THE HISTORY of the WARRES of the Emperour IVSTINIAN in VIII Bookes Of the Persian II Vandall II Gothicke IV Written in Greeke by PROCOPIVS OF CAESAREA Englished by HEN HOLCROFT KT. THE HISTORY OF THE VVARRES Of the Emperour JUSTINIAN IN EIGHT BOOKS Of the Persian II. Vandall II. Gothicke IV. Written in Greek by PROCOPIVS OF CAESAREA AND Englished by Henry Holcroft Knight LONDON Printed for Humphrey Moseley and are to be sold at his shop at the Prince's Armes in St Pauls Church-yard 1653. The Preface AMidst the throng of Historians we have very few who were personally concerned in the actions they write of few having like Caesar wrote their own Commentaries Nay the greatest part were not then in being and so their Reports are but Conjectures and their Books transmitted to Posterity are their Divination rather than their History And alass those few who were Contemporary to their own story how biased are their Traditions how are they commonly so faction'd and sided that their Relations are but their Interests delivering downwards not what they knew but what they inclined to And if any one amongst them be so unbiased that he have no partial bent of his own yet the awe which Princes or Generals have upon him makes him many times fear that his Truth shall be his Gaol or Exile all which considering the wary Author writes not a History but his own Safety But Procopius as every one knows was not onely alive in the times which he wrote of but did for many yeares survive not onely the finishing of his History but the publication also and was a very material concerned Agent in all these Wars And for his Impartial writing take first his own word for it where he saies about the beginning of all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He conceived indeed that Eloquence was decent in an Oratour and that Poets might be excused for their Fables but an Historian must vent nothing but Truth And then he goes on Wherefore he hath not spared his dearest friends and be their faults committed upon what terms they will he fails not to charge them home with them But if his own assertion will not serve the turn goe but along with him in his History and thou shalt see that while Agathias and Epiphanensis two learned Writers about the same time with Procopius who if they chance to let any thing fall to the discredit of Justinian or the Senators they do it with exceeding great temper and caution were yet fain to conceal their Commentaries with Mauritius the Emperour Procopius freely layes about him sweetens no mans vices cloaks no mans miscarriage but impartially discoursing of Justinian and the great ones doth as much arraign as relate them to posterity He severely indites John the Pretorian Prosect of flat impiety Tribomanus the Questor of grating avarice Arethas the General for his deceitfull and faithless wit and then he recounts the particular Bands of Souldiers the several Garrisons and Cities which became either a prey to the enemy or were utterly destroyed by the base and unworthy demeanour of Bessas Acacius and the other Questor He solemnly rebukes Verus for his intemperance Sergius for his haughty disdain and effeminacy Maximinus for his sloth and his general ignorance in Martial affairs And which is yet much more than all the rest the gallant Belisarius whose wise and valiant conduct to omit his many other glorious atchievements did reduce two Kings and brought them captives to Constantinople and to whose fame and renown the whole History seems to be one entire Sacrifice did but once manage his affairs amiss and he hears sharply of it from Procopius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Belisarius then returned to Constantinople with disrepute for during five whole years together he could gain no footing in Italy but in all that time was forced to waft himself by stealth from one Port-town to another whereupon the enemy did subdue both Rome her self all other places with greater security And as for Perusia a chief City in Tuscany he left it straitly besieged and it was afterwards taken by the enemy whilst he marcht for Constantinople Nor doth Justinian himself escape his chastisement for he often inculcates his unworthy deteining the Souldiers pay his sleepy neglect of Military preparations and his profuse reception of the vilest Barbarian Isdigunas the Persian Ambassadour How he handles his vices elsewhere concerns not our present purpose but evident it is that all the countenance and indulgence all the promotions and advancements hereafter mentioned bestowed upon him by the Emperour were looked upon by Procopius as encouragements to serve not slatter his Prince and as the rewards of his Loyalty not the bribes of his Secresie And all this did Procopius publish the parties themselves being then alive Which severity of his as it cannot chuse but reconcile a great opinion and