manner we receive from God by Creation but only that which we receive from him by vertue of our Redemption But that is only a dispute of words St. Augustin denied moreover that men were born in any other state than in an absolute and unavoidable determination of doing ill and said it was impossible for them to do any good without an immediate assistance from God which he gave but to some men and that those who had this aid were unavoidably carried to good Thus although he admitted of free-will he gave to these words a new sense seeing liberty according to him is no other than a simple Spontaneity and includes not the power of not doing what we do The difference only that was between St. Augustin and Pelagius is that the first believed that since the sin of Adam his Posterity had been so much corrupted that they came into the World with inclinations to evil which necessitated them to it that if God had design'd them to Salvation it was necessary that in every good action he assisted them with his particular Grace that would unavoidably carry them to good and that those he was not willing to give Grace unto were damned God by a Wisdom that we comprehend not design'd that Mankind should be born in an unavoidable necessity of offending him and to be after that tormented by eternal punishments without delivering from this sad necessity but a very small number of persons to whom he gives an invincible Grace St. Augustin believed that that was rendering to God the Glory that is due to him Pelagius on the contrary thought God had not permitted the sin of Adam to make so great a disorder in the World that those who were descended from him were not in a necessity of obeying or not obeying the Law of God which hath given to them the power of avoiding evil and doing good so that it was but by their fault alone that they were damned not being compell'd to crimes and everlasting unhappinesses by an unavoidable necessity Having received of God the Free-Will it was not needful that God intervened in each action To be able to do good saith Pelagius cometh from God which hath given it to his Creature but to be willing to do good and to be Vertuous depend upon man The second Grace that Pelagius acknowledged is the remission of past sins which God granteth to those that leave them off Pelagius anathematised in the Council of Diospolis whosoever should dare to say that God had any regard on this occasion to merit St. Augustin complaining that Pelagius contenting himself to acknowledge that God forgiveth us graciously our past sins granted not that he aideth us in the non-commission for the future But Pelagius maintained that this pardon served us as well for the future to carry us to our duty because we cannot apply our selves to serve God after having offended him but in the persuasion that he will pardon us what 's past graciously He said likewise that afterwards in respect of the sins that were committed in the very time of Repentance that is to say in the state of Regeneration they were forgiven us in consideration of our good works by which we also obtain'd glory And it is in this sense that he maintain'd Grace was given according to merits that is to say according to our good actions As Children before the use of Reason commit no sin so this Grace regardeth them not The third Grace according to Pelagius is the Law by which he understands the Preaching of the Gospel and the example of Jesus Christ that those who have lived under the old institution had not He said that this Grace was altogether necessary to live conformable to Christianity The fourth sort of Grace is an interiour illumination of our mind that Pelagius expressed in this wise I maintain that Grace consisteth not only in the Law but in the assistance of God c. But God aideth us by his Doctrine and by his Revelation in opening the Eyes of our Mind in shewing us things to come to hinder the present from making too dead an impression in discovering to us the Ambushes of the Devil in illuminating us by the divers and ineffable gifts of his Celestial Grace Doth it seem to you saith Pelagius that those that speak thus deny the Grace of God Do they not acknowledge rather the Free-Will and the Grace of God altogether St. Augustin accuseth Pelagius in this not for having simply denied Grace but for denying its necessity and for having said that God gave it not but to the end that Free Will should be the easier carried to good This Grace according to Pelagius produced not infallibly and by it self the will of doing well and good works but induced only to will more easily The fifth is the Grace of Baptism by which according to him although Children receive not the pardon of sins that they have not committed being according to Pelagius altogether innocent they enter into a better condition which consisteth in that they are thereby adopted by God and become Heirs of the Kingdom of Heaven St. Augustin on the contrary affirm'd that Children being born sinners Baptism doth confer upon them the Remission of sins and sanctifieth them by a Grace that God hath applied thereto The sixth Grace finally consisteth according to Pelagius in eternal Life and in bestowing the Kingdom of Heaven He is accused of having distinguished these two things and of having said that without the Revelation of the Gospel Life Eternal could be obtained but that God did not give the Kingdom of Heaven but to those that were Baptized According to Pelagius this Grace was given as the effect of merit to wit that of a good Life It is hard to know wherein this distinction consisteth of Eternal Life and of the Kingdom of Heaven and to reconcile it with the accusation that was made against Pelagius that the Kingdom of Heaven was promised under the Old Testament St. Augustin said by this last Article was to be understood the legal covenant that it promised not Eternal Life but if that were all that was meant by the Books of the Old Testament it was true that it was promised tho' there was no mention made of the Kingdom of Heaven this phrase of the New Testament There never was a dispute more intricate than this because each of the parties finding themselves pressed by some ill consequence endeavour'd to save themselves by terms to which they gave a different sense from what they had in the mouth of the Adversaries The word Grace in that of Pelagius signifieth not the same thing as in that of the Bishop of Hippo and this latter gave the name of Liberty to a thing that was not commonly so called In short many men believe that if we take the pains to examine the principal words that have been made use of in this controversie and the Ideas that have been applied to 'em it will
be found that almost none of these Ideas are distinct so that when the word is spoken to which it is applied we may perfectly know what is meant by it There are also according to them some of these words to which there hath been no Idea absolutely applied so that in some places of this dispute the two parties do very nigh the same thing that a French man and an Arabian would that should know their natural tongue only and speak by turns the lowdest they could and sometimes both at once without understanding each other and then each should boast to have conquered his Adversary This was chiefly what the opinions of Pelagius consisted in and those of his Adversaries touching Grace As to the election it seemeth Pelagius hath believed that there were two sorts the one to Grace and the other to Glory God hath resolved according to his Judgment to call certain persons to the knowledge of the Gospel that they might the more easily arrive at everlasting happiness This was the predestination of Grace He after that hath resolved to save those that he foresaw would persevere until the end in making good use on these favours This is the Predestinatiof to Glory which is founded upon merits whereas the other is purely of Grace St. Augustin in disputing against Pelagius hath confounded as Father Petau believes these two Predestinations and made thereof but one because according to his opinion all those that have received the necessary means to attain Salvation do infallibly arrive at it 'T was that made him exclaim so strongly against those that maintain'd Predestination according to works as if the Predestination to Grace was in question whereas they meant but the Predestination to Glory The year after the Council of Diospolis being Anno 415. there were in Africk held two Councils upon the same matter the one at Carthage and the other at Mileve Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided in the first where were LXVII Bishops more met together also They had not as yet received in Africk the Acts of Diospolis but Eros and Lazarus had written what had passed therein and had sent their Letters by Orosius who was returned from Palestine to Africk It was resolved on the hearing this Relation to anathematize the opinions of Pelagius to hinder them from spreading any further and to anathematize him after with his Disciple Celestius in case they did not absolutely renounce these Errours After that they sent the Acts of the Council to Pope Innocent to engage him to condemn the same opinions The Council of Mileve consisting of LXI Bishops in which Silvanus Primate of Numidia presided did the same thing as that of Carthage Besides the Synodal Letters of these two Councils Innocent received particular ones from some Bishops of Africk among which St. Augustine was one The design of these Letters was the same as of the preceding ones the design being to incline Innocent to condemn the Doctrine attributed to Pelagius and to cite him before himself to examine whether he continued to maintain the same They insinuated that they might accomplish their end that it might be that Pelagius had deceived the Bishops of Palestine tho' they cou'd not positively affirm that the Churches of Africk might not be joined to those of the East Innocent answered the year following ccccxvii to the two Councils and to the Bishop that had written to him in particular He said he believed that Pelagius and Celestius did deserve to be excommunicated and that the former could not be purged at Diospolis but by Equivocations and by obscure expressions Nevertheless having received no new assurances from that Country and not knowing well how things had passed there he saith he can neither approve nor disapprove the conduct of the Bishops of Palestine He likewise excuseth himself in regard of citing Pelagius upon the distance of the places This Bishop writ these Letters at the beginning of the year and died a little after for the tenth of March in the Martyrology of Beda is marked for the day of his death After the death of Innocent St. Augustine and Alypius writ to St. Paulin Bishop of Nola to exhort him to oppose Pelagianism in Italy provided he was in a Condition of making any An historical Explication of the most weighty Question of the continual Succession and State of the Christian Churches especially in the West from the Apostles time until the last Age. By James Usher Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland Augmented and Revised by the Author London 1687. in fol. p. 191. THe principal difficulties which Roman Catholicks raise against Protestants consists in these two things that the Protestant Religion is new and that it was not remitted from the Apostles unto us whereas they pretend theirs is that of the Apostles and hath suffered no Interruption from their time unto ours Iohn Iuel Bishop of Salisbury hath undertaken in his Apology for the Church of England to shew on the contrary that the opinions of Protestants are conformable to those of the Fathers of the six first Ages Vsher was willing to answer the above cited difficulties in shewing that from the sixth Age unto the Reformation to wit during 900 years there have always been Churches in the West who have received the same Doctrines with the Protestants To that end he thought he ought to give the History of the Tenets and conduct of the Popes with those who have opposed their Usurpations during these nine Ages without mixing any thing of his own being contented to cite only the proper terms of the Authors who have spoken of those times for fear he should be accused of turning things after a more favourable manner for the Protestants This History had once appeared imperfect enough but now very much corrected and enlarg'd in this Edition and therefore we shall give a compleat Abridgement thereof We shall not however stay to relate what the Author saith as concerning the thousand years during which the Devil was to be bound and the time in which he was to be set free As there are as many different Sentiments as Interpreters upon this opinion and that there are but simple conjectures brought which are likewise subject to a thousand difficulties 1. Those who have a mind to be instructed therein may consult the Commentaries upon the Apocalypse At what year soever men relate the beginning of the thousand years whether it be from the Birth of our Saviour or from his Death and his Ascension or finally from the ruine of Ierusalem our Author equally draws his advantage as will be seen in the sequel It shall suffice to say that he divides his work into three parts whereof the first goeth from the seventh Age to the eleventh in which Gregory the seventh arrived to the Pontificate The second should have gone to Mccclxx but the Author could not continue it but to Mccxl. The third reaches to the past Age. So this work is far from being
Civility and to know the Dictates of Reason from that of fancy and the ungovern'd Sense Appetite without respect to Justice being the onely rule of Men till Orpheus if we believe the Mythologists by the Harmony of his Verse redeemed them from that slavery The Judicious Mr. Rimer is of opinion with a great deal of Reason that Tragedy was at first the Liturgy of the Athenians So that in the first Ages of the World Verse was so far esteemed as not to be consecrated even to the Honour of the Gods themselves and it was with no little reluctance the Priests suffered the Poets to direct it to a meaner use But whatever was the Origin of it we are sure it was always in Esteem with the greatest and most flourishing Nations as Greece and Rome ' Twou'd be to repeat that which is known to every one to tell the value the Athenians had for it since Mr. Rimer tells us that Government laid out more in the Representations of their Plays than in their most Expensive VVars Alexander was so great an Admirer of it that he envy'd the happiness of dead Achilles for being prais'd by the Pen of Homer And Augustus in whose time Rome was most Flourishing made Virgil his Companion though born of mean Parents and no Nation that has flourished in Poetry ever held up its head after the decay of that But to pass from the Praise to the Practice of Poetry we advise the Candidates for the Lawrel that they first consider the difficulty of being a good Poet since unless they rise to a Perfection in their kind they reap but Infamy by exposing themselves as ambitious of a thing they cou'd not attain Mediocrity as we have said being intolerable in Poetry however excusable in other affairs They must also consider that to arrive to an Excellence they must take the right method supposing they have by Nature a good Fund first they must think and weigh with themselves and their Friends of Judgment what their Talent is for one may be able to Write a VVitty and Extraordinary Song who wou'd be dull in a VVork of a greater Fatigue Mr. VValer got a reputation not by VVriting Much but VVell and his little short Copies of Verses are preferrable in our opinion to the Voluminous Poems of some others who wou'd have their Performances swell into a Bulk and deserve the Name of VVorks for their Bigness not Intrinsick Value We are pretty confident it wou'd not have been for the disreputation of Sir VVilliam Davenant it wou'd not have for the Disreputation of William Davenant if the World had never seen any thing of his but his Gondibert and the much more Excellent Shakespear wou'd not have been less admir'd if an abundance of these things which are Printed for his were omitted Mr. Cowly is of this Opinion we are sure therefore our Advice is to a young Poet that he never be ambitious of writing much a little Gold is worth a great heap of Lead let him often make tryal of what his Shoulders are able to bear before he launches into the Ocean of the Criticks let him often Correct and Consult his Judicious Friend 't is Horace his Advice to the Pisoes To be a perfect Poet a Man must be a general Schollar skilld both in the Tongues and Sciences must be perfect in History and Moral Philosophy the latter of which is absolutely necessary to give him an insight into the Nature of the Passions to move which is his chief Aim and Business nor can he draw a virtuous Character unless he know what is the just Composition of it A Poet is to represent Mankind at least the nobler Part which he can never do if he be not throughly skill'd in knowledge of it Being thus qualifi'd Diligence and Exercise will furnish you with Facility in your Compositions and Reading the best Authors and Criticks as Casaubon Scaliger c. and for our English way of Writing Plays we mean Mr. Rimers Translations of Rapine and Examination of the Plays of the last Age Mr. Drydens Essay on Dramatick Poesie and most of his Prefaces L' Abbe Hedelius whole Art of the Stage My Lord Roscommons Translation of Horace his Art of Poetry c. 