in a notion of putting one thing into another which consequently may be resolved to be the general acception of the active verb and then that which is so put doth abide in it as in a repositorie of some sort or other such is a sheath to a sword a prison to him that is put into it a cabinet to that which is laid up in it the body to the soul as long as the man lives and accordingly S. Chrysostome gives his Scholion ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã My spirit shall not alwaies abide among these men is instead of I will not suffer them to live any longer For as for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã my spirit or breath Ibid. Of the interpretation of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he went and preached in or by that spirit by which he was now raised Adde Where 1. The word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christ is used not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã God according to the general opinion of the antient fathers of the Church that he which of old appeared to the Patriarchs was not the first but the second person in the Trinity Christ the sonne not God the Father and that those appearances of his were praeludia incarnationis prelusory and preparative to his taking our flesh upon him And accordingly those verses of the Sibylline Oracle which introduce God speaking to Noah about the Ark and setting down the speakers names by Numbers ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are best interpreted by ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã God saviour i. e. Christ for to those two words belongs all that is said in those verses they consist of nine letters four syllables the three first of two letters a piece and the fourth of the remaining three of five consonants and four vowels and so likewise the numeral importance of each letter amounteth to the just number of 1692. as it is there described See Canter Novar Lect. l. 1. c. 3. Secondly the phrase c. Ibid. Note h. To ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the antitype of which Adde As for the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It may perhaps be here fit to note that as it is certainly best rendred Antitype to reserve the signification of the Greek whatsoever shall here appear most fitly to belong to it so the Greek is capable of very distant senses For 1 It signifies not a like but a contrary So in Xenophon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Matters of favour are done by the Prince himself but the contrary by other men So saith Hesychius of it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It signifies contrariety or contradiction and so we know the preposition ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã most ordinarily imports And this the place would not unfitly bear that Baptisme is quite contrary to the ark of Noah but yet saves as that saved There the destruction was by water and only they were saved which got into the ark but here water is the means of saving from destruction and they perish which have not this immersion or baptisme here spoken of Beside this there is a second Notation of this word as ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies pro as well as contra and so it may here be fitly rendred For when it is compounded in the notion of pro it notes instead of another as ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Proconsul is he that supplies the Consuls place is in his stead And so it may be here ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã baptisme instead or supplying the office of the Ark saves us now In this sense Antitype is ordinarily taken among us for that which is not it self a type or figure but supplies the place of some former type so purity of the heart is the Antitype of circumcision i. e. that which is now by Christ required instead of that ceremonie among the Jewes But beside both these there is a third notation of the word for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a copie differing from ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã so as the impression in the waxe differs from the ingraving in the Seal So the Old Glossarie renders both those words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by exemplum and exemplar And thus is the word used Heb. 9.24 and generally in the Ecclesiastick writers and is best express'd by parallel or answerable and may so here fitly be rendred parallel whereunto Baptisme Chap. IV. ver 3. Revellings banquetings Amorous addresses see Rom. 13. e. Bacchanals Ibid. Note e. Read What ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã here signifies will easily be defined from the notion of the Hebrew ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which signifies two things to persecute and to set on fire So Psal 10.2 where the Hebrew is rendred by us the wicked doth persecute the poor the 72. read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the poor is set on fire And so again ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which signifies to try either as gold is by the fire or as men by afflictions is by the 72. Psal 17.3 rendred ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã casting into the fire And accordingly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã regularly will signifie in general any kind of affliction c. Chap. V. Note a. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for maintaining their state out of their subjects purses to Xenophon Adde And Callicratides the Pythagorean in his book of the felicity of families intimates the same by his definition of despotick government ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that which respects the rulers own profit and not the subjects Ibid. Note d. Of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for the Church Adde Thus I suppose the word is used in Ignatius's Epistle to the Trallians or by the interpolator if that be not the originall reading where speaking of Bishops he saith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Ecclesia non est caetus evocatus aut peculiaris i. e. in effect the Church is not a Church of such as it ought And so it must be understood by those words which follow in Videlius's copy and if they were not written by Ignatius seem to be a Scholiono to explain them and as such to be added to them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not a Collection of Saints not an assembly of pious men Ibid. Of Babylon signifying Rome See Euseb l. 2. c. 14. and Jerom. de Scripter Eccl. in Marco and so the Church in Babylon the Christians in that heathen city of Rome On the second EPISTLE of PETER CHap. I. Note a. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for courage Adde So as in those verses of Euripides ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Fortitude is very usefull against afflictions a man may shew vertue in his death For there fortitude and virtue are all one Ibid. Note b. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in reference to unnatural
