for also by the same prouidence of the realme if euer motion or cogitation had bin among them to passe the crowne to the king of Spayn seing Sir Francis confesseth that this matter was ment to be wrought not by force but by sweet meanes and benifites and by allurement of the nobilitie by his Maiestie Most fond therfore or forged is this letter from the true harted man in Spain who suggested feares already preuented but much more ridiculous is he in setting down certain monstrous bugges of taxes to be imposed vpon the English nation which yet by all probability were neuer though vpon nor past by mannes imagination though most childishly he avowcheth that they are payed also in Spain For thus he writeth A taste wherof of these intolerable taxes I will giue you sayth Sir Francis as that for every chimney and other place to make fier in as ouens fornaces Smiths forges and such others a frinch crown was yearly paid to him He had also powling pence for all manner of corn bread beef mutton capons pigges geese hennes ducks chicken butter cheese egges aples peares nuttes beere wine and all other things whatsoeuer he feedâ—th vpon yea no farmer yeo-man or husband-man durst eat a capon in his house if his frend came to him for if he did it must cost him six shillinges eight pence though the capon was not worth twelue pence and so toties quoties and these be the benifits and blessings that this catholique king sought to bring in hether by his absolute authoritie sought for If a man did not see these things written and printed with Sir Francis Hastinges name vnto them he would neuer imagin a man of his name howse and calling would publish such childish toyes and manifest vntruthes to the world For who is there that hath trauailed Spain as many English-men haue donne in these our dayes which knoweth it not to be an open shameles lye that for euery place to make fyer in as ouen fornace and the like a french crown is to be payed In the kingdoms of Castil and Andaluzia there is no such paiments at all in Aragon and Catalonia there is some like tribute instituted by old kinges before these states were vnited to the crowne of Castile but neither is it so much as this wise man setteth downe nor do they pay for euery place of making fyer but one onely fyer is accounted to one howshold though the people haue twenty fyers within it Touching his powling pence vpon thinges that are solde there is in the foresayd kingdomes of Castile an old rent of the crowne instituted by ancient kinges called Alcaualla conteyning a certayne tribute vpon thinges that are solde and bought but this tribute is not payd in all Spaine and namely not in Biscay Nauar Portugal Aragon Catalonia nor in the kingdom of Valencia and much lesse in forayne kingdomes and states vnder the Spaniardes as Naples Sicilia Sardinia or Mâ—llan Nor in Castillia it self is it exacted with the rigor that this fellow forgeth but euerie towne and cittie agreeth in great for this tribute by the yeare nor doth it descend to such minute thinges as he recounteth vp and much lesse to beere wherof there is litle vse in Spayne the simple fellow would needes faine his account after the English manner but among other toyes the lye of six shillinges eight pence forfeyture for eating a capon toties quoties is so notorious as it may winne the whetstone and the verie phrase it self discouereth the forgerie for that the Spaniardes haue no coyne answering to our noble or six shillinges eight pence consequently it is not probable that they would appoynt such a penaltie as they can hardly in whole money make vp the account But let vs see somewhat more of this kynde of cosinage My author sayth he doth further vnfold this kinges trecherous purpose towardes this land by discouering vpon his owne knowledge and hearing his intention to be by litle and litle to roote out the nobilitie and to keep the commons in beggerie and not to suffer one to lyue here that was borne in twentie yeares before but either to destroy them or to make them slaues among the Moores the colour wherof was because they were borne out of the Catholique churche of Rome And to make vp the measure of all impietie and the faster to set his crowne vpon his head from remouing if he had gotten it he layd his plot to destroy our deare Soueraigne ladie Queen Elizabeth hauing