't will be absolutely necessary for your perusal Any farther particular Directions here wou'd be too long a Task for his place since 't is the business of these several Treatises we mention to perfect an Artist in this Kind We shall only therefore here place the Chief of the Latin and English Poets which are to be perus'd with great Care and Regard LATINS VIrgil Horace Ovid. Catullus Tibullus Lucan Statius Seneca Terence Plautus Silius Italicus Iuvenal Persius Martial Valerius Flaccus Claudian Ausonius Propertius Casimir Buchannan c. ENGLISH CHancer Spencer Sheakspear Iohnson Beaumont and Fletcher Draiton Daniel Sr. Iohn Suckling Sr. Iohn Denham Chasshaw Cowley Sr. William Davenant Dr. Donn Mr. Dryden Mr. Otway Mr. Lee. Mrs. Behn Mrs. Phillips Several Collections of Poems Painting PAinting is in that Esteem with the Ingenious of this Age that it may seem superfluous to trouble the Reader with Arguments to encrease it by setting before them the Value the Antients put upon Performances of this Nature we will not therefore Transcribe from Pliny the vast Sums of Mony which were given by the Kings and Princes of Greece and Rome for Picture of the Prime Masters and indeed the Relations we find in Pliny wou'd seem almost incredible if it were not that we ev'ry day see those of our Modern Masters in that Art sold for 1000 or 1500 Pounds apiece Nor is it necessary to repeat what we have formerly advanc'd concerning the first Invention of it that being so very Obscure that the most that can be said or gathered from Authors amounts only to a Probability Nor will it be much to our purpose to enumerate the several Excellent Pieces this Art produc'd when it Flourish'd in Greece tho' we confess it is not altogether unfit to be known to such as have any desire to apply themselves to this Noble Study which may be said to surpass the Judgment of the Sence it self by which we judge of it for it perswades the Eyes against the Evidence of themselves that there is a Substance more than really there is raising a Flat to a bulky Round or other Figure Nay presents the Eye with a Prospect of Miles in the Compass of a Hand and that so lively that with a great deal of satisfaction we dwell upon the View as if we were satish'd there was more than a flat thin Superficies that entertain'd us a great Master disputing in a Treatise of Painting and Statuary which was to be prefer'd gives it to Painting because a Statue has the Dimensions and Bulk of a Man but a Picture deceives the Eye and makes that appear round which is plain and flat Stone at most can give but the Features and Proportion but Picture gives also the Colour There are
some that will have the Moderns far Excel the Antients in both They compare the Statue of Daphne and Apollo of Michael Angelo with the Grecian Venus now at Florence the Grand Duke having given above thirty thousand Pounds for it tho' by stealth got from Rome they tell you that the Venus of the Grecians has Admirable Proportion but 't is still Stone there is a stiffness which shews it still to be an Image without Life but the Daphne of Michael Angelo appears to be Flesh and Blood her Breast sinking under the Fingers of Apollo when he lays his Hand there These same Gentlemen will have it that our Moderns far Excel the Antients in Picture nay some have been so grosly ignorant as to pretend the Grecians were meer Blockheads to any of our Contemporary Artists much more to Raphael Urbin Titian Rubens c. That a House or Sign Painter with us Excell'd Apelles that drew the Mistress of Alexander and Alexander himself Tho' we can never be of their Opinion since we are sensible that 't is built on a wrong Bottom because the Paintings of Greece are lost they therefore conclude from a Daubing found in a Cave that they were such Bunglers which without doubt was rather the performance of some of the grosser and more ignorant Ages in the World when all Sciences were forgot and Europe drown'd in a general Darkness and Barbarity For tho' some alledge against the Testimony of Pliny because he took too much of his Natural History upon trust yet we can never admit that enough to invalidate his Account of things which requir'd no more than the Eye to judge of being things that he daily convers'd with in Rome which he abundantly declares when he tells us the Pictures he mentions were extant in his time in the Temples of that City The disadvantage the Antients have is that we have our Pieces still extant but theirs all lost Painting is an Art that is not to be learn'd by those Methods that other Arts are for Books will afford very little help The Directions of a Master and a timely beginning are absolutely necessary for if you once get an ill habit and a vicious way of Drawing 't will scarce ever be possible to recover it The most gainful Painting in this Nation is drawing to the Life which to be a Master in requires many years Practice As 't is said of Poetry Poet a nascitur non sit so I may in some measure say of Painting that he that will expect to be a Master must have a Genius naturally enclin'd to it else so near a kin 't is to Poetry he will be but an indifferent Man at it tho' with this difference that a Painter that is not extraordinary may live by his Trade and have his Pieces hung in the Company of the best yet Mediocribus esse poetis non dii non homines non concessêre Columnae But if a Gentleman has a mind for his Diversion to apply himself to Painting Landskips and Perspective are the most proper for him the first being to be learn'd in a years time to such a degree of Perfection if the Disciple have a Genius for Painting that he wou'd be able to live by it and by Consequence enough for any Gentlemans Diversion There are Books which Treat of Painting and Drawing one of the best of which is Sandersons we have formerly seen a Book under the Name of Michael Angelo on the same Subject There 's an Account of Painting lately publish'd in fol. Dedicated to their Majesties Mr. Writes Account of my Lord Castlemains Embassy to Rome Ars pictoria in fol. But instead of relying altogether on Books we refer you to the Choicest Catalogues of Picture you can meet with at Auctions which you may imitate Geometry THe Use of this admirable Science is so general and so well known that it scarce requires a Discussion of it here for who is ignorant that all our most Necessary as well as most Noble Arts and Sciences depend on it as to the First there is none of the Mechanicks can ever be brought to Perfection without it and so the second as Painting and Architecture c. take their Original from it What cou'd the Performers in the First do without it in drawing a Face the several postures of the Body and all manner of Buildings If they were ignorant of Proportion Angles Circles Squares c. all their Works wou'd want Beauty and themselves Satisfaction when they come to view the product of Fancy and Guess where Certainty is requir'd So in Architecture none can even merit the name of Master without more than an ordinary Skill in this Science Besides no Gentleman can be a Judge of the Performances of either without an Insight into Geometry What is said of these two will also reach Statuarists and other Carvers But to return to our Subject The Knowledge of a Point or a Line which is compos'd of a continu'd Chain of Points in its several Forms as Right and Curve to know a Superficies which is bounded by Lines as a Line is by Points the difference of Superficies viz. a plain Superficies that lies strait between its Lines and a curved one that lies not within two Lines besides the other Consideration of Superficies as a Convex and Concave To know the Quality of Angels as right obtuse and acute Angles of points that are the Bounds of Lines as Lines are of a Superficies and a Superficies of a Body of Circles Diameters Segments greater and lesser of four square Figures many square Figures Of Triangles their several Lines of Parallel Lines either Circular or Right or any other Form where the Lines are Equidistant Of Erecting and letting fall Perpendiculars of drawing parallel Lines of dividing Lines into two or more equal or unequal Parts Of cuting any Number of Parts from any Right Line given Of finding out all the Chords Lines of a Circle c. Of having the Segment of a Circle to find out the Center and consequently the whole adding several Circles into one Of Substracting lesser Circles out of greater in short all the Doctrine of Triangles too long to be here enumerated the Knowledge of all this I say is absolutely necessary in most if not all our Mechanicks A Joyner can't so much as cut out a Round Table unless he understand a Circle or a Carpenter square a piece of Timber unless he know by the Rule of square Figures when his Work is finish'd The Watch and Clock-makers wou'd be at a loss if it were not for this Science But if we ascend higher no Builder can raise a Fabrick without Geometry or rather not regularly design one the manual Operators in our common Buildings very seldom being Proficients in any Rule but that of Wood or Brass or Iron which serves them instead of Geometrical Problems but if you come to the Nobler Structures what can any man do to the making of Pillars Arches to omit the rest of the
that the Apostles insisted upon no points of Ceremonies amongst themselves which should oblige 'em to a certain order as to precedency in walking c. he confesses that one might oppose to this the Authority of some Fathers but he maintains that their Authority is not of so great weight in these things which are not essential to Faith because that upon these occasions they followed their own thoughts and conjectures being as much actuated by the dictates of their imaginations as other-men altho St. Cyprian and other African Doctors assure us that St. Peter had only this Preheminence because that we might learn thereby to keep the Unity of the Church Mr. Barrow omits not to tell us that one might assent to the Priority of St. Peter and he gives there the same reasons for example he was call'd to the Apostleship before the others he was older c. That which can't be granted to St. Peter according to our Author is a Superiority of Iurisdiction whereof nothing is to be found in Holy Writ and which ought to be there contained and very clearly if it were a Doctrine of Faith according to this Rule of St. Austin Credo etiam hic Divinorum eloquiorum clarissima auctoritas esset si homo sine dispendio promissae salutis ignorare non posset The Author is very large in proving that St. Peter had not any Authority like to this over the Apostles and carefully answers the passages of the Fathers which the Roman Catholicks use to object to the Protestants on this occasion and he brings divers of the same Fathers frequently opposing themselves and very strongly confutes those arguments brought for the Superiority of St. Peter Mr. Barrow endeavours in the sequel to shew that the Priviledges of the Apostleship were personal and died with the Apostles according to that Maxim of the Law Privilegium personale personam sequitur cum persona extinguitur That if the Fathers say that Bishops are Successors of the Apostles they also say it indifferently of all Bishops They cou'd not say any thing more than this that the Apostles have established them to govern the Christian Church after 'em not that any of them has succeeded in the utmost extent of the Apostles Charge but because that every Bishop governs the Flock which is committed to him Singulis Pastoribus says St. Cyprian portio gregis adscripta est quam regat unusquisque gubernet c. Episcopatus unus as he adds in another place cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur He afterwards attempts to shew that the Episcopacy of St. Peter is incompatible with his Apostleship and that none of the Antients believed that he was the Bishop of Rome where he could not stay long altho' it is pretended he continued many years 'T is said on this occasion that he who wrote the Letter by some supposed from St. Peter to St. Iames does not misrepresent the personage of this Apostle since it makes him to say If whilst I am alive they dare raise so many falsities upon me what will not posterity undertake He maintains yet farther that St. Peter was not Bishop of Rome because there were others there in his time to wit Linus established by St. Paul and Clement established after Linus by St. Peter himself There are yet brought many other Reasons drawn from Antiquity After having refuted the four first Suppositions of the Roman Catholicks he remarks that since they are the only foundation upon which the fifth can be upheld it must necessarily be false since the preceding ones are so which he believes he has sufficiently proved He yet maintains farther which is more than needful that when they grant to St. Peter all the Roman Catholicks attribute to him it would not follow that the Bishop of Rome should be his Successor This he shews all along by many Reasons and by the Testimony of the Fathers as well as by Sacred Writ he much enlarges upon the Inconveniencies which would be in obeying the Bishop of Rome as the only Successor of the Priviledges of the Apostles and he says amongst many other things that the Popes have render'd that definition true which Scioppius has given to the Roman Church viz. Ecclesia est Mandra sive grex aut multitudo Iumentorum sive Asinorum He also mentions the History of the Establishment and the Jurisdiction of the Metropolitans or Primates and maintains that as they were established by Humane Prudence so they might also be abolished by the same Power and other things of this nature which entirely ruine the Authority of the Pope The Author after this applies himself to shew that the Popes since St. Peter have not enjoyed without discontinuation this Soveraign Authority which they usurp since they have not had the power to convocate general Councils nor to preside there nor to make Laws or oppose themselves to the Canons of the Councils and lastly that they enjoy'd not for many Ages the other Rights of this Soveraignty There is in this Chapter the History of the Convocation of General Councils and the oppositions which have been made divers times against the power of the Bishop of Rome In fine Mr. Barrow engages the last supposition of the Roman Catholicks to wit that the Supremacy of the Popes could not be ruined He brings many reasons to evince that it might cease and that when it was granted to the Pope it might happen that he could lose it by the faults he should commit or personal defects as if he turn'd a Heretick because St. Ambrose says those who have not the faith of St. Peter cannot be his Successors Non habent Petri haereditatem qui Petri fidem non habent quam Impia divisione discerpunt and this frequently happens as Dr. Barrow says acccording to the Ancients and is yet seen to this day if we may believe the Protestants whose reasons the Author proposes very strongly in enumerating the sentiments of the Roman Church which are considered as very erroneous 'T is this which contains the treaties of the Popes Supremacy the other follows to wit the Vnity of the Church where Dr. Barrow designs to prove that Vnity may well subsist without the necessity of the Christian Churches having a visible head He engages to shew that the Unity of the Church consists in this that all the Christians do agree in Fundamentals particularly in those which have a necessary connexion with Piety and the Practice of good works and in this that they be joined in the bond of mutual charity c. He afterwards shews in what manner the Christian Churches may root out Heresie and Schism without the assistance of a Visible Head and keep at the same time a Conformity of Discipline in things of the highest consequence even when it cou'd not be established but by Humane Prudence but he yet maintains that this last Union is possible in supposing certain things which are