XII Note e. For the acception of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã unprofitable for wicked See Philoxenus's Glossary Nequam ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and Nequitia ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and so in Cyrils Greek Glossary So in Hesiod ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã an unprofitable man is he that neither understands himself nor heeds others the most sencelesse wretchlesse person Of the same nature is illaudatus unpraised in Latine of which see A. Gellius l. 2. c. 6. where he proves that word to signifie omnium pessimum ac deterrimum the worst and basest of all And so l. 7. c. 11. he makes ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã riotous intemperate unprofitable uselesse ill-mannerd detestable to be all one the interpretation of the Latine Nequam a wicked man but literally good for nothing Ibid. Note m. For the acception of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not for gainlesse but ill Adde the advice of Pythagoras ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let it be more desirable to thee or choose rather to cast a stone at an adventure than an idle speech where it is evident that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is at least a rash speech and such as from which a man himself or others may as probably receive some considerable hurt as from a stone rashly cast we have reason to expect Ibid. Note n. That the reckoning of dayes by the evening and morning was in use as among the Jewes so among the Athenians also see A. Gellius l. 3. c. 2. Chap. XIV Note a. For the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to admonish or instruct before-hand Adde the Vulgar Latine which reads praemonita admonished before-hand So in Xenophon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Masters having shewed their Scholars how to do their business ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã do also by words premonish them Chap. XV. 5 He shall be free He is under obligation not to give it his father c. Note c. To the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã vow of not releâving his parents Adde the words of Philo ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he confirmes by oath the barbarousness and feritâ of his disposition And what hath thus passed under their vow is say they ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. utterly forbidden or unlawful or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã unlawful as Corban which being consecrated must not be touch'd or imployed to any other uses Which therefore in all probability is the word omitted in the Ellipsis which others supply by ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he shall be free but should rather be he as obliged may not give his Father So that the plain meaning of the place is A Father being in want requires releef of his Son the Son answers that he hath vow'd he will not and so that to him it remains not lawful to releeve him And the Pharisees approve of this practice that he may thus evacuate his duty to his parent Of this see Mr. Pocock Not. Miscell p. 414. This without question is it which is here charged on them by Christ As for the other notion of Corban or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that what is asked they cannot give because it is consecrated to God though it be taken up by the antients yet it appears not to be agreeable to the Jewish practice for there are no foot-steps among them of any devoting to God or consecrating in this matter as the testimonies produced by Mr. P. do fully evidence Ch. XVI Note h. To the mention of the Key of David Rev. 3.7 Adde where a difference must be observed betwixt the Key of David and the Keyes of the house of David Keyes are an ensigne of power but that power is not all of one kind it is greater or less principal and independent or inferior and derivative and the several keyes are emblemes of these severals David we know was a King and independent from any on earth and consequently the Key of David notes an independent supreme power and that applied to the Church belongs onely to Christ in that prophetick expression Apoc. 3.7 But the Keyes of the house of David notes an inferior power that of a steward in Davids familie which being perfectly subordinate to him hath yet the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the administration of the affaires of his familie intrusted to him Now Christ is the Original and prime fountain of all power over the whole Church that spiritual kingdom of David c. Chap. XVII Note d. For the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for tradere delivering up not betraying Adde Athenaeus l. 5. of Quintus Oppius ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a prisoner delivered up to custody So Ps 88.8 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I was imprisoned c. Ch. XX. Note b. To the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã working Adde the phrase Ruth 2.19 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã where hast thou laboured and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã where she had laboured and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with whom I laboured where still the Hebrew hath ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã labouring Ibid. Note c. To the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for pick'd or choice men Adde Aristotle in his Oeconomickes l. 2. in the passage of Antimenes Rhodius where we find ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã subjoyned to ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã approved officers where probably it must signifie speciall pick'd Artificers Ch. XXI Note b. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for dividing into small peeces to Plato Adde S. Chrysostome who speaking of his homilies more then one of the same matter saith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã we have cut it out into many minute parts for several dayes Ibid. That the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies any kind of utensil Adde Nicolaus Damascenus of the Sordo Libyes of whom he saith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they have no ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but a cup and a sword where the sword is called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as well as a cup and so is a sheet Act. 10.11 Ibid. Note g. To the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for breaking into small peeces Adde Dan. 2.44 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he shall beat small and break into chaff all the kingdomes Chap. XXII 19 A penny A coyne that was half the Alexandrian but the whole Attick drachme and so the fourth part of the shekel of the Sanctuary or half the ordinary shekel Ibid. Note f. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for conspiration or conjunction of affections Adde as in Chrysostome Epist K. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is earnestly to desire his Epistles Ibid. Of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Lu. 19.48 in the notion of taking his part being of his side agreeing with him Adde were very kind to him so in Chrysostome Ep. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He affects you much and is an earnest lover of me and Ep. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã loving and tendring So in Palladius
dispensation of Gods either by man viz. Daniel or any other Prophet or by Angel or which is highest by the son of man had ordered us thus to know the times or the seasons this being no part of the Prophetick office of any man or within the Commission of Christ himself to reveale this secret to them What the Agnoetae taught in this matter and wherein their supposed mistake consisted is not obvious to define They were thus called saith Leontius because they defined from this text that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that Christ as man was ignorant of some things ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the same manner as we say he suffered greef c. For this saith he Theodosius Bishop of Alexandria wrote against them but his authority is not great being himself tainted and deemed as an Heretick as there appears and so accounted by Baronius and his followers Theodosiani or Jacobitae But Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria also wrote against them and the Epitome of his arguments and answers we have in Photius and the summe of them is that what is here said of Christ was said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã secundùm respectum ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in that his body viz. the humane nature of which he was the head was not without ignorance as saith he he is said to be made sin and curse for us because the head appropriating to it self the things of the body he thus took upon him the things of the body viz. of us sinfull men Yet after this though he much dislike that either according to his divinity or humanity ignorance should be attributed to him he cannot but acknowledge with Gregorie Nazianzen ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he knowes indeed as God but is ignorant as man onely adding that the Fathers that acknowledged or admitted ignorance in our Saviour in respect of his humanity ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã did not produce this as a doctrine but to repress the Arians made use of it Now of this discourse of Eulogius Pope Gregorie gives his opinion in his Epistles that he admires much in it but dislikes nothing that he had written a great deal to Anatolius the Deacon to the same sense that what he said of Christs words that they were to be referred to him juxta corpus ejus nos quod sumus in respect of his body which we are is most true and that S. Augustine had oft expressed himself to the same sense adding also another interpretation of the words not that the son of man was ignorant of that day Sed quia hunc sciri minimè permittat but that he would by no means permit it to be known After this another subtilty as he styles it he proposeth that the onely son being incarnate and made for us perfect man in natura quidem humanitatis novit diem Sed hunc non ex natura humanitatis novit knew the day in his humane nature but not from his humane nature because being made God-man he knew it onely per deitatis suae potentiam by the power of his deity This certainly hath truth in it but will not easily be discerned how it opposeth them who acknowledging Christ God-man to know all things in this hypostatical union do yet affirme him in respect of his humanity to be ignorant of some things For 't is not necessary they should mean any more in thus affirming than that he hath not this knowledge of all things from his humanity but from his divinity onely In that Epistle of Gregories one thing is resolved which may possibly give some light to this whole matter viz. that he that is no Nestorian cannot be an Agnoeta If this be true then we have a competent cause of the Agnoetae being reckoned up for heretickes for such the Nestorians doubtless were denying the union of the divine and humane nature in Christ But the historie rather inclines us to beleeve that the Agnoetae were Eutychians than Nestorians for Theodosius was one of the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that opposed the Councel of Calcedon and these that brake off from him about this point of Christs being ignorant of some things in respect of his humanity had been till then of his communion and so opposers of that Councel see Leontius p. 514. A. These Eutychians heresie consisted in this that they affirmed so close an union betwixt the word and the humane nature that they became but one nature and this was refuted in that Councel of