cause god would haue some men sometymes to be borne with so huge bodies It was done for this cause Augustine thincketh in his boke before alledged 23. chap. to leaue a testimony vnto vs that nether the beauty of the body neither the bignesse of stature nor strength of the flesh are to be accompted among the chief good thinges when as they are no lesse commune to the godly sometymes than they are to the vngodly They surely which are desirous of godlinesse will iudge that spirituall good thynges are farre to be preferred before them Forme and stature auayle nothing to saluation partely bycause they are an helpe vnto vs to saluation and partely bycause they make vs more noble in dede than others And that giauntes had no helpe by their huge stature to saluation he confirmeth it by that which Baruch the Prophet hath writtē in the .3 chap. There are giauntes from the beginning of the worlde famous men expert in warres those hath not the Lord chosen neither hath he geuē them the way of knowledge but they haue perished bycause they had not wisedome Giauntes toke not godly causes in hande to defende Also if a man shall read ouer the holy scriptures he shall neuer almost fynd that they tooke in hand any good or godly cause whiche they would defend and for the whiche they would fight yea he shall rather se that by their peruersenesse and pride they haue alwayes ben agaynst God So did Og king of Basan behaue hym selfe so also did Goliah and his brethren All these were most deadly enemies to the people whom God loued and had chosen from the rest to be peculiar to him selfe Giaūtes were ouercome in battaile of weake persons There is an other thing also besides whiche may much confirme our faith for the holy scriptures do alwayes declare how such mōstrous giaūtes were filthyly ouercome in battaile and that by feable men and very vnexpert in warlike affaires namely by Dauid being yet but a shepheard the people of Israel which were thē but yong beginners in matters of warre wherby the spirite of god doth admonishe vs to be of a constaunte and valiaunte corage when for godlinesse sake we must fight against such monsters We must haue no regarde there to our owne strength seing that the holy oracles do so often declare that it is god whiche deliuereth such beastes into their handes whom he defendeth Whiche thinges seing they are so this without doubt cometh to passe that we shoulde by no meanes be affeard of tyrannes whiche are almost alwayes agaynst God and trust to their owne great might when they defend vngodly partes and thincke that they can robbe and spoyle as they list them selues the flocke of Christ which is feable and weake seing the might of gods word power of his spirite will make vs mightie and inuincible agaynst them thoughe we be neuer so lowe and weake of nature Moreouer if we should follow humane reason beyng compared with thē we should easely seeme either wormes or grashoppers but being hedged fensed with the might of god we shall not only be superiours but also to speake as Paul speaketh to the Romaines we shal ouercome also For Christ will ayde vs who bindeth the strong armed man taketh away the most riche spoyles which he had gathered he hath luckly wrastled with the deuill and his members we by him shal haue good successe in our warres and shal obteyne a farre more noble victorye than that whiche the Poetes haue fayned that their gods obtayned of the Ciclops Titans Why Giaunts haue resisted God and other giauntes whiche were as they fable destroyed by the lightnings of Iupiter at Phlegra It is a playne token why gyaūtes in the old time mighty princes now of dayes do with the wise men of this world resist god surely bicause they cleaue trust to much to their own strength whereunto they ouermuch stickīg God accomplisheth his thinges by humble persons not by giauntes there is no mischief which they dare not enterprise there is nothing which they thincke is not lawful for thē to do But god vouchesafeth not by such men to accomplish those thinges whiche he hath decreed to bring to passe but to set forth his might power farre abroad he vseth rather to accomplish such things as he hath decreed to do by Dauid and any abiect persones Whether Og were the last of al the giaunts Of this thing I would thincke that I had spoken enoughe but that there is a certein place remayning to be expounded namely how it should be written in Deut. that there was no more of the giauntes remayning but only Og king of Basan I am not ignorante what R. Salomo fableth but his exposition is so childishe so worthy to be laughed at that I am ashamed to rehearse it I iudge therfore that it was not spokē absolutely simply that there were no more remayning but he as thoughe there were no more giauntes in all the worlde but he but it is meant that he onely was remayning in those places namely beyonde Iordane The Moabites also draue Giauntes out of their coastes Moreouer we must vnderstand that not onely the Israelites destroyed the giauntes out of those regions but also the Moabites as it is written in the second chap. of Deut. draue them out of their coastes which must also be thought to haue ben brought to passe by them thorough the fauour of God for it is in the same place written that god gaue vnto the Moabites those regions to inhabite Now will I returne to the wordes of the holy hystory And from thence they went to the mountaynes of Debir and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher Why this citie is called the citie of Letters It is commonly translated the citie of letters and therfore would they haue this citie so called bycause the first letters wer found there or els bycause learning or good studies florished in that Citie as they do at this daye in vniuersities where good sciences are openly taught Some thincke that lawyers liued there whiche kept the recordes of iudgementes There be some also whiche write that there was a notable library there R. D. Kimhi affirmeth that Debir in the Persian language signifieth a letter but the worde Sephir in Hebrew signifieth not properly a letter or a figure but rather a litle boke or scrolle written vpon The Hebrues do make mencion that Othoniel did in this place expound certein rules of the lawe whiche before that tyme were almost blotted out and of that dede was the citie so afterwarde named but this cā scarse be probable bycause it seemeth that that citie had that name before the Israelites possessed it We must know moreouer that this citie also was taken when Iosua was a lyue whiche is shewed in his owne booke And that by no meanes can be fayned to be sayd there by preuenting or as
from ordinary power 257 Ministers are fraunchised froÌ„ personall burthens 263 Ministery ought to be well reported 248. b Minister maye rebuke a prince by gods word but not depose him 259 Minister how he may take awaye vngodlines 123. b Ministers of God are to be heard when 96. b Ministers and prophetes are an occasion but not a iuste cause of ruines 262 Ministers with captaines in theyr campes 96. b Ministers maraige 93. b Ministers admonished 144. b Ministers how they maye bee present at mariages 287. b Minister ill may be heard of God though not for his own sake yet for the peoples whom he prayeth for 207 Ministers to bee orderd at imberdayes why 277 Miracles handled 126 Miracles go before fayth in them that beleue not the preachynge which they haue heard 130 Miracles not sufficient to perswad godlynes 67 Miracles woorking makes a man neither better nor wurs 128. b Miracles of the vngodly god suffereth to proue his by 243 Miracles may be wrought to defeÌ„d false doctrine aswel as true 129 b Miracles whether godly men may desire 130. b Miracles at the bodyes of deade saintes 69 Mirth of hart allowed of god 161. b Mirth is somtimes vnconuenient 162. b Missa for missio 42. b Mishah original of masse 41 Miseries common ioyne men in amitye 252 Misery is not without fruit 78 Mizpa what place it is 183. b Mizpa where it was 267 Moabites came of Lot 80. b monarches vices in these daies 11 b Money is not so muche to be esteemed as truth 90 Monica the mother of Augustine 138. b Montanus for fasting 278. b Moral good workes 72 Moses was a ciuil magistrat 261 Moses father 284. b Motions first are synnes 180 Motherlye affection for absence of her children 111 Mother cities or churches 40. b Mourning for the dead 202 mourning somtimes necessari 162 b mournig acceptable before god 63. b Mouth of the church is the Minister 207 Munitions helpe not against gods anger 112. b Munkey 202. b Murther is not to bee let vnpunished 145. b Murtherers of kinsfolk 157 Murther of pareÌ„ts or kinsfolk 158 Murther of what sorte condemned by Gods word 165. b Murtherers without weapoÌ„s 166 Musicke handled 102 Musick delighteth both senses and mynde 102. b Musickes abuses 103. b Musicke not commauÌ„ded to be had in the church 104 N. NAamaÌ„s exaÌ„ple answered 50 b Nabals denial of vittals like them of Succoth 144. b Naboths exaÌ„ple for obedieÌ„ce 265 b Naboth excused 56. b Nathinites 36. b Nature of ours subiect to corruption 46. b Nazarites vow 201 Nazarites abstayned not from mariage 196 Negligence defyned 247 Neighbour who 31 Nemesis defyned 142. b Nepthalim 96 Newters are detestable 281 Nicolaus the Deacon 230. b Nicopolis called Emaus 41 Night traueling is daÌ„gerous 250 b Night deuided into .iiii. partes 139 Ninth houre 277. b Noah an example to auoyde dronkennes 162. b Nobility 173 Noblenes wherin it consisteth 197 NoÌ„ credereÌ„ EuaÌ„gelio c. skaÌ„ned 5. b Numa Pompilius law 158 Numbers reckening in the scripture 157 O OBedience one of our chiefe workes 64. b Obedience is the principall fruite of faith 131. b Obedience to god is to be preferred before ciuil peace 124 ObedieÌ„ce to god more then men 38 Obedience when god requireth he withdraweth not affectioÌ„s 195. b Obediences limites 55. b Obedience vowing 203 Obedience to the magistrate is due how far 264. b Obedience to the magistrate brokeÌ„ ii wayes 264. b Obedience of Iiphtahs daughter 192. b Oblations please not God but for the offerers sake 206. b Offence auoyding 52 Offerer is more acceptable vnto God then the sacrifice 206. b Offers require weying before they be taken 150 Offices of both the powers muste not be confounded 259. b Offrings are to be made by Christ 117 Offrings for the dead 277 Oyles commendacion 161. b Old test perteineth nothing to vs say the Anabaptists 186 Olde testament reiected by heretikes why 17â— Oliue tree estemed of God 161. b Ophra ii places of that name 114 Oppression geueth occasion of profitable sermons 113. b Oppression taketh his beginnyng of tyrantes 161 Oppressors shall one daye be punyshed 71. b Oracle of god neglected 6. b Oracles how they should be moued 272 Oracles answered by dreames 137 Orders whether they many be geuen to bastardes 178 Ordinary charges 263. b Origens folish opinion of Angels deuils 208. b Othes assertiue promissory 85. b Othe of execration 282 Othes are not easely to be violated 281 Othe first lawfull and afterwarde vnlawfull is not to be kept 86 Othes against the worde of god charity are of no force 288 Othes how far they are to be kept 39. b Othes caÌ„not take away the bond to the commaundements of God 86 Othe ought not to be a bond of iniquity 85. b Oth of the israelits did not bind theÌ„ to destroy al the Beniamits 280. b Oth ioyned to threatnings 71 Othoniels pedigre 18. b Outward workes without inward godlines nothing worth 74. b P. PAcieÌ„ce a necessary vertue 175 b Palamedes 139 Papistes ascribe more to creatures then is meete 69 Papistes handle all thinges supersticiously Their hipocrisy 146. b Papistes commit Idolatry to their Pope 68. b Papists impudent clayming of authoritye is the casting awaye of Christ 2 Papists subtelty of Lechem 205. Papistes compared with the Danites 246 Papists church is without a Magistrate 255 Papistes common infection Sodomitry 254. b Papists mayntain hooredom 230. b Papistes count aduoutries lyghte crimes 233 Papists more ignorant of gods wil then the Ethnikes 207. b Papists wiser then God 94. b Papists falsly accuse vs of sedicion being sedicious themselues 197. b Papists cruelty in punishing heretikes 182. b Papistes make manye lyes in the Masse 50 Papists offering of Christe in the Masse 207 Papists are scolers of Montanus 278 b Papistry more liked then the truth why 173. b Papistes how they should be ordered 61. b Pardon defined 13 Parentes duty concerning keping of their children 288 Parentes consent whether it bee nedefull in mariage of their children 214 PareÌ„ts coÌ„sent in matrimony 212. b Parents obtaine for their children some spiritual gifts 182 Parricide 158 Patres conscripti 105. b Paul whether he lyed wheÌ„ he said he knew not the hye priest 89 Pâ—x defined 122. b Peace among the Romanes neuer aboue forty yeares 83. b Peace offringes 271 Peace is not so much to be sought as obedience to God 124 Peace of the Israelites during 45 yeares 172 Penuel 145 People alwayes frame them selues to the example of their prince 66 Peregrinations causes 29 Perils are to be auoided rather theÌ„ nourished 286. b Peripatetikes exposicion of dreames 135 Peripatetikes opinion of affections 142 Periurye is diligentlye to be auoyded 288 Permission 167 Permission of God to excuse hys doinges 78. b Persecutions abrogate not the lawes of God 54 Personals burthens defined 263. b Peter slain at Rome aÌ„swered 149 Pharao was hardened both of god and of him selfe 78. b Philip the Emperour
reason forbad fyrst al degrees euen to the seuenth which when he saw afterward was not obserued and al was ful of confusion he cut of his prohibitions to the fourth degree In which thing he is yet constant hardened if there come no money in but if money be offred wherof he must haue much brought hym to fyl his filthy cofers he setteth at libertie as pleaseth him both his own lawes and the word of god This we must also knowe that God had in his lawes an other decree whiche may lawfully be called peculiar bycause it extendeth no way to other nations neither ought it to be in force at all tymes And that was that when any husband deceased without children the brother which remained on liue or some other next of kynne should mary the first mans wife left so that the first childe which should be begotten of that mariage shoulde be counted the sonne of hym that was dead and should fully succede him as touching his inheritaunce For God would not in that publique wealth that men should altogether be extinguished and he prouided that the same distinction of landes shoulde be kepte as much as might be And seing the same is not vsed in our publique wealthes neither hath God commaunded that it shoulde it therfore pertayneth nothyng vnto vs. Wherfore we must keepe oure selues vnder the generall and common lawe She that is left of the kinnesman ought to he maryed namely that no man presume to mary the wife of his brother being dead although he dyed without children Let vs also knowe that in the beginning when onely the familie of Adam lyued on the earth brethren were not forbidden as they were afterwarde For brethren were driuen of necessity to mary their sisters But afterward wheÌ„ men were increased in number shame shewed it selfe forth and they began by the instinction of God or by nature either to abstayn from prohibited persons or at the least to know that such coniunctions were ful of ignominye But what tyme they began first to abstaine it appeareth not by the history The Gods of the Hâ—â—â—â—â—â—ried â—hâ—â—â— Systers Peraduenture the Heathen Poetes haue declared that necessity of the elders whych compelled the famyly of the first Parentes to constrayne the brother to mary the Syster when as they fable that their Gods had their Systers to wyues for the chiefe of them namelye Iupiter had Iuno whych in Virgil speaketh thus of her selfe But I whych walke the Quene of the Gods both syster and wyfe to Iupiter And although the woorde of God Causes 〈◊〉 manye degâ—â—es in mariages aâ— forbydden Augustine and instincte of nature were sufficient by them selues to make vs to abstayne from the foresayde coninunctions yet are there many good causes of prohibition alledged by diuers wryters Augustine in hys .xv. booke De ciuitate dei and .xvi. chap. writeth that the same abstinence was very profitable to dilate more amplye the bondes of humane fellowshyp For if mariages should be included wythin the walles of one family theÌ„ should there come no kynreds with others Furthermore it is not meete that one and the selfe man should occupye the persons of diuers kynredes namelye that one man should be both vncle and husband of one woman and the same woman to be both Aunt and wyfe of one man Which reason Cicero also hath touched in hys fyft booke Definibus and also Plutarch in his .108 probleme And they being both Ethnickes could not haue sene this but being illustrate by the light of nature This also is the third reason bicause these persons from whom we should abstain do dwel together often tymes in one house Wherefore if there shoulde be manye maryed folkes together they woulde not vse them selues so grauelye and seuerely as domestical shamefastnes requireth Plutarch The causes of strife betwene kinsfolk ought to be cut of Plutarch in the place before sayde hath set forth two other reasons besydes those which we haue declared One is bycause betwene kynsfolkes discordes are to be feared For they would soone complayne that the right of kynred should be taken away whych saying I doo vnderstand thus if eyther she or he which should ouerskyp the nearer degre and marry with the degree farther of she which were nearer would thinke that she had iniury done vnto her as though in ouerskipping her he would put her to shame as it is a common vse in wylles and Testamentes where they which are nyghest of kynne maye not nor oughte not to bee forgotten of hym which maketh the wyll And in the lawe for raysing vp seede to the brother already deceased the fyrst place must be geuen to the nyghest of kynne who if hee refused to vse hys right was made ashamed as that law doth more amplye declare the same Wherefore seyng discordes betwene al men are to be abhorred WomeÌ„ for that they are weake ought not to haue their patrimonies diminished but increased much more are they vtterly to be detested betwene kynsfolkes Plutarch also bryngeth an other reason bycause women are weake and therefore they haue neede of many sundry patrones wherefore when they are maryed to straunge men if they shoulde be euyll handled by their husbandes as often tymes they are they haue al their kynsfolkes easely for Patrones but if they be wyues to their own kynsfolkes and happen to be euil entreated of them they should then haue very fewe to defende their cause For other kynsfolkes woulde not bee so ready for their sakes to fall out with their own kynne which they woulde not be greued to doo wyth straungers But nowe that I am in hande wyth Plutarch I remember that whych he hath wrytten in the syxt probleme Of the matrimoni of brethreÌ„ and Systers chyldren Plutarch and I thinke it is 〈◊〉 vnprofitable to declare it although it seme to disagree from that whych Augustine wryteth in hys .xv. booke De ciuitate dei .xvi. chapter of the matrimony of Brothers and Systers chyldren For he affirmeth there that before hys tyme the same was lawfull although those kyndes of maryages semed very rare bycause men after a sorte eschewed to contracte with persons so nigh but he saith that the licence was afterward taken away Which I surely can not perceaue in the Romane lawes which were publikely receaued allowed which yet wer vsed thorough out Aphrica Wherefore it maye seme obscure to some of what lawes Augustine speaketh wherby he sayth that in his time those kindes of matrimonyes were prohibited But we must vnderstand that in his time the law of Theodosius the elder was of force who was the fyrst among the Emperoures that I know of which prohibited matrimonye of this degree Which also Aurelius Victor and Paulus Diaconus do testifye And that is found at this day writteÌ„ in the boke called Codex Theodosianus concerning incestuous mariages by these wordes Let this sentence remaine concerning them whosoeuer from henceforth shall defyle hymself with