more than 10000 Volumes they were forced to refuse considerable sums from the K. of Denmark and Cardinal Mazarine who had a desire to buy ' em But Cromwell oblig'd the Heirs to sell them for much less than they were worth to his Neighbours in Ireland to make a Present of it to the University of Dublin in imitation of Queen Elizabeths Army who after the Victory at Kinsale brought back from the Spaniards and the Rebels in 1603. 1800 l. sterling that is more than 7000 Crowns which they gave to the same University Dr. Parr after that gives us a Character of the Person good Works and Learning of the Archbishop of Ardmach which is not in the Original It 's said when they open'd his body to embalm him they found a strange Membrane Thick and very Fat which was like the continuation of the Omentum and extends it self to the upper part of the Stomach being fasten'd to the Peritonaeum a little below the Diaphragma 'T was suppos'd that this Membrane contributed much to the goodness of his Stomach that no Diet injured him Dr. Bernard a Divine Printed after his death a collection of some English Treatises Intituled the Iudgment of the late Primate c. where he speaks first of the Spiritual Babylon of which 't is spoken Apoc. 18.4 and 2. The Imposition of hands Hebrews 6.2 and of the words formerly used in the Ordination Thirdly The Forms of Prayer which are used in the Church It 's thought fit to speak of the principal works of this Celebrated Archbishop because that there are many men that knew but a part and even some but the Titles of 'em he left many other imperfect writings which have not yet been Printed that may be seen in the Catalogue at the end of his Life he wish'd that they might be publish'd in form of Miscellanies that they may be the better read by the publick there are many Booksellers beyond Sea that wou'd be glad to Print this work An Appendix is added to the end of Vshers Life where is a Defence of what he said against Dr. Heylen in a Book Intitul'd Respondit Petrus where he accuses him of being of a contrary opinion to the English Church Secondly The Letters which compose the second part of this Volume are not all of the same equal importance there are some of pure Civility which contain nothing but news others where the Archbishop declares he hath sent for and receiv'd certain Books on which he raiseth queries the solution of which is not to be seen in this collection others wherein he only speaks of particular affairs and of certain useful things concerning the Ecclesiasticks of Ireland The third Letter contains the project of a work of William Eyre a learned Cantabrigian he propos'd to defend the points of antiquity and the vowels of the Hebrew against Ios. Scaliger who had said that the Masorethes were Invented a long time before St. Ierom and to remark all the varieties of reading in the Old and New Testament to shew that there is no corruption slipt in there he design'd this in 1607. and 't is not known whether he accomplish'd it As to the Old and New Testament we are sure that Buxtorf and Cappel have drain'd the subject and treated more of it than he could if we may judge by his project There are ten Letters and eleven opinions of Vsher and Samuel Ward upon the collection and number of the Antient Canons Vsher writing to this last in 1608. tells him that he believes that the first collection of the English and Greek Canons contained only those of the first oecumenical Council and of five Provincial Councils after which was join'd thereto the Canons of the other oecumenical Councils as in the sequel This appears chiefly by these words of Dionysius Iunior in the Preface to his Greek Canons dedicated to Stephen Bishop of Salones in Dalmatia Regulas Nicaenae synodi Deinceps omnium Conciliorum sive quae antea sive quae post modùm usque ad synodum 150 Pontificum qui apud Constantinopolin Convenerunt sub ordine Numerorum id est à primo Capitulo usque ad 165. Sicut habentur in Graeca auctoritate digessimus cùm sancti Calcedonensis Concilii decreta subdentes in his Graecorum Canonum finem esse declaramus Harmenopulus in the Preface to his Abridgments of the Canons of the Greek Church reckons twenty Canons of the Council of Nice twenty five of that of Ancyra fifteen of Neocaesarea nineteen of Gangres twenty five of Antioch and sixty of Laodicea that amounts just to 164. which with the first Canon of the Council of Constantinople which followed according to Dionisius the five national ones we have been speaking of amounts Just to 165. Secondly If from the time of the first collection they had had the Canons of the first General Council they would not have placed 'em after some of the National ones but immediately subjoined 'em to that of Nice Vsher doubts if at the same time they added to this Collection the Councils of Constantinople and Calcedon and also that of Ephesus because Fulgentius Ferandus cites it not and 't is not well known whether they were the Canons of Ephesus which are supposed to be collected from Issidore being very different from those that are found in the edition of Tilius There was an Antient Latin version of the Greek Canons before Dionysius Iunior as he witnesses in his Preface but being in some confusion he reprinted the same anew with additions placing before them the fifty Canons of the Apostles which he translated from the Greek having finished the Canons of the Greeks at the Council of Chalcedon he there also adds the Sardick Canons and those of the Council of Africk which he had not inserted before in the body of the Canons We can't find that he hath spoke of these Sardick Canons added by Dionysius and Ferrandus after the year 530 They were unknown even to the Greek Church tho' afterwards they were added to the collection of the Greek Canons A certain Author who liv'd about the time of Iustinian did not compose his collection of Ecclesiastical Constitutions but the Canons of the Apostles and those of the ten great Councils as they were call'd to wit the Councils of Ancyra Neocesarea Nice Gangres Antioch Laodicea Constantinople Chalcedon and Carthage He makes no mention of that of Sardis of which the Canon seems to have been form'd to encrease the Popes Authority when 't is seen they attempted in vain the same thing at the Counsel of Nice Usher afterwards makes some reflections upon the Roman Copy of the Greek Canons he says there is nothing is this version of Dionysius except the Canon of the Apostles but what is also in the Antient version or some other for there have been many as Vsher proves by the suppos'd collection of Issidore and by Hincmar Archbishop of Rhemes There were no more Councils in the Roman collections
made a Priest by Innocent the first being retired to Marseilles began to compose Books by which sweetening a little the Sentiments of Pelagius wâ—om he also condemned as a Heretick he gave birth to the opinions to which were since given the Name of Semi-pelagianism His Sentiments may be seen in his Collations or Conferences that St. Prosper hath refuted and maintain'd against the pure Pelagianism Here in a few words is what they were reduced unto I. The Semi-pelagians allowed that men are born corrupted and that they cannot withdraw from this Corruption but by the assistance of Grace which is nevertheless prevented by some motion of the Will as by some good desire whence they said nâ—cum est velle credere Dei autem gratiae est adjuvare to Will to Believe dependeth of me but it 's the Grace of God that helpeth me God according to them expecteth from us these first motions after which he giveth us his Grace II. That God inviteth all the World by his Grace but that it dependeth of the Liberty of men to receive or to reject it III. That God had caused the Gospel to be preached to Nations that he foresaw would embrace it and that he caused it not to be preached to Nations that he foresaw would reject it IV. That notwithstanding he was willing all should be saved he had chosen to Salvation none but those that he saw wou'd persevere in Faith and good Works V. That there was no particular Grace absolutely necessary to Salvation which God gave only to a certain number of men and that men might lose all the Graces they had received VI. That of little Children which died in their Infancy God permitted that those only should be baptized who according to the foreknowledge of God would have been pious if they had lived but on the contrary those that were wicked if they came to a more advanced Age were excluded from Baptism by Providence VII The Semi-pelagians were yet accused to make Grace entirely outward so that according to them it chiefly consisted in the preaching of the Gospel but some of them maintained that there was also an interiour Grace that Pelagius himself did not totally reject Others allowed that there was preventing Grace So it seemeth that the difference that was betwixt them and Pelagius consisted only in this that they allowed Men were born in some measure corrupt and also they pressed more the necessity of Grace at least in words Tho' the difference was not extreamly great he notwithstanding anathematized Pelagius But this they did it 's like in the supposition that Pelagius maintained all the opinions condemned by the Councils of Africk St. Augustine accuseth them to have made the Grace of God wholly to consist in Instruction which only regardeth the understanding when as he believ'd it to consist in a particular and interiour action of the Holy Ghost determining us invincibly to Will good this determination not being the effect of our understanding The other Sentiments of this Father are known opposite either to the Doctrine of Pelagius or that of the Semi-pelagians We may be instructed herein particularly in his Books of Predestination and Perseverance that he writ at the entreaty of St. Proâ—per against the Semi-pelagians and in the works of the latter To come back to the History 't is said that in the year Ccccxxix one Agricola Son of Severiaenus a Pelagian Bishop carried Pelagianism into England but St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre was sent hither by Pope Celestin or by the Bishops of the Gauls and extirpated it suddenly Several miracles are attributed to him in this Voyage and in the stay he made in England as Vsher observes But if what Hector Boetius saith a Historian of Scotland who lived in the beginning of the past Age be true he used a means that is not less efficacious for the extirpation of Heresie which was that the Pelagians that would not retract were burned by the care of the Magistrates But whilst St. Germain purified England the Seeds of Pelagianism that Cassian had spread amongst the Monks of Marseille and in the Narbonick Gaul caused it likewise to grow in France St. Prosper and Hilary had writ of it to St. Augustine and had specified it to him that several Ecclesiasticks of the Gauls looked upon his opinions as dangerous novelties St. Augustine answered to their objections in the books which we lately have named but the support that Hilary Bishop of Arles and Maxim Bishop of Riez granted to the Semi-pelagians hindered any body from molesting them tho' they shewed much aversion for the Doctrine of St. Augustine Iulian and the other Bishops banished as I have already observ'd from Italy were gone to Constantinople where they importuned the Emperour to be re-established but as they were accused of Heresie he would grant them nothing without knowing the reasons why they were banished Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople writ about it to Celestine who answered him after a very sour manner and as if it had not been permitted to be informed of the reason of their condemnation reproaching him at the same time with his particular Sentiments His Letter is dated the 12. of August in the year Ccccxxx. It was at that time that St. Augustine died whose Elogium may be found in our Author who approveth of the praises that Fulgentius giveth him in his 2. Book of the Truth of Predestination where he speaks of him as Inspired A little after his death the Letters of Theodosius that had called him to the Council of Ephesus arrived in Africk whence some Bishops were sent thither In the year Ccccxxxi the 22. of Iune this Council composed of CCX Bishops was assembled for the Condemnation of Nestorius Cyril of Alexandria presided there and whilst it was holding Iohn Bishop of Antioch was assembled with 30. other Bishops who made Canons contrary to those of this Council The particulars were that the party of Cyril and that of Iohn reciprocally accused each other of Pelagianism but the greater part approved of the Deposition of Iulian and other Bishops of Italy that Nestorius had used with more mildness He is accused to have been of their opinion and to have maintained that Jesus Christ was become the Son of God by the good use he made of his Free-will in reward whereof God had united him to the Everlasting Word This was the cause that in this Council Pelagianism and Nestorianism were both condemned together But notwithstanding all this and the cares of three Popes Celestinus Xystus and Leo the first Semi-pelagianism was upheld amongst the Gauls It may be that the manner wherewith Celestine writ to the Bishops of France contributed to it because that tho' he condemned Pelagius with heat and praised St. Augustine he said at the end of his Letter that as to the deep and difficult Questions which were found mingled in this Controversie and which were treated at length by those that opposed the Hereticks that as