commendation of his veracity so is it no emergency of hatred or calumny but of clear dealing and integrity not his Satyr against the Persons but his just remorse for the Vices But though Procopius did publish this History in his own life time yet it hath since been the fate of this as Nicolaus Alemannus observes not of this onely but of all the other writings of this worthy Author to be exposed maime and mangled to the world For though it was at first presented to Justinian the Roman Emperour by Procopius himself and by him also dispersed in its native integrity whereby it became the delight and darling of the whole Empire Yet this happiness befell it for many hundred years before Printing was known For the first man that committed it to the Press was Leonardus Aretinus who published that part of it which doth relate to the Gothick Wars and in that also he put a trick upon the World much misbeseeming so learned a man for he quite suppressed the Greek copy and concealing the right Authors name set forth a Latine Translation of his own pretending it to be a Collection compiled by himself out of several Writers and stiling it De Bello Italico A Tract concerning the Wars of Italy Now the Greek Copy of this Translation of Aretinus doth Blondus Flavius recount to have been by his industry first brought into Italy But he for his part since his copy wants some passages of which we are now provided and seeing he inveighs against some things which we find to be currante and justifiable in those Editions which are abroad was either deluded by the old Manuscript which he had by him or else by the person who translated it for him For he might very wel have forborn his censure seeing he confesses himself to be altogether ignorant in the Greek Tongue Christophorus Persona resenting the injury done to Procopius by that Addition of Leonardus did indeed restore him to his right again calling the Book by his name and translating it out of the Original Greek And yet his Edition also is lame and
infirm being deprived of many parts After all these Raphael Volateranus did publish in Latine the remaining Books namely of the Vandal and Persian Wars but he also made use of as imperfect a Copy as Persona did So that neither of them though they were both Library-keepers of the Vatican in Rome did translate out of the Vatican Copy And now Reader since the imposture of some and the ignorance or misfortune of others hath till of late delivered this Author to posterity either as a spurious issue or at best a cripple Consider how much thou art indebted to the memory of the deceased Knight the learned Translator who hath been so carefull to hand it over to thee not onely rendred in thy own language that so thou mayest the better understand it but also conferred and examined by the most Authentick Copies that so thou mayst the safer credit it The Greek Edition which he hath translated for thee is that of David Hoeschelius who being about to set forth this History did first furnish himself with three several Manuscripts of the same Book one out of the Duke of Bavaria's Librarie the other two sent him by Joseph Scaliger and Isaac Casaubon both which had undergone their judicious Masters Castigations before Hoeschelius made choice of the Bavarian Copy finding it the most perfect and entire of the three But so as where ever he met with any various Readings in the other two he hath placed them in the Margin In the Translation of these Books of Procopius into English Sir Henry Holcroft doth exercise the same judicious liberty which Alemannus takes to himself in rendring the Arcana Historia written by the same Author into Latine not confining himself to the strict words of the Author a course taken even by St. Jerom himself but giving faithfully his sense and meaning Well knowing that all Languages have their peculiar Idioms which being rendred word by word would make a strange confusion and impropriety in that Language into which they are cast And though the Learned Knight be not as I have sayd so impertinently punctual to match the Author word by word yet the Reader may be assured that he hath most severely pursued his intentions so that if Procopius were now alive and skilled in our Language it would never repent him that his Book speakes English And though I shall not with Alemannus charge Procopius himself with the imputation of Tautologies and too prodigal Periphrases allowing much to the luxuriance of the Greek tongue yet I can safely ascertain the Reader he shall find this discourse far more contract and close than in the Author himself and so his expectation shall not linger so long e'r it be satisfied with the Events And that nevertheless he shall perceive no Material nor Circumstance omitted As the Logicians confined Fist doth strike as smart and as thorough a blow as the diffused Orators expanded Palm Where the