I answere that all these are so farre forth to be obserued as long as the othes and promises be not agaynst the worde of god and good lawes Which thing if it be afterward knoweÌ„ theÌ„ are they of no force yea they are theÌ„ vtterly voyde To these I adde that it manifestly appeareth by the cautions now alledged that we must neither for sweare nor lye wherby a laudable good proditioÌ„ should succede Wherfore they which sweare vnto their magistrates The prodition of the Counsel holden at Constantia promise to defeÌ„d the citie caÌ„ not be excused when their minde is to betraye to deceaue This haue the Antichrists done in the counsel holden at Constantia For that they might theÌ„ eassier allure thither Iohn Husse Ierome of Praga they promised him safety by publique fayth And therefore they can not defend their prodition admitte it were nothyng els as iust and honest But they were without doubt treacherers and wicked betrayers in swearyng promysing that by their letters whiche they would not performe But now we must returne to the history Howe the Luzite might be suffered of the Israelits to go in safety It is not certain as it is sayd whether this Luzite had faith or whether he wer an infidel If he had faith his prodition is to be commended otherwise it is to be discommended But if he beleued not neither cleaued vnto the true God why did the Israelites let hym go Forsooth bicause he of his own wil went into banishment Neither seemed this to be against the counsel of God For God woulde therefore haue those people cut of least they dwelling together with the Hebrues should haue geuen them an occasion of falling and offence Wherefore when they departed and chose wylful banishment that came to passe which God would haue to be done But thou wilt say By this meanes might al those nations haue bene sent away Why the Chanaâ—it s departed not giue place to the Israelites neither ought they to haue ben slain as god had coÌ„mauÌ„ded What might haue ben done I nede not to answer for as much as that is demaunded which coulde not be done For so manye and so great were the sinnes of those nations that they vtterly deserued death Wherfore god taking away his spirite from them dyd so harden their hartes that they endeuoured not them selues to depart but rather to resist the Israelites as much as in them lay They made many battailes therfore in which as god had ordained and as they had deserued they came to vtter destruction although a very few of them were saued in departing or els in embracing the true religion And they smote the cyty wyth the edge of the swoorde This is not to be ascribed to cruelty but rather to obedience and religion towarde the true god for so was it his wil to be done and so had he commaunded But they let the man and his houshold go free Howe they coulde discerne this mans family from the rest it is not writteÌ„ But it is most lykely that either he entred with the Israelites into the city or els he shewed vnto them his house by some token wherby they might leaue it safe and vntouched according to their purpose Rahab certainly in Iericho hong a purple corde in the window of her house to auoid the misery and sacking of the souldiours And the man went into the land of the Hithites Kimhi wryteth that these Hithites were none of those seauen nations which were commaunded to be destroyed in the land of Chanaan But he declareth not what these Hithites wer And these are the names of those nations which should haue bene destroyed of the Israelites The Chananites the Iebusites Hemorrhites Gergesites Pheresites Hithites and Hiuites These are the nations which god commaunded to be weeded out of the land promised vnto the Israelites But this is to bee noted by the way that there is a difference betwene these woordes Kethim and Chethim for that which is written by Kaph signifieth as they interprete the Italians or such as dwel in Ilandes or the Macedonians and that woorde is found in Esay Ieremy and in the booke of Num where the prophecies of Balaam are mentioned But that woord which is written with this letter Cheth signifieth either one of the seauen nations of the country of the Chananites or els those to whom it is sayd that this Luzite went And he built a City and called the name of it Luz The maner of banished meÌ„ in buildyng or adourning of citiâ—s So men that wer driuen out of their countrey wer wont to do that being moued with the loue of their country to cal the places which they did build either by the name of their country which they left or els to builde them as neare as they coulde in forme like the other So it is said that Aeneas dyd in Italy buyld Troy the city of the Pisites was in the same country built by the Graecians Like wise the Israelites leauing the land of Palestine decked vp a city graunted vnto them in Egipt like vnto Ierusalem building a temple there ordaining also Priestes and sacrifices as they had before in Ierusalem In which doing they synned most haynously although neuerthelesse they were moued thereunto by the loue of theyr countrye whych they had forsaken Vnto thys day The tyme of Samuel is by those woordes noted who is thought to be the writer of this history And by this sentence the Hebrues do gather that that City and the name therof endured to the time of Samuel 27 But Manasses did not expel Beth-Sean with her townes and Thaanach with her townes the Inhabiters of Dor wyth her townes the inhabiters of Iibleam with her townes nether the inhabiters of Megiddo with her townes And the Chananites began to dwell in the land 28 And it came to passe that as sone as Israel was waxed mighto they put the Chananites to tributes and expelled them not 29 In lyke maner Ephraim expelled not the Chananites that dwelt in Gazer and therefore the Chananites dwelt styll in Gazer among them 30 Neither dyd Zebulon expel the inhabiters of Kitron neyther the inhabiters of Nahalol wherfore the Chananites dwelt among them and became tributaries vnto them 31 Aser also dyd not cast oute the inhabiters of Acho and the inhabiters of Zidon of Achlab Achzib Helbab Aphik and Rehob 32 And the Aserites dwelt among the Chananites the inhabiters of the land for they did not driue them out 33 Neither did Nephtalim driue out the inhabiters of Beth-Semes nor the inhabiters of Bethanath but dwelt amoÌ„gest the Chananites the inhabiters of the land and the inhabiters of Beth-Semes and Beth-Anath became tributaries vnto them The synnes of the Israelites In this place the holy history setteth foorth the synne of the Israelites in that they did not cast out and destroye those peoples as God had commaunded them but made them tributaries vnto them
the signification of that woord farre otherwise than to the holy Communion For by Masse hee vnderstandeth perfection finishing and absolution Wherfore he saith praestolatur congregationis missam Let him tarye the ende or fulnes of the congregation That is that the multitude and congregation maye be absolued and fulfyled And by and by after Contenti somno quia missa vigiliarum vsque ad lucem conceditur That is being content with the sleepe which is permitted them froÌ„ the end of the vigiles vnto day light wherby this woord Missa he vnderstandeth that time of the watch wherin the vigiles wer ended For then was it lawfull for the Monkes to slepe vntil day light Neither must I ouership that ther is meÌ„cion most manifestly made of Masses in the exposition of the .xi. chap. of the Prouerbs of Salomon which exposition is ascribed to Ierome The exposition of the Prouerbes is falsely ascribed to Ierome But that boke without coÌ„trouersy is none of Ieromes writing For Gregory is there alledged who liued long after Augustine and Ierome Bruno Amerbachius in his epistle which he set before the booke saith that he saw in an old booke that that interpretatioÌ„ was entituled to Beda Many abuses in the church in the time of Beda And if it wer so then it is no maruaile if hee made mention of Masses for then in the time of Beda the priest many abuses had crept into the church I do therfore admonish you of that bicause in that place that couÌ„terfait Ierome affirmeth that the souies of such as are dead are by the celebrations of Masses deliuered out of Purgatory Ierome was not so wont to speake From whence thys woorde Masse coÌ„meth Now resteth to declare from whence the name of Masse which vndoubtedly is a latin word semeth to be deriued The old fathers if a man wyll diligentlys marke their writinges did put this word remissa which is forgeuenes for this woord remissio Tertullian which is also forgeuenes Tertullianus in his .4 booke agaynsts Marcion the .249 syde We haue spoken saith he de remissa peccatorum that is of the remission of synnes Ciprian Ciprian de bono patientiae saith Qui remissam peccatorum erat daturus lauatro regenerationis tingi non est dedignatus He whyche came to geue remission of synnes disdained not to be washed with the lauacre of regeneration The same man writeth in the .14 epistle of his .13 booke Qui blasphemat spiritum sanctum remissam peccatorum non habet that is he which blasphemeth the holye Ghost hath not remission of sinnes Wherefore seing in steede of remissio they haue said remissa they may be counted also in stede of missio to haue vsed this word missa Therfore that which was done in the Church post missionem Cathecumenorum Cathecumenites that is after the sending away of the Cathecumenites they called Missa that is Masse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to declare that also by the way is to teache to enstruct especially by voice and not by writing whereof they wer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer not yet washed with the lauacre of regeneration but wer instructed of their faith Tertullian called them Audientes or Auditores that is hearers But Augustine called them Competentes that is desirers or requesters that is of baptisme For before they should be baptised at Easter they signified their names .40 daies before in which space they wer instructed not onely their faith but also their life and maners wer examined of the Pastors of the church The Cathecumenites not coÌ„municantes wer sent out by the Deacon Cyrillus Gregory But in the holy assembling when the holy scriptures wer red the sermon done the Deacon cryed Exeunto Catechumeni that is let the Cathecumenites go forth the Grecians said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is holye thinges for holy ones as it is gathered out of the seruice booke of the elders Also out of Cyrillus vpon Iohn the .xii. boke .l. chap yea in Gregories time as hee testifieth him self in his second booke .23 chap. of his dialogues it was sayd if any man coÌ„municate not let him geue place And that maner maye appeare to be very like vnto a certaine custome of the Ethnikes For in a certayne vsage of their seruice of God as Festus declareth the Sargeant said Festus A maner of the Ethnikes in a certaine seruice of theirs Apuleius Exesto hostis victus mulier virgo that is let the ouercome enemy the woman the maide go foorth for in that kinde of seruice it was forbidden that those kinde of persons shoulde be present And Apuleius in his .2 booke saith that the Priest did vse when he offered sacrifices to say thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is who shal abide here To whom was answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As though it should haue bene said honest good men when as they which wer polluted vnworthy wer gon So was it done in our church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for after that saying aforesaid of the Deacon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fallers away such as wer put to repentance went their way Of these orders Dionisius made mencion They wer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer vexed with euyll spirits Peraduenture they wer excoÌ„municated for those at that time I meane in the primatiue church wer deliuered vp to Sathan Missa as it wer Missio Ambrose Therfore as it now appeareth by that which we haue said the Latin church called the celebration of the sacrament of the holy supper Missam as it wer missionem that is a sending away For Ambrosius also said in a certain place missas facere And surely this sentence semeth muche more probable vnto me than doth theirs which thinke that name to be deriued of this hebrew woorde Masse But now that we haue entreated of the name of Masse Partes of the Masse we wyl also set foorthe the partes thereof as they were had among the elders The Grecians seeme to haue begon their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the exercise of the Lords supper at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Lord haue mercy vpon vs As though before al they would implore forgeuenes of their sinnes Which phrase the latin church hath borowed of the which some attribute to Gregory But whylest the people gathered together and before they were assembled they song a peece of some Psalme Introitus or some part of the scripture and that song they called Introitus that is an entraunce bicause that at that time the people might enter in And they make Celestine authour of that After 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people being in a maner glad for the obtaining of pardon for their synnes to geue thankes vnto God Gloria in excelâ—s Collectes did syng this hymne Gloria in altissimis that is
declareth whereby GOD aunswered thus vnto Elias the Prophete I haue left me 7000. men whiche haue not bowed their knees before Baal he sayth not whiche thincke ryghtlye in theyr harte and whiche in their mynde beleue vpryghtly but on the contrary setteth forth a signe of outwarde worshyppyng namely of bowyng the knee God hath created the whole man and wyll haue him whole And he whiche created the whole man is not content with the halfe of him neither will he haue his creature parted with the deuill To me sayth God to me onely I say shall euery knee bowe Furthermore if this their reason had bene of any valew the Corinthians might also by it haue excused their doing For they might haue said vnto Paul what art thou so vehement agaynst vs We our selues know also that an Idole is nothyng and we kepe the right opinion in our heart Let God be content with that Other mennes faultes are not layde to oure charge but that we cōmunicate with them Yt is lawfull for vs in the meane tyme with the body and outwarde presence to serue our owne commoditie Furthermore they saye These thynges we do nothyng at all vitiate yea we would haue them vncorrupte and perfecte Wherfore what synne soeuer is here committed it ought not to be ascribed vnto vs. Whereunto I aunswere That that is true in dede that an other mans synne is imputed to no man but yet whilest ye are present at prophane rites that is blamed in you and iustely imputed vnto you in that you communicate with an other mans vngodlynesse The Apostle in hys firste Epistle to the Corinthians sayde do ye not knowe that they whiche do eate of the sacrifice are made also partakers of the Temple What saye I than That the Image is any thyng or that it whiche is offred vnto Images is any thyng Nay But this I say that the thyngs which the Gentiles offre they offre vnto deuilles But I woulde not that you shoulde be partakers of deuilles ye can not drynke of the Cup of the Lorde and of the Cup of the deuilles ye can not be partakers of the Lordes table and of the table of deuilles c. Wherefore thoughe the corruption of the Sacrifices is not to be imputed to the communicantes yet for all that the communicatyng it selfe from whiche they ought to haue kepte them selues maketh them blame-worthy And vnlesse the thyng were so why would not the holy Martyrs communicate with the rites of the Ethnikes why did Paul so reproue the Corinthians But here they returne agayne to this to saye That the Masse is not to be compared with the Idolatrye of the Ethnikes For saye they thoughe it somewhat straye from the institution of Christe The Masse hath nothyng common with the institution of the Lord. yet ought it not to be counted a prophane and an Idolatrous thyng But I affirme it to be so muche peruerted that almost it nothyng at all agreeth with the institution of Christ yea it is most vtterly contrarye vnto it Whiche is very easye for me to declare Firste the Supper of the Lorde as it was instituted by Christe was a common or publique worke A contrarietye betwen the supper of the Lord the Masse but nowe commeth forth the sacrificer adorned with monstrous garmentes and doth all thynges alone the rest stand by onely see and heare Wherefore if Paul did iustly and worthily rebuke the Corinthians which taryed not one for an other sayd that they could not eate the Lordes Supper how can they worthily call the Papisticall Masse by the name of the Supper of the Lorde whereas onely one sacrificer eateth and drinketh Vndoubtedly by no meanes Wherefore let them rather call it by any other name than the Supper of the Lord. Furthermore they saye that they do there offre the sonne of GOD vnto the eternall Father And that is by expresse wordes denyed in the Epistle to the Hebrues For it teacheth that all thynges were fynished by the onely one oblation of Christe Whiche beyng perfect we maye not renewe the same agayne They wyll offre vp Christ euery daye The worde of GOD affirmeth that it was to be offred but once I confesse in dede that the Fathers as I haue before sayde did sometymes in suche sorte speake as thoughe the body and bloude of Christe were either offred or sacrificed in the celebration of the Sacramentes How in the supper the body bloud of Christ is offred vnto God But they very oftentymes interpreted them selues that those oblations or Sacrifices were onely thankes geuyng or a memory and figure of that oblation and sacrifice which Christ dyeng vpon the crosse made They affirme also that the bread and wyne are chaunged into the substaunce of the bodye and bloud of Christe when as the holy Scripture doth teache vs farre otherwyse Moreouer they lyftyng vp the bread and wyne do set forth to the people creatures to be worshypped in steade of GOD. For what is more filthy than religiously to worshyppe a piece of bread and a Cup of wyne It is true in dede that they are made partakers of the bodye and bloude of the Lorde namely in hearte and mynde whiche eate and drinke the signes of thankes geuyng with syncere fayth as the Lorde hath instituted But yf a man do onely beholde and worshyppe them then are they nothyng vnto him but a piece of breade and a Cup of wyne Moreouer the ministers of the Churche when as their duety is to go about all that in them lyeth to lift vp the myndes of the people vnto heauen that they mought not seke Christ in the world nor looke for any carnall or earthly thing in the supper of the Lord they miserably holde the people geuyng head to the visible signes The Apostle in the first Epistle to the Corinthians commaunded that they should not vse a straunge tongue in holy assemblyes bycause euery one must aunswere Amen And bycause aboue all thinges the edifieng of the hearers is to be sought for But in the Masse all thinges are done in the Latine tongue And those wordes whiche should be to the great comfort of the standers by when as to them the participation of the body bloud of the Lord is promised those wordes do they speake softely yea they mumble them vp so darkelye that though a man vnderstande the Latine yet can he not vnderstande those wordes They do for this cause so softely mumble them vp as thoughe the members of Christ were not worthy to heare them The Greke Churche when as neuerthelesse the Lord hym selfe spake them openly and the Greke Churche euen to thys daye pronounceth them with a moste loude voyce Yea and in the olde tyme it was a custome vsed as Ambrose and Augustine among other do testifye that at those wordes the people aunswered Amen But as I thinke Ambrose Augustine these men do therefore mumble vp those wordes bycause they are affeard