are very curious Particulars There is the Life of famous M rc Antony de Dominis Arch-Bishop of Spalatro included in a Letter written from Rome The Author had already published it in the Third Part of his Brittanica Politica It is a very curious Piece wherein is seen how this Prelate imbraced the Protestant Religion and how being deluded by the Promises of Dom Diego Sarmianto de Acuna Ambassador of France in England and by that of the Court of Rome he returned into Italy where he unhappily ended his Days without obtaining any thing of what he hoped There also is a Letter of Pope Gregory XV. to the Prince of Wales who was since Charles I. Upon his Marriage with the Infanta of Spain and an Answer of this Prince to the Pope The Fifth Book contains the Reign of the same Prince where his Innocence may be seen and the unheard of Violence of his Subjects described without partiality and all the Proceedings which were made against him The last Volume is composed of Six Books The first contains the History of Cromwell's Usurpation more exact and sincere that it had been heretofore Hitherto have been but Satyrs or Panegyricks thereupon The Creatures of Cromwell have raised him up to the Clouds and his Enemies have omitted nothing that might defame him The Author pretends that he hath been the greatest Politician and the greatest Captain of his time and that he was much more able to Reign than several of those whom Providence hath plac'd upon the Throne by Inheritance But he sheweth on the other side That he was a Cheat and a Tyrant who after having dipped his hand in the Innocent Blood of his Master all his Life cheated the People by a specious Zeal for Religion The Second Book contains the History of Charles the II. until his Restauration In this Book are seen the Honours which were rendred to him in Holland his Magnificent Entry into London his Clemency to those who had bore Arms against him and his Justice towards the Murderers of his Father The same History is continued in the Third Book from the Year M. DC LXI unto the Year M. DC LXXX There is also the Life of the Duke of York until his Marriage with Chancellour Clarendon's Daughter the Quarrel which happened between the Ambassadours of France and Spain about Precedency The subtilty wherewith the Spanish Ambassador carried it the Marriage of the Princess Henrietta and that of the King the War of England with Holland and with France the Peace that was made afterwards with both the others which was followed with a secret Treaty betwixt England France appeared in M. DC Lxxii the Marriage of the Duke of York with the Princess of Modena the Calling Prorogation and dissolving different Parliaments In fine the Discovery which Oates and Bedlow made of a Conspiracy which made so great noise and whereof this Author appears not very much persuaded We find in the fourth Book the sequel of the same Troubles and the History of what passed in the Parliaments convocated in M. DC.LXXX at London and Oxford There is particularly in this Book one thing of very great importance which the Author relates with as much sincerity as if none was interessed therein Which are 1. The Endeavours the Parliament of England made to exclude the Duke of York from the Crown 2. The Reasons which were alledged for this 3. The manner wherewith the Creatures of this Prince defended his Rights The Author endeth this Book by the Description of Pensilvania without omitting either the Offers which are made to those who will go to inhabit it or the manner they may be established in it The fifth Book begins with the Encomium of the House of Savoy and tells us afterwards with a very great exactness the means which Madam c. made use of in M. DC LXXX and M.DC.LXXXII to obtain of his British Majesty that the Ambassadours of Savoy shou'd be received in London like those of Crowned Heads It is one of the finest places of the whole Work and they who love to read the particulars of a Negotiation cannot read a more curious one nor one better related than this The last contains the Affair of Count Koningsmarc with all its Circumstances which is a very good History and whence the manner may be Learned after what Strangers are judged in England Here it is that the Work endeth The Author promiseth us in his Preface another Volume where all will appear which hath happen'd in England till these latter Years The Style of this History as well as the other Works of Mr. Leti is easy and without Affectation contrary to the custom of most Italian Writers But what is most considerable is that he relateâ— Matters so nakedly and speaks so freely of the Interests of the greatest Princes of Europe that perhaps one day persons will not be easily persuaded that the Author had caused this Work to be printed during his Life and the life of those of whom he speaks if at the beginning the Year had not been marked wherein it was printed Mr. Leti hath since written a Book which treats of all that concerneth Embassies There may not only be seen the modern use of all Courts in this respect but the ancient also so that it will be a History of great concern The Author is not contented to speak of the Duties and Priviledges of all the Ministers which one Soveraign sends to another but of each according to the Degree of his Character he speaks largely also on the Origine of this Function and upon all the Principalities which are formed in the World He relates several Examples of Ambassadours who have committed gross Mistakes and gives Instructions how to manage worthily this Post according to the different Courts wherein they are oblig'd to reside Men will easily believe that a Work which treats of things of this nature and of so great a number of others is worthy of Publication An Examination of the Infallibility and Right which the Roman Church pretends to have in Judging Absolutely in Matters of Controversie 8 vo 1687. 255. WHilst the Romish Church makes use of all the Power of Soveraigns to re-unite to its Communion those who have quitted it Protestants oppose these progresses by coâ—ntaining their Cause with the soundest Reasons which they can think upon Though they differ amongst themselves about several Speculative Doctrines they perfectly agree upon Morality and the Worship which we owe to the Divinity they also in general are of one Mind in those Principles of Religion which they admit in respect to Holy Writ and have all an extream aversion for that Church which pretends to be a Judge in its own Cause and which without delay forceth those it calls Hereticks to a Worship which is against their Consciences Amongst the Protestant Societies there is none who hath declared it self more openly against Human Authority in matter of Religion and against the Constraining and Spirit of
have an Infinite Knowledge But his Knowledge would be necessarily limited if he did not see to the very smallest actions of Creatures or if he saw them but after a speculative manner as People speak to wit without having any influence upon them Moreover if all the actions of Creatures depended not absolutely upon God there would be certain Moments wherein Nature would be independant it would subsist of it self seeing it would act by it self and consequently it would be God whose greatest Perfection is to be Independant and to subsist of himself The Author afterwards Treats of the nature of Justification whereof he distinguisheth three kinds the one which would be solely done by Works if the first Man had persevered in his Innocency the other which we obtain by Faith in Iesus Christ and the third whereof St. Iames speaks which is done partly through Faith and partly by Works The first is not properly speaking a Justification for this term supposeth a Crime and guilty Men. There was then no enmity betwixt God and Man no demand from injured Justice So there was no need of Repentance In the second may be remarked three actions of God For I. He hath imputed our sins to his Son II. He imputes to us the obedience of his Son and keeps an Account for us of the Price which he hath pay'd for us in Suffering on the Cross. III. In fine by vertue of this obedience which Iesus Christ has rendered he forgiveth us our sins he receiveth us into his Grace and destines the possession of Heaven for us Whence it 's easie to conclude that this Second Justification is purely Gratuitous The Principal difficulty runs on the Second Action of God For say they How can God justifie us by the Iustice of his Son Can one be White with the Whiteness of another And would it not be a ridiculous thing to say That a General of an Army is brave by the bravery of Alexander But these Examples are not proper for the matter of Justification For it is true that a Body cannot be White by the Whiteness which another possesseth but nothing hinders but that a Man may be acquitted from a Debt which he had contracted though it be not he but a generous Friend who hath pay'd it Man had contracted unmeasurable Debts with the Justice of God Iesus Christ hath payed this Debt by his Death and God keeps us an Account of his Satisfaction There is nothing herein which implyeth contradiction It was all the Consolation which was given to dying People in the time of Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury to make them solely to rely on the Justice of Iesus Christ as it appears by the Form of Consolation which he had made for Confessours And the Emperor Charles the Fifth found nothing finer than these words of St. Bernard which he often repeated I cannot enter into Heaven by my deserts but I hope that Jesus Christ who hath a double right to this happiness will be satisfied with one and that suffering me to enjoy the other which is the Merit of his Passion he will procure unto me the enjoymen thereof This is the Foundation of all my hopes For it is a perfidiousness to put our confidence in our Merits Here the Socinians are engaged who say That God having foreseen that Man could not absolutely be exempt from Sin had resolved to supply the defect of his Iustice provided that after having consecrated his heart vnto him he endeavoured to execute his Commandments and to live conformably to his Will This is to renew the opinion of the Ancient Iews who denyed not That the Mercy of God intervened in the Work of Salvation but who maintained at the same time that the Acts of their Repentance joyned to the Sacrifices which the Law had commanded were the causes of their Justification whereas Scripture represents it to us purely Gratuitous St. Paul assures That Man is justified by Faith without Works whereas these Doctors make this Grace to depend of Works rather than of Faith Moreover How can God impute to Men the Charity of Iesus Christ to supply the defect of their Justice if Iesus Christ in obeying perfectly the Law and in dying upon the Cross had not had a Design to satisfie for us The Third Justification is by Works For the better comprehending thereof we must observe that Man can be accused of two things before the Tribunal of God either to be guilty or to be a hypocrite God discharges us from the first of these Accusations in imputing to us the Merit of Iesus Christ which abolisheth all our sins He discharges us from the second by giving us by his Spirit the force of producing good Works which are marks of the sincerity of our Faith It 's in this sense that it is said that Abraham was justified by the Sacrifice of his Son God himself thus expounding this passage when he saith Now I see that thou lovest me And it is the same Exposition which ought to be given to this famous passage of St. Iames who teacheth That we are justified by Works We shall not speak of the Disputes which are the Third Part of this First Tome because they are very short Analyses upon Isaiah Hosea and some other Prophets The sense thereof is expounded after a very clear manner and all along there are some remarks mixed as when Hosea saith That the People shall weep upon Bethaven he remarks very justly That the pride of ancient Conquerors stopped not at triumphing over Cities or over People they had Conquer'd but insulted over the very Gods whom the People adored and that thus this Prophet threatneth the People of Israel That the King of Assyria will lead their Calves in Triumph to Babylon There are at the head of the Second Volume Nine Dissertations upon the Synagogues of the ancient Iews The Origine thereof is not very ancient Those who believed that Moses had had a precaution which all other Law-givers had past over of making his Law to be Read every Saturday that it might never be forgotten have been mistaken It was at the Return from the Captivity of Babylon that Nehemiah did a thing whereof there was no example For he Read the Law to the People without the Temple in a Publick place Since that time it was thought that the Service of God was no longer tyed to the Church of Ierusalem but that it could be done elsewhere and each City took care to build them Synagogues sometime without the City and sometimes without the Circumference of the Walls This opinion which our Author believes to be truest may be oppos'd by a great number of Objections I do not stand at this passage of the History of the Acts where it is said That the Jews had Synagogues according to an Ancient Custom for 500 years or thereabouts sufficeth to give this Name Iesus Christ calls the words of the Ancients a Tradition which was much more new in the Jewish Church and in
turn and refined manner wherewith they are united and which will very well bear a second or third review by the Reader As the Definition of an Art is the manner of well-doing a thing so this Work seems at first sight to be the same thing with a French Logick attributed to the Gentlemen of the Port-Royal and Intituled The Art of Thinking Wherefore Father Bouhours thought himself obliged to say in a Preface That his Object was different and that he hath not proposed the Teaching how to form Ratiocinations with all the exactness that Reason requireth assisted with Reflections and Precepts but that his end was to observe those Ingenious Sentiments which are called Thinking as it has a relation to the Operations of the Mind So that one regardeth exact Reason and the other a good Relish and Fine Wit The Two Persons that are to maintain the Four Dialogues whereof this Work is composed are adorned with all the Gifts which can render Conversation Ingenious and Sparkling Science hath not spoiled them nor have they much less Politeness than Learning The Judgment of the one is good and nothing pleaseth him but what 's Reasonable and Natural And all that is Glittering and Bright charms the other It 's this difference of their Judgments which is the Subject of their Dispute If there should a new Cleanthes arise he would perhaps find that Father Bouhours could as well say without Complements that he himself hath all the Good Qualities seeing he is here both Eudoxius and Philanthus as he formerly was Aristus and Eugenius In short unfold the matter to wit blot out those imaginary Names and the Elogiums run immediately back to the Author This severe Critick would perhaps let go some fine Raillery because Father Bouhours makes the Conversation proceed from the doubts upon the French Tongue proposed to the Academy by a Country Gentleman Philanthus found his Friend intent upon this Book and the business could neither be more agreeable nor more necessary to the will of Father Bouhours But this place ought not to be examined with rigour The â—tenderness of a Father left him and he could not retain his love for this expos'd Child which beareth not the Name of him that gave it Birth Do we not forgive the Transports of a Mother for her Infant because of Nature This secret power draweth us as 't were against our Will and possesseth all the affections of our hearts The first Thought that falls under the Censure of Father Bouhours is that of Lucan in this Verse so famous Victrix causa Diis placuit sed victa Catoni The Gods serve Caesar and Cato follows Pompey He saith That notwithstanding the Adorers of this Poet it hath only a fine appearance and that when it 's examin'd into it is no good Sense For it representeth the Gods upholding the Unjust Party as was that of Caesar who Sacrificed his Countrey to his Ambition and Oppressed the Publick Liberty But good Sense will suffer the Gods to approve of the Unjustice of an Usurper And Cato being a Man of worth according to the Poet there is no reason to oppose him to the Gods and to give him even the advantage over them That would destroy his Character of Vertue Notwithstanding the Friends of Lucan might say that his Thought shou'd be examined by the Spirit that reigned then amongst the Heathen The Pagans far from making any scruple to put their Gods in the unjust Party made use of a way in relation to them which was not the most respectful in the World