injury of Time or neglect of Transcribers hath left any breach or Chasm in the Greek Copy which in several places of this History doth unhappily befall the knowing Translator hath supplyed the defect out of the Latine copies And where the Translator himself hath suffered any impair or casually committed some mistakes they are both relieved by the able pen of Mr. Edmund Chilmead by his exact comparing of the English with the Greek I shall now proceed to acquaint the Reader with some farther account of the Author and this History Procopius was born in Caesarea a City of Palestine and in the reign of Anastasius the Emperour came to Constaminople where approving himself a person of excellent parts general Learning and exceeding great Prudence he soon turned the eyes of the chiefest Romans upon him Insomuch that Justine the elder when his Empire was in very great streights the Persians being then Victors over the Romans in War did prefer Procopius to Belisarius the General to be of his Counsel Suidas stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Secretary to Belisarius but He himself who best knew his own employment tels us about the beginning of the Persian History that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Belisarius his Assessor What profession he was of before he arrived at this and other places of trust and honour is variously delivered by several Authors Evagrius and Agathias call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oratorem Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To explain which words saith Hoeschelius Ille est Orator qui causas in concione in foro in senatu agit hic Latinis Rhetor qui in scholis docet artem Oratoriam Him the Latines call an Orator who pleads at the Barre and him a Rhetorician who teaches the art of Rhetorick in the Schooles Blondus and Sabellicus conceit he was a Physitian But the three former are doubtless so far in the right as they all agree that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Orator or Lawyer and that by reason of his employment under Belisarius For as Alemannus judiciously observes Ex eo ordine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Consiliarii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Assessores exercitus ducibus summisque Magistratibus dabantur Counsellors and Assessors were preferred to the Generals of Armies and chief Magistrates out of that Profession The reason why some Authors are of so different judgment in their opinions concerning the Profession of Procopius may possibly be because there were three of that name Procopius Gazaeus Procopius Sophista and our Procopius Caesariensis Now the truth is the two former are both called Sophistae Rhetoricians and Gazaei too being both of Gaza and all three were likewise Country-men both Gaza and Caesarea being in Palestine The first of these and ours lived both in Justinians time by whom Procopius our Author was not only continued in his employment under Belisarius being never permitted upon any terms either in the expeditions into Italy or Africa to be removed from the General but was prized at so high a rate that Justinian did conceive the Roman Territories were as much established and propagated by the integrity and advise of Procopius as by the valour and prowess of Belisarius And no sooner was Belisarius called out of Africa upon his late Victories compleated there but Procopius was sent to Carthage to Solomon the then General to secure those parts which being but newly subdued were therefore capable of Revolt and Rebellion against the Roman subjection What employments he had in Persia Italy Rome Naples and Syracuse himself discovers in this History which several actions of his though he mentions very modestly and by the by onely as if he reputed them scarce worthy the relation yet sure we are they purchased for him so great renown in the Common-wealth that Justinian did thereupon advance him to the dignity of those persons who the Romans did call Illustres hence it is that Suidas begins his account of Procopius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Procopius Illustris of Caesarea in Palestine After this he