Chalcedon and the Agnoetae being opposers of that Councel must be supposed to adhere to this heresie and then indeed it must be acknowledged they were heretickes and their heresie so much worse than bare Eutychianisme as it is blasphemie to impute nescience or ignorance to God For supposing as an Eutychian supposeth that the divinity and humanity were by union become one and the same nature 't were prodigious to beleeve that this nature were ignorant of any thing This therefore I suppose to be the ground of defining these Agnoetae to be heretickes for such they were if they thus taught But for the doctrine of those which hold firmely the decrees of all the four first General Councels and so condemne all the heresies there condemned particularly that of Nestorius dividing the persons and of Eutychus confounding the Natures in Christ and onely affirme that though as God he knew all yet as man he was ignorant of some things just in the same manner as he was passible and subject to all humane infirmities which had not sin in them and that this is his own express affirmation that the son of man knew not that day and hour this sure is so far from heresie that as the same Leontius elsewhere tells us it is the unanimous assertion of all the Fathers to which neither the Councel of Chalcedon nor any other hath taught any thing contrarie For so in his tenth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã resuming this business of the Agnoetae and recounting the answer that som gave that those words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã neither the son were spoken by Christ ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by way of prudential oeconomie to avert the disciples from their inquirie he addes as his own affirmation that it is not fit to speak over subtily in this matter and that therefore the Synod did not make any decree in it Chap. XIV Note a. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for sincerus Adde Vadianus Epit. de Insulis Mar. Mediterr Dignum cognitu saith he quod Plinius tradit l. 13. scilicet novem herbarum species esse quae nardum imitentur adulterent unde intelligimus in tanta fraudis materia usum loquendi obtinuisse ut pistica nardus diceretur quae sincera absque vitio est plane ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã germana nullâ arte vitiata It is worth knowing what Plinie affirmes that there are nine species of herbes
giving him an account why he inscribed those books not by his own name but by that other of Timothy saith he followed this Euangelists example qui in utroque divini operis exordio Theophili nomen inscribens cùm ad hominem scripsisse videatur ad amorem Dei scripsit who in the begining both of his Gospel and of the Acts inscribing the name Theophilus seeming to have written to a man he wrote to or for the love of God Ibid. Note i. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã thou hast found favour Adde the testimony of Theophylact who thus expounds it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. when he had first said thou that art favoured he addes by way of interpretation for thou hast found favour c. Ibid. To the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for good and gracious Adde So Ps 18.26 where the Hebrew reads ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and the Septuagint ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with the merciful thou shalt be merciful the Greek Scholiast reads ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with the gracious thou shalt deal graciously Ibid. Note m. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for declaring the will of God by mission from him without reference to predicting things to come Adde So the author of Synopsis Prophetiarum ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Any that receives knowledge from God of things past is called a Prophet So Chrysostome ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã A Prophet is no more but an interpreter but that of God And Grammarians have observed that the word naturally signifies no more then this of speaking from or in the stead of another i. e. of God as a Proconsul is he that supplies the Consuls place ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in composition being all one with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Poets were said to be the Prophets of the Muses as in Pindar ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let the Muse inspire and I will prophesy And in Theocritus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the sacred Prophets of the Muses that speak under them or as they are inspired and directed by them Ibid. Note o. The Addition of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in seculum at the end of the benedictions of the Jewes was not in but after Ezra's time Ibid. Note q. Of the joyning ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã without fear with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã delivered and not with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã serve to Irenaus's words Adde and Titus Bostrensis ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã because some ofttimes are delivered from the hands of enemies but with fear therefore he saith that he gives us to be delivered without fear adding ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for Christs coming caused us to be without fear delivered ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for we felt not had no apprehension of the treachery of our enemies ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. but he presently snatch'd us out and transferred us from them into his own lot and portion ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. which layes the obligation on us as on those that are now become his to serve him in holyness and righteousness c. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã fear for danger Adde Menander ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã A fair-spoken woman is an exceeding great fear i. e. is very much to be feared a great danger Ibid. Note r. To the expressing of Christ by ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Adde To which purpose also may be applied that of Philo ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Father of all things sent him forth in the word from whence the original ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã comes his most ancient sonne or first born Chap. XI Note a. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã after the reference to Hieronymus Magius l. 4. c. 15. Adde And so Suidas in the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã saith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Augustus sent out unto all the regions of those that were subject to him officers by whom he made the enrolings and in the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he saith he decreed to number ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by head ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã all the inhabitants of the Romans and reciting the number his style is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã there were found so many myriads inhabiting the dominions of the Romans Ibid. Note b. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã To the vulgars reading v. 3. Ibant profiteri they went to tell what they were worth c. Adde Suidas indeed in the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã mentioning this of Augustus saith it was to the other end of bringing into his treasury ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a sufficient proportion and that it was therefore called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the first of this kind by way of equal and moderate distribution because they that were in power before him were wont to take away what they would But though Suidas be an excellent Grammarian yet in matter of history his authority is not great and 't is sure enough the Roman subjects paid their vectigalia certain taxes before this and the Publicans were the gatherers of them And Cassiodore's words which somewhat look toward that of taxing yet refer it not to the cause assigned by Suidas but because by the civil warres mens dominions or possessions were uncertain and confounded and therefore this Census was appointed together with a survey and division ut possessio sua nulli haberetur incerta quam pro tributorum susceperat ratione solvenda that every man might have his possession certain and proportionably his tax be certain also Cassiod var. l. 3. Ep. 52. It is therefore by learned men affirmed particularly by Is Casaubon in Bar. p. 105. and is most probable that this decree of inrolling was an effect of Augustus's curiosity and neither of his desire to inrich his treasury nor to reforme the excesses of those before him and this overruled by Gods special providence saith S. Chrysost that this Emperor might ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã serve or be instrumentall to the conserving the record of the birth of Christ whose name and his mothers as well as Josephs were now inrolled And that is a farther evidence of the nature of this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that it was not a taxe for that would not have belonged to women and infants but as Cassiodore said to the possessors onely And thus Suidas himself understands it in Augusto that he decreed to number by head all the inhabitants of the Romans being willing to know ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã how great the multitude was which must take off all authority of his to the contrary Ibid. Note h. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for his fathers house Adde Thus the Syriack reads it and thus Theophylact ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in
uncleanness and Idolatry Ibid. Note i. Of the acception of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for those that are guilty of unnatural lusts Adde Thus is it manifestly affirmed and defined by Plato ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã when desire drawes us irrationally to pleasures and gets dominion over us this is named ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã contumely So Dio in Oeconomico ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by weeping none ever incited the Contumelious i. e. the unlawfull lover So in Phintys's book of the womans sobriety the adulterous wife is said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to be for pleasures sake guilty of sinne and contumely And so in Nicostratus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are adulterous brats So in Charondas's Proem to his Lawes speaking of maritall chastity and prescribing the care of procreation not of pleasure he addes ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã using ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for any inordinate or unlawfull act of impurity And this agreeth well with the character of the Gnostickes here set down who disliked marriage and used all unlawfull liberties and pollutions Chap. II. ver 12. Shall perish without Law Though they be punished yet shall not they have that aggravation of their sin and punishment which belongs to those which have received the Law of Moses they shall onely be judged for their not observing the Law of nature see Theophylact the Law of Moses being not able to accuse them Ibid. Note f. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Adde or as Theophylact interprets ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the things that belong to every man and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã profitable those things which are proper and expedient for you to do Ibid. g. Of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Adde Theophylact hath another notion of it for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã painting to the life and interprets the place of the Jewish Doctor who ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã formes and drawes to the life the knowledge of good and the truth in the hearts of disciples Ibid. ver 17. By h the letter Being in that legal state Note h. The notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is here to be observed and is best express'd by in So in Pausanias ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in metu versari to be in a condition of fears or dangers So here ch 4.11 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those that being in uncircumcision i. e. in the Gentile state do yet beleeve and so here ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã thee who being in the Law and circumcision i. e. in that external condition of Mosaical oeconomy art yet a transgressor of the Law Of this or the like use of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã see Note on 2 Pet. 3. d. Chap. III. ver 3. The Faith of God Exhibition of Gods promised mercy as also trusts of God so Theophylact renders it Gods committing or intrusting his Oracles to them v. 2. Ibid. Note b. Of the use of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for waging a suite at Law Adde So in Demaratus Arcadicor 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã being impleaded of murther he was freed from the accusation where ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã must signifie not judged or condemned for 't is added he was absolved but accused or impleaded and again it was by his mother that he was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not by the Judge another evidence that it signifies accused prosecuted not condemned Ibid. Note h. Of Christ being our propitiatory Adde Either as Theophylact conceives in that our human nature in Christ ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was the covering or veile of his divinity or because God exhibited and reveled himself in Christ as the Propitiatory was the place where God was wont to exhibite himself peculiarly Chap. IV. ver 11. Though they be not circumcised Of every uncircumcised beleever who c. Dele not onely of the Jewes circumcised but. Vers 12. Them that are not of the circumcision onely but also walk in the steps The Jews that having been circumcised do now convert to Christ and so besides circumcision which they drew from him do also transcribe his diviner Copy follow his example of faith and obedience which were remarkable in him before he was circumcised leave their sinnes as he did his countrey c. Ibid. ver 16. Of us all Of all the faithfull Gentiles as well as Jewes Ibid. ver 17. aa Before him In like manner as God in whom he beleeved is the Father of the Gentiles as well as Jewish beleevers and accordingly justified Abr. c. Note aa The importance of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is not ordinarily observed and must be fetch'd from the use of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in Hebrew as it is used Gen. 2.18 where God saith he will make Adam an help we render it meet for him and the vulgar simile ei like or agreeable or answerable to him where the Septuagint have ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by him or on the side of him or answerable parallel to him And to this Hebrew the Greek ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã bears exact proportion the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifying coram ex opposito and yet used to denote that which is like and answerable Thus 't is certain S. Chrysostome understood the word in this place for so saith he ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The meaning is as God is no partial God but the Father of all so Abraham and again if he were not the father of all that dwell on the earth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã this word should have no place ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but God's gift would be maimed and in express words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the word signifies in like manner And so Theophylact from him ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã before God is instead of like God This observation may possibly be usefull to the finding out the full importance of some other places As when the commandment is given to Abraham of walking before God and being perfect Gen. 17.1 which in this notion of before will be all one with be ye perfect as your Father in heaven is perfect Chap. V. ver 6. Without strength In a sick mortall sinfull see Theophylact damnable estate Ibid. ver 20. That the offence c. Though it were not designed to that end see Theophylact yet it by consequence became a means to aggravate c. Chap. VI. Note b. Of the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 1 Cor. 10.12 for ordinary common among men Adde So S. Chrysostome there ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it signifies little short proportionable to their strength So in Demosthenes Contr. Midiam ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã an humane and moderate consideration So in Horace lib. 2. humané commoda signifies parum commoda little profitable And if it be here considered how moderate and equitable a proposal it is which here followes t will be acknowledged that this of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in
Lord thy God thou shalt have no other Gods but me the former part of which are federal words and so are to be answered by our beleeving what God promiseth in his Covenant viz. that he is our God a merciful and a gracious Father and so to be filially depended on trusted in and obeyed as well as loved by us and the latter part commanding us to have God for our God must again be interpreted to require from us a beleeving of him both as that signifies a fiducial relyance and affiance on him a beleeving his promises and as it is a beleeving whatsoever he shall say whether bare affirmations our doctrinal points either in the Old or New Testament revealed to us or more especially his commands and threats as our beleef of them is all one with fearing and obeying him Gods veracity being one of those his attributes to which our beleef must be answerable if we will be deemed to have him for our God As for the promises of another life which are a principal part of the object of a Christians faith if they be not thought to have been revealed under the Law of Moses which is conceived to look onely toward an earthly Canaan and so the felicities of this life onely This sure is a mistake caused in many perhaps by not distinguishing betwixt less clear revelations such indeed were those under the Law in comparison with the lustre that Christ brought into the world and none at all or perhaps by most through not observing that those diviner promises were revealed before the Law and being found inefficacious among the sensual world God was farther pleased to adde under Moses those earthy promises to attract even sensual men and give them a present