On the contrary they would sling them out of the Windows when they were not well satisfied with them and it hath been observed that Alexander was so angry because they had let Hephestion dye that after having said a Thousand Injurious things to them he destroyed their Altars According to this opinion of Father Bouhours's there is no good Sense in all the Aeneids of Virgil. For one of the finest places is the Anger of Iuno who persecuteth pious Aeneas and utterly resolveth the loss of so good a Man in a passion because Paris did not think her handsome As for Cato all the World knows that those who were educated as he was in the Opinions of the Stoicks had not a Piety so exact Seneca would say boldly That the Prosperity of Sylla was the crime of the Gods The quality of Honest Man that was given to Cato regardeth only his unshaken Love for the Publick Liberty and Good wherewith he was animated So the Poet that makes him a Hero upon that account by a noble and bold thought puts the resolution of Cato in ballance with the Power of the Gods and the Fortune of Caesar. The Reader charmed with so fine a stroak doth not stand to decide the Quarrel of Caesar with Pompey nor to examin which of the two had most justly unsheathed his sword Father Bouhours after having marked that Breboeus mistook the Sense of Lucan and that he has been a little remiss in this place begins to give Rules to discover a True Thought He saith That it ought to be Natural and far from those Lustres which have no Solidity that it ought to be a faithful Image of the Thing it Represents and always founded upon Truth Not but that a Thought which runs upon a Fiction may be Just provided it be authorised in the Fable but the points of Wit which the Italians call Vivezze d'ingegno are not agreeable to the Judgment of this Age. Metaphors well placed produce a handsom effect and they are very ingeniously compared to Transparent Vails which let us see what they cover The Author disapproveth not Equivocations For example this of Mr. Voiture in favour of the Coachman that had overturned Cardinal Mazarin He thought he could hazard nothing in overturning you saith he to him because you always fall upon your feet The true sense of this Equivocation was that nothing overturned either his Designs or Fortune and that his Wit was still in the same scituation and drew him out of the most entangling Affairs But if the Reputation of Mr. de Voiture made it be approved in that time we may doubt it wou'd not now have the same success Our Age delicate even to a scruple loves not the Games of Wit wherein Ambiguity makes all the Finery wherefore he adds here that they become nauseous and insipid even at the very instant that we think to gain credit by ' em A mysterious appearance that forms a double sense causes a secret despite when having sought long to find the true meaning we perceive it to be a thing of so little value Hyperboles so dear to the Italians and Spaniards have a little more credit provided there is nothing excessive in them For Vertue it self ceaseth from being so as soon as it runs into Extremities and it was permitted to Mr. de Balzack only to speak with a Grave Tone things that were extream If they are too harsh they must
and Phoebus Gallimatius says he is incomprehensible and dark on every side Phoebus is less obscure and seems to signifie something fine Doth it belong to Phoebus to call the Long Robes of Women Hyperbole's of Cloth The Author relates the unimitable Models of Gallimatius and the Abbot of St. Cyran furnished him with the chief of ' em The Adorers of Aristotle have invented a most honourable reason to excuse his obscurity They said that the Ambition of Alexander could not endure that all the World should know as much as he did and that these Mysterious ways produc'd more veneration to the sublimity of the Matter But why should any one Write when he has no mind to be understood He thinks that this Reflection is not well displayed how fine soever it appears Gravity is a Mystery of the Body invented to hide the faults of the Mind These Terms a Mystery of the Body are not altogether intelligible Obscure Thoughts resemble those Pits whose depth surprizeth the Sight or such Persons as have always their Masks on their Faces so that they cannot be known Is not this to lead the Reader into by-ways where perpetual Night Reigneth or at least a very dull day There are besides so great a number of fine things mixt together in this Work that it appears to be made only for the Imagination and to please the Ears that one is dazled with the variety of Objects It must be granted that Father Bouhours had the advantage of Youth in his Age for he appears as Polite and Sparkling as in the Dialogues of Aristus and Eugenius which was Writ Twenty years before His Wit hath always the same advantages and resembles not in any thing the Melancholly common to Old Age which is an Enemy to the Graces and Charms of Raillery under pretence that it no longer becomes it A great Wit once said that an Honest Man ought to be of all Professions and to make no shew of his own And here he may be pleas'd for the Author does it without discovering his The History of a Christian Lady of CHINA Where occasionally the Customs of these People and the Exercises of Piety of the New Christians are explained At Paris by Stephen Michalet 1681. in Twelves p. 151. THis is a Second Work of Father Cauplet's who after having given in his First Treatise an exact Idea of the Philosophy of the Famous Confucius and of the Principal Sciences of the Chinois was willing in this to instruct us in the Life and excellent qualities of a Christian Lady of China to which he adds the Relation of the Manners and particular Intreagues of some of the Missionaries and of the Establishment of the Christian Religion in this great Kingdom Yet he first declares that he pretends only to give here an Abridgment of the Life of this Illustrious Lady and that he intends to edifie the Publick by a more Ample Relation of her Vertuous Actions which if we Judge of them by this Abridgment ought to be very surprising and the worthy Subject of an Apotheose The Author begins his History with relating in a few words who were the Ancestors of this Heroine their Life their Manners their Employments and their happy Calling to Christianity in spight of the blind Error and Idolatry wherein they were plunged for so long a time He insists most a Discourse upon Paul Siu her Grandfather who he says was not only the Introducer and Protector of the Missionaries at the Emperor of China's Court but also the Apostle and Doctor of his Nation by the Translation of several Books and Treatises of the Christian Religion and even by the Learned Apologies he made in its favour in the Chinoise Language He observes that Paul Siu was one of the Colao which are the Chief Ministers of State and the Great Officers of the Empire From whence he takes occasion to speak of Matthew Riccius and Adam Schall Jesuites and of their Entry into the Court of China which was effected by the means of the Mathematicks and Reformation of the Calendar they undertook whereof he relates the Particulars adding that after Five years labour of these good Missionaries Paul Siu took the pains to Revise and Translate into his Tongue their Works with all the Elegance that could be expected from the most able and intelligent Man of all China Which sufficiently shews that no Science ought to be neglected since the simplicity of Evangelical Doctrine would have rendered useless the important projects of this Mission if it had not been upheld by Astronomy to which with the Protection of this Great Minister it owes its Establishment After that the Author comes to the particulars of the Life and Pious Employments of the Grand-Daughter of Paul Siu which he makes to consist almost wholly in Alms building of Churches and Ornaments for Chapels the particular Chapter of the Missionaries which they commonly imbellish with the most pathetick Figures to touch the Consciences and inspire the most harden'd hearts with compassion Yet that nothing might be objected against the great Liberalities of this Lady who was a Widow indeed but had many Children he saith that her Work and that of her Daughters was sufficient to have furnished all her Charities which were so prodigious that at one time she gave 220000 Livers to the Jesuits She was so scrupulous that she could not suffer her Son to Employ for the Maintaining of the Mission the Money he got by his Employments fearing lest what he got in the Tribunals of Justice should not be acquired by lawful means This Example would be dangerous to be proposed if our Devotee's in the West had such tender Consciences on this Subject as the Proselytes of the East He afterwards Treats of the different Congregations that were established in the Provinces of China on the account of this Christian Lady who is the Mother and Benefactress thereof and plentifully furnishes them with Pictures of the Passion Images Beads Agmâ—s Dei's Crosses Medals and other such things as may serve to the Instruction of New Converts And on this occasion he makes mention of the Conversion of the Bonzes which would easily be effected in giving each Thirty Crowns a year since the fear only of seeing themselves miserable and abandon'd hinders them from embracing the Christian Religion whereof in their hearts they acknowledge the Excellency and Truth These are the Efficacious Means with which our Modern Apostles Convert Pagans as well as Hereticks But it 's much to be feared that this Character of Interest does not agree with that of the Inspirations of the Spirit This was not the Motive to Madam Hiu which was the Name of this Christian Lady The Fervor of her Zeal did not permit her to be one moment at rest She went from City to City and from Province to Province to re-establish desolate Churches to build new ones and to provide in all places for the wants and Assistance of the Missionaries and new Converts Her indefatigable
certain to us A time will come perhaps that those who will maintain them shall see themselves more incumbred than the Peripateticks at this day are to defend the Soul of Beasts The Cartesians I am here but a simple Historian of their Thoughts say that it will appear that they use no exaggeration if the Preface be read which hath been put by Mr. Schuyl before his Latin Translation of Monsieur Descartes the Treatise of F. Pardies of the Knowledg of Beasts another Treatise of Mr. le Grand de carentia Sensus cognitionis in Brutis and a Book of the Soul of Beasts which was Printed at Lyons in 1676. approved by two Doctors of Divinity and composed by a Priest of Ambrum named d' Illy who died a little while after All the World suspected F. Pardies of designing to establish the Opinion of Descartes in only pretending to refute it And in effect he answers so well himself to his Objections and those which he leaveth without Answer are so weak that it is not hard to guess what he intended And Mr. d' Illy having answered the Reasons which this Jesuit had not refuted it followeth that nothing hath been left undone that could destroy the Opinion of Mr. Descartes But those who maintain that Beasts have Senses cannot boast of it for they do not solidly answer the Objections of the Cartesians if we belive the latter It is a wonderful thing that the Tenet of the Automata should so speedily come to perfection It must needs have fallen into good Hands and that 3 or 4 good Wits make more progress in 10 years than others have done in divers Ages Religion was immediately interested in this cause by the hopes that the Anti-Cartesians conceived of ruining thereby the Machins of Mr. Descartes but the advantage cannot be related which hath accrewed from thence to the Sect of this Philosopher For they think they have shewen that in giving Beasts a Soul capable of knowledg all the natural proofs of the Immortality of the Soul are ruined They have shewen that their opinion had no other obstinate Enemies than the Impious and Epicureans and that no greater diskindness could be done to those Philosophers than to disarm them of all the false reasons which they borrow from the Soul of Beasts to conclude that there is betwixt them and us the difference only of the greatest to the least It is a certain thing that there are no People who affect more than the Impious do to make Beasts approach near to the perfection of Man Thus Mr. Descartes hath cunningly Engaged Religion in his interest But they are not satisfied with this reason They have exalted their Search unto the nature of God for invincible arguments against the knowledg of Beasts and it must be confessed that they have found pretty good ones The Author of the Disquisition of Truth hath spread the Draught thereof in some places of his Works F. Poisson of the Oratory hath throughly treated of that which is founded upon the Principle of St. Augustin that God being just misery in a necessary proof of Sin whence it followeth that Beast having not Sinned are not subject to misery but they would be subject thereunto if they had a Feeling therefore they have no Sense The Book of Darmanson which occasioned our making these general Remarks chiefly endeavours to destroy the knowledg of Beasts by Reasons borrowed from Divinity For this effect he sheweth in his first discourse that if Beasts are not Automata it followeth first that God is not God secondly that our Soul is not Immortal He hath the equity of remarking that these Consequences ought not to be imputed to those who hold the Doctrin from whence they arose It is another thing to make a certain Judgment and to admit of all the Consequences which may be thence deduced in good Philosophy For to prove the First of these observe that if Beasts have such a Soul as is imagined it followeth First that God loveth not himself Secondly that he is neither constant nor wise Thirdly he is cruel and unjust He proves the first of these three things by some Principles which F. Malebranch hath exposed in his Treatise of Nature and Grace and elsewhere for Example that God would have never Determined to produce any thing without himself if his Eternal Wisdom and his Word had not rendered Creatures by his Oblation worthy of the Infinite Action of God whence it results that God refers to his Glory all that he doth But he would not do it if he created Souls capable of knowledg and love without obliging them to love him and to know him therefore c. This Reason will appear stronger if we consider that in the common Opinion the capacity which Beasts have of knowing Things and to Love them is terminated solely in the Body whence it followeth that God hath created them but to enjoy the Bodies yet according to the Principles of St. Augustin Sin is nothing else but aversio a Deo Conversio ad Creaturam or else uti fruendis frui utendis to wit to swerve from God to turn towards Creatures to stop at the Creature as our utmost end and to make use of God himself as a means whereby we may enjoy Creatures when as all thing ought to serve us only as a help to our enjoyment of God therefore Beasts have been created in the State of Sin and Consequently God would have dispensed with the Law of order which is notwithstanding the Soverain and Indispensable Law of God The Author sheweth how dangerous it is to let the Impious believe that God can Create Souls in disorder to wit without any Obligation of loving him because if that was once supposed it would be no more possible to prove unto them that our Soul is in a disorder It is certain that the Principles of St. Augustin are incompatible with the ordinary Doctrin concerning the Soul of Beasts as Ambros Victor hath fully proved As to the two other things the Author proves 'em in shewing that the Soul of Beasts perishing when they dye God destroys his proper work which is a mark of inconstancy according to this Author Moreover as the Soul of the Beasts is more perfect than the Body and that the Body never ceaseth to exist tho the Soul is destroyed it followeth that God preserves the Substances less perfect whilst he Annihilates the most perfect which is not like a wife Agent no more than to unite two Substances to produce but the same effects which one of them could do without the help of the other But he pretends that the Machin of the Animals alone sufficient to produce what is necessary to their beings therefore it would be a Superfluity unworthy a wise Agent to joyn a Soul to this Machin It will easily be guessed in what manner he proves that God would be cruel and unjust if Beasts had a Soul for we may perceive that it can be only