Tauri CHAP. XIII This invasion by Comagena is by the counsell of Alamundarus a Saracen King who perswades to set upon Syria and Antioch The description of Alamundarus CHAP. XIV Belisarius in Comagena is overthrown by Azarethes the Persian Generall Cabades reviles Azarethes for his victory The Persian custom to know their lost men by arrowes in baskets CHAP. XV. Justinian would associate the Homerites and Ethiopians against the Persians Of the red Sea Country of Palme-trees The Auxomites Blemmyes Nobates Ethiopian Nations CHAP. XVI A digression of some warrs between the Ethiopians Christians and the Homerits Aspevedes and Mermeroes invade the Romans Sittas defends They besiege Martyropolis CHAP. XVI Cabades dyes Chosroes his yongest Son succeeds by the help of Mebodes The siege of Martyropolis is raised The perpetuall peace is made Anno 6. Justiniani for which Justinian gives 110. Centenaries of gold CHAP. XVIII A conspiracy against Chosroes by his brother Zames withone eye who perishes in the plot The saving of yong Cabades by Adergudunbades is the cause of his ruine Mebodes by Chosroes sent to the Tripos and after slaine CHAP. XIX The Mutiny in Constantinople of the Veneti and Prasini called Nica suppressed by Belisarius The character of John the Cappadocian Prefect of the Palace and Tribonianus the Quaestor CHAP. XX. John the Cappadocian is ruined by the plot of Antonina in the tenth yeare of his office Is banisht to Cyzicum made Priest them absolutely undone and sent to Antinoë in Egypt And about this time another John usurping at Daras is slaine by the Souldiers THE HISTORY Of the Wars of the EMPEROVR JUSTINIAN Written by Procopius of CAESAREA Of the Persian Wars The First Book CHAP. I. PROCOPIUS of CAESAREA wrote the History of the wars that the Emperour Justinian had with the Barbarians both Easterne and Westerne and what the issue of them was that the memory of so great Actions might not through Tract of Time be buried in Oblivion and lost to the Word The preservation whereof he conceived might be of very great use both to those that are now living and to those that shall come after in case that time should againe bring about the necessity of the like actions in any part of the World For the knowledge of a like History suiting with that of any other Age is of great advantage to those that shall have to doe with any Wars in that it informes what the success in the like former Actions hath been and intimates withall what issue the present supposing the best Counsells being taken in all probability shall have He was conscious also to himselfe that He was the best able to write this History though for no other reason yet because He was chosen to be Assessor to Belisarius the Emperours Generall and so was present in a manner at all that was done in these Wars He conceived further that as Eloquence became an Oratour Fables were proper for Poets so Truth was that an Historiographer ought chiefely to look at Therefore he spared not to note the Failings even of his nearest Friends but gave an exact Account of all their Actions whether they were well or ill done Neither will the Actions of any other Age appeare either of more use or more Gallant to him that shall but duely consider them then those that have passed in these Wars for in most of them as wee have been informed almost Miracles have been done Vnless a man will needes give the preeminence to former Ages and will not vouchsafe to allow his owne to be able to doe any thing And therefore as in our Armies now we have some Archers others Sword and Buckler-men and the like names of Souldiers that the Ancients had yet will not some allow any of the Ancient Prowess and Valour to have descended down to our Age shewing herein how pittifully ignorant they are of the Practise of those times For they doe not at all consider that the Archers in Homer's time whose Profession grew to be a tearm of reproach had neither Horse nor Javelin nor Buckler nor any thing else to defend themselves but went on foot into the field and were forced to find shelter for themselves some other way sheltering themselves instead of a Buckler either behind some Tomb-stone or Pillar where neither if they were put to flight they could be safe nor if their Enemies fled could they do them any harm Neither did they ever fight in open field but alwaies as it were by stealth did what ever they did Besides the way of their Archery was so lamentable as that drawing their Bow-string to their breast they so let their Arrow fly which in all probability could not doe any execution at all wheresoever it fell And this was the manner of the ancient Archery But our Archers now adaies go into the field armed with Habergeons and Greaves that come up as high as their knees They have besides their Quiver of Arrows on their right side and a Sword on their left and some of them have a Javelin also fastned about them and a kind of short Buckler as it were but without any handle made fast to their shoulders which serves to defend their head and neck They are also excellently well horsed and though their horses run never so fast they can with case shoot either way and annoy their Enemies either pursuing them or flying Besides they draw their Bow-string toward their Forehead up to the right Ear which gives such force to the Arrow that where it lights it kils no Shield nor Corslet being able to resist the violence Some considering none of these things onely reverence and admire the old times not allowing any advantage to succeeding inventions But all can be no impediment but that