common-wealth many perils diuerted both for the present and the time to come many benefits and benedictions insew euery way if I be not deceiued which yet I leaue to the high and most holy inscrutable prouidence of almightie God to determine at his pleasure and to your Lordships wisdomes to consider with due maturitie And so most humbly I take my leaue This first of September 1598. Antigo. of flatterie Esa. 3. The present state of English blessings â—â—cles 22. Scotland Irelandâ— Flaundersâ— Fraunce England Spiritual effectes by change of religion Ioan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4. About certayntie in religion A playne demonitiation agaynst Sir Francis VVhat effectes of vertue nevv religion hath vvrought Esa. 11. Sledan Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth 7. 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19. 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. 14. Temporal effectes by change of religion Strength felicitic by vnion Securitie Issue of her Maiestie Establishment of suecession Vnion vvith Rome see Apostolique Ancient leagues VVarres abroad Damages receaued at home Recusantes The soÌ„me of all that hath byn saide Senecâ— Deuised daâ—â—â—enes Learning in Q. Maries reigne Manifeste vntruthes Vntruth Vntruth Hovv reading of Scriptures vvas forbidden vvhie Comparason â— Cor. 3. Ad Marcellinum Vnderstanding of Scriptures a peculier gift Apoc. â— Luc. 24. Act. â— Ibidem Experience of hurtes come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignoraÌ„t Ioanâ— Burcher burned The first forged position Distinction of laytie cleargie Origen hom 7. in Herem Epiph. Episc. ad loan Episcopum Hierosol Hieron CoÌ„ in cap. 12. Hierem. Maxime Minime D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest 82. â—r 20. VVhat deuotion is vvhence it proceedeth Psal. 38. VVhy the best learned are not alvvayes most deuoutâ— 1. Cor. â— The Catholiques more authors of knowledge then Protestants The second faigned position Act. 20. About S. Thomas of Canterbury Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. lib. 5. c. 17. deinceps Zozom lib. 8 fere per totum Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16. Zozom lib. 8. c. 17. Niceph. l. 14 c. 43. Math. Paris Vide apud Lippoman Surium Mense Decemb Edoard in vita D. Thomâ— cap. 26. K. H. his voluntarie penance The third feigned position Impudent calumniation Heb. 13. Ephes. 6. Rom. 13. The fourth faigned position Shameles lyinge Many cauiles and falshoodes Rom. 13. Vide quest 26 27. addit 6. Tho. ad 3. p. caet tract 9. opustul de indulgentijs Ioan. 20. A fonde coÌ„clusion The malignitie of Sir Francis The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. Causes of securitie to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. VVicked calumniatioÌ„s Leu. 4. â— Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19. 15. 16. 17. About Doctor Storie Doctor Stories zâ—le and complaynt A Counselour may speake freely About the Bul. of Pius Quintus A ridiculous proposition Three things considerable in this knights accusation Anno Domini 1570. regni 13. Incitation of Popes by the English Protestantes Contemptuous proceeding The excomunication agaynst the Queene Other hostile actions obiected Of the patience of Catholiques The patieÌ„ce of ProtestaÌ„tes Goodmans booke The reuels of forayne heretiques Northumb. VVestmerl Fr. Throg Char. Pag. Northumb. Arundel The Comparison betvveen Bishop Gardener Cardinall Allen. 2. Cor. 6. Of Bishop Gardener Rom. 13. Bishop Gardener his gentle nature The Dukes speaches to Bishop Gardener The Duke of North. religion Stovv â—n 1. Reg. Manâ—e A mysterious bracelet Of Bishop Gardeners fall Sto anno 1. â—d 6. About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Maries dayes Rom. 13. The SermoÌ„ of Bishop Gardener at Pauls Crosse. Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death K. Henrie the 8. inclination to reconcile himselfe The sleepe and dreame noted by B. Gardener in England Seem HeÌ„r 25. cap. 22. anÌ„ 28. cap. 7. 17. K. Henries perplexitie about religion The stirres in king Edvvardes dayes Of Cardinal Allen. VVhy Doct. Allen. D SaÌ„deâ—s and other lyke might vtten their myndes more playnly Hovv the Q is ouâ— mother and he Pope our father Sir Francis ridiculous Ioan. vâ—t About Iesuites in general and their coÌ„tradictors Act. 28. Iustin. apol 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol aduersus geÌ„tes Sap. 10. Psalm 79. 7. Luc. â— Isai. 8. Heb. 12. Causes of tribulations to Gods seruantes Ioan. 18. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 1. Dyuers sortes of contradictors of Iesuits 1. Cor. 1. 1. Timoth. 1â— 2. Cor. 11. 1. Ioan. 2. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 1. 2. Timoth. 4. Profession of Iesuites 1. Ioan. â— Chrysost. Tom. 5. hom 2. de vit monach Basil. serm de institut monachi Nazianz. â—rat 1. in Iulian. Apostat Iesuits doctrine Eccles. 1. Dan. 12. The name lisfe and coÌ„uersation of Iesuits Iustin. apol 2. ad Imp. Anton. Tert. apol Top liffe the preestqueller Ihon Chattel in France an 1594. offred to kil the king Ioanes Ghineardus martyred Cic. lib. 2. off D. Tho. 2. sent dist 44. art 2. de Regim principum cap. 6 Caet in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art 3. Sot de iust lib. 5. q. 1. art 4. Diuers enemies of Iesuites Tertul. Apolog cap. 8. Cap. 2. Apostatical Iesuites Ioan. 3. Deut. 32. Iustinus Apolog prima Part. 6. Constant cap. 1. Exam. admitt cap. 4. Iesuites labors and indeuours for the publique Tertul. Apol. â—â—p 42. Obiections against lesuites ansvvered Ambition 1. Cor. 1â— VVhether Iesuites be seditions trooblers of common vvalthes Act. 24. Luc. 23. A holy kynde of seditioÌ„ Luc. 12. S. Bonauent stim diuini â—â—noris Eccles. 