Knowledg is still wanting what becomes of these Vapours when they are rais'd in the Air and from whence comes that Current which always appears at the entrance of the Straits of Gibralter but Mr. Halley sends us back once more to examine it only advertises the Reader that to make the Experiment which he hath spoken of he must make use of Water which hath been Salted to the same Degree that the common Sea Water is dissolving therein one fortieth part of Salt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SEU De Punctorum Origine Antiquitate Authoritate OR A DISCOURSE Concerning the ANTIQUITY DIVINE ORIGINAL AND AUTHORITY OF THE Points Uowels and Accents That are placed to the HEBREW BIBLE In TWO PARTS By a Member of the ATHENIAN SOCIETY Quod superest de Vocalium Accentuum Antiquitate eorum sententiae subscribo qui Linguam Hebraeam tamquam c. i. e. As for the Antiquity of the Vowels and Accents I am of their Opinion who maintain the Hebrew Language as the exact Pattern of all others to have been plainly written with them from the Beginning seeing that they who are otherwise minded do not only make Doubtful the Authority of the Scriptures but in my Iudgment wholly pluck it up by the Roots for without the Vowels and Notes of Distinction it hath nothing firm and certain Anton. Rodulph Cevallerius Rudimenta Hebraicae Linguae cap. 4. pag. 16. LONDON Printed for Iohn Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey MDCXCII 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OR A Discourse concerning the Antiquity and Original of the Points Vowels and Accents that are placed to the Hebrew Bible In Two Parts The FIRST PART WHEREIN The Opinions of Elias Levita Ludivicus Capellus Dr. Walton and Others for the Novelty of the Points are considered their Evidences for the same examined and the Improbability of their Conceit that the Masorites of Tiberias Pointed the Text is at large discovered from the Silence of the Iews about it their Testimonies against it the Unfitness of the Time Place and Persons of late assigned for the Invention of the Points from the Nature of the Masora and of the Masoretick Notes on the Verses Words Letters Points Vowels and Accents of the Old Testament Their Observations on all the Kinds of the Keri U Ketib the Words written Full or Defective the Ittur Sopherim the Tikkun Sopherim and the rest of the Parts of the Masora and from other Considerations The SECOND PART Containing the Principal Testimonies and Arguments of Iews and Christians for the Proof of the Antiquity Divine Original and Authority of the Points Vowels and Accents Wherein the chiefest Objections of Elias Capellus and Others are either Obviated or briefly Answered The Cause Occasion and Method of the ensuing Discourse is declared in the Prooemium or Introduction AMongst our Abstracts of Books that have a more particular Relation to Ecclesiasticks such as the various Editions of the Bible Iurieu's System of the Church c. we have thought fit to insert this our own following Collection which perhaps may more particularly treat of the Parts of the Masora than any Piece yet extant It will be of great Use to all Scholars that are design'd for the Study of the Original Tongues and will help to make good our Title-page The Young Students Library We have herein endeavoured to remove some Prejudices and reconcile the Differences of the Learned on this great and weighty Subject which is of no less Consequence than the receiving or rejecting the Bible it self We must not enlarge in Prefacing to any Work where the Works themselves are to be Absteacts but referr you to the Subject it self Advice to the Young Students of Divinity Recommending the Study of the Scriptures in their Original Languages together with the Writings and Commentaries of the Rabbins thereupon with Directions for the Knowledge thereof Men and Brethren YOur Work is the greatest as St. Paul saith Who is sufficient for these things Consider what Knowledge the Work you must account for at the last Tribunal doth most require and attend it Hoc age You are to have the Care of Souls and to your Trust are committed the Oracles of God Your great Concern therefore is to know the Mind of God as it is revealed in his Word that you may teach it others and defend it against all Opposers This is all you are entrusted with and shall be judged by to wit the Bible This Word or Mind of God is contained perfectly in the Hebrew Bible and Greek Testament only Translations are no further God's Word than they do express the sense thereof which in all places they cannot perfectly do without more words than are allowed to to be in a Translation These Sacred Originals are the Standard and Rule of our Life Worship and Doctrine and the Fate of all Translations depends on their Preservation If therefore the Teachers need not know nor be able to defend the Original none else need Then were the Translation of it needless and so the Scripture it self and thereby all Religion and Ministery to boot if any of these things are needful they are all so for they stand or fall together Now that we may know the Mind of God in his Word we must first know what the words themselves do signifie and properly and literally mean This we cannot do in many places without the help of the Rabbins or of those who have been taught by them which is much the same and that on several Accounts which renders their Work needful as Leusden in Philologus Hebraeo-mixtus pag. 115 c. and others do manifest As 1 st Because many words as to the Grammar and sense of them could not be known without the help of those Masters of the Hebrew Tongue as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioel 2.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioel 2.8 c. 2. There are many words but once used in Scripture especially in such a sence and are called the Apax legomena or ein lo chober bemikr◠which we cannot know the meaning of without their help and herein they are singular though they lament the loss they have been put to about them vid. Kimchi in his Preface on Miklol Also Kimchi in his Preface on Sepher Sherashim tells a Story how they knew not the meaning of that word a Besom in the Prophet's sweeping with the Beesom of Destruction till in Arabia a Rabbin heard a Woman say to her Daughter Take the Besom and sweep the House So Ioel 2.8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sword To conclude There are very many such words but once used which as they cannot be known by the Bible alone so neither can the sence of the place be known wherein they are till they are first known and this is in many places 3. Many Phrases and divers ways of Speech are very dubious in the Old and New Testament which are well illustrated and explained by the Rabbins as Ioel 1.20 Ionah 1.5 Iudg. 12.7 Gen. 2.2 c. And
his Remarks he says that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Essence is plainly to be understood in this place for that of Person but that Beryl was mistaken when he said that Jesus Christ had no Personality before his Incarnation yet he might reasonably maintain that he had the same Divinity with his Father since if any other had been proper to him alone there would have been more Gods than one By this may be seen that it is not always very easie to apprehend the Opinion of the Ancients upon difficult things and above all when they are related by their Adversaries What Dr. Cave observes a little further is more pertinent to Origen's case Origen was Sixty Years old and ceased not nevertheless to take pains at that time it was that he composed this Book against Celsus He writ also about the same time Letters to the Emperor Philip and to his Empress which gave occasion to some to believe tho' without any reason that he was a Christian He also applied himself to confute certain Hereticks who maintain'd that the Soul died with the Body to rise again with it and the Helcesaites who were a kind of Gnosticks and whose Errors were stifled in the very beginning Decius succeeded Philip who violently persecuted the Christians and in whose Reign Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem as Dr. Cave relates in his History died in Prison Origen was also imprisoned with him and suffered much thereby but escaped his own Death by that of Decius He at last died at Tyre being Sixty nine Years of Age in the Year of our Lord 254. in the first of Valerius as our Author has made appear against some Ancients who were deceived therein He was buried in a Church at Tyre among the Ruins of which his Sepulchre is yet to be seen according to the Relation of some Travellers Dr. Cave afterwards makes an Eloge of the good Works and Learning of Origen He was of an Extraordinary Sobriety and so little desirous of Riches that he many times refused Presents that Rich Persons offered him He even at the end of his Life sold his Library to maintain him and sold it upon this Condition that the Purchaser should give him four Oboles that is to say five Pence a day during his Life The extraordinary Pains which he took for many Years procured him the Names of Adamantinus and Chalkenterus that is of Steel and Brass He assures us that he wrote Six thousand Volumes which appears impossible except we make a Volume of each of his Homilies and Letters if so we may reconcile St. Ierom and Ruffinus who have contented very hotly about it To add the Judgment of the Heathens to that of the Christians about Origen I shall relate here at length a Passage of Porphyry of which Dr. Cave has given us the Sense It is to be found in the sixth Book of Eusebius Cap. 19. what this Great Philosopher says of Origen in a Work of his against the Holy Scripture Some have chose rather to seek Solutions of the difficult Writings of the Iews than to abandon them and have been oblig'd to put such Interpretations as have contradicted themselves and even agree not with their very Writings which includes not so much the Defence of these strange Writers as Advantagious Thoughts of their own Opinions for after having spoken those things in Pompous Terms which Moses gives the clearest Relation of in the World they esteem'd them as Enigma's and Enthusiastically maintain that they ought to be receiv'd as full of hidden Mysteries and they propose not their Explications till after they have confounded their Auditors with their Lofty Language And in a few words a Man that I have known being also very Young may serve me for an Example 'T is Origen who was then in great Esteem and is so-still because of the Works that he hath left behind him c. As to what regards his Life he was a Christian and liv'd and obey'd the Laws of the Empire But as for his Opinions and Sentiments touching Divinity he reason'd in the Greek and maintain'd strange Fables by Principles of the Greek Philosophers He afterwards incessantly read the Writings of Plato Numerius Cronius Apollophanus Longinus Moderatus and of many more famous Pythagoreans he also studied the Lives of Cherimon a Stoick Pholosopher and of Cornutus of whom having learnt the Allegorical manner of explaining the Mysteris of the Greeks he made use of it to his own purpose in interpreting the Writings of the Jews Dr. Cave thinks that Porphyry was not wholly mistaken in accusing Origen for having learned of the Heathens the Method of turning all into Allegory which without doubt did prejudice more as to Religion than he could Convert But one may also suppose that Origen was perswaded to the Allegorical Method of Interpreting the Scripture as much by the Example of Philo and the ancient Iews as by that of the Heathen Philosophers See the Fourth Tome of the French Bibl. p. 528. Our Author afterwards shews Erasmus's Judgment upon Origen which is extremely advantagious to him he hath not according to Erasmus a bombast Style like to St. Hillary nor Silla with too far-fetch'd Ornaments as is St. Ierome nor overcharg'd with Rhetorick and Points like to St. Ambrose nor sharp Picquant and full of old Words like to Tertullian Neither too exact nor too periodical as is St. Gregory Nazianzen nor too full of digressions and abrupt Periods like St. Austin but always lively and natural Dr. Cave finds nothing to contradict the Judgment of Erasmus except where he says he believes Erasmus is deceived when he takes Origen to be concise and short since he hath been reproached with quite contrary defects As for the Errors of Origen he directs his Reader to the Originiana of Mr. Huet the present Bishop of Sâ—issons and to an English Discourse Printed at London 1661. in quarto where we make use says he of all the Advantages that can be drawn from Wit Reason and Eloquence to justifie Origen It is entitled a Letter of Resolution concerning Origen and the Choice of his Opinions To which may be added the Origenes defensus of the Jesuit Holloix Many great Men have formerly made Apologies for Origen and among others Pamphilus Martyr and Eusebius but they are all lost Nevertheless we may draw from the Ancients some general Remarks which may render him more excusable 1. He had written many things not dogmatically and to Remark that he had thereupon determin'd his own Sentiments but only for Exercise as he Witnesses of himself in divers Places of his Book of Principles which is the most critical of all his Pieces 2. In the heat of dispute sometimes he would to the utmost extremity oppose the Opinions of his Adversary which he disputed with although in effect he approved not of this immoderate way of Proceeding And this is what happened to Origen as some say in his Disputation against Sabellicus where sometimes he spoke as if