in these Wars great exploits and most famous have been done First therefore beginning a little higher shall be declared what happened between the Romans and Persians in reference both to their Victories and Losses in these Wars CHAP. II. WHen the Roman Emperour Arcadius drew near his decease in Constantinople having a Son Theodosius not yet weaned from the breast He was troubled both for him and his Empire how to provide for both If he should give Theodosius a companion in the Empire he feared in effect he might prove his Sons Murtherer setting an Enemy upon him armed with soveraign power and if he should leave him alone in it it was likely some taking advantage of his desolate condition might usurp the Empire and destroy him In Constantinople he had none of his blood to be his Protector and in Honorius the Uncle he had no hope he could suffice for it the Affairs of Italy being in so ill terms The Persians no less troubled him lest despising the Emperors childhood they should ruin the Roman Provinces Arcadius in this perplexity though none of the quickest Wits yet lighted upon a Counsell which preserved him and his State whether it were by communication with Wisemen which an Emperour
Town in Picenia where was an ancient bridge over the River the Garrison supplyed them and let them at their pleasure passe the Poe. But the Francks being masters of the Bridge such women and children as they found they sacrificed and threw into the River as the first spoiles of the War †It seems they had Almans with them yet Heathen See Agathias lib. 1. cap. 3. retaining yet though Christians much of the old religion using sacrifices and other ungodly Rites in making their predictions The Goths seeing it in a great fear fled into the town and the Francks being past marcht towards the Goths Camp Who at first seeing them in small troops were glad of their coming thinking it to be to aid them But when numbers came on and fell to the businesse and darting their Battle axes hurt many they turn'd about and ran away by the Romans camp into Ravenna The Romans seeing them flye thought that Belisarius had vanquisht them in fight and taken their camp from them and they took armes thinking to joyne with him in the pursuit but they found an Enemy unlook't for and unwillingly they fought till being beaten and not able to return to their camp they fled into Tuscany and sent Newes of the accident to Belisarius The Francks having conquered both parts and taken their Camps without any men in them there then found their provisions But in a while they had nothing to feed on in a wasted Country but Oxen and water of the Poe no bread at all and being not able to disgest the flesh and abundance of water they fel into fluxes and dysenteries which they could not get cured for want of things convenient So that a third part of them are said to have so perisht and being not able to march on they staid there Belisarius hearing of this army of Francks and how the troops of John and Martinus were routed he was afraid of his army especially of those before Faesulae who were neerest the Barbarians and he wrote this Letter to Theodebert Noble Theodebert for one pretending to virtue and especially being a King of so great a Nation not to be true of his word is not Princely but to violate oaths and accords reduced into writing is not fit for the meanest man Herein you know your self a Transgressor having lately agreed to joyne with us against the Goths now not so much as continuing neutrall but advisedly having taken armes and set upon us Put not this affront upon the Emperour Good Sr. who will revenge it in the highest kind It is better for a man to hold his own securely then by medling with what belongs not to him to run a danger in that which most concernes him Theodebert upon this Letter and being troubled with his present Estate and reviled by the Germans for letting them dy thus in a desart country to no purpose rose with the Francks surviving and made haste home CHAP. XXI NEverthelesse Martinus and John came back with their Troops least the Enemy should set upon the Army before Auximum Where the Goths hearing nothing of the Franks retreat but despairing at the delayes from Ravenna thought once more to importune Vitigis but could not get by the Enemy Seeing at noon one Burcensius a Bessian by birth and a Souldier of Narses the Armenian standing Sentinell to keepe off the Towne from cutting Grasse some came to parley with him and agreed to give him a great Summe in hand to carry a Letter to Ravenna and more at his returne with Letters from Vitigis The man for the Money undertook the service and presently put it in execution He brought the Letters sealed up to Vitigis with all speed which were thus You will perceive our estate by enquiring who is the bearer of this Letter there being no meanes for a Goth to get out of the Towne walls