taste of those good things which he had laid up for them that would adhere to him These therefore being long before revealed to Adam and Noah and by tradition from them stedfastly beleeved by all the people of God were supposed in the Mosaical Law as known already and therefore needed not therein to be more particularly repeated Besides Moses in his giving the Law to the Jewes set down over and above the Law it self a story from the Creation to his time wherein many passages there are which give certain evidence of another life and the joyes of that as the reward of a godly living as when of Enoch it is said Gen. 5.24 that Enoch walked with God and was not for God took him when he was but 365. years old which must needs inferre that somewhat extraordinary befell Enoch which the Apostle calls translating him Heb. 11.5 and also that that life to which God took him was much more desireable than that which here he parted with else his untimely death farre sooner than others there recited both before and after him could not be proposed as a reward of his walking with i. e. pleasing God Heb. 11.5 This translation of Enoch then being known among those in whose time it happened and by Moses recorded for all the Israelites to know that came after must needs be to all them a testimony beyond all doubt of this truth that there remained a blessed life after this for those who pleased God The like was that of Elias in the time of the Kings who was visibly carried up to heaven and this both by the sonnes of the prophets foretold before-hand and testified by Elisha who succeeded him in his prophetick office and was an eye-witness of it The same appears by that passage of Gods being by himself styled in the Law the God of Abraham c. after their death whence our Saviour concludes against the Sadducees that Abraham lived with God and that there was another life revealed by God in that style To this pertains the speech of Balaam Num. 23.10 Let me dye the death of the righteous and let my last end be like his But above all the express words of Daniel long before Christ and so under the Law Dan. 12.2 Many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake some to everlasting life and some to shame and everlasting contempt And in a word though the Law given by Moses have not in the letter the mention of any other life but that in the land of Canaan yet all the ceremonies of that Law were principally no doubt designed to this end to adumbrate and so reveale this truth unto them and that in such a manner as was most for the turn of such childish and gross and rude minds viz. by sensible representations which the Apostle that well knew their meaning interprets to this sense throughout the Epistle to the Hebrewes and assures us that Abraham Isaac and Jacob expected a city that had foundations whose builder and maker was God Heb. 11.10 meaning heaven undoubtedly by that phrase And so of Moses v. 26. that he had respect to the recompense of reward that sure which was after this life for he came not to Canaan the pleasures and honours of which were on this intuition despised by him v. 25. Thus much hath been here added on this occasion for the refuting the doctrine of those men who can discern none but temporal carnal promises under the Law whom for farther satisfaction if it be yet needfull I referre to the judicious and perspicuous Treatise of P. Baro De praestantia dignitate divinae legis dedicated to Archbishop Whitgift but first read in his Lady Margarete Lectures at Cambridge Lib. 1. Another to be inserted on Luke 1. Note m. AFter the testimony of Theocritus Adde Thus Sibylla l. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I will prophesie all things that are past present as well as to come Adding ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã And first God commands me to say professing to do it from God Another to be inserted at the end of the last Additional Annotation on Act. 14. OF the acception of this word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a controversie there is between the two great Scholiasts on the Canons Zonaras and Balsamon Zonaras on the first Apostolical Canon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let a Bishop be ordained by two or three Bishops makes this Scholion ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Now adaies the office of praiers and invocation of the holy spirit at the consecration of any is called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã from the Bishops stretching out his hand and blessing the person ordained ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but anciently the election it self was so called for when the multitudes of the cities had power to choose their Bishops they assembled and some chose one some another that the greater part of suffrages might carry it it is said that they that made the choice stretcht out their hands and so the suffrages were numbred and he that was chosen by most was advanced to the dignity and thence the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was taken And accordingly saith he the Fathers of the Councils are found to use the
word calling election ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Thus the Council of Laodicea Can. 5. saith that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã must not be in the presence of the Catechumeni meaning elections by that word How unfitly this Scholion is applied to the first Apostolical Canon will be easily judged when it is remembred that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã used in that Canon and sure that was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã antiently and long enough before Zonaras's writing is certainly used for Ordination or Consecration ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the initiation to the Episcopal office by imposition of hands and not any popular or whatever kind of election And therefore Balsamon coming to give account of this Canon and seeing this Scholion of Zonaras before him gives it without naming him the due refutation Thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã This Apostolical Canon speakes of that Ordination which is done by the Bishops in the Church ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not of the election as some said following some unwritten