hath Entituled thus because of the variety of the Matters which he treats of therein He sheweth there the Conformity amongst divers Opinions of Pagan Philosophers and those of the Jews and Christians he censureth the Errors of Pagan Philosophy he Maintains and Expounds Christianity he refutes Hereticks and manages every thing with much Learning But he scarcely observes any Order as he confesseth himself at the end of the Seventh Book He goeth from one thing to another without forming any draught of what he is to say and without having any other design but to gather all that he had learned by Study and Meditation upon the Subjects which came into his Head His Stile in this last Work is harder than that of the two preceding where notwithstanding there is more Affectation than Elegance and Neatness He pretends that he had a Reason for so doing But there are two great Inconveniencies in this Method the first is that the want of Order causes that Men are not only ignorant of the force of the most solid Proofs but also makes the Author too guilty of great Tautology and heap up an infinity of Arguments which conclude nothing The Second is that the negligence of the Stile often renders ones meaning unintelligible for it is not Elegance only which is a want but Perspicuity it self cannot be found in it And any affected Obscurity in hard Matters such as Clement treateth of is by so much the more to be blamed as it is not very intelligible in matters which are more clear in their own Nature though we neatly express them As we ought to speak only to be understood there is nothing that can excuse an Author for not speaking clearly but an absolute weakness of better expressing himself and in effect we find our selves naturally inclined to believe that those whose Stile is obscure have not a clear Mind and that they speak thus only because they do not more clearly conceive the things they treat of It is true we may censure the affected Ornaments of a sought Eloquence but Clearness cannot be reckoned amongst these Ornaments We must confess that there are very few Fathers in whose Writings the same thing may not be observed which is in Clement The greatest part in excusing their not being Eloquent strive as much as they can to appear so after their manner as may be seen by a thousand Tracts and Metaphorical Expressions which are not very natural wherewith their Writings are full there being but a few who have thought that the greatest Care which a Writer ought to take is to produce in the Mind of his Reader clear Ideas of what he saith making use of proper terms and such as cannot be equivocal There is besides an Homily of Clement Entituled Who is the Rich that is Saved It was Printed in Greek and Latin by Combefis at Paris 1672. and at Oxford in 1683. with divers other Greek and Latin Fragments Those who had the Care of the German Edition whereof we have read the Title were to blame for not joyning it to the other Works of St. Clement which would have rendred their Edition Commendable which without that is scarcely so as those who make use of it will find We have been contented to follow the Edition of Paris of 1641 without adding any thing whatever to it excepting new Faults At the end of the Volume is found an Abridgment of the Doctrin of Theodotus and of the Doctrin which was called Easter in the time of Valentinus They are nothing scarcely but Interpretations upon Holy Writ which 't is thought have been drawn from the eight Books of the Hypotyposes of Clement of Alexandria as we have already remarked Eusebius teacheth us that he had interpreted Scripture in an Abridgment of this Work without admitting saith he the contested Writings as the Epistle of St. Jude and other Catholicks the Epistle of St. Barnaby the Apocalypse of St. Peter and the Epistle to the Hebrews which he assureth to be St. Paul 's c. Photius who had seen this Work witnesseth that the design also was to Expound Scripture but he accuseth the Author of upholding that Matter is Eternal That the different Forms which it receiveth are sent to it by virtue of I know not what Decrees that the Son is of the number of created things that there were several Worlds before Adam that Eve was formed out of him after an other manner than Scripture saith that Angels having had concern with Women had Children by them that Reason was not made Flesh though it seemed so to Men that there are two Reasons of the Father the least of which hath appeared to Men and was made Flesh. If we had these Books we might perhaps know more clearly that these are but some Platonick Tenets some of which Photius has ill understood because of the Equivocation of the Terms and others did not pass in Clement's time for Impieties as they have since Systems of Divinity were formed amongst Christians In the first Ages where none were followed in Schools and nothing was Expounded to young People as at this time every one plaid the Philosoper as well as he could upon the matters of Speculation and expounded the Speculative Tenets according to the Philosophy he had learned Excepting some Sentiments which for the noise they had made or for some other Reasons had been condemn'd by the Bishops their Opinions were so extremely free If any doubt of it he might be convinced thereof by the strange Opinions which some amongst the Fathers had who are put in the number of the Orthodox and who have not been reprehended in their time We may find divers Examples hereof in the 4 th Chap. in the Book of Dailleus of the Use of the Fathers which in spight of the Panegyrists of Antiquity will be always look'd upon by those who know it as a good Book Such is for Example the Opinion of St. Hilary who believ'd that Jesus Christ felt no grief whilst his Body was torn But Photius suspects that Hereticks have corrupted the Works of Clement and Ruffinus had the same thought as appears by his Apology for Origen which is in the Fourth Tome of the Works of St. Ierom. Yet if there was only what Photius cites there would be no reason to believe that there was a great Corruption though it cannot absolutely be denied The Reason of this whatever this Learned Patriarch saith of it is that these same Sentiments well understood are found in the other Works of Clement and are conformable to the Principles which he followeth every where 1. He approves very clearly of the Opinion of Heraclitus who believed that the Matter of the World is Eternal and even shews that he had an Esteem for him because he distinguished the Matter of the World from its Form the first whereof is unmoveable and the second subject to change As to the Reasons for which the Matter receives certain Forms Photius knew no more of them than
Method though the Sacred Authors had said something different or even quite contrary to what they did if we would we might find a Sense equally fine as those who examin will immediately be sensible of it Also the Heathens themselves who were the Inventers of this strange manner of Interpreting ancient Books could not suffer that Christians should use it as the Christians likewise in their turn laughed at the forc'd Interpretations of Pagans Some Heathens also more ingenious than the rest thought them ridiculous The Christians and Jews had done much better certainly to apply themselves to the Letter than to make use of so unstable a Method to defend the Scripture against the Heathens 3. Though with reason we may treat as erroneous divers Opinions of Clement of Alexandria yet if we observe each particular one which we had and that none this day holds he shall Remark that there are some which are look'd upon as Erroneous only because the opposite Sentiments are established I know not how in most Schools though there have been no new discoveries made thereon so soon as any famous Person maintained a Tenet without being contradicted by People of an equal Reputation or Authority or even without any one's opposing it this Tenet established it self so well in the minds of Persons that Men insensibly accustom'd themselves to look upon the contrary Opinion as on Error without knowing for what Opinions are often introduced like Customs that owe their beginning to some few Persons which others imitate They in time so well possess the minds of Men that all others except those which agree to it seem ridiculous A Garment which is seen but seldom looks strangely though it were in use in times past it is even so with an Opinion which grows old it displeaseth because none still receives it For Example Clement believed that the Angels had a Body and that also was the Opinion of Origen and of most of the Fathers Yet 't is now treated as an Error without any reason for though Scripture teacheth us that Spirits have neither flesh nor bone and that Angels are Intelligences it saith no where that they are not cloathed with any body There has been since no Revelation upon this matter nor no convincing Reason discovered which can perswade us of the contrary Yet it is commonly said that it is an Error because Scholastick Doctors maintain it to be so I confess that the Fathers who gave bodies to Angels have not brought any evident Reason to prove their thought But all that could be thence concluded is that they had affirmed a thing which they know no more of than we do so that it was better to continue in suspence and assert nothing of a Subject which was equally unknown to us This Suspension was not 't is true accommodated to Dogmaticks who are not very easie to grant that they are ignorant of any thing and who believe they are wise enough to determin speedily upon all sorts of Questions Indeed without that we cannot form a System so complete as we ought to pass for Learned Men and it would be a shameful thing to grant that upon each Article a thousand things may be asked upon which nothing could be answered if we should say only what we know There may be an Application made of this same Principle on divers other Tenets of Clement upon which it would be better to confess simply one 's Ignorance than to condemn Sentiments concerning which we have no good Information Neither have these Opinions hindred some Ancients from rendring him many Praises Eusebius saith His Books are full of useful Learning St. Ierom says That he composed very fine Works full of Learning and Eloquence and taken both from holy Scripture and profane Authors and elsewhere Clement saith he Presbyter of the Church of Alexandria the most Learned of our Authors in my Iudgment hath made eight Books of Stromates as many Hypotyposes a Book against Pagans and three Volumes Entituled The Paedagogue What is there in his Books that is not full of knowledge and drawn from the depths of Philosophy Cyril of Alexandria assures us in his 6th and 7th Books against Iulian That he was a Man of admirable knowledge who had throughly searched the Grecian Learning with such an Exactness that few before him arrived at Theodoret saith That this holy Man surpassed all others in the extent of his knowledge It is easie to form an Idea of the Doctrin of Clement upon what has been already said It is necessary only to add a word of this Edition two Defects may be observed in it one of which is common to it with several other Editions of the Books of the Ancients and the other is particular to it Concerning the first one may easily remark that the Editions where there are no Distinctions nor Lines as the way of speaking is are destitute of one thing which appears not of Consequence in it self but is very useful for the Understanding of what is read This beginning of a new Line serves for an Admonition to the Reader who in casting simply his Eyes on a Page sees how many Arguments or Subjects it is filled with otherwise this want of Distinction in some degree confounds the Mind and makes more attention requisite to understand what we readhaond that we do not search for Connections where there are none or not to confound two Arguments in one But one ought to endeavour to diminish as much as possible the trouble of the Reader who has too much already to understand the very things The Lines in some respects perform the same effect as the Distinction of Chapters which cannot be neglected without Confusion It is true that the Ancients neglected often to divide their Books or Discourses into certain parts but if we take notice we shall find this negligence was because there was not sufficient Order in several of their writings It was easier to pass from one Subject to another by reason of some slight reference which was among them or to throw confusedly a heap of Thoughts upon Paper than to pass them into a certain Order As it would be easier to lay in one mass the Materials of an House than to dispose them each in their proper Place If any one has a mind to have examples of Books without Order he may only cast his Eye upon Seneca or Tertullian who both said very enthusiastically whatsoever came into their Minds without almost any idea of Order which they had a design to follow If these Authors were Printed dividing their Arguments by a Line their meaning could be much better understood The other fault which those who have the care of the Editions of ancient Authors commit very often is that they do not distinguish with divers Characters the Citations from the words of the Author so that if great attention is not given to what is read that which is attributed to one Author may belong to another This is what happned
Dissertation is extremely short the Reader is desired to consult it We shall only Remark that according to this Author St. Peter being upon the point of parting from Rome for England in the Year of our Lord LV he established Linus to govern the Church of Rome in his absence whither being returned in LXVI he found it without a Pastor Linus being dead during his absence A little time after being cast into Prison he established Clement in the place of Linus towards the time of the Pass-over in LXVII a few Months before his Death St. Clement held the See nine Years and eleven or twelve Days after which great Contestations arose in the Church of Rome which obliged St. Clement to quit the Episcopacy It would not be permitted if we believe Vandelin that St. Clement should succeed in the See of Rome by virtue of St. Peter's Testament fearing lest this Example might render the Episcopacy Hereditary and St. Clement having declared That if it was upon his account that these Contestations happened he was ready to retire in what place of the World they would have him he was taken at his word and Cletus was chosen in his place to whom Anacletus Evaristus Alexander Telesphorus c. succeeded in the order we have named them Vendelin believes that the first Epistle of St. Clement as it is commonly called was written by this Holy Man not in his own particular name but in that of the Clergy of Rome in XCV after the death of Anacletus and during the Vacancy of the See though according to him Evaristus had been nominated to succeed Anacletus so that this Letter was written during the most violent Persecutions of Domitian But Vendelin pretends that which is called the Second was written in a time wherein the Christian Church enjoyed an entire Peace in LXXV after which account the second would have been written twenty Years before the first He grounds what he says chiefly upon a Letter of Denys Bishop of Corinth to Pope Soterus written about the Year CLXVII where Denys speaks thus to the Church of Rome We have celebrated Sunday this day in which we have read your Letter which we always read for our Instruction as well as the former that Clement writ to us He believes the latter to be that which is called the second of St. Clements and that the other is the first which Clement of Alexandria calleth according to the Remark of Mr. Colomies the Epistle of the Romans to the Corinthians After the Dissertation of Vendelin are the two Epistles of St. Clement in Greek and Latin the first of the Version of Iunius and the second translated by Vendelin Mr. Colomies hath joined to it little Notes where 1. he corrects some places of the Text which Iunius had ill transcribed from the Original For Example from the first Page there is according to the Edition of Iunius That Grace and Peace which come from God-Allmighty through Iesus Christ be abundantly poured upon you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. upon every particular Person amongst you and upon one towards another We have thought most dear Brethren a little later then we should have done upon what you have demanded of us by reason of the evils and accidents which happened to us c. but according to the MS. of Alexandria the Phrase is much more clear since there it is That Grace and Peace c. be given to you abundantly by reason of the unforeseen Evils and Accidents which have happened to us one after another we have thought c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mr. Colomies Remarks also in a place or two wherein the Original was not observed but these Passages are not of the same Importance with that which we have cited 2. Some Conjectures are in these Notes and varieties of Reading taken from Clement of Alexandria who has several times cited St. Clement of Rome which places are all marked here as well as the rest of the Ancients who have cited the latter Clement 3. Mr. Colomies in some places corrects the Latin Version 4. He Expounds divers words of the Original 5. Upon the occasion of St. Clement he makes some critical Observations about Ecclesiastical History Thus also upon what St. Clement saith § 21. of the death of St. Peter and St. Paul he affirms that the time of their death is not certain A