41. VVhether Iesuites do seeke the deathes of princes Ioan. 12. The fact of Iohn Chattel in france the 27. of DeceÌ„b. 1594. An other deuyse against Iesuites in Holland Refutal of the fable VVhether Iesuites seeke her maiest blood 1. Cor. 2. Defence of F. persons in particuler An euident demonstration 1. Reg. 2â— 2. Timot. 2. About good lyf Math. 7. Iacob 2. The first charge agaynst Catholiques An erroneconscience also byndeth Rom. 2. Idolothita Roman 14. Aug. lib. 4. contra Iuda cap. 3. An erroneous conscience doth euer excuse Roman 1â— Protestantes discredit Matti 13. Marc. 14. Luc. 8. About the hurtes that recusantes vvould do Argumentum ad hominem 1. Cor. 14. No subiectes to be vrged vpon invvard desyres The third charge against recusantes Sir Francis Hastinges conscience Notorious rayling and calumniatioÌ„ agaynst recusaut Catholiques A bare English hart vvhat it is An absurd position of Sir Francis Gen. 12. 19. 3. Reg. 12. 4. Reg. 3. Hier. 38. 39. 40. c. Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18. Zozom lib. 3. cap. 12. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. Psal. 44. Math. 17. Luc. 12. 1. Cor. 2. Domestical examples 1. Pet. 2. About obedience to teÌ„poral Princes Acts. â— False taanslation 1. Pet. 2. Hebrae 13. Spiritual go uernours Acts. 20. Most absurd doctrine Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2. Hovv recusantes do obey and hovv they may not A speech to catholique recusantes 1. Pet. 2. Math. 22. Marc. 12. Rom. 13. Temporal Magistrate 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. Note this point Ioan. 8. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. Spiritual magistrate Ioan. 6. Luc. 12. Ioan. 13. Math. 23. Luc. 10. Heb. 13. Temporal and spiritual iurisdiction Occham to the Emperour Opprobtiousspeaches VVhether the Popes of Rome be Antichrisâ—â—â— Antich one man Antichrist declared by the levves Antichrist vvhen Antichrist a Ievv Antichrist in Hierusalem Antichrists doctrine Antichrists miracles Antichrists tyme of raigne Henoch Helias Day of iugdment Hovv there are many Antichristes 1. Loan 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit 2. Thessal 2. Hovv Rome is Babylon About the Popes external honor The peril of Sir Francis rayling Exod. 22. Leuit. 20. Act. 23. Rom. 13. Hovv povver is to be respected Luc. 10. Math. 23. Harebrayne and hed longe dealings of Sir Francis 1. Cor. 5. 6. A demonstration agaynst Sir Francis madnes Luther Caluin Diuers reasons for the Bishop of of Râ—ome his preheminence Plato in polit Arist. lib. 3. polit cap. 5. Agust lib. 11. ciuit Dei cap. 15. 1. Cor. 10. Cant. 4. Saynt Peter cheefe of the church vnder Christ Ioan. 3. August in hunc locum Luc. 24. Marc. 16. Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 3. Act. 5. Act. 10. Ibidem Act. 9. Chrysost. Ibidem Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil 87. in Ioan. CommissioÌ„ of Saynt Peter Math. 16. Ioan. 21. Ambrose in cap. vltimâ—Ì„ Luc. August in Ioan. 21. Chrisost in Ioan 21. Epiphanâ— in ancor Hovv Saint Peters charge is imparted also to others Saint Peters successors Popes of Rome 1 Pet. 5. The Particuler obligation of English tovvardes the Bishop of Rome Raging agaynst the Spanish nation VVhy Spaniards are maligned Speeches of English vvhen they vvere poteÌ„t Of the spanish nation 1. Mach. 8. Rare Spaniards Particular obligations of Spaniards The defence of the King of Spayne in particuler The condition of the mariage vvith the Spanish King King Philips vsage to made the English The vsage of English tovvards Span. in Q. Mariestyme The Count of freÌ„tsalida robbed pretily in England First frutes of nevv ghospellers A discourse of Sir Francis of King Philip secret meaning The letter out of Spayn discredited L. Courtenay The Carevves A malitious forgerie agaynst King Phil. Faigned effects of an imagined vsurpation About taxes paied to the King of Spayne The tribuâ— of Alcaualla A shamles tale The improbabilitie of the calumniation Duchesse of Feria King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction About lopus the PhysitiaÌ„ In the 6. Encounter The conclusioâ— Effectes of yuel tongues A supplication to the Councel for moderatioÌ„ Reasons for moderation Qualities of the princes to be dealt vvithall Pope Clement viij K. Phillip The Catholiques of England their cheef desyre The furie of puritaâ—ical spirits Cyprian â—p 93. The effects of dying for religion in England Math. 21. Eccles. â— Iustin. lib. 3. Cicero off lib. 2. Luc. 11. The dangers after her Maisties death The example of Aug. and other kings Kings of England In the 6. incounter The example of King Henrie the eight and the King of France In the 3. incounter An important coÌ„sideration A ioyful state The first proposition of Protestantes in the vvorld