counsel to be done For this is a most firme sure rule as I haue oftē before said that no man is permitted to cōmit euil things that therby good things might ensue Yea we must not alwayes bear with the weake ones in those indifferent things The imbecillitie of the weake ones is not to be mainteyned but til such time as they be better perfectlier taught But when they once vnderstand that thing do for all that still sticke theyr weakenesse is not to be norished Moreouer we must not so much beare with thē that by our example we shoulde hurt other mēbers of Christ and that many Whether we shoulde dissemble for the preseruation of the churches Againe they obiect vnto vs If we should do so as ye would haue vs to doe eyther we must flye or els we shal strayght way be put to death Which thing if it should happē our churches should be vtterly forsakē there should be no more there to teach vs. Wherunto I answere euery one of vs seeth that also And that more is it is not hidden from God him self whose cōmaundement neuerthelesse we must obey Let vs commit the end vnto him to whom the church belongeth Let vs not doubt but that he wil louingly that in time prouide for his spouse Christ said vnto Peter when he called him and he taryed and demaunded what should become of Iohn If I will that he tary till I come what is that to thee Follow thou me We are taught therefore to follow the word of god whether so euer it call vs and let vs cōmit to the caller the care of other things which seme to hinder vs. Doctrine which is sealed with flight and with death edifieth Furthermore this is not to be ouerpassed that that doctrine oftentimes is of more value and more edifieth which is sealed by flight and by death then that which is set forth only by words Let vs not be affeard though one of vs fall or flye But let vs hope that god in his place wil rayse vp very many moe But if we contemne and long dissemble the light of the truth and flambe of charitie whiche is kindled in the hartes of men will by little and little be extinguished They bring examples of the Prophets of Zachary of Iohn Baptiste and of Mary the Virgin Whether in the corrupted church of the Iewes it were lawful to cōmunicate with the legal rites and of Ioseph who in those corrupt defiled times went vnto the cōmon seruices and to the temple of the Iewes And therfore they thinke thei may also be permitted to do in like sort But they ought to consider with themselues that at that time there were many pernitious doctrines and euill opinions among the Scribes and Phariseyes But yet the manner of sacrificyng was not chaunged for the same beastes and oblations were stil offred which the law had cōmaunded the same daies and ceremonies were obserued Wherfore holy mē might vse thē for as much as they had the word of god ioyned with thē But as for the corrupt doctrines opinions and manners of certaine priests bishops and Scribes were no let vnto holy men especially seing they were pure and farre from them and in all thinges both iudged and also liued according to the word of god And the corruptions of doctrine and vices when opportunitye serued they reprehended and sharpely reproued This doth Augustine testifye as it is writtē in the .xxiii. Augustine Question the fourth Chap. Recedite and in certaine other Chapters also which are there writtē Let the papists do so in these dayes with vs let them so setforth the Lordes Supper and other rites as they are appointed by the woorde of god and we will not refuse to vse them so that they compell vs not to the confession of wicked opinions and preache not heresyes vnto vs but deliuer vnto vs the pure and vncorrupte woorde of God If they them selues thincke euill and if they liue fylthilye we will bee sorye for them we will admonyshe rebuke and accuse them and put them if we maye from the holye administration when as they are paste amendemente althoughe we abstayne not from the Sacramentes That vndoubtedly the Lord ment when he said The Scribes Phariseis sit on the chaire of Moyses and what they say doo ye but what they do do ye not It was lawful therfore for the blessed Virgin after she was deliuered of our sauiour to offer a paire of turtle Doues or two yong Pigeons The Virgin mari might after her delyueri offer the oblations required by the lawe bicause it was so commaunded in the law Wherfore let them shew vnto vs that their Masse by them corrupted is commaunded by the woorde of God and not forbidden and then wil we nothing contend with them in that matter Last of al when they ar confuted in these obiections they come to this point to say Although it be sinne to be present at Masse yet it is but a light sinne and not to be so seuerely reproued by vs. But when they thus say why doo they not remember that al synnes haue their weight not by the nature of the workers From whens◠synnes haue their weighte which are prohibited but by the woord of God and the law whereby they were forbidden Here hence do synnes get al their heauines and waight Whereunto Iames the Apostle seemeth to haue had a respect when as he saith in his seconde chapter He which obserueth the whole law offendeth in one of them A place of Iames expoūded is made guilty of them all Neither do I speake so as though I woulde haue all synnes by al meanes alyke which thing Augustine in his 29. Sinnes are not equal Augustine How philosophers proue the vertues are knit together Epistle to Ierome aptlye and manifestlye denieth He confesseth in deede that the Philosophers went about to proue it when they affirme that al vertues are so knyt together that he which hath one vertue hath al and he which wanteth one doth want them all For as much as prudence is not feareful neither vntemperate nor yet vniust Wherefore it hath al the other vertues with it And againe Iustice Strength Temperance and the other vertues ar not without wisdome and therfore they are al had being knit together These thinges saith he agree not with the holye scriptures For there it is written In manye thinges we al offende And if we say we haue no synne we deceaue our selues and the truth is not in vs. Wherfore seing we synne in many things we can not in synning haue vertue which is opposite vnto sinne which we commit Oftē tymes he whiche slideth in one is constante in an other And neuerthelesse it often chaunceth that hee whiche falleth in one thing maye be constant in other thinges Peraduenture hee whiche is angrye or eateth or dryncketh excessiuelye rendreth for all that to euerye man
truth perceaue how the thing is in the other part they go about dissimulation disceate But in those saith he is no guile which wheÌ„ they se theÌ„selues to be sinners do also couÌ„t theÌ„ selues for such nether do they disseÌ„ble or boast of righteousnesse as did the Pharisey wheÌ„ he prayed by the publican as other hipocrites also do Nathaniel had no guile in him but not vniuersally bycause euery maÌ„ is a lyer as Paul writeth there dwelleth no good thing in our flesh for as much as it is altogether guilefull and disceatfull It could be onely sayd of Christ in vniuersall that he wanted guile But yet they are blessed as Dauid sayth to whom the Lord hath not imputed sinne and in whose spirite there is no guile For in as much as they are regenerate especially as touching the spirite that whiche they do they do it vprightly and simply and such a one Christ affirmeth Nathaniell to haue ben Augustine The same Augustine in the 10 Tome and his booke of 50. Homelies the first Homely expoundeth this whiche is writteÌ„ in the 33. Psalme of Dauid what maÌ„ is he which would lyue loueth to se good dayes Refrayne thy toÌ„gue froÌ„ euil and thy lippes that they speake no guile then saith he it is guile when nothing is close and secret in the heart and an other thing is expressed either in word or dede Flatterers as flatterers vse to do which coÌ„meÌ„d some contrary to the which they think therby either to eat their meat drinke their drinke or els to get some other benefite at their haÌ„ds And that which he speaketh of flatterers may also be vnderstaÌ„d of enemies backbyters But that it is conuenieÌ„t that men should do that which they do vprightly simply â—omere the very Ethnikes saw Wherfore Achilles in Homere saith that he doth no lesse thaÌ„ death hate those meÌ„ which speake otherwise than they thinke Wherfore we thinke that it is not ill to affirme a subtile inuention to deceaue a maÌ„ when as one thing is done and an other thyng dissembled is set for the generall worde in the definition of guile Good guile euill guile But after this definition we must adde a distinctioÌ„ For some guile is good other some is euill we call the good which is not hurtfull when as it hurteth none but somtimes profiteth But euil guile is hurtful euer hurteth somebody These meÌ„bres may easely be made playne by exaÌ„ples Nurces do coÌ„tinually vse good guile toward their litle ones therby to please still theÌ„ for with them they disseÌ„ble fayne very many thinges PhisitiaÌ„s also do after the same sorte deceaue them that are sicke bycause they would heale them Yea and Chrisostome in his first boke de Sacerdotio writeth that a certaine PhisitiaÌ„ so beguiled one that was sicke of an agew that in drinking water he thought he dronke wine And the same Chrisostome in the same place affirmeth Chrisostome that he himselfe vsed a good guile to beguile Basilius to take vpoÌ„ him a bishopricke wheÌ„ that he in no case was minded that way Dauid by this kind of guile escaped the handes of the king of the PhilistiaÌ„s For he fayned himself to be a foole so that the king iudged him vnworthy to be punished But of euil guile there are very many exaÌ„ples in the holy scriptures amoÌ„gest which this act of Ehud which we now interpret is one And that is an other also which the Hebrues did wheÌ„ they weÌ„t forth of Egipt who desired to borow both of their neighbours also of their frendes precious garmeÌ„tes goldeÌ„ siluer vessels yet they minded vtterly to robbe theÌ„ of theÌ„ To this kind also belongeth that whiche Chusai the Arachite did in deceauing Absolon This acte also may be counted among them which SimeoÌ„ and Leui perpetrated against Emor the Sichemites I could bryng a great many mo exaÌ„ples if I would nedelesse stande longe about a thing that is manifest Of the first kind of guile which is called good vnhurtful no maÌ„ wil coÌ„teÌ„d but that it is lawfull to vse it But of the other kind there is a doubt Wherof if I shuld be demaÌ„ded Euill guile is not prohibited to be vsed against enemies I wold thinke this answere shuld be made That we may not vse euil guile wyth our frendes but agaynst our enemies it is not prohibited bycause it is as it were armor Wherfore if it be lawfull to make warres against theÌ„ iustly with armor guiles also are to be admitted according to the saying of the Poete VVhether it be guile or power who can require in an enemy Howbeit this is to be obserued Who bee the true enemyes that we speake only of those enemyes which either God him selfe or the publicque wealth or a iust Magistrate declareth to be enemyes and not those whiche euery priuate man hateth Farther I doubt not but that seyng it is lawfull to repell violence by violence when there is no other waye to escape it is also lawfull to vse guiles agaynst guiles For he whiche repelleth violence by violence as the lawes do permitte the same man is not to be counted a priuate man for as muche as he is armed by the Magistrate Wherfore it is manifest that he doth not agaynst the lawe but with the lawe So he that is sodenly oppressed may lawfully escape by euill guile if he can Moreouer the Scriptures teache that this kinde of guile is iust Ierome For Ierome sayth and it is written in the decrees .22 question 2. chap Vtilem That Iehu did very well dissemble with the Priestes of Baal bycause he could not haue kylled them all if he had begon to put some of them to death Wherfore to gather them all together he fayned hymselfe to be much more studious to worship Baal than was Achab and by that meane he slewe euery one of them But this is to be taken heede of that they whiche are so destroyed by guile An acte of the king of Denmarke .. be very worthy of punishment as they are coÌ„monly called notorious offenders such as can not be punished by an ordinary waye For whiche cause the kyng of DeÌ„marke of some is coÌ„meÌ„ded which by guile destroyed most pernicious thieues which he could not take For he fayned a warre and made a proclamation that as many as would come should receaue wages of hym and promised vnto the thieues pardon for their wicked actes whiche they had hitherto committed But I as I shall afterward declare do not so fully allowe such examples Augustine as it is found in the 14. question the 5. chap Dixit Augustine it is a place in his questions vpoÌ„ Exodus sheweth that the Israelites deceaued the Egyptians when they borowed of theÌ„ golden siluer vessels yet it was not to be counted a faulte in theÌ„ when as for al the no man
thee So Barac went downe from mount Thabor and ten thousand men after hym 15 And the Lord destroyed Sisera and all his chariots and al his host with the edge of the sworde before Barac So that Sisera lighted downe of his chariot and fled away on his feete Barac is made strong by the wordes of Deborah and forced to ioyne battail with his enemyes For that is the power of fayth to strengthen the weakenesse yea if the exhortation of Deborah had not bene Iosephus Barak if we may beleue Iosephus by the sight of his enemies was so feared and troubled that he would haue gotten hym to the stronger fensed places of the hill but she called hym backe agayne and by her wordes draue hym to fyght Beyng therefore strengthened and confirmed he forsooke the well fensed partes of mount Thabor and came downe to fight with Sisera This is sayeth she the day As thoughe she should haue sayd no humane power or warlike might can let the victory which the predestination of God hath this day decreed vnto thee But a man will aske howe it is nowe sayd that Sisera should be deliuered into the handes of Barac when as before it was foretold that he shoulde be solde into the hande of a woman I aunswere that it is therfore bycause that the host should be destroyed by Barac and Sisera should be so made to flye that the matter was begonne by the conduct of Deborah and finished by Iahell but the flyght and slaughter was accomplished by Barac Wherfore in the hystory there can not iustly be noted any contrariety or diuersitie Is not the Lorde The interrogation whiche the Prophete vseth doth not onely stirre vp and encourage the heart of Barac but also vehemently commaundeth hym as the Latine Poete also hath sayde Shall not armure dispatche the matter and shall they not followe me through the whole Citie But here may somewhat be doubted in that our text hath that the Lorde went forth before Barac when as the Chaldey paraphrast turneth it an aungell For it sayeth Shall not the aungell of the Lorde prosper thee And vndoubtedly this paraphrasis sheweth Augustine what was the cause why Augustine read as we haue before admonished that Barac sayde vnto Deborah go with me bycause I knowe not in what day GOD shall prosper hys aungell me Wherfore we must thinke that the Greke interpretors had these wordes of the Chaldey paraphrast which afterwarde crepte into the texte but yet out of place But as touchyng the matter Christ was the aungell which defended the Iewes eyther is true both that GOD and hys aungell were present and fought on the Hebrues side And vndoubtedly Christ was that aungell whiche defended the Iewes and fought for them Of Malachie the Prophete he is called the Aungell and in Exodus God promised both that he himselfe woulde come with his people and also send his aungell for our Christ both is GOD and also had euer with hym aungels as Ministers defending the Hebrues And the Lorde destroyed Sisera Thys Hebrew worde Ieham maye haue for hys roote or grounde thys worde Hamam whiche signifieth to make afeard or to trouble And then shall the sense be God made him afeard but the same worde signifieth also to breake or to destroy althoughe as Kimhi writeth his rote may be this word Hom and Him which almost signifieth the same thinge And in dede God did both he terrified the hartes of the Chananites and stroke and brake their host How this slaughter happened or by what singuler ayde of God the Israelits ouercame it is not in this place written But Iosephus affirmeth that a greate violence of tempeste and hayle was caste from heauen into the eyes of the aduersaries wherewith the Chananites were so hindred in the battayle Iosephus that they were not able to defend thēselues therefore they were miserablye slayne whē as yet the misery nothing at al hurted the Iewes For the hayle was onely on their backe and therfore theyr violence against theyr enemies was in nothing letted VVith the edge of the sword It is sayd that God slew them for he made them afeard and wonderfully troubled them with the tempest or hayle Howbeit the victory was so obteyned that the Israelits also fought for it is written that the enemies perished by the edge of the sword by which kind of speach vndoubtedly is declared that they were slayne This I haue for this cause noted God somtimes destroyeth hys enemies without the helpe of men bicause God somtimes so maketh afeard his enemies graunteth victory ouer them that his people whome he deliuereth do nothing at all as it came to passe in the red sea when Pharao perished there with his host and when the host of Senacherib was wonderfully destroyed in one night by the aungell 16 But Barak pursued after the Chariotes and after the host euē vnto Harozeth of the gentiles al the hoste of Sisera fell vpon the edge of the sword And there was not a man left 17 Howbeit Sisera fled away on his fete to the tent of Iahell the wife of Heber the Kenite For there was peace betwene Iabin the king of Hazor and the family of Heber the Kenite Againe in this place we haue this worde Bergeliu that is on his feete And in dede it appereth that it signifieth nothing els but a footeman For Sisera thought he could not in that battell be saued in hys chariote wherfore he determined priuely to flye amonge the raschall souldiours He now therefore forsaketh and abiecteth his chariot which was prepared vnto him for a defence and ayd And assuredly whē God taketh away audacity and strength the things which before wer weapons are then made burthens and lettes Miserable Sisara flyeth but he escapeth not He made hast vnto the place wher god had prepared a snare for him For the other Cananits fled to Hazoreth of the gentils namely vnto the place from whēce they came But Sisera turned his iourny an other way from the rest of the souldiers neither fled he the right way as the other did He knew the shortest way he gat him to the tent of the Kenits which he knew was nigh home and not far from the place wher the battayle was fought And there he hoped to haue lurked till the rage of the warre should haue bene pacified In that they were all destroyed it is a token of a perfecte victory But as concerninge the peace betweene Iabin and the Kenites in what sorte or manner it was we haue no certainty Wherfore to affirme any thinge of it for certaine it should be rashly done For it mighte be that Hebor payed somewhat vnto Iabin for the pastors which he occupied and contrariwise that the kinge promised him security and safety for his flockes cattel and family There may be also very many other things thought those very likely but not to be affirmed for certaine Whither it be lawful for the
and made to stand stil I wyll not speake howe the Poetes fable that when the walles of Thebes the Citye were built the stones of their owne motion came together with the sound of the Harpe And no man is ignoraunt what the same Poetes haue written of Arion and Orpheus And who knoweth not how much Dauid here ther in his Psalmes praiseth both Musick songes Tertulian And among Christian men Tertulian in his Apology teacheth that the faithfull did very often make suppers wherin after they had moderatly and honestly refreshed the body they recreated themselues with godly songes And in an other place when he commendeth Matrimony that is of one and the selfe same religion he sayth that Christian couples doo mutually prouoke them selues tosing prayses vnto God Whether singinge may be receaued in the Church The east churche Plini But now that we haue sene the nature beginning and vse of songes and musicke ther resteth to inquire whither it may be vsed in Churches In the East part the holy assemblies euen from the beginning vsed singing which we maye easily vnderstand by a testimony of Plini in a certain Epistle to Traian the Emperor where he writeth that Christians vsed to syng hymnes before daye vnto their Christ And this is not to be left out that these words wer written in that time that Iohn the Euangelist lyued for he was a liue vnto the time of Traian Wherfore if a man shal say that in the time of the Apostles there was syngyng in holy assemblies He shal not stray from the truth Paule who was before these times vnto the Ephesians saith Be not filled wyth wyne wherein is wantonnes but be ye filled with the spirit speaking to your selues in Psalmes Himnes and spiritual songes singing in your hart geuing thankes alwaies vnto God for all thinges in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ To wyne the Apostle setteth the spirite as contrarye and forbiddeth the pleasure of the senses when in steede of wyne he wil haue Christians filled with the spirite For in wine as he saith is wantonnes but in the spirite is both a true and a perfect ioy Drounckerdes speake more than inough but yet foolish and vayne thinges Speake ye saith he but yet spirituall thinges and that not onely in voyce but also in hart for the voyce soundeth in vaine where the minde is not affected They which be filled with wine do speake foolish filthy and blasphemous thinges but geue ye thankes to God alwaies I say and for all thinges To this ende vndoubtedly ought Ecclesiastical songes to tend vnto To the Colossians also are written certaine thinges not disagreing from these Let the woord of the Lord sayth the Apostle abound plentifully in you teache and admonish ye one another in Psalmes Hymnes and spirituall songes singing in your hartes with grace By these woordes Paule expresseth two thinges Fyrst that our songes be the woord of God which must abound plentifully in vs and they must not serue onely to geuing of thankes but also to teache and to admonish And then it is added with grace which is thus to vnderstand as though he should haue said aptly and properly both to the senses and to measure and also vnto the voyces Let them not syng rude and rusticall thinges neither let it be immoderatly as doo the Tauernhunters To the Corrinthians the firste Epistle the .xiiii. chapter where he entreateth of an holy assemblye the same Apostle writeth after this maner When ye assemble together according as euerye one of you hath a Psalme or hath doctrine or hath a toung or hath reuelacion or hath interpretation let al thinges be done vnto edifieng By which woordes is declared that Syngers of songes and Psalmes had their place in the Church The west Church Augustine But the west Churches more lately receaued the maner of singing for Augustine in his .ix. booke of Confessions testifieth that it happened in the tyme of Ambrose For when that holy man together with the people watched euen in the Church least he should haue bene betrayed vnto the Arrians he brought in singing to auoyde tediousnes and to driue away the time But as touching the measure and nature of the song which ought to be retained in Musicke in the Church these thinges are woorthy to be noted What maner of measure the ecclesiastical song ought to be Augustine Augustine in the same bookes of Confession both confesseth and also is sory that hee had sometimes fallen bicause he had geuen more attentiue heede vnto the measures and cordes of musicke than to the woordes whiche were vnder them spoken Which thing hereby he proueth to be synne bicause measures and singing were brought in for the wordes sake and not wordes for Musicke The manner of the churche of Alexandria And he so repented him of his fault that he execeedingly allowed the manner of the Church of Alexandria vsed vnder Athanasius for hee commaunded the Reader that when he sang he should but lytle alter his voyce so that he shoulde bee lyke rather vnto one that readeth than vnto one that syngeth Howbeit on the contrary when he considered how at the beginning of his conuersion he was inwardly moued with these songes namely in suche sorte that for the zeale of pietye he burst forth into teares for this cause I say he consented that Musicke should be retained in the Churche but yet in suche maner that hee saide he was readye to chaunge his sentence if a better reason could be assigned And he addeth that those do synne deadly as they wer wont to speake which geue greater hede vnto musicke than vnto the woordes of God Ierome Gregory To which sentence vndoubtedlye Ierome assenteth as he hath noted vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians Gregory also of Rome in the Synode of Rome was of the same opinion And both their wordes are wrytten in the Decrees Dist 92. in the chap. Cantantes and in the chapter In sancta Romana In which place are read in the glose two verses not in dede so eloquent but yet godly Non vox sed votum non cordula musica sed vox Non clamans sed amans cantat in aure Dei That is Not the voice but the desire not the plesantnes of musick but the voyce Not crying but louing syngeth in the eare of God And in the wordes of Gregory this is not slightlye to be passed ouer in that hee saith Whilest the swetenes of the voyce is sought for the life is neglected and when wicked maners prouoke God the people is rauished by the pleasauntnesse of the voyce The abuses of Ecclesiasticall Musicke But now let vs declare the cautions which are to bee obserued to the ende we maye lawfully and fruitfully vse singing in the Church The first is That in Musicke be not put the whole summe effect of godlines and of the worshipping of God For among the Papists they do almost euery where thinke that