Council held at Rome under Pope Galasius says that the Hereticks pretend that St. Peter and Paul received the Crown of Martyrdom in divers times nevertheless it was the Opinion of Iustin Martyr and St. Irenaeus who said St. Paul died five Years after St. Peter Philastrius also reckoned amongst Hereticks those who give the names of the Seven Planets to the days of the Week though St. Ignatius and Iustin Martyr followed the received Custom therein St. Clement in Chapter 28th cites a Passage of the Psalms under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Writing upon which it 's remarked that Mr. Vossius was mistaken when he saith that this word was found out by Aquila and that seems to teach us that the word Chetoubim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Writings to mark the Psalms Proverbs Iob and the other Books which the Iews comprise this day under this name is not new 2. There have been in England several Learned Men who having consumed all their Life in the study of Antiquity seem to have studied only for their particular Satisfaction without caring to impart to the publick their admirable knowledge therein Such was Richard Thomson Gerard Langbaine and Matthew Bustus whose few Writings which remain amongst us serve for almost nothing but to discover to us what these great Men might have done had they been willing Mr. Colomies adds Thomas Bruno Chanon of Windsor who left several Collections with his Friend Mr. Vossius but of which there is scarcely any thing that is fit for the Press The Dissertation which we have of it here De Therapeutis Philonis adversus Henr. Valesium was by good Luck ended and it is to Mr. Vossius who communicated it to Mr. Colomies that the Publick is indebted Amongst the Works of Philo is found a Treatise of a Contemplative Life where he describes the Esseans manner of living who dwelt near Alexandria and solely applied themselves to Contemplation There were Esseans spread through all Egypt who sent the most virtuous amongst them to inhabit a Hill which is near the Lake of Maria in a Place agreeable enough and which is not far from Alexandria They lived there after a Devout manner and very austere and Eusebius thought that when St. Mark went to Preach the Gospel into Egypt he converted them to the Christian Faith Ioseph Scaliger hath very bitterly reprehended Eusebius for saying so and many times that these Therapeutes as Philo calls them never were Christians but only Essean Jews Mr. Valais in his Annotations upon Eusebius holds with Scaliger that the Therapeutes did not embrace Christianity
Choice of such a Person as pleases us and who has an agreeable Temper It wou'd not be unpleasing to have her handsome but since 't is not very common to find such a one we ought to be contented if she please us whether she does others or no and that 't is not always advantageous for the Wife to please all the World But 't is not sufficient to be pleas'd with her Beauty except there be a Sympathy in Humours The Author advises us to study the Genius of those we design to marry that may the better succeed in spight of the Address that some make use of to hide their weakness he adds for the better security that we may choose one that is young and resides near our own habitation In the first place he advises to a choice in a well ordered Family and to observe the equality of Condition and Fortune and to take care that she has no such pre-engagements as may make her marry him by constraint To these things only which regard the Lover he adds two others for the choice of a Husband which relate both to Women and Children he adviseth them upon the whole to a conjugal Amity good Example Devotion and Moderation in the pleasures of the Bed and gives good reasons for what he says There is upon this subject also one of the elegant Epistles of Anthoninus de Guerre's Advice touching the Education of Children In fine we may say without flattering Mr. Chause that there appears in the whole Book the Character of an honest Man and good Christian without prejudicing his Favour we may see besides good Wit much reading of the ancient Poets many things that divert the Reader at the same time that they instruct him I believe that a good part of Mankind wou'd be glad that this Work might have the same Success that the discourse of Socrates had at Xenophon's Feast this great Philosopher so sensibly touch'd the Guests in speaking to 'em of Love that those amongst 'em who were yet Batchellors made Vows to marry and those that had Wives immediately took Horse and ran full speed home that they might soon embrace their Wives 'T is a good Observation that the Author who in his Book exhorted Men to marry says not a word to perswade Virgins to the same He well foresaw that this Silence would surprize some of his Readers therefore he has put 'em out of pain in the Preface by acquainting them that Virgins are sufficiently convinced of the necessity of Marriage therefore want no Exhortations thereto 't is certain says he that though a Virgin never proposes Marriage because of her modesty there is nothing she so passionately wishes for her Heart often gives her Mouth the Lye she often says I will not when sometimes she dyes for desire The rest of the Passage ought to be read The Lives of Saints and Saintesses drawn from the Fathers of the Church and Ecclesiastical Authors Tom. 11 4to at Paris 1687 with Approbation of the Doctors WE have not seen the first Volume of this Work but 't is sufficient to give an Idea to the Reader of it and the other Ten that are to follow because 't is apparent the Saints in Ianuary and other Months have not been less fruitful in Miâ—acles than those of February whose Lives are contained in this Second Tome But two of the Licensers assure us that the Author continues to give Marks therein of his Exactness and great Judgment Tho' the Month of February hath but 28 Days yet there are more than 60 Lives in this Volume without reckoning that one Life sometimes includes the History of several Saints They are all Edifying at least for those who suffer themselves to be gained rather by Declamations than solid Reasons who are only touched with Noble Actions rather than with what is related in a Sublime and Periodick Style In the Title the Authors which are made use of are commonly marked and the place is sometimes marked in the Margen Neither do the Licensers fail to say that tho' Men make a kind of Religion of Piously cheating others in the matter that the Author treateth on after having first abused themselves He on the contrary advanceth no fact but for which he hath Witnesses which cannot in Reason be denyed being perswaded that how bright soever the Actions of Saints are they alwayes makes less Impression upon the hearts of Men as soon as there is any Ground to doubt of them It were a thing to be desired that not only the Lives of the Ancients that have been Canonized were given to the Publick but also a compleat Ecclesiastical History written in a Style as pure as that of this Book Such another Work would be extreamly profitable providing the Author always kept the Character of an Historian and fell not into the ways of Preachers eâ—pâ—cially of the Catholicks It may be that Vertuous Actions that would be read therein would make more Impression upon the Mind and would more Efficaciously oblige the Readers to imitate them such is that which the Author relates of the Solitary Moses which Maria Queen of the Sarazins asked of the Emperour Valens to be Bishop of the Christians of her Nation He was brought to Lucius Bishop of Alexandria who was an Arian to be Consecrated but Moses would not receive from him the Imposition of Hands because he had dipped them in Blood and defiled them by the Death of a great many Saints Lucius who imagined that the refusal of this Hermit came from this that he believed him an Heretick answered him That not knowing which was the Faith it was against Justice that he should thus treat him before he knew him Your Faith replyed Moses shews it self clearly by your Actions So many Servants of God banished so many Priests and Deacons Relegated into Countries where Jesus Christ is not known exposed as a Prey to wild Beasts or consumed by Fire are convincing proofs of the Impiety of your Belief For we know that these Excesses are infinitely opposed to Jesus Christ and unworthy of all those who have the Sentiments which they ought to have Ethelbert was made a Saint who was first King of Kent that embraced Christianity and he certainly deserves it were it for nothing but the Sweetness with which he received the Preachers Pope Gregory I sent him The Monk Augustine was the chief of them and was accompanied with Forty others Before they came into England he stopped in the Isle of Thanet which is on the East of the Province of Kent whence he sent word to the King that he came from Rome to bring excellent News to those that would believe him and would follow the Advices he would give them seeing they would be certain to Reign everlastingly with the True God and of enjoying Heaven and all manner of Happyness Some time after the King himself went to meet those Missioners and speak to them in these terms These are fine words and
Vicissitudes of all that past in them He likewise applies himself very particularly to the History of the Province of Holland and shews the Epoch of these Courts which is generally given He clears by the by several things concerning the History of other Nations that of the Low Countries and in particular that of the Franches and makes many learned Observations upon all the Dignities mentioned in his Title so that its a very useful Work The Church was always so embodyed in the World the Disorders of which he sheweth that the Author cannot get forward without falling foul on all sides so that the Reader may expect in this great Volume a long account of what concerns the Clergy He finds there Fryars and Canons of all Sects and Kinds Convents where the Religious and Religiouses lived together I do not say in the same Cell but under the same Roof and in the same Apartment The World Naturally detracting the Chastity of Cloisters hath given occasion to think very oddly thereon and it was to take away that Scandal that the Civil and Canon Laws have forbidden both Sexes to live in the same Convent Nevertheless Mr. Matthews Reports that St. Briget founded several of this Nature and that Gilbert of Semplingham founded a great many by Advice of St. Bernard Amongst other Authors he quotes the Chronicle of Montserain which saith that in the Year 1223 because they would send abroad many of the Convent Sisters many glossed thereupon that the time of their Lying In drew near Consueto Laicis more loquentes dicebant Moniales illas à Monachis stupratas esse quibus jam pariendi tempus instaret He quotes a Poet named Nigellus who said that the Mother Abbess very well deserved that name by her Marvelous Fertility Quae pastoralis baculi dotatur honore Illa quidem melius fertilius que parit As he is a Satyrical Poet it would be very ill done to believe this upon his bare saying It is generally believed that St. Willibrord was the first Preacher of the Gospel amongst the Frizons But Mr. Matthews shews that St. Eloy Bishop of Nayon had Instructed these Barbarians It is true that the greatest part of these Conversions was reserved for those that came after them for St. Wilfride St. Willibrord St. Vulfran c. had a great hand in them and so had Pepins Troops and them of Charles Marlet his Son For Mr. Cordunoy acknowledgeth in his History of France that tho' the Frizons suffered Wilbrord to speak to them of the Christian Religion Pepin could not trust to that because most of them left off the worship of their Gods only by force A little after he saith they Revolted and Charles Martel having Vanquished them beat down their Idols and Temples and cut down the Forests which they thought Sacred and caused all them to be killed which would not submit It was a good time in those Countries for those which converted Mr. Matthews quotes William Malmesbury who saith that the Saxons and the Frizons were Converted by the pressing care of Martel who threatned one and promised a recompense to the other If it were Charles Magne St. Willibrord would not have received any profit for he did not live so long but under Charles Martel St. Willibrord and St. Boniface might have passed for Famous Converters at the Expence of the manner of doing and of their Masters Purse The Art of Preaching the Word of God containing the Rules of Christian Eloquence 12s At Paris 1687. page 524. THe Judgment of men is so different and the circumstances which produce perswasion are sometimes so contrary to one another that it is hard to prescribe unto Orators such Rules as are a little particular and of some use Yet as there are defects which all Men blame and such methods as please almost all People in the same Age Masters of Arts have thought it requisite to remark them Indeed these general reflections are not unprofitable provided we do not exceed those bounds For as soon as we come to particulars we may chance to give for Maxims contested things and so force or spoil the Genius of a young Man instead of perfecting him This is what those who shall read the Books which we are going to speak of may easily observe and which we shall endeavour to make here as plain as we can The Author of the work whose Title we have set down is a Roman Catholick Preacher who has thought convenient to remain Nameless apparently for the same Reason which hath hindred him a long while from Publishing these Reflections upon the Art of Preaching the reason was because he saw every day so much Jealousie amongst Persons of the same imploy Every Orator has particular turns and methods which seem good to him only That leaves always some suspicion that he blames unjustly in others what agreeth not with his particular Genius He hath divided his work into Four Books which are as so many Conversations wherein he Treats after a particular manner and which have no Taste of the Style of Schools of the principal qualities necessary for a Preacher The first Book concerns the Studies which a Christian Orator ought to prosecute Herein is maintained that he ought to read the Precepts of the Heathens and that they are necessary to attain Christian Eloquence 2. That Logick is not less necessary provided thereby is understood the Art of Reasoning well to discern what is true from what is false the certain from the doubtful and that which is evident from what is probable because this necessary use of true Logick cannot be sufficiently learned by the reading of Aristotles Rhetorick nor even by the frequent Commerce which we ought to have with good Authors as F. Rapin pretends who is cited here without being named 3. In regard to Physick he thinks that that Part only which regards Man is absolutely necessary to be known because he ought to be acquainted with all the natural Dispositions of the Mind and all the general and particular Truths which make him more able and ready to say this is true 4. Touching Scholastick Divinity he introduces an Abbot who testifies a high contempt for those who maintain that the Scholastick Doctors teach often nothing less than the Doctrin of the Church and that when even they do teach it they cannot dispose their minds to Preach it well But he answers him that true Scholastick Divinity is nothing else than the Doctrin of the Church Examined and Established according to the solid Rules of true Logick which teach how to define divide and reason exactly The Abbot having replyed that if so Men have no other obligation to the Master of Sentences nor to his Commentators than for having made the Science of the Church Scholastick or filling it with an infinite deal of unprofitable and Chymical Questions and of having given it a very Barbarous Style the Author replies That we must distinguish what this method hath in it