and our best supply of Victuall is the Grasse that growes about them which we cannot touch without fighting and losse of men To what conclusion this will bring us you and the Goths in Ravenna are seriously to consider Vitigis returned this answer My best Freinds in the World think not I am so dejected nor come to that degree of basenesse as through sloth to abandon the Goths affaires my owne journey was in readinesse and Vraeas by my direction was coming from Millan with his Army but an unexpected invasion of Franks stopt our preparations whereof I am not to beare the blame For things above humane power bestow this favour on the unfortunate to make him unblameable Fortune taking the whole imputation upon her selfe But Theodebert being now gone as we heare we will shortly God willing be with you with our whole Army And you must beare your Fortune valiantly and suitably to the necessity Thinke upon the vertue for which we made choice of you to guard Auximum and respect that generall opinion held of you by all the Goths which set you there a Bulwark of Ravenna and of their whole safety Vitigis with this Letter and good store of Money dispatcht the man Who coming before Auximum pretended to his Companions a sudden sicknesse which caused him to goe to a Church neer there for cure and standing Sentinell where he was wont he delivered the Letters unseene by the Romans The reading whereof so raised their Spirits though opprest with the Famine that they would not yeild albeit Belisarius much woed them to it But having no newes of any Army from Ravenna and being in extream want of Victuall againe they sent Burcensius writing onely That they were able to struggle with the Famine five dayes and no more who brought them againe a Letter from Vitigis holding them in suspence with like hopes The Romans also were weary of this long Siege in a barren desert Countrey and troubled to see the Goths not to yeild though in so much misery Belisarius therefore sought to take some Enemy alive from whom he might learne the ground of this obstinacy of the Goths Valerianus promised to serve him therein who had in his Troops Slavonians that used to lye under some Stone or Bush and to steale Enemies a thing ordinarily practised by them by the River Ister where their dwellings are both upon Romans and Barbarians Belisarius liking his way and committing it to his care he chose out a Slavonian a tall lusty fellow and valiant and assured him a good reward from Belisarius to get an Enemy alive and told him That at the Grasse plat which the Goths used to eat for want of food he might doe it with ease The Slavonian before day-breake put himselfe neer the Towne walls concealed in a Bush and gathering up his feet close about him By day-light a Goth came out to gather Grasse suspecting nothing from the Bush but had his eye upon the Camp least any enemy might come from thence The Slavonian stealing behinde him snatcht him up fast between his armes delivered him to Valerianus who enquiring
out of Tuscany by the River of Tiber the Town being upon the River 15. miles above Rome and commanding the passage thither Then came Belisarius to Ravennae with his Fleet and calling to him the Goths there and the Roman Souldiers he spake thus It is not now only that Vice hath ruined what hath been built by Virtue from the beginning it hath been so in humane Affaires The lewdnesse of bad men hath been still able to demolish the Actions of the good This hath overturned the Emperours Affaires who to repaire the Errour hath made lesse account of subduing the Persians then of it and hath sent me to cure the Faults committed by either Captaines Souldiers or Goths It is above humane condition not to erre but it becomes the Emperour to repaire the Errours of those whom from his Soule he loves whereby you shall be also eased of your grievances and both perceive and feele his good affection towards you then which what Wealth is more valuable My coming therefore being to this purpose it behoves you to endeavour the obtaining of that Fruit which will arise from thence If any of you have Friends or Kinsmen with Totilas the Usurper let him send for them acquainting them with the Emperours intention Thus you may find good both from a peace and the Emperours Favour for me I come not to pick Quarrels nor to be an Enemy to the Emperours Subjects by my good will But if some will still make slight the chusing their own good and others take Armes against us we must though most unwillingly use such as Enemies Belisarius spake thus but no Goth nor Roman came into him so he sent Therimuth one of his Life-guard with some of his own Retinew and Vitalius with the Illyrian Cohorts into Emilia to attempt the Townes there Vitalius came to Bononia and after the taking of some Castles by composition lay still there Soon after the Illyrians retired home upon the suddain having suffered nothing nor so much as heard any ill They sent Agents to the Emperour for pardon of this Retreat in regard they had long served in Italy and received no pay and much was due to them from the Treasury They heard besides of an Army of Hunnes which in Illyrium made Captives their Wives and Children which caused them wanting necessaries also to go home all in one Troop The Emperour was troubled at the proceeding but at last pardoned them Totilas hearing of the Illyrians Retreat sent Forces to drive Vitalius and his Troops out of Bononia who with Therimuth laid an Ambush for them killed many and routed the rest where Nazares an Illyrian Captain of good quality did Miracles upon the Enemy Therimuth then returned to Belisarius who sent him Nicetas and Sabinianus with 1000. men to Auximum to re-enforce Magnus there beseiged They by night got into the Town unseen by Totilas and the Enemies Camp The next day at noon they sallied to encounter a party of Enemies they had notice of sending before avantcoureurs to discover their Forces that they might not blindly set on them Ricilas of the Life-Guard to Belisarius being in drink would himselfe go upon the discovery and gallopt on alone In a rough stony way he met three Goths and made a stand as to fight with them being very Valiant but when he saw more coming in from all sides he ran away His Horse in the rough ground came over and over with him at which the Enemy gave a great shout and darted all their Javelins at him the Romans perceiving it went to his rescue but he was covered with Javelins and dyed upon the place Therimuth took up his dead body and carryed it into Auximum having met with a conclusion of life not sutable to the Valour of the man CHAP. VI. SAbinianus and Therimuth upon conference with Magnus and consideration of the inconvenience of their longer stay being so far under-matcht to the Enemy and by consuming the Townes Provision making it more ready to be lost they prepared to be gone and to begin their journey in the night But a Souldier ran out to the Enemies Camp closely and revealed the designe Totilas chose out 1000. good men and laid them concealed three miles and three quarters from Auximum These perceiving the Enemy at midnight upon the way fell to work with their Swords and killed 200. but being dark Sabinianus and Therimuth got away to Ariminum all the Baggage Armes and Apparell the Goths took Between Auximum and Ariminum are two small Townes Pisaurus and Phanus upon the Jonian Gulfe Vitigis in the beginning of the War had burnt the houses and broken down halfe their Walls that the Romans surprising them might not infest the Goths Pisaurus Belisarius resolved to seise as a place fit for Horse-pastures he sent some in the night to take the exact measure of the Dimension of each Gate then framed Gates lined with Iron and sent them thither by Sea commanding Sabinianus and Therimuth to set them up and to stay in the Town and being secure to repaire the Walls with stones and earth as they could This they did and Totilas upon the news came against them with a great Army But failing to take the Towne after much time spent in the attempt hee retired to his Camp before Auximum Where the Romans sallied no more but kept close within their walls Belisarius sent Artasiras a Persian and Barbation a Thracian two of his Life-guard to guard Rome with Bessas being there already directing them not to sally at all But Totilas finding Belisarius not able to fight with him fell upon the strong Townes in Picenia he block'd up Firmum and Asculum and so ended the Winter and the tenth yeare of this War written by Procopius When Belisarius Incipit annus 11. Bell. Goth. in Anno 19. having no meanes to releive the besieged Townes sent John to Constantinople Justiniani Ann. Dom. 545. making him sweare to return speedily and to importune the Emperour for an Army and money horses and armes the Souldiers being few and refusing to fight because of their wants the Treasury owing them much money And he wrote of these particulars to the Emperour in these words Most mighty Emperour We are come into Italy wanting men horses arms and money And without a competent preparation of these no man can make Warre Our Thracians and Illyrians we behold here few wretched and stragling without Arms and unexercised for any fight The rest deficient fearfull of the Enemy with spirits dejected by their often beating and not simple running away only but quitting their Horses and throwing down their Armes To raise contribution in Italy is not possible it being possest by the Enemy And being behind with the Souldiers for their Pay we cannot lay commands on them the debt taking away our confidence And the most of those that served your Majestie are run to the Enemy If nothing therefore needed but the sending Belisarius into Italy the Warr is excellently prepared