maruayle saith she if at thy sight they wer so troubled wheÌ„ as this Sina was not able to abide the disceÌ„ding down vpoÌ„ it wheÌ„ in old time thou gauest the law for it was altogether shaken it woÌ„derfully trembled Let the prudeÌ„t reader mark that there wanteth this particle Caph. Whiche is a note of a similitude whiche should be here put This Sinai is written simply wheÌ„ as we must vnderstand eueÌ„ as this Sina in the old time was moued so they at our coÌ„ming were sore afrayd trembled To mount Seir or Edom which is now mentioned in the .30 chap. of Deutronomy where almost the same thing is written is Pharan added namely a mountayn lying hard by it and the like thing is red in the Psalme The Rabbines of the Hebrewes do bring trifles A farned thyng of the Rabines and say that God did therfore come from Seir when he would geue the law because he would firste haue geuen the lawe vnto the Edomites which when they refused he went vnto mounte Sina to the Hebrewes which receaued the law with a willing and glad hart But these fables are not drawen out of the holy scriptures but spring out of theyr own inueÌ„tion which immoderatly coÌ„mend their own nation as though they by their own iudgement vpright wil had deserued to receaue the law of God But others thinke that God when he came to Sinai was sene to haue descended from those mountaynes of the Edomites as though he should beginne to goe from thence vnto the Israelites This also is but a weake reason The fyrste interpretation fitteth best for as touching the hystory when God caused the Israelites to passe ouer beyond the mountayne then were the Chananites sore afearde especially when Og and Sihon the kinges were slayne 6 In the dayes of Sangar the sonne of Anath in the dayes of Iahel the highe wayes were vnoccupied and the trauaylers walked thorough bywayes 7 The townes of Israell were not inhabited they decayed vntill I Deborah rose vp which rose vp a mother in Israell Hetherto is God commended as the auncient defendour of the Israelites but now is set forth this present victory And is handled by comparison bicause it is declared that God had now graunted farre greater things than before he had geuen when Deborah was not yet stirred vppe For Sangar of whome we before entreated althoughe he obteined some victorye ouer his enemies and did somewhat for the safety of the people yet he did not perfectly set the Hebrewes at liberty Neither performed Iahel a full deliuery For in their time the high ways also were not then safe and men were compelled eyther not to go forwarde or els to trauaile throughe bywayes and vnknowen places And thinges were come to that poynte that villages and townes whiche were not fenced and inclosed with walles were cleane forsaken Wherfore marchandise husbandrye iudgementes were hindred and the Iewes were compelled to kepe themselues in cities well fenced except they would haue ben made prayes vnto the Chananits And this misery indured froÌ„ the oppressioÌ„ of Iabin to the dominion of Deborah But it may seme merueilous why he maketh mention of Sangar Iahel both together Some thinke that she iudged Israell after Sangar But for asmuche as the holye scriptures write not so I dare not affirm it I thincke rather that shee was named with Sangar for honours sake as though she should haue sayde Althoughe GOD hath by her nowe killed euen Sisera and that hytherto GOD hath loued her yet as longe as shee hath liued vnto this presente daye the calamity of Israell hath endured neither was it taken away This Hebrew worde Perzon in the singular number signifieth villages and townes without walles and fenses and therefore it is construed with a verbe of the plurall number namely Chadelu Virgill Farther we must note that this verbe Chadelu is twise repeated for it is put both in the beginninge and in the ende of the sentence as in that verse of Virgil He demaunded many things of Priam many things of Hector She sayth that she rose vp as a mother in Israel bicause she was stirred vp not to raigne as a tirant Certayn do somtimes fight for theyr country and do seme as though they would set it at liberty Cesar but afterward the same men doe oppresse it no lesse than enemies Cesar semed to haue deliuered the frenchemen and the Germaines from the yoke of the Romaines â—arius Silla but he vtterlye oppressed the publike wealth that is the liberty of the people The same thing went Marius and Silla aboute What is the property of a lawfull prince And here is touched the duty of a lawful and good prince And that is to haue a fatherly minde toward his people Wherfore Senatours were called fathers and they wer named Patres conscripti That is appoynted fathers whose familyes also wer called Patritiae And assuredly in the old time it was counted an excellent and a most noble title to be called a father of his countrey for Tulli estemed it to be so honorable vnto him that he sayd The city of Rome called Cicero the father of the country 8 When he chosed new Gods then was ther warre in the gates if there were a shield or speare sene among .40000 of Iraell These wordes are expounded two manner of wayes and that not vnaptlye First it may be sayde that warre did then strayghtway oppresse the Iewes and that the enemy also beseged theyr gates and cities when they declined vnto Idolatry According to which interpretacioÌ„ the election is referred vnto Israel and this worde Elohim shal be the accusatiue case so that there is a reason shewed of the misery wherewith the Hebrues were afflicted Vndoubtedly they were therfore brused and made afeard and also not one of many thousandes which durste take a shield or shake a speare bicause they had polluted themselues with idolatry And Deborah testifieth this to be so true that she may confirme it euen with an othe Which this particle If which is here put declareth moreouer we maye in this sorte interpreate it I Deborah after that I was stirred vppe of God there was warre in the gates either of the tentes or els bicause the Hebrew souldiors which before kept themselues within wer now gone forth of the gates bycause god hath now chosen new thinges that is he hath broughte in a new shewe and forme of thinges longinge vnto the Israelites Oure menne durst do nothing hetherto which now burst forth and assayle theyr enemies It is god therefore whiche hath chosen newe thinges And this word Elohim in that sense shal be the nominatiue case The things which god hath now wrought are not vnworthely called new thinges For it is a rare and an vnaccustomed thinge that armed souldiours should be vanquished of vnarmed meÌ„ And the Hebrues were so with out weapons that not among xl C. men was fouÌ„d so much as one shield or speare
the word of god thaÌ„ ciuile peace Euery godly man so roweth when tranquility of the publike wealth cannot be coupled with the obedience of the word of God Wherfore for asmuch as the one or the other is to be chosen the whole and vncorrupted worshipping of God ought rather to be wished for thaÌ„ the commodity of outward peace For the end of cities and publike wealthes is to obey God and rightly to worshiâ—pe god that is by his word and prescribed rule For to haue a city or publike wealth quiet and peaceable is not by it self necessary but to obey God to beleue his word and to worshippe him as he hath prescribed is the summe and end of all humayne things and therefore it is to be preferred aboue all good thinges Neither is it anye newe or vnaccustomed thing that by true piety sedicions are stirred vp Christ of that thing hath admonished vs I came not sayth he to send peace on the earth but a sworde I came to kindle fire what will I but that it should burne The time shall come sayth he that for the Gospels sake the father from the childe the children from the parentes brethern from brethren shall not onely be alienated but which is more cruell The godly are not guilty of the troubles whych happen for religions sake they shall deliuer one an other to the death And yet these sedicions troubles are not to be ascribed vnto the godly forasmuch as they wheÌ„they obey god do not depart from their office they do that which they should do the fault consisteth in the vngodly and idolatrers they are to be accused and coÌ„dempned as guilty of those euils because they can not abide the truth neyther will they obey the word of god Wherfore prechers of the gospel ar to be absolued of this crime for sedicioÌ„s spring not throgh theyr default which obey god but through the peruersnes of the world which streyght rageth agaynst the word of god Ioas like a wise and stoute Magistrate at the beginning asswageth the people being in an vprore shewing them how vnworthy a thinge they doo when they beyng priuate men dare auenge the cause of Baal VVill ye pleade his cause As though he should haue sayd It is not your office it pertayneth to me and the other magistrates And then he maketh a proclamation agaynst the sedicious persons He that will so stand in Baals cause shal dye and that this daye or the morninge He shal not liue till morning for he shal be executed out of hand If Baal be god let him plead his own cause agaynst him which hath cast down hys altar and hath cut down hâ—s groue If the matter be to be discussed without iudgemente and ordinary action Baal hath no neede of thys your helpe for seing he is god he can right wel reuenge himself The last part of this sentence is somewhat dark He that wil plead Lo for him or against him let him dy this day before morning Some expounde this woorde Lo to signify for him namely for Baal as though the â—retor had put forth his decree after this maner Whosoeuer goeth aboute to moue sedition as though he would pleade for Baal him will I strayghtewaye punish as a troublesome citezen which dareth to take vpon him more then hys state may suffer The other sense is to expound this woorde Lo against him as though he should haue sayde do not rage in this sorte bycause he shall vtterlye dye and that this day before morning which agaynst Baal hath pleaded and contended By the power of this god he shall not so escape And this sentence seemeth to be confirmed by the words which follow If he be god let him pleade his owne cause agaynst him which hath done him iniurye But I rather allowe the fyrst sentence because the holy scripture rather vseth this word Lo in that sense Gideon by his fathers aunswer was named Ierubbaal He shal plead saith Ioas or let Baal plead against him These ar words ether of them that praieth which would so speake in earnest or faynedly or els of one that affirmeth as though he should affirm that it should vtterly so come to passe The men which herd these wordâ—s either because they meruayled that the father wished these things vnto his sonne or els bycause they beleued that the earth would strayghtway swalow him vp or the lightning would destroy him or that god would by some exquisit punishment punish him they waited I say to see what would happen And therfore they called him Ierubbaal And his surname was then of farre more estimation when they saw that he escaped safe and sound and contrarye to the hope of all men deliuered the Israelites from the power of theyr enemies By this example Magistrates may know what they should doo The office of a stout Magistrate agaynste tumultes bycause of religioÌ„ when Papistes stirre vp sedition or tumult in their dominion bicause Masses are abrogated Idolatry taken away and the Pope throwen downe They must valiantly stande by it and must declare that this charge pertaineth not vnto these by violeÌ„ce to defend rites and supersticions forasmuch as they haue not the sword theyr care should be this to see that godlynes be rightlye and orderlye appointed If so bee that they desire any thing against lawes or right and thinke that they haue the better cause let them from God waite for the successe He is of himselfe by nature both mighty and wife and therefore if he allowe the Masse the Pope and superstitions hee wyll then take those thinges in hande himselfe In the meane time they ought to compel their subiectes to obey iust and healthful decrees By these thinges it appeareth as I suppose that Ioas was not a Baalite from the hart for he could not haue said If hâ—â—e God let him pleade his own cause Vnles thou will faine that he said in time to come Baal shal pleade his owne cause but what he before iudged of Baal now he declareth when he seeth the daunger of death that his sonne is in for his sake 33 Then al the Madianites and the Amalekites and the children of Kedem were gathered together and pitched their tentes in the valley of Iszreel 34 And the spirite of the Lorde did put on Gideon and he blew a trumpet and Abiezer was gathered together after hym 35 And he sent messengers through out al Manasseh and he also was ioyned wyth hym And he sent messengers vnto Aser and Zebulon and to Nephthali and they came vp to meete hym When the vprore seditions wer pacified which were stirred vp for a thing godlily done of Gideon God prouided that occasion shoulde be geuen whereby he might by Gideon geue vnto the Israelites the victory against their enemyes That thereby at the last they might vnderstand with howe muche godlines and profit the worshipping of Baal was taken away In the coÌ„ming of the enemyes the spirit of the Lord did put
them selues as though they wer not sufficiently described and expressed in the holy scriptures haue framed vnto themselues certaine armes tending very muche to this purpose None of them in a maner doo in their armes cary vertues but Lions Woulues Tigers Beares Eagles and such lyke whereby they rather set foorth their cruelty then vertue and goodnesse 22 And when the .300 men blew with trumpets the Lord set euery mans swoord vpon hys neyghbour and vpon all the hoste So the host fled vnto Beth-Hasittah in Zererath and to the border of Abel meolah vnto Tabath 23 Then the men of Israel were gathered together out of Naphthali and out of Aser and out of al the tribe of Manasses and pursued after Madian This counsell or act of God is no new or vnaccustomed thing For so dyd he when Ionathas with his armour bearer came vnto the host of the Philistians as we reade in the first booke of Samuel And that is not vnlike whiche in the secōd booke of Paralip the .xx chap. is written of the battaile which in the time of Iehosaphat the king was fought with the Moabites and Ammonites For in those battailes also the enemies of the Israelites wounded one another And Goliah was by Dauid slayne with his own swoord And we also in these daies haue many times experience of the like benefites For when our aduersaries haue decreed by violence and force vtterly to oppresse vs by a wonderfull prouidence they haue turned their force against themselues and being letted by manye slaughters and warres they haue ceased from their enterprises most cruel 24 And Gideon sent messengers vnto al mount Ephraim saying Come downe agaynste the Madianites and take before them the waters euen vnto Beth-Bara and Iordan Then all the men of Ephraim gathered together and tooke the waters vnto Beth Bara and Iorden 25 And they tooke twoo Princes of Madian Horeb and Zeb and slewe Horeb vpon the rocke of Horeb and slewe Zeb at the wynepresse of Zeeb And they pursued the Madianites And they broughte the heades of Horeb and Zeeb vnto Gideon beyonde Iorden Now were other of the Israelites gathered together as Aser Naphthali and Manasses Gideon also sent vnto the Ephraites that the victory which he had gotten might on euery syde haue a lucky ende He enuieth not to haue a companion of his glory when as yet he with a few put himselfe in great daunger I would to God we were so conioyned in the Church that when wee haue begone anye good and profitable institution we woulde for the performance of the same desire other to helpe vs but which is to be lamented as our sinnes do deserue we oftentimes let one an other Come down against the Madianites take before them the waters As touching these waters the Interpreters do varye Kimhi thinketh that it is not Iordane his reason is bicause it is added euen vnto Iordane R. Semoloh vnderstandeth that of those waters which deuideth Palestine or the lande of Chanaan from Siria and among those waters he rekoneth Iordane But the place of Beth-Bara is to be noted bicause of the first chap. of Iohn Beth-Bara where our translation hath Bethania which in dede lyeth farre distant from Iordane neither did Iohn there baptise those that came vnto hym But the Greeke text hath Bethabara Wherfore it is thought that this place whereof we now entreate is ther ment He commaundeth that the waters should strayghtway be preuented from those which fled whilest yet they were troubled with feare before they shoulde recouer strength vnto them againe We must not slowlye followe the victory For he knew that it was very much hurtfull for Capitaines slowlye and softlye to pursue the victorye Wherefore he addeth all speede least his enemies might haue space geuen them to vnderstande theyr errour and to renue their power again And therfore he commaundeth that with speede they should meete them that the victorye begone myght at the lengthe haue a full ende And they tooke twoo Princes The Ephraites accomplished that which Gideon commaunded in preuenting those that fled and they slew the Captains of the Madianites Horeb they slewe at the rocke which was afterwarde called by his name and Zeb in the wynepresse which Kimhi expoundeth as thoughe there were there a playne countrye Whose forme or figure was lyke a wynepresse The Ephraites brought the heades of the twoo Princes vnto Gideon beyonde Iordane This is supposed to be now put in by the figure Prolepsis for it is thought that it was not done tyll suche time as Gideon had returned frō the victory being finished In the meane time let vs consider the ignominy that god put those tyrannes vnto bringing their most proude heades vnder the power of the Israelites whom they counted for people very abiect and wonderfullye oppressed them with their cruelty It is thought that the head of Pompeius which was offered vnto Cesar dyd much encrease the calamity of that man It is also declared that the heade of Cicero was brought vnto Anthonius as a thing most myserable But nowe in fewe woordes we must touche the Allegory of this act An Allegory taken oute of the holy scriptures not vndoubtedly a vayne Allegorye but which is drawen out of the fountaines of the holy scriptures Esay in the .ix. chap. intreating of the redemption by Christ writeth in this maner The yoke of his burthen the staffe of his shoulder and the rod of his oppressor hast thou ouercome as in the daye of Madian By whyche woordes is shewed that this victorye is to be referred vnto that deliuerye from synne which by Christ we haue obtayned Neyther doo these trumpets portend any other thing then the preaching of the Gospel now spread abroade throughout the whole worlde For God geueth saluation vnto the worlde by the ministery and doctrine of the Church not as though this were sufficient but the pitchers being broken burning fyrebrandes are shewed foorth bicause by the death of Christ vpon the crosse the lyght of the holye ghost shyneth in the hartes of men and the cryes of prayers are adioyned from whence saluation commeth vnto the true Israelite ¶ The .viii. Chapter 1. THen the mē of Ephraim said vnto him Why hast thou done thys vnto vs that thou calledst vs not whē thou wētest to fight with the Madianites And they chode with him sharpely 2 To whom he answered What haue I nowe done in comparison of you Is not the gleanyng of grapes of Ephraim better then the vintage of Abiezer 3 God hath delyuered into your handes the Princes of Madian Horeb and Zeeb and what was I able to do in comparisō of you And when hee had thus spoken then their spirites abated towarde hym The Ephraits nobler thē they of Manasses THe Ephraites enuied Gideon bicause great glorye redounded vnto hym by this battaile That Tribe was much more noble then the Tribe of Manasses For Iacob when he blessed the sonnes of Ioseph stretching
Nestorius was once bishop who beleued most wickedly of the sonne of god Macedonius had the same dignitye who beleued not that the holy ghost was god If those Patriarches had then beene vniuersall Bishops in the church the whole church had fallen also with them Let none of the papistes cry that it is no strong argument bicause it is none of ours but Gregories their father let them cry out against him who afterward addeth That he which maketh himselfe vniuersall bishop taketh away from other bishops their office for where anye man is vniuersall byshop he leaueth no office of a bishop vnto others This also is the collectiō of Gregory and not foūd out by vs. And vndoubtedly if a man at this day loke rightly and more nighly vp on the thing he shal see that the bishops of the west doe gouerne theyr churches onely by the ordre geuen them by the bishop of Rome Gregory counteth it for an absurdity that the Pope should be preferred before the Emperour Gregory afterwarde addeth that Iohn preferreth himselfe aboue the Emperor which thing Gregory coūted for an absurdity But oure men now a dayes thinke it necessarye that Cesar should be subiect to him yea they haue oftē times resisted emperors many times wearied them and sometimes moued them out of theyr place And yet Gregory theyr father detesteth and inueigheth agaynst it as a thinge vniust and not to be suffred And writing vnto Augusta he is yet more vehemēt saying that the same belongeth vnto Antechrist Wherfore let not our mē meruayle if we sometime cal the bishop of Rome Antechrist for asmuch as their Gregory calleth him by the most goodly title which wil be vniuersal bishop The sinode of Chalsedonia erred The Sinode of Calcedonia as the same Gregory sayth gaue vnto the seat of Rome this prerogatiue namely vnto Leo the first of that name Howbeit no mā vsed it because our elders being men most holy saw it was not meete for anye mortal man Onely Christ is the vniuersal hed of the church For he is the smal grayn of musterdsede whiche hath incresed into abrode and large tre that it ouerspreadeth the whole world and he is that little leauen wherwith thre peckes of meale wer leauened And the stone hewed out without handes whiche is become so great a moūt that it hath filled al thinges Wherfore Christ him self for as much as he is able to be with vs is to al vs the vniuersal hed to whom euery one of vs cleaueth as membres Moreouer Gregory admonisheth Alexandrinus and Antiochenus that they shoulde receaue no Epistles whiche had written in them a tittle of so great pride And he sayth that to receaue such a title is to fall from the fayth Now let our men go and obtrude this yoke whiche by the testimony of theyr Gregory we can not receaue except we should go back from faith Namely in attributing that to a manne which we must beleue is propre and peculiar vnto Christe Neither doubteth he to affirme that this Iohn transgressed the decrees of Christ the rules of the Apostles and Cannons of the fathers All these things sayth he hath he violated in the vsurpation of this one title And he addeth what wilt thou aunswere vnto Christ in the last day of iudgement thou that hast arrogantly takē vpon thee his office and wilt haue al his members subiect vnto thee He commaunded that we shoulde not call anye a father vnto vs vpon erth But thou commandest men to cal thee vniuersal father In what estimation therfore hast thou the wordes of the Lord An error of Gregory Howbeit in collecting of these places of Gregory I thinke there ar some thinges which ar diligently to be takē hede of namely two of the which the one is that he sayth that Peter was the chief membre of the vniuersal church Paule Andrew and Iohn were heades of singular churches This I therefore admonish you forbycause the Apostles wer not byshops of singuler churches for they wandred abrode thorough out the whole worlde they founded churches wan sondry nacions vnto the Lord and al they were members Another error of Gregory and that principal mēbres of the vniuersal church Wherfore this sētēce of Gregory is not to be admitted The other thing which I iudge is to be obserued is that Gregory doth testify that this his Iohn did fyrst vsurpe vnto himself the title of vniuersality Theodoretus which assuredly I cannot be perswaded of Forasmuch as Theodoretus in his booke de haerecibus when he writeth of Nestorius oftentimes sayth that he was made vniuersall patriarke Yea and Iustinianus in suis nouellis attributeth that title to diuerse Patriarches And to speake as the thing is I suppose that Gregorie this prety little saynt would haue had the thing or matter of an vniuersal bishop although he reprehended the name and title For as the history of those times teacheth and his epistles testify he abstained not from gouerning of other churches He shewed indeede that the name should be auoyded namely least the patriarch of Constantinople by that title should eyther preferre himselfe or be equal vnto the byshop of Rome But before these times Ciprian wythstoode the churche of Rome Cipriā resisted the church of Rome whoe sought then to clayme vnto it self some tiranny and he iudged that appellatiōs should not be brought vnto the seat of Rome but would haue Ecclesiastical causes iudged in euery singuler prouince namely that they which in any place wer condemned by the iudgement of byshops should not be restored by the ayd of the seate of Rome when as yet he chiefly reuerenced the church of Rome acknowleged it as the Matrix in these our regiōs And assuredly to haue it in great estimacion is a farre other thing then to graunt vnto it tiranny or dominion aboue al other For to the first we may after a sort agre but to the other we must not assente vnlesse we will fall from the fayth Afterwarde in Augustines time when he was present at the Sinode of Africa The counsel of Afrike resisted the church of Rome there was great and longe alteration about this thinge and at length the bishop of Rome coulde neuer proue whiche thing yet he chiefly endeuored to do that this power was geuen him in the councell of Nice that menne from all partes of the worlde mighte appeale vnto him Wherefore if it were eyther for lacke of knowlege or of some rashnes or by the people or by flaterers geuen to any byshop of Rome it should by the example of Gideon Leo and Gregory haue bene refused We must not trust vnto the inconstancy of the common people The inconstancye of the common people which is alwayes moueable now they wyll haue Gideon to raigne a litle afterwarde you shal see that they were most vngrate againste him for as the historye declareth they slew his children Gideon refuseth not the principality as though
of Isaschar That tribe was the lowest and obscurest tribe but god hath no respect to persons The state of this pub weal was most excellent namely Aristocratia wherin god chosed Iudges indiffereÌ„tly out of all the people And there was none which could iustly complayne that his famely could not be exalted to the highest dignity of rule which thing happeneth not in a kingdom For all the kinges came of the famely of Dauid The sonne of Pua Ben Dodo That word is ambiguous darke for it may be both a nowne proper and a nowne appellatyue If it be a proper nowne as the Chaldey Paraphrast supposeth we must say that Thola had to father Pua that Pua was the sonne of a certaine man named Dodo But other thinke that it is a nown appellatiue and that signifieth an vncle and hath a pronowne affixed vnto it of the third person And some vnderstand that by that pronown is referred or signifyed Abimelech as though it were noted that Pua was the vncle of Abimelech which sentence som of the Hebrewes allow Yea and the lattin interpreter to expresse that sentence and that there might be no darkenes therin addeth the name of Abimelech But how Pua shoulde be vncle vnto Abimelech and so the brother of Gideon beinge of an other tribe it seemeth meruellous bicause tribes were not mingled one with an other Some aunsweare that it mighte be that they were brethern on the mother side but yet not on the fathers side For such womeÌ„ which had no inheritaÌ„ce maried ofteÌ„times in other tribes but so did not they which had inheritance that the lands and inheritance should not be confouÌ„ded wherfore it might easly come to pas that ether her husband beyng dead or she by him repudiated maried agayne in an other tribe And by this meanes Gidion Pua may be bretherne although they came of suÌ„dry tribes But that those daughters whych were inheritors might not mary in an other tribe it is by many examples confirmed Saule otherwise a Beniamite gaue his daughter to wyfe vnto Dauid who was of the tribe of Iudah Iehoida a prieste of the tribe of Leui maryed the daughter of king Ioram whych was of the tribe of Iuda as it is written in the latter booke of Paralip the .22 chap. Aaron a Leuite maryed Elisaba the daughter of Aminadab of the tribe of Iuda Wherfore there ar two opinioÌ„s one is of them which thynke that Dodo is a proper name Now a maÌ„ mai be the sonne of his vncle and the other of those which say it is a name appellatiue The third opinion is that that annexed pronown namely of him is to be turned his so that this Thola had one and the self name to his father to his vncle which bi the ordinary meanes was not lawful yet was it detested when a man dyed without children for then the brother maried his wife namely him of whom he was begotten and the other which was dead whose name he bare and was made his heyre This sentence lyketh mee well for it very aptly declareth how a man might be the sonne of his vncle c. 3 After hym rose vp Iair a Gileadite and hee iudged Israel .xxii. yeares 4 And he had .xxx. sonnes that rode vpon .xxx. Coltes and they had .xxx. Cities whych are called Hauoth-Iair euen to thys day are in the land of Gilead 5 And Iair dyed and was buryed in Camon Of what tribe this Iair was appeareth by this woord Gilead which is repeated for Manasses had Machir to his sonne who begat Gilead And his name was coÌ„mune with the mount wherein Iacob and Laban made a league and named the place Gilead bicause there they raised vp a heape of stones for a wytnes Eusebius Câ—sâ—riensis Eusebius saith that the backe of this mount tendeth to Arabia and Phenicia and is ioyned with the hyls of Libanus And this mount hath a City of the same name Machir conquered that City and gaue vnto it a name which was coÌ„mon both to his sonne and to the mount Wherefore Iair was of the Tribe of Manasses a man hauing plenty of children for he had .xxx. And no maruaile when as then they vsed to haue many wyues His children was no Rascals or coÌ„mon people yea they were horsmen which is thus described which rode vpon .30 Asse colts This Hebrue woord Air signifieth either a Colt or an Asse Dauid Kimhi according to which sence are signified .xxx. Mules or the colt of a Mare as R. D. Kimhi expoundeth it Neither were they onely horsmen but also riche for they possessed .30 Cities bicause euery one of them was ruler of a City wherfore their father must nedes be very noble They were called Hauoth-Iair Bicause they wer not enuironed with a wall And were so called euen to this day namely euen vnto Samuels tyme who they say was authour of this booke In the booke of Numbers the .xxxii. chap. it is written Iair tooke many Cities from the Chananites and they were called Hauoth-Iair Wherefore it is demaunded whither he were the same man of whom we now speake or whether he were an other I doo not thinke that he was the same forasmuch as betwene them both there were .300 yeares passed He was a certaine other man distinct from this Iair of whom we nowe speake but yet hee was of the same famely and paraduenture this was his Neuew for they which are of the same famely doo for the most part retayne the names of their kynred Vnto this Iair came those Cities whych that other Iair tooke from the Chananites Wherfore the places agree but that it is not the same man This Iudge therefore is noble when as the twoo former were but of a base famely Neither doth Nobility anything hinder to gouerne a publike wealth if self trust and insolence be taken away yea rather they haue examples of their Elders excellent stirringes vp to vertue and very many helpes to gouerne thinges well And it is not vnlikely but that the people vnder these two Iudges rightly worshipped God in long and quiet peace otherwise God would not haue geueÌ„ them so long a time of rest But after them the Hebrues turned againe vnto Idolatry 6 And the chyldren of Israel wroughte wickedlye agayne in the sight of the Lord and serued Baalim and Astharoth and the gods of Aram and the gods of Zidon and the gods of Moab the gods of the children of Ammon and also the gods of Pelisthim and forsooke the Lord and serued not hym 7 Wherefore the wrath of the Lord was kyndled against Israel and he delyuered them into the handes of Pelisthim and into the handes of the chyldren of Ammon 8 Who from that yeare vexed and oppressed the children of Israel xviii yeares euen all the children of Israel whyche were beyonde Iordan in the land of the Amorrhites whych is in Gilead 9 Moreouer the chyldren of Ammon went ouer Iordan to fyght also against Iuda and
regenerate and of the gift of regeneration whiche should be geuen by Christ But men that are regenerate shal be iudged euery maÌ„ according to his own desertes and not accordyng to other mens synnes And so the sonne shall not beare the iniquity of the father but the soule whiche hath sinned it shall dye But before regeneration originall sinne infecteth and destroyeth all posterityes This distinction of Augustine I disalow not but I doubt whether it be sufficiently applyed vnto the meaning of Ezechiel and Ieremy Ezechiel and Ieremy wrote both the selfe same wordes in sundry places Both those Prophetes wrote these selfe same wordes The fathers haue eateÌ„ sower grapes and the childrens teeth are set on edge when as yet the one was in Iewry and the other caried away into Babilone Whiche is a manifest argument that they spake both with one and the selfe same spirite But Augustine sayeth that the exposition of Ezechiel is to be sought for in the .31 chap. of Ieremy For there after the same wordes it is added Beholde the dayes will come and I will make a new couenaunt c. Wherfore that place is wholy to be applied vnto regeneration and therfore by these wordes of Ieremy the wordes of Ezechiel are to be interpreted of those that are regenerate In this manner that father thynketh this question is fully aunswered But when I more attentyuely doo weighe the chap. of Ezechiel I thinke that he speaketh of the punishmentes and afflictions of this lyfe For why complayned the people saying that the fathers had eaten sower grapes and the childreÌ„s teeth were set on edge Did they complaine of the payne of hell No vndoubtedly but bicause they were led away captiue into Babilone and lyued in seruitude They complayne that God semeth to deale to hardly with them bycause for as much as their fathers were idolaters yet they which had not sinned were punished For those punishementes the people lamented wherfore it was necessary that the Prophet should aunswere them of the same punishementes The soule of the father is myne and the soule of the sonne is myne The soule whiche hath sinned it shal dye These wordes therfore haue a respect vnto the punishmentes of this lyfe Although I do not deny but that it may also be transferred vnto spirituall punishmeÌ„tes Argumentum a minori ad maius but not vnles it be by an argumeÌ„t from the les to the great And that after this maner God doth not for an other mans sinne punishe with paynes which dure but for a tyme those whiche are vtterly innocent therfore much les will he punishe them with spirituall and eternall punishmentes Ierome Ierome when he interpreteth this place of Ezechiel hath the solution which Augustine also afterward followed as in his place we shall declare But the interpretations do vary bycause it is a thing obscure and the difficulty hereof ryseth bycause it can not be denyed but that God doth vexe some for other mens sakes For although C ham vncouered the filthines of his father yet the curse was transferred to Chanaan his sonne And when the Sodomites had grieuously sinned the children were also burnt together with the fathers And when Dauid had committed aduoutry God caused that the sonne whiche was borne of the aduoutry to dye Wherfore in a thing so obscure Ierome bringeth his owne interpretation but he declareth also other mens iudgementes as touchyng this question An Allegorical exposition of some First he sayth that there were very many which did vnderstand this place of the lawe That God will visite the iniquity of the fathers vpon the children vnto the third fourth generation allegorically of euery singular soule or man For there are in vs certayn naturall passions Foure degrees of sinnes impulsions and violences to euil or as other say first motions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then followeth deliberation when a man determineth with himselfe to do euill Thirdly is performed that whiche was determined Fourthly followeth boastyng of the wicked acte when he reioyseth and hath a pleasure in his sinnes So in a maner are numbred foure generatioÌ„s but God is so gentle that in the first and second generation that is in the first motions and in deliberation he sayth nothing and winketh at it but the third and fourth that is the perpetrating boasting he punisheth when a man both doth euill and gloryeth in his sinnes and will not repent Wherefore they say that God reuengeth vpoÌ„ the bowes and not vpon the rootes For maÌ„ as they thinke if he neither do euill nor boast of his euil may be saued althoughe otherwise he both lusteth and deliberateth to commit euill And in that maner they interprete Paul vnto Timothe when he sayth that the woman shal be saued by procreation of children so that they abyde in the fayth c. that is The soule shal be saued if it worke that which is good althoughe it haue euill motions and cogitations This interpretation do not I allowe first bycause it is Allegoricall The impulsioÌ„s and first motions of the minde are sinnes when as God especially in the law speaketh simply and manifestly moreouer bycause if the wordes of God should be applied vnto allegoryes they should be made vtterly vncertayne lastly bycause that whiche is sayd is not true For these impulsions and first motions are sinnes bycause both they are agaynst the law of God and also they are condemned of Christ when he sayth in the Gospell He whiche seeth a woman and lusteth after her hath committed fornication already in hys harte And he whiche is angry with his brother is worthy of iudgement For God doth not so regarde the â—ctes but that he much more hath a respect vnto the mynde Moses at the waters of contention sinned grieuously and yet if we diligently weighe that hystory we shall finde nothing that he committed euill outwardly But God saw the incredulity of his heart and tooke great vengeance of hym Wherfore those motions and deliberations of the minde are not onely sinnes but also are grieuously punished of God Wherfore let vs leaue this interpretation whiche Ierome also bringeth not as his owne But now to make the matter playne as touchyng punishmentes of this lyfe As touchyng punishementes which dure but for a tyme that no man suffreth whiche he hath not deserued no man can say he suffreth that which he deserueth not bicause no man is pure no not the childe that is but a day old there is none whiche hath not deserued eueÌ„ death why then should men say Our fathers haue eaten sowre grapes c. wheÌ„ as euery man shall beare his owne burthen either as touching this lyfe or as touchyng eternall lyfe But God doth not alwayes send these euils which dure but for a time as paynes and punishmentes God doth not alwayes send those euilles which dure but for a tyme as punishements but hath very oftentymes a respect vnto others endes as
thou arte come agaynst me to fyght in my land 13 And the kinge of the children of Ammon aunsweared vnto the messengers of Iiphtah bicause Israell tooke my lande when they came from Egipte from Arnon euen to Iaboc and vnto Iarden now therfore restore them with peace 14 Yet Iiphtah sent messengers agayne vnto the kinge of the children of Ammon 15 And sayd vnto hym Thus sayth Iiphtah Israell tooke not the land of Moab nor the land of the children of Ammon 16 But when Israell came vppe from Egipte and walked thorowe the wyldernesse euen to the Sea Suph then they came to Cades 17 And Israell sente messengers vnto the kinge of Edom sayinge Let me I praye thee goe thorowe thy lande But the Kynge of Edome woulde not consente And also they sente vnto the Kynge of Moab but he woulde not Therefore Israell abode in Cades 18. Then they wente thorowe the wildernes and compassed the Lande of Edome and the Lande of Moab and came by the Easte syde of the Lande of Moab and pytched beyonde Arnon neyther came they wythin the coaste of Moab For Arnon was the border of Moab 19 Wherefore Israell sente messengers vnto Sihon kinge of the Ammorhites and king of Hebron and Israell sayde vnto him Let vs passe we pray thee by thy land into our place 20 But Sihon trusted not Israell to go thorough his coaste but Sihon gathered together all his people and pitched in Iaaz and fought agaynst Israell 21. And the Lorde GOD of Israell gaue Sihon and all his people into the handes of Israell and they smote them so Israell possessed all the lande of the Ammorrhites the inhabitantes of that countrey 22 And they possessed all the coaste of the Ammorhites from Arnon euen to Iaboc and from the wildernes euen vnto Iordan 23 Nowe therefore the Lorde GOD of Israell hath caste oute the Ammorhites before his people Israell and shouldest thou possesse it 24 Wouldest not thou possesse that whiche Chemos thy God geueth thee to possesse So whomesoeuer the Lorde our God driueth out before vs them will we possesse 25. And arte thou now farre better then Balac the sonne of Zippor king of Moab Did not he striue with Israell Did not he fyght agaynste them 26. When Israell dwelte in Hesbon and in her townes and in Aroer and in her Townes and in all the Cities that are by the coastes of Arnon .300 yeares Why did ye not then recouer them in that space 27 Wherefore I haue not offended thee but thou doest me wrong to warre agaynst me The Lord the Iudge be Iudge thys day betwene the chyldren of Israel and the chyldren of Ammon 28 Howbeit the king of the children of Ammon hearkened not vnto the woordes of Iiphtaph which he had sent hym When Iiphtah by his messengers saith vnto the king of Ammon what hast thou to do with me he vseth a phrase very much vsed of the Hebrues He inquireth the cause as though he woulde haue sayde why inuadest thou our landes what discord or iniuries are there betwene thee and me The king of the Ammonites answered that he therefore made warre bicause the Israelites did hym iniury which tooke away his landes namely from the borders of Arnon euen to Iaboc and Iarden He complayneth that all that coast was taken from hym which was betwene those riuers This he pretendeth to be the cause of the war And he desired that they would restore peaceablye that is without warre that which they had taken away from him He seemeth to promise that he will leaue of from warre if the Israelites woulde performe this Iiphtah denieth that the thyng is so VVe haue not taken away sayth he your land And bringeth a reason Bicause when the Israelites came vp out of Egipt they of their owne wyll sent messengers vnto the kyng of Edom that they might haue leaue to passe throughe his borders which thing he would not let them doo so farre is it of that wee dyd them iniury The people abode in Cades so muche tempered they themselues frō violence and weapons They went on the syde of the land of Edom for the Edomites would not permit Israel to go straight through the middest of their country Wherefore my people rather iourneyed with great labour then that they were troublesome vnto any man And pitched beyond Arnon There were the endes of Moab Wherefore ye can not complaine that we did anye man iniurye Therfore when the Israelites saw that they could not leade their host throughe the borders of Edom or Moab they sent vnto Sihon king of the Amorhites But he would not neither did he onely denye them passage through his borders but also assembled an host and pursued them And the battaile beyng ioyned God deliuered him in to the handes of the Israelites The Israelites possessed the land by the righte of warre Wherefore sayth he we haue done thee no wrong for this land we possesse by the right of warre Sihon assayled vs with his power and the victory fel on our syde wherfore both he and all his land by the right of warre came into our power And the Lord delyuered Wherfore forasmuch as Israel by the ryght of war succeded Sihon that land which thou desirest is not thine but in the olde tyme pertained vnto Sihon the king Therfore when we occupied this land thou diddest not possesse it but the Amorhites Neither do we possesse this land by the right of warre onely They also possessed it by the gift of God but also by the gift of God for the Lord our God which is Lord of al kingdomes hath geuen it to vs and deliuered it into our power This is the second reason that Iiptah vseth for by the first he onelye sheweth that those places came vnto him by the right of warre without any wrong doing But some man might say It is well perceiued that god gaue it bicause he draue out the Ammonits how knowest thou that God gaue thee this land Bicause saith he he expelled the old inhabiters the Amorhites before vs and wylt thou succede the Amorhites as though hee would say by what right He bringeth an argument a simili that is from the lyke You sayth he worship the God Chemos and you thinke you haue your lād by his benefite and ye beleue that ye possesse it by very good right So we haue receiued our land not from an idole as you haue but from the true God Chemos the god of he Ammonites and we retayne it by very good ryght He calleth not Chemos god bicause he beleued that idole to be a god but speaketh in this maner bicause they iudged that it was so Art thou better then Balac the sonne of Zippor They possessed also by the right of prescription Thys is the thyrde reason We possesse it saith they not onely by the right of warre or gyft but also by the right of prescription for we haue had it nowe in our handes
sundrye interpretacions For Chamor signifieth both an asse and also a heap or gathering together Wherefore some following the signification of this woord heape do thus interprete it there was made heapes vpon heapes of dead bodies namely of mē which he had slaine Or I haue made heape vpon heape And the sense is that Samson sayth that he had made so greate a slaughter of his enemies that he gathered greate heapes of them together But other hauing a respecte vnto this woorde asse do thus enterpretate it of an asse of asses that it should not be here vnderstand in a metaphore And they thinke that a sword which is called by the name had the form of an asse He saith therfore that it was the iaw bone of an asse of an asse I say of asses as in other places of the scripture we reade a kidde of goates and a bullock of Oxen. The Rabbines for the most part interprete this place for heapes and gatheringes together of enemies When the slaughter was finished then first the place was named Ramath-Lechi Ramam in Hebrew is highe Wherefore Ramah signifieth a high place And Ramah-Lechi is nothing els then a hill or toppe of a iaw bone There may also be geuen an other Etimologye so that the naminge of it may be deriued of this verbe Ramah which is to cast away bicause Samson in that place threw away the iaw bone when he had fynished the slaughter 18 And he was sore a thirste and called on the Lorde and sayde Thou hast geuen this great deliuerance by the hand of thy seruant and nowe shall I dye for thirste and fall into the handes of the vncircumcised 19 Then god brake the cheke tooth that was in the iawe and water came thereout and when he had dronke his sprite came agayn and he was reuiued Wherefore he called the name therof Ain Hakorah which is the fountaine of him that calleth vpon which is in Lechi vnto this day 20 And he iudged Israell in the dayes of the Philistians twentye yeares Whereas it is written that god opened the cheeke tooth whiche was in the iaw bone it is in the Hebrewe Aschar Belchi Hamachtich wherefore the place is darke for this woorde Machtisch signifieth ether that holownes wherein the teth are fixed or els by a Metaphore it signifieth a stone or rocke wherein is a hole cut Out of what thing god brought foorth water Iosephus R. Leui Ben Gerson like vnto the holes of the cheke tethe And in fine it is that which commonly we call a morter And this latter interpretation Iosephus R. Leui Ben Gerson do follow And they thinke that god brought not forth water out of the iaw bone but out of a rocke being holow like a iaw bone But others say that water came forthe of that iaw bone wherewith he had slayne his enemies The place was called the fountayne of him that prayeth bicause God at the prayers of Samson opened the rocke or iawe bone And this woorde Aim Leui expoundeth for an eye for in very deede it signifieth eyther namelye bothe a fountaine an eye And the sense that be gathereth is that the eye of the Lorde was vpon him which called vpon him that is God had a regarde vnto the prayers of hym that called vpon him It is added that Samson iudged Israell in the dayes of the Philistianes whiche is therfore written bicause in his time the Hebrewes were not yet fully deliuered from the tirranny of the Philistianes Samson beganne to deliuer them but he finished not In this latter history are certayne thinges which we oughte to obserue The first is that Samson was bound with two cordes and those new that the miracle mighte be the more wonderfull New cordes are stronge For newe cordes are more hardly broken then old And it is eligantly described how they brake namely as flaxe burnt with fire The cordes might be broken two waies eyther bicause the strength of Samsons body was encreased or els because the cordes were weakned by god and eyther way is apt inough Farther when he being naked and vnarmed was cast forth vnto his enemies god ministred weapons vnto him of a thing most vile so can he vse all thinges to setforth his glory the iawe bone was made onely to chawe and cutte small meate but God woulde vse it to committe a slaughter So althoughe sometimes we seeme to be vnarmed agaynste our enemies yet are we sufficiently armed when god will Some to make the thinge more probable do imagine that that iaw bone of the asse was a great one bicause that in Siria are so great asses that in greatenes they may be compared with our horses Which thing I do not disproue The Philistians shoute and reioyce as thoughe a moste deadlye enemye had fallen into theyr handes But the sprite of the Lord came vpon Sampsō and there was a greate slaughter made of them And the songe which he sang was a geuing of thankes for the victorye 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a songe of victorye But some doubte whither the whole songe be here written or onely the beginninge thereof I thinke here is but the beginning onely the rest paraduenture was knowen among the Iewes and soong thorough And he was sore a thirst Iosephus and Ambrose thinke that god strake Samson with thirst bycause he attributed the victory vnto himselfe and not vnto God I sayth hee with the iaw of an asse haue slaine a thousande men He sayth not Iosephus Ambrose Why Samson was vexed with thirste God hath slayne neyther erecteth he an altare or monumente vnto God nor maketh anye sacrifice and therfore is he afflicted with thirste For god would haue him to vnderstand that he was a mā would also haue him to know by whose benefite he had obteined the victory This say they but bicause those thinges which they alledge are not of the holy Scriptures therefore I do not geue credite vnto them Moreouer let vs note that in the old Testament very manye places haue theyr names geuen them of the benefites of God For they would haue the goodnes of God kept in memory for thē that should come after that they also should hope that by the same meanes they should be holpen as they fee theyr fathers in times past were holpen of God For whych selfe same cause the hebrewes were commaunded to enstructe and teache theyr children of the benefites bestowed on them by god Wherefore they instructed theyr posterity not onely by words but also by such tokens and monumentes as by some certayne sacramentes Wherefore the thirste of Samson as farre as I iudge was not a punishment for sinne which he had committed but a certain caution or prohibition that he should not sinne He might in deede by reason of ouermuch labour naturally thirste but god woulde haue him remember that in so greate fortune he was mortal He had slayne many but herin was the daunger least he also should haue
might therfore peraduenture note that the yong man spake in the speech of the tribe of Iuda for asmuch as he was of Bethlehem peraduenture they heard him intreatyng of things deuine wherfore when they perceaued that he was a Leuite whiche executed holy seruices there straightwaye they enquired of him an answer of the successe of their iorney They nothing regarded how rightly he did it but strayghtway sayd Aske of god So at this day souldiers whē they go on warfare they come to their Masse Priests desire them to say a Masse for thē either of George or of Sebastiā neither haue they any regarde whether the Masse be good or euill This is to deale with god after our blind reason At the first burnt it may seeme that the spyes did not euil For it is a point of piety to aske coūsel of god whē we shal do any thing But we ought to take hede that what soeuer is taken in hande the same be ioyned with right reasō sound iudgement of the minde For our actiōs must flow frō the heart which as it is affected Good looketh also vpon the heart and not vpon the actions onely so are they to be iudged either good or euil Wherfore although god require of vs actiōs yet he much more requireth the hart We must not separate the action hart or purpose a sunder let them abyde ioyned together as the Lord requireth them If thou demaūde of a Philosopher how the action is good whether it alone maketh the mā good he will deny it wil say that the action must be directed be a ryght reason whiche if it be awaye then is the action corrupt Wherefore the goodnes of euery action dependeth of reason of the minde and of iudgemētes The goodnes of an action dependeth of the minde or iudgement of the doer If these be euill thē must the action also nedes be corrupt Looke what the roote is in a tree the same is reason in a moral actiō in religious workes such workes as ar truly Christiā fayth it is as it were the soule of good workes as without which nothing cā be acceptable vnto god But faith leaneth to no other thyng thē to the word of God Fayth is the soule of good workes Wherfore for asmuch as these mē cōmaund to aske counsel of God contrary to the word of God they do exceadingly displease God they were more led by their own commodity then by true piety So many at this day say What euil is it to come to Masse and there with a godly mynd to pray vnto god The Masse hath a great shew of piety but we must remember that it cā not be good for as muche as it is appertly repugnant to fayth and to the worde of God Let euery manne take heede he bee not deceaued with the outwarde shewe of piety and let hym diligently consider that outwarde woorkes make not a man good but rather contraryly good workes must procede out of a good man But now come I to examine consider the which is here intreated as touching the asking counsell of God The commaundement for asking counsel of God is moral I finde that it is cōmaunded that in things of great difficulty the mynde of the Lord is to be enquired of This cōmaundemēt thoughe it were geuen vnto the Iewes yet it pertayneth to the moral kinde of preceptes Wherfore it byndeth vs also But vnto the Iewes were adioyned certayne outward ceremonyes from which we are by Christ deliuered They were bound to come to the Priest to the Ephod and to the place of the arke of the couenant or to the Prophet those things are now taken away And yet ought we also when we take in hand to do any thyng to aske counsell of the Lord but remouyng away these addicions which were necessary in the publique wealth of the Israelites But where shall we in this tyme aske coūsel of the Lord We ought to aske counsell of the holy scriptures when we appoint to doo any thyng In the holy scriptures as we haue before taught Wherfore euery Christian ought to haue them ready at hand to do all things by their guiding Whatsoeuer we shall do let vs first looke in them whether it be iust or vniust This is to aske counsell of the Lord which thing if we do not we shal be alway in doubt cōcerning our thīgs Wherfore Paul hath rightly admonished Euery thing that is not of faith is sinne Neither are we ignorant but the fayth cōmeth of hearing hearing by the word of god Wherfore whether we take in hand a iourney or do or go about any thyng els we must not wauer or doubt in mynde but must be assured that our worke pleaseth God Whiche thing when we knowe we must referre the euent therof vnto God Horace Let it suffice vs to haue knowen that Remember this saying of the Poete If the world should breake and fall let the ruine thereof pearse the fearefull The estate of the Hebrues ours is diuerse But why the Hebrues were so careful for the successe of their matters we haue in an other place declared Their state was not all one with ours They wer much careful for their publique wealth bicause God had promised them that it should endure euē vnto Christs tyme. Neither was true religiō in any other place publikly receaued Wherefore they were very carefull for the successe of their expeditions namely that the publique wealth wherin onely was appointed sound religiō should not take hurt Wherfore god also very oftentimes gaue them oracles for their euentes But our state is farre otherwise Sound religion is not at this day boūd to one publique wealth onely For the inheritance of Christ is dispersed thoroughe out the world neither shall it endure so lōg as one onely publique wealth stādeth But rather if one publique wealth fal by reason of sinnes an other shall rise If there arise persecutions for the Gospell sake which oftētymes happeneth it is lawfull to departe to an other place whiche thyng was not so free for the Iewes for they had not a tēple of god his outward worshipping in any other then at Ierusalē Superstition idolatry possessed all other natiōs Farther this was an other cause for that the Iewes for their religions sake wer hated of all natiōs wherfore they had the more neede to be by oracles admonished of the euēt of their things Wherfore for asmuch as such difficultyes are farre frō vs it is sufficiēt to seke out by the holy scriptures whether those things which we do medle with do please god And to the study ioyned with faith let prayers be added that that which we our selues ar not able to do god himself may bring to passe And thē at the lēgth let vs diligētly valiātly attēpte the thing which we haue taken in hād So far as I think the precept for
Mizpa Then the children of Israell sayde Howe is this wickednes committed 4 And the man the Leuite the womans husband that was slayne aunswered and sayde I came vnto Gibea whiche is in Beniamin with my concubine to lodge 5 And the men of Gibea arose agaynst me and beset the house roūd aboute vpon me by nyght thynking to haue slayne mee And haue forced my concubine that she is dead 6 Then I tooke my concubine and cut her in pieces and sent her thorough out all the countrey of the inheritance of Israel For they haue committed abhomination and vilany in Israel 7 Beholde all ye children of Israell geue your aduise and Counsell herein The congregation of the Israelites was assembled together to iudge of the crime This Hebrew word Edah signifieth a Church or an assembly The end of assemblyes or meatynges together beyng deriued of this verbe Adah whiche is to testify bycause that it is the vse and ende of such assemblyes that the godly should faythfully testify before God of those thynges whiche are put forth to be consulted of From Dan euen vnto Beerseba Dan Beerseba In this kinde of Paraphrasis is comprehended the whole people of Israel For these ar the endes of that kyngdome Dan is the ende towarde the North wherby the Iewes are neyghbours vnto the Zidonians and Beerseba toward the South Euen vnto Gilead That land is beyond Iordane The borders of the region of the Hebrues where the two tribes Ruben and Gad together with halfe the tribe of Manasses dwelled Thys was the third end toward the East And ouer agaynst that toward the West lay the sea called mare Mediterraneum Within these termes and lymites was conteyned the region of the Hebrues whiche they possessed in the land of Chanaan They came into Mizpa vnto the LORDE Where Mizpa was Mizpa was a place moste apte to haue assemblyes in it was not farre frome Ierusalem in the Tribe of Iudah In the fyrste booke of the Machabites the thyrde Chapiter it is thus written When the people by reason of the tyranny of the Macedonians fled out of Ierusalem they assembled together in Mizpa vnto Iudas Machabeus And it is added that that place was a house of prayer of aūcient tyme laye situate ouer agaynst the City of Ierusalem And in this booke we haue before heard how that when Iiphtah should be ordeyned Iudge ouer the people the people assembled together in Mizpa In Samuels tyme also the people assembled together twise vnto that place once when they should leade an army agaynst the Philistines an other tyme when Saul should be created kyng Farther when all the Citye was ouerthrowen by Nebuchad-Nezar all the people fled to Godolia in Mizpa Moreouer besides the oportunity of the place was added a notable benefite of God bycause as we rede in the .10 chapter of Iosuah there assembled thether agaynst the people of Israel a very great nūber of kynges for there were not fiue or sixe but very many kinges which were neyghbours entending vtterly to destroye the name of the Iewes Yet God commaunded them to be of a good valiaunt courage bycause he would geue vnto his people the victory ouer them all And when that thyng happened contrary to all mans hope the Hebrues for a monument of so great a benefite built in that place an alter vnto God Wherfore it is probable as the Rabbines affirme that in Mizpa began to bee a house of prayer For the people went not to the tabernacle or to Ierusalem so often as they had occasion to pray Euery Citye had Synagoges but had in Cityes and Villages certayne Synagoges wherein they prayed together vnto GOD. But to doo Sacrifices it was not after that manner lawfull but onely at the tabernacle of Moses or at Ierusalem after Salomon had builte the Temple althoughe hyghe places were sometymes vsed Wherfore the people assembled thether as well for the opportunity of the place as also by reason of the auncient Religion neither thought they it lawefull to begyn any thyng without prayers Whiche institution for that the Papistes woulde somewhat resemble they firste prouide to haue a Masse of the holy Ghost songe before they make any leagues or rather conspiracyes agaynste Christe It is sayde that they assembled together vnto the Lorde to praye together vnto the Lorde D. Kimhi Although Dauid Kimhi thinketh that this was added bycause wheresoeuer is a multitude of the godly there is GOD also present And to confirme that sentence he bringeth a place put of the Psalme GOD stoode in the Synagoge of Goddes For Iudges whiche in thys place are called Goddes when they geue iudgement ought not to thinke that they haue theyr owne cause in hande but Goddes cause as Iosaphat the godly kynge shewed them I doo not dissallowe this sentence for it is both godly and also it maketh menne to vnderstande that when assemblyes are godly had then doo menne assemble vnto GOD whiche thyng if menne in these dayes woulde consider greate menne woulde handle publique causes with more feare of GOD. Howbeit thys is for certayne that the Israelites assembled not in Silo as some thinke And the corners of all the people assembled The Hebrewe woorde is Penoth whiche properly signifyeth corners but in this place it is taken for Capitaines heades ouer ten Cēturious Tribunes and gouernors of warlike affayres For they after a sort are corners strengthes and stayes of an army Wherfore the villages of the Holuetians in the Italian toungue are called Cantones Wherfore the Hebrues come and assemble in Mizpa not rashly but in their orders They had not in deede a kyng or myghty Magistrates or Senadrim as it is thought for they wer sore decayed and weakened by the Philistines Yet they retayned among themselues some order and discipline Fower hundreth thousande footemen When they went out of Epypte they were 666000. The nomber of the Israelites diminishe men It seemeth that the number was nowe diminished And no meruayle bycause they had ben afflicted with many greuous calamities Also the tribe of Beniamin was away which peraduenture had thirty thousande soldiours For that tribe was both ample and also mighty And the chyldren of Beniamin heard The Beniamites would not be present they onely heard what should be done Dauid Kimhi Kimhi admonisheth that these woordes are put in by a parenthesis for there is no cause shewed why they woulde not be among them And the children of Israel sayd Tel how this wycked act was committed Kimhi thinketh that these things are to be red in the vocatiue case as though it should haue bene sayd O ye children of Israel declare the whole matter in order as it was done in the meane time it seemeth that the Beniamites are noted bycause they would not come vnto the assembly neyther take awaye euill from among them The people assembled together to vnderstand the cause that for as much as ther was
the Friday bycause on that day he was crucified But of the Sabaoth day he much doubted For they of Millane of the East parte affirmed that on the day we should not fast bycause Christ that day was at reast in the sepulchre contraryly the Romanes and Affricans and certayne other bycause Christ was deiected euen vnto the ignominy of the sepulchre therfore contended that the Sabaoth should be fasted Monica the mother of Augustine The mother of Augustine when she came out of Affrike to Millane and sawe that the men there fasted not on the Sabaoth day began to meruayle at the vnaccustomed manner Wherfore Augustine which was not yet baptised came to Ambrose asked in his mothers behalfe what was best to be done Do sayth Ambrose that which I do An aunswere of Ambrose By which words Augustine thought that he should not fast bycause Ambrose fasted not But what he ment he himselfe more manifestly expressed I sayth he when I come to Rome do fast bycause the Sabaoth day is there fasted but when I returne to Millane bicause here it is not fasted I fast not De consecratione dist 3. chap. De esu carnium it is decreed that Friday and Wensday should be fasted the Sabaoth day is left free And in the same distinct the chap. Sabbato vero Innocentius InnoceÌ„tius hath added That the Sabaoth also must be fasted But he bringeth a farre other cause then that which before we spake of For for bycause saith he the Apostles both vpon the Friday and also vpon the Sabaoth day were in great mourning and sorow therfore we must fast In the same dist chap. Ieiunium Melchiades decreed that we must not fast on the Sonday nor on the Thursday and he geueth a reason bycause the fastes of Christians ought to be on contrary dayes to the fastes both of heretikes and of Ethnikes Epiphanius Epiphanius bringeth a reason why the Wensday is to be fasted namely bycause Christ was that day taken vp to heauen for it is written that when the bridgrome is taken from theÌ„ then they shall fast and this he affirmeth to be the tradition of the Apostles when as yet at this day we beleue that the Ascension happened on the Thursday We must geue â—â—le credite to traditions wherfore let the Papistes take heede howe muche credite they will haue to be geuen vnto their traditions For there are many of them whiche euen they themselues can not deny but that they are ridiculous and vayne I know in deede there are traditions founde whiche are necessaryly gathered out of the holy scriptures and for that cause they ought not to be abrogated But other traditions whiche are indifferent are not to be augmented in number least the Churche should be oppressed neither to be thought so necessary that they can not be abolished And we must beware that in them be not put the worshipping of GOD. But as for those whiche are agaynst the woorde of god are by no meanes to be admitted In the dist 76. chapter .1 are added Imber dayes or the Fastes foure tymes in the yeare Which why they are so diuided scarsely can any man perceaue They cite Ierome vpon Zachary who maketh mention of the fourth moneth fift seuenth and tenth And they seeme to be moued with a wicked zeale to distribute these fastes into foure partes of the yeare And those fastes whiche the Iewes receaued euery yeare for the calamityes which they had suffred Why the fast of Imber dayes were inuented the same our men haue made yearely But other haue inuented an other cause namely bycause in those foure tymes of the yeare Byshops are wont to promote clarkes vnto the ministery and orders Wherfore they say that the people ought then most of all to faste and praye that GOD would graunt them good Pastors Fasting and prayers should be had in the ordering of Ministers But I would demaund of the Byshops why they institute Ministers onely at those .iiii. tymes of the yere Vndoubtedly they caÌ„ render no certayn iust reason therof Augustine Aerius an heretike Augustine in his boke de Haeresibus sayth the Aerius contemned oblatioÌ„s for the dead also such fast as were appointed bycause ChristiaÌ„s were not vnder the law but vnder grace but he would the euery maÌ„ should fast at his owne pleasure wheÌ„ he himselfe would In dede I allow not Aerius in that he was an ArriaÌ„ but as touchiÌ„g sacrifices oblations for the dead he iudged rightly godly And also concerning appointed fastes I see no cause why he ought to be reproued vnles peradueÌ„ture he thought this that fastes could not be denouÌ„ced of the Magistrate of the Church as the difficulty of times required The reason also which he vseth the ChristiaÌ„s are not vnder the law but vnder grace is weake for we are not so deliuered froÌ„ the law that we are absolued froÌ„ all order Iouinian an heretike Augustine also writeth that IouiniaÌ„ contemned abstinences fastes as things vaine vnprofitable where in if he spake of bare fastes onely such as wer appointed at certayne dayes certayne tymes of the yeare he iudged not ill For vnles they be adioyned with faith repentaÌ„ce also with vehement prayers they nothing at all profite In Esay the .58 chap. the people coÌ„playned We haue fasted thou hast not looked vpon vs which wordes shew that fastes with out circumstances requisite are not acceptable vnto God but if they be ioyned with their additions they are not vnprofitable By the decrees of Liberius who liued in the tyme of CoÌ„staÌ„tius may be knoweÌ„ Liberius how that wheÌ„ the ayre was vnteÌ„perate or that there was any famine or pestileÌ„ce or warre then they asseÌ„bled together to denouÌ„ce a fast wherby to mitigate the anger of god Augustine Augustine wheÌ„ he saw his city besieged of the Vandales gaue himself vnto fastyng prayers in that siege died as Possidonius testifieth And generally wheÌ„ we atteÌ„pt any great waighty matter as wheÌ„ we denouÌ„ce war or creat Magistrats or ordeine Ministers of the Church we haue nede most of al of ferueÌ„t prayers for the ferueÌ„tnes wherof fasting very much auayleth Christ when he should begyn his preaching went into the wildernes fasted A widow when her husband is dead is left in a perillous state Therfore prayers fastes are very conuenient for her Anna the daughter of Phanuel led her life in the temple where she gaue herself to prayer fasting Paul to Tim. sayth A widowe which is truly a widowe putteth her coÌ„fidence in the Lord day night applieth herselfe to prayers fastes Cornelius when he was not yet sufficiently instructed of Christe and was heauy and pensiue in mynde in the ninth houre was fastyng and in prayers to whom the Aungell as it is written in the Actes of the Apostles appeared But it may be demaÌ„ded when fastes are denouÌ„ced of princes
of the Church Whether fastes denounced ought to be obeyed whether men are bound to obey them or no Vndoubtedly they are bound by the law of fayth by obediēce For when fastes are set forth that are agreable vnto the word of God how can he which beleueth in god detract thē Assuredly he cā not Howbeit this is to be vnderstād of those which are of the state conditiō that they be able to fast For if a mā be hindred either by age or disease or labours in the case this ought to be of force which the scriptures say I wil haue mercy not sacrifice But they which are not hindred ought to obey Consilium Gāgrense In the counsell of Gāgrensis chap. 30. it is ordeyned that if a mā obey not the fastes which ar cōmāded him of the Church howsoeuer he boast of perfectiō without bodely necessity proudly contemneth the decrees of the Church let him be accursed The Canones of the Apostles In the Canones of the Apostles although they be Apocripha conteyne certayne strāge things neither is it sufficiently agreed vpō the nōber of them in the Canon I say .68 it is cōmanded that the Clergy which fast not hauing no bodely necessity shuld be deposed Let infātes in no case be cōpelled driuē to fast for that should hurt their health Yet Ioel sayth Sanctify a fast gather together old men sucking children And the Niniuites at the preaching of Ionas cōpelled beasts infātes to fast These wer extraordinary thinges neither are they for that end set forth that we should imitate them Augustine As for priuate fastes most men will haue them to be free Wherfore Augustine ad Cassulanum We know sayth he that we must fast when we are commaunded but on what dayes we should fast and what dayes we should not we know not bycause that is no where prescribed in the newe Testament therfore fastes are to be left free And in his 2. booke de Sermone domini in monte expoundyng these woordes Howe fastes maye be called free or not fre Iudge not and ye shall not be iudged he writeth that men may two maner of wayes iudge rashly Either if they drawe that into the euill parte whiche mought haue bene done ryghtly or if when it is manifest that a facte is playnely euill they thinke that he which hath done it can not repent And of the first kynd he bringeth an exāple as if a mā bycause he is sicke in the stomake or is troubled with any other infirmity of the body would not fast An other whiche knoweth not this will suspect him to be a gloton to much delicate For here that which is free which may well be done is drawen into the worse part This in deede is Augustines opinion which yet we ought prudently soundly to vnderstand For if a priuate man when he is in misery or daunger doth see that fasting prayers may helpe him he except he fast doth vndoubtedly sinne But for as much as fasting after this sort maner now declared may profit we must vndoubtedly fast It is free in deede bycause by the outward law he can not be condēned which fasteth not But when our fast may aduance the glory of god it is no more fre for asmuch as we ar cōmanded to loue God withall our hart with all our soule wtal our strength For there are many things which of their own nature are free indifferent But when it commeth to choise we see they may eyther illustrate or obscure the glory of God then are they not free nor indifferent bycause all our strengthes and facultyes are to be applyed vnto the glory of God In true fastīg we must faste the whole day Farther there is an abuse of fastes as touching the space of tyme for as much as the Papistes if they some litle while defer their dinner and then whatsoeuer they eate so that they eate no fleshe they thinke it sufficient But the elders remayned fasting al the whole day euen to euening al which time they were occupied in the worde of God in prayers and holy occupations In Leuit. the .23 God sayth The Iewes fasted from euenyng to euenyng when ye fast rest from all worke and afflicte your soules for it is a Sabaoth And no man doubteth but that the Sabaoth endureth from euening to euening So Saul when he had put the Philistines to flight proclaymed a fast vntill night And Dauid in the death of Abner sware that he would taste of no meate till night Tertulian Augustine Tertullian cōtra Psychicos sayth that the Churche produced their fastes euen to euenyng Augustine de moribus Ecclesiae contra Manicheos Let accustoned fastes saith he of the Church be continued euen vntil night for al the whole day were celebrated holy assemblyes were also had publique prayers but at euenyng they were dismissed In the Lent did eate meate But it is a sporte to see how the Papistes illude this aūcient custome they say their euen songes before noone then they go to dyner at night they institute a drinking so boast that they fast very wel Thomas Aquinas Consilium Calcedonense Whiche was the ix houre Thomas in secunda secundae sayth that in his time fastes were produced euen vnto the ninth houre And he bringeth the counsell of Chalcedonia where it is decreed that he which eateth before the ninth houre should not be counted to haue fasted Here by the way we must declare which was the ninth houre The vi houre was at none in which tyme we rede the Christ our sauiour was crucified Wherfore the ninth houre must needes be the third houre from noone The elders dyd so deuide the tyme The distribution of the houres among the elders that alwayes from the Sunne set to the Sunne rysing they counted 12. houres and agayne as many from the rysing of the Sunne to the goynge downe thereof Agayne they deuided eyther tyme into foure spaces and those they called watches And euery one of those spaces contayned three houres Wherefore the thirde houre from the rysing of the Sunne is with vs eyther the eyght or nynth houre as the tyme of the yeare requireth For these houres are vnequall The sixte houre is noone and the nynth is the thirde at after noone and the .xii. at the sunne set But Thomas obiecteth vnto hymselfe that whiche we say namely that the elders fasted the whole day It is ridiculous to heare what he aunswereth Bycause we sayth he are in the state of the day and the elders were in the state of the nyght therefore we must finishe our fastes in the day tyme when as they ended them in the night tyme. And he bryngeth this saying of Paul The nyght is past the day hath drawen nyghe Whiche sentence how much it serueth to this present thyng all menne see and vnderstande An other abuse is the choyse of
meates Of the choyse of meates wherein nowe in a manner consisteth the whole religion of fastes The elders vsed it not for when they had fasted vntill euen at supper they dyd indifferently eate whatsoeuer was set before them But now our mē do more seuerely absteyne from flesh egges and milke then they in the olde tyme absteyned from vncleane beastes Paul reproueth this superstition and calleth it a doctrine of deuils But they say that Paul reproueth those onely whiche auoyded some meates as euill creatures and beleued that those euill creatures came from an euill God but we say they do teache no such thyng we onely forbid mē some kind of meate for one day or a few dayes which afterward we set at liberty Montanus an heretike Tertulian What choise of meate is to bee followed As though Montanus could not after this manner haue excused himself against whom these places are cited of the fathers Tertullian accuseth Marcio as an heretike bicause he did put some holines in fish Wherfore there is no choise of meate to be suffred but so much as shall seeme to serue to temperance whiche thing if the Papistes would so diligently haue takē heede of they should rather haue absteyned frō wine then frō flesh For Salomō saith wine is a thing of excesse And Paul Absteyne saith he from wine wherin is excesse They should also haue absteyned from fishe especially the delicater kinde of fishes For there are of them whiche do no lesse delight the taste Fishes coūted amōg delicates and no lesse stirre vp to lustes then doth fleshe And vndoubtedly among the elders as well the Grecians as the Romanes fishes were counted among the chiefest delicates Moreouer Socrates in his Ecclesiastical History teacheth Socrates the Hystoriagrapher Sōdry kindes of fastes that the elders fasted far otherwise for in the Lent some fasted two dayes some foure dayes some .x. some xv some xx other some the whole xl dayes And when they fasted some absteyned frō all kynd of flesh fishe and did eate onely all maner of pulses Other absteyned frō flesh of foure footed lyued onely on foules fishes For al thīgs were at that tyme left free in the Churche For when they had fasted vntill euen at supper they dyd eate moderately whatsoeuer came to hande althoughe afterward the thing began by litle litle to decline to superstitiō Ierome Ierome to Nepotianus sayth that there were in his tyme whiche absteyned not onely from all kynd of meate but also from bread They vsed certayne thinne broths made with spices neither did they drinke them out of a cuppe but supped them out of a shell Augustine de moribus Ecclesiae Manichaeorum Augustine A cōparisō betwene a Christian and a Manichite bringeth in a Manichite an elect for so theyr called they Ministers who in dede did ease no flesh but in the mean-tyme vsed most delicate fine meates and most sweate sawses wyne also they might not touche but drinkes which wer made of fruites which much resēbled wine farre passed it in pleasātnes tast of these I say they dranke aboundantly On the other part he setteth a true Christian man who remayned fastyng vntill euenyng and then had to supper a messe of herbes potage sodde with a pece of larde and a smal portion of salte flesh and hardened in the smoke and dranke thre or iiii draughtes of wyne Augustine demaūdeth whether of these semeth to haue fasted best more truly and he gaue iudgement on the Catholikes syde The Mōtanistes so delighted in this choise of meates the they inuēted for thēselues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which wer meates to dry vp nature such other like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Montanistes Tertullian Ierome For as Tertulliā affirmeth they did eate only bred salt al maner of pulse their drīke was water This kind of fast they vsed ii wekes before Easter Ierome also addeth that they wer wont to fast three Lentes for that cause that they fasted so seuerely they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Pure Eusebius Mōtanus the first that wrote lawes of fastīg Eusebius in his .5 booke and .18 chap. writeth that one Appollonius reproued Montanus bycause he was the first that wrote lawes of fastyng as though the Churche before hym was free He by lawes and prescriptes prescribed what dayes men should fast and what meates they should absteyne from Suche an author haue the Papistes of their prescribed fastes and choyse of meates Agaynste the choyse of meates This superstition agreeth not with the woorde of God Christ sayth That whiche entreth into the mouth defileth not the man And whatsoeuer is set before you that eate demaūdyng nothyng And to Titus All things are cleane vnto the cleane but vnto the vncleane nothyng is cleane To the Colossians Let no man iudge you in meate and drinke To the Romanes The kingdome of God is not meate and drinke To the Corinthians also are many thynges written to confirme this sentence where he entreateth of meates dedicated vnto Idoles So the Scriptures make mencion of no choyse of meates for Religiōs sake yet I deny not but that meates are to be chosen either for the auoyding of excesse or sicknes or elles for the kepyng vnder of the wantones of the flesh A certain choise of meates is to be admitted Of the institution of Lent But that Christians should absteyne from fleshe from egges and from milke for religions sake is no where prescribed in the Scriptures There is an other abuse bycause they impose such fastes which the strengthes of men are not able and abyde For they will haue the people fast .40 dayes Which thyng if it should be required accordyng to the prescript rule of GOD and of the olde Churche namely that the fast should be continued vntill euen no man in a manner were able to performe that And that institution some referre vnto Thelesphorus the Pope other some to a tyme a litle before hym And vndoubtedly therein is nothyng elles then a certayne mere wicked zeale and noughty imitation of Christ For he fasted .40 dayes therfore superstitious then thought it good that Christians should fast so many dayes euery yeare when as yet Christ fasted after this maner Christe required not of hys Apostles the fast of Lent but once in his lyfe tyme neither required he at any time any such acte of his Apostles But these men decree it to be sinne and that a grieuous sinne whē such a fast is violated They ought to haue regarded that Christ all the tyme did eate nothyng in that he could so long endure the same to haue pretayned to a miracle and to the power of God The holy scriptures no where commaunde Chrisostome that in that thyng we should imitate Christe Chrisostome in hys .47 Homely vpon Mathewe The Lorde sayth he hath not commaunded thee to faste fourty
them selues the landes of the Beniamites Cursed be he which geueth his daughter What mooued the Israelites to sweare Hereby appeareth the forme of the othe it was an othe of execration This act of the Israelites had some shewe of equity For godlye men ought not to contract matrimonies with the vngodlye And it is most manifest that the Beniamites were vngodly when as they would neither deliuer nor punish the guilty Besides that they considered that the Beniamites wer now not much vnlike vnto the Chananites for as much as they had cōmitted wicked acts like vnto their syns But God had forbidden the Israelits to mary with the Chananites Wherefore they coūted it a wycked thing to geue their daughters in matrimonye to them Howbeit they oughte not so to haue done For what if they had repented The oth of the Israelits was not fyrme might they not then haue contracted matrimonies with them That othe was rashly and without iudgement made neither ought it by any meanes to haue bene kept Neither as it is most lykelye was it obserued of their posterity A solemnity in Siloh from yeare to yeare It was a yearely solemnity whervnto they vsed publikely to assemble but for asmuche as the Iewes had manye suche feastes it is vncertain what maner of solemnity this was Dauid Kimhi of which mencion is now made Yet I maruaile that Kimhi sayth that this feast seemeth to haue bene Kippurim whē as it is written that thei had a famous dauncing which wer absurde to be added in a publike fast The Chaldey paraphrast The Chaldey Paraphrast seemeth to haue a respect vnto the feast of the Calēdes or new Moones in which feast wer thankes geuen vnto God for the gouerning of the world and course of thinges as vpon the Sabaoth day for the creation of thinges But I confesse that I am ignorant what maner of feast this was How be it I am of that opinion that I thinke it was the solemnity of the tabernacles There is a feast day of God in Siloh This description sheweth not that it was the solemnity of the place but rather of the people of Israel which assembled vnto the feast and forasmuch as one City coulde not hold al the Israelites they assembled vnto al the partes adioyning vnto the City to those in especial which are here described And the Elders do appoynt these places by name that they might there hide them commodiously and leade away the maydens as they were dauncing As though they should haue sayde Vnto those places they wyll come out of the hidden places you may breake foorth and steale them away Hereby wee maye perceaue It was synne to daunce at the solemnity It is synne to abuse the feast dayes that the virgins in holye assemblies gaue themselues to playes and daunces which was to abuse the feast day It had bene better for them to haue occupied them selues about grauer matters For the feast daies were to this end instituted that the people shoulde assemble together to heare the woord of God to be present at the sacrifices where they shoulde both cal vpon God and communicate together the Sacramentes instituted of God Wherfore it is no maruail if these maidens were so stollen away Wher as it is written And when their Abothem that is their fathers shall come againe Achihem that is their brethren this letter Men is put for Nun that is M. for N. namely the masculine gender for the feminine Which forme of speaking is often vsed in the holy scriptures Haue compassion on vs for them The sense of this short and briefe prayer is this We wil say that we wer sorowful and pensiue and that we could no other way seeke and prouide wiues for the Beniamites And whatsoeuer is done we wil affirme to haue bene done by our counsel and that we were the authors therof And so we wil desire them for our sakes to pardon you Other do easelier expound it Gratefy vs and geue vs your maidens if you thinke them vnworthy to haue them We thought that there had bene maidens inough of the Iabenites but that happened otherwise Wherefore we were constrained to prouide for them by some other meanes And if they wil say that they are bounde by an othe and that they cannot geue them vnto that we wil answer that their othe is satisfied bicause they themselues haue not geuē their daughters but ye haue stollen them Here we perceaue that a publike othe is lenefied and mitigated by the interpretacion of the Elders And vndoubtedlye that is their office whyche gouerne a publike wealth Ye say they haue not geuen them of your owne free wyl wherfore ye are free from the othe Therefore the Beniamites are prouided for by rapte or stelth The rapt of the Sabines In the Romane historye also it is saide that the virgines of Sabine were rapte or stollen but yet somewhat after an other sorte For ther the virgins whych were rapt were straungers neyther had Romulus any ryght ouer them but these maidens were Israelites and were subiect vnto the authority of the people In that these men interprete and lenefy the othe it hath some shewe of equity For it might seeme that the fathers violated not their othe bicause they of their own accorde gaue not their daughters vnto the Beniamites but they tooke them away by violence But if a man more diligently examine the thing he shal finde either of those excuses false The oth is not wel interpreted bicause the Beniamites dyd not of their owne priuate counsel steale the maydens but by the perswasion of the Elders And on the other syde it seemeth that the Israelites gaue their daughters of their owne accord fraudulently brake their oth For the fathers sware that they woulde not geue their daughters to the Beniamites Howe had they them then Of the Elders But they are the fathers of the countrey wherefore this was no vpright and simple dealing They eschewing one wicked example fall into an other neyther dyd guile breake their oth but rather bound it The Israelites pretended the religion of an othe which yet they craftelye violated cōsented to rapte or stealth which wicked act is no more remisse then periurye They wyll not geue an example of periury and they graunt to rapte Farther they violate an other principal pointe of the law of God For in the last chap. of Numbers it is cōmaunded that if a mayden be an inheritour she should not mary into an other tribe to the ende that inheritances should not be confounded What therefore if some of these that were stollen were inheritours Vndoubtedlye they had against the law of God maryed out of their tribe If a man wyll say they did thys wyth a good minde and as they vse to saye for a godly intent that the whole tribe of Beniamin should not vtterlye perishe Answer may be made it is not sufficient that a thing be done with
in the holy Scriptures of mingled daunses of men and women together But our men say Who can daunse after that sorte In saying so they vtter themselues what they seeke for in daunsing Moreouer let vs marke the effects of dauÌ„sing It is writteÌ„ in Mathew The effectes of wicked dauÌ„ses that the daughter of Herodias daunsed at a banquet which the king made the kyng tooke pleasure in her whom he could not openly without shame behold For she was a manifest testimony of his vnlawfull matrimony of hys adultery For Herode had maried the mother of that mayden being his brothers wife Of that daunsing it came to passe that Iohns head was cut of Many are angry with vs bycause we crye agaynst dauÌ„sings as agaynst things which are of their own nature euill prohibited we on the other side say that things are not alwayes to be weighed by theyr owne nature but by the disposition abuse of our fleshe we can not deny but that wyne of his owne nature is good whiche yet is not geuen vnto one that is in an agew not that the wine is euill but bycause it agreeth not with a body that is in that maner affected In Exodus when the people had made themselues a calfe to worship they sat down did eate dranke and rose vp to play In which place it seemeth that to playe was nothing els then to daunse But least I should seme this to speake and to iudge alone I wil adde certayne testimonies of the fathers Augustine against Petilianus the 6. chap. The byshops saith he were alwaies wont to restrain idle wantoÌ„ dauÌ„sings but now a dayes there are some bishops which are preseÌ„t at daunses do daunse together with women so farre are they of to restraine this vice The same Augustine vpon the .32 Augustine Psalme when he expoundeth these wordes on the Psalter of ten stringes I will sing vnto thee maketh those ten stringes the ten commaundementes when he had spoken somwhat of one of them at the last he coÌ„meth to the Sabaoth where of it is writeten Remember that thou sanctify the Sabaoth daye I say not sayth he to liue delicately as the Iewes were wont For it is better to digge all the whole day them to daunse on the Sabaoth day Chrisostome in his .56 Homely vpon Genesis Chrisostome when he entreateth of the mariages of Iacob Ye haue heard sayth he of mariages but not of daunses whiche he there calleth deuelish and he hath many things in the same place on our side And among other he writeth The bridedome the bride are corrupted by daunsing the whole famely is defiled Agayne in the .48 Homely Thou seest sayth he mariages but thou seest not dauÌ„ses For at the tyme they wer not so lasciuious as they be now a dayes And he hath many mo thinges on the .14 chap. of Mathew where he spake vnto the people of the dauÌ„sing of the daughter of Herodias amoÌ„gest other thinges he saith At this day ChristiaÌ„s do deliuer to destructioÌ„ not half their kingdome not an other mans heade but euen their owne soule And he addeth that where as is wanton daunsing there the deuill daunseth together with them CoÌ„silium Lao dicenum In the counsel of Laodicenum it is written It is not mete for Christian men to daunse at their mariages Let them dyne suppe grauelye moderately geuyng thankes vnto God for the benefite of mariages In the same couÌ„sell also it is had Let not the Clergy come vnto spectacles either on the stage or at weddinges They may in deede be present at mariages but after there come in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is singers players on instruments which serue for daunsinges let theÌ„ rise go theyr wayes least by theyr presence they should seeme to allow that wantonnes In the counsel of Ilerdenum Consilium Iler dense which was had vnder Symmachus Hormisda Popes and Theodoricus the kyng the same thing is decreed namely the ChristiaÌ„s should not daunse at mariages But in the counsel of Altisiodorenum which was vnder the Pope Deus dedit Consilium Al â—isiodorense this seemeth to be contracted vnto the Clergy For there it is prohibited that any of the Clergy should at a feast either syng or daunse as thoughe it were in a sorte lawfull for other Schoolemen Of the same opinion are certayne schoole deuines in the .3 boke of sentences dis 37. who refer these prohibitions onely vnto the holy dayes Ricardus de media villa saith that to daunse on the holy daies is a sinne most grieuous as though on other dayes it may be permitted But the opinion of the fathers sound counsels is far more seuere then the opinion of these men who perniciously release those thinges which should be contracted for as much as they haue the peril of soules ioyned with them not onely perill but all falles that are most greuously to be lameÌ„ted Howbeit it seemeth that these meÌ„ borowed this their sentence wherein they prohibite daunsing on the holy dayes out of the ciuile lawes For in the Code in the title de feriis in the lawe dies festos We release in deede idlenes on the feast dayes but we will not haue men geue themselues to voluptuousnes Wherefore it shall not be lawfull on the feast dayes to vse daunsinges whether they be for lust sake or whether they be done for pleasure But let vs see what the Ethnikes opinion was as touching this thing Emilius Probus in the life of Epaminonda sayth Aemilius Probus Salust That to sing to daunse was not very honorable among the Romanes when the GreciaÌ„s had it in great estimacioÌ„ Salust in Cantilinario writeth that Sempronia a certayne lasciuious vnchast woman was taught to sing daunse more elegaÌ„tly then became an honest matrone And there he calleth those two thinges the instruments of lechery Cicero Cicero in his .3 booke of offices writeth that an honest good man wil not dauÌ„se in the market place although he might by the meanes come to great possessions And in his oratioÌ„ which he made after his returne into the Senate he calleth Aulus Gabinius his enemy in reproche saltator calamistratus that is the fine daunser It was obiected to Lucius Murena for a fault bycause he had daunsed in Asia The same thing also was obiected vnto the king Deiotarus Cicero answereth for Murena No man daunseth beyng sobre vnles peraduenture he be mad neyther in the wildernes neyther yet at a moderate and honest banquet The same Cicero in Phillipicas vpbraydeth vnto Anthony among other his vyces daunsyng The diuersitye of temperature of the men of the East and of the men of the West But it appeareth that the nature and disposition of the men of the East of the West was not al one and the self same They are cheareful of mynde nimble in body and for that cause
Repentaunce consisteth in twoo poyntes 61. b Repentaunce is not perfect in vs. 175. b Repentaunce is somtimes openlye to be renued 63. b Repentaunce and amendement is geuen of God 73 Repentaunce bringeth not alwaies the former good state again 65. b Repentaunce of God how 70 Repetition of periodes in the scripture 105 Repetitions in speeche are to purpose 109 Reprobate are forsaken of God before they forsake him 33 Reprobate why they be tempted 34 Reprouing lawful 37 Resisters of Gods vocation differ 1â—5 b Reubenites trade and country 108 Reuenging of a mans owne iniuries 31. b Reward handled 272 b Rewardes may lawfully be set for good deedes 23. b Rewardes may be respected in doing well 23. b Rhetorike profitable in war 36 Riddles in feastes 218. b Right of war 186 Rites and ceremonies neede not be al alyke euery where 54. b Riualty 143. b Riuer swellyng at the battayle of Sisara 109 Rochesters false argument 148. b Rocke in the scriptures signifieth oft a castle or fortres 273. b Rome builded when 3. b Romes dignity caused the Byshop thereof to bee preferred before other 148. b Romaynes in the primatiue church communicated euery day and yet were maryed 94 Romaines neuer had peace aboue xl yeares at once 83. b Romaynes compelled their Consull 91 Romaines punished their Citizens onely by banishment 146. b Romish prouerb 85. b Romulus in Ezechias time 3. b Rule firme of inuocation 129 Rule of our actions is the woorde of God 129 Ruth the doughter of Eglon. 83 S. SAbboth day to daunce in 287 Sabboth endureth from euening to euening 277. b Sacramentes of the Elders and ours were all one and differ in outward simboles signes 273 Sacramentes all one in both testamentes 74 Sacrament and Sacrifice may be both in one thing 64 b Sacrament sacrifice differ 63. b Sacramentes and miracles are after a sort lyke 129. b Sacramentes consist by the word of God 91. b Sacrifice handled 206. b Sacrifice defined 63. b Sacrifices of the Elders what they signified 194. b Sacrificing in other places besides the Tabernacle 205. b Sacrifices of the law what profit they had 273 Sacrifices kyllyng signified c. 6â— Sacrifices of Christians 207 Sacrifice hath twoo special properties 64. b Sacrificer is more acceptable vnto God then the Sacrifice 206. b Sacrificing belonged onelye to the Leuites 123. b Sacrifices for the dead 277 Sacrifice for quicke and dead 50 Sacrifices of Ethnikes agre more with Gods sacrifices then the Masse with the CoÌ„munion 50. b Sasconduit 86. b Saintes whether they beholde all thinges in the glas of the deuine essence 68. b Sayntes sometimes not to bee followed 4 Salomons syn 54 Salt sowing 170 Saluation is the gift of God 182 Salutacion of the Hebrues 114. b Samson had fayth 235. b Samson onely appointed a Iudge before his birth 200. b Samsons mother coÌ„pared to Mary the virgin 201 Samuel of the posteritye of Chore. 182 Sanctified in the wombe .. 103. b Sangar 91 Sapor king of the Persians 12. b Sassias monstruous lust 21 Satisfaction for synnes is not by death or martyrdom of men 195 Satisfaction is not in fasting 279 Scoffing punished 144. b Schoole maysters shoulde bee godlye 45. b Schoolemaister traitor 37. 39. b Schoolemens inconstancy 119 Schismes what 197. b Scots matrimony 20. b Scriptures came from God and their authority 5 scriptures whether Iewes haue corrupt 57. b Scriptures verity 226. b scriptures diuersly deuided 1 Scriptures is rather to be beleued then miracles 131 Scriptures terme thynges sometymes according as men vse commonly to speake 217. b Scriptures neuer attribute that to God whiche in a man is of it selfe vice or of his owne nature synne 142 Sechems situation 159 Sechemites synnes 157 Secrets reueiled by droÌ„keÌ„nes 164 secretes reueiling death 37 Secretes are not rashly to be communicated to a mans wife 221. b Secundum quid ad simpliciter 256. b Security handled 246. b Security laudable 247. b Securitye of the fleshe pernicious 244 Sedicion handled 197 Sedicions springeth oft of settyng forth of true piety 124. b sedicious persons who 197. b Seyng of God or angels 117 Seing of God by men 118 Senadrim 1. b Sences cannot know God 118 Sences when they may be receaued 209. b Sences are not deceaued in seyng of angels 210. b SeÌ„sible things distinguished 209 b Sepulchres of dead men watched 139. b Sequences and fained hyms 103. b Serapions act for Communion vnder one kinde 190 Sermon of a Prophet 113. c Sermon must be taken out of the scriptures 61 Serpents of the carkas of a man 218 Seruantes sometimes wyser then their maisters 250. b Seruitude 80 Seuen a number of fulnes 179 Seuerity of God toward hys enemies 112 Seuerity to much against the Beniamites 280 Seuerity in a mans own cause not commendable but in Gods necessary 31. b Shadowes of the old law are remoued but the things shadowed remayne 47. b Shaphat interpreted 1. b Shauing of heades 201. b Shepherdes vsed watches 139. b Shew of yll how far it is to bee auoyded 38. b Shipwrack cruellye dealt with in certayn regions 235. b Shratâ—tide 279. b Sibyllas verses 58 Sicarii 166 Sicera dronke 202 Sicles valew 238 Signe desired by Manoah 204. b Signe required by Gedeon 116 Signe may be required to strengthen our fayth 126 Signes haue the names of the properties of things oft times 62 Signes are called lyes why 127 b Silence enioyned to wemen in the church 93 Silla eaten of lice 13 Siloh was in mouÌ„t Ephraim 252 