reports in respect of the stretching out the hands used in the elections of Bishops by the multitude of the cities for though in the 10th it should be the 5th Canon of Laodicea the Fathers command that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã should not be in the presence of the Catechumeni and from thence some supposed that this Canon speakes of election yet I beleeve they say not well because the ordination which is performed in the Church ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by the praiers belonging to initiation is done though there be never so many there which concludes that this Apostolike Canon belongs to consecration though the Laodicean do not And again the 4th Canon of the first Nicene Council resolving that the election of a Bishop shall be performed by all the Bishops of the Province ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã at least by three the rest signifying their consents by writing I cannot think how some could understand this Canon of the election of a Bishop which appoints that it shall be done by two or three and so possibly by two not necessarily by three Bishops By this it is evident that Zonaras if as his premises prepared for it so he concluded according to them that in the Apostolical Canon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was to be understood of election and not of ordination was foully mistaken But the truth is the conclusion of his Scholion seems to look another way citing that Canon of Nice which being of elections appoints them to be by three at least where as this of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã contents it self with two or three and in his Scholion on that Nicene Canon 4. his conclusion is express that the Apostolical Canon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã calls consecration and imposition of hands by that title and so not election So Harmenopulus on his Epitome Can. The Apostolical Canon is of consecration and imposition of hands the Nicene of election And so all his premises of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã being taken for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã election are utterly aliene from the Canon which he had before him And his observation as far from truth that it was in latter times onely that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã came to signifie Ordination His own words conclude rather the direct contrary that at the time of the writing the first Apostolical Canon which by all is acknowledged genuine and so written not long after the Apostles daies ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was taken in the sense of Ordination and that long after that in the Council of Laodicea 't was used for election And it may be worth observing that he that had taken such unseasonable paines to prove it was taken for election had no proof for it in all antiquity but onely that one Canon of Laodicea where indeed it is evidently used in that sense But whether of any other election save by the Bishops to whom it evidently belongs in the 4th Nicene Canon in the presence of the people excluding the audientes from them to receive testimonie of the lives of those who were to be chosen appears not by that Canon In the Nicene Canon 4. the difference is clear between ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã constituting by way of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã election in the beginning of the Canon and then after that regularly performed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ordination in the end of it And by that we may understand Theodorets meaning Eccl. Hist l. 5. c. 23. when he saith the Canons forbid ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that a Bishop have ordination without three Bishops not that there must needs be three Bishops to impose hands for that is contrary to the Apostolical Canon which is content with two and yet is by Zonaras himself reconciled with the Nicene that requires three at least but that there must be three at least personally present at his election and that with the concurrence also of all the Province that are absent before he can be ordained lawfully and when he is so elected then he may be ordained by two So when Synesius Ep. 67. saith of Siderius Bishop of Palebisca that he was ordained ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã irregularly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã if he was not constituted at Alexandria or not by three Bishops there meaning the whole affaire as it was made up of election and Ordination too to the former of which the presence of three Bishops was necessary though not to the latter And so in Theodoret again l. 5. c. 9. affirming from the Nicene Canon that the custome was for the Bishops in every Province and the neighbouring Bishops if they pleased ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to make the ordinations to the best advantage he must be thus understood not that all should joyne in the Ordination or imposition of hands but all of the whole Province either personally or by their letters joyning in the election two or three should impose hands on him But this ex abundanti more than was necessary for the notion of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã when 't was used of the Apostles Another to be inserted on 1 Cor. 7.17 Vers 17. dd But. dd IN this place some antient copies give us another reading thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã What knowest thou O man whether thou shalt save thy wife or no As God hath distributed to every man This we learn from Theophylact ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã saith he ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã some have read thus And then this will take away all debate what should be the proper notation of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the beginning of the verse reading it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For though if it were certain that that were the true reading some probable account might be given of it as that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã might signifie Onely or the like yet when other copies have read it in a forme thus perspicuous and free from all question it will be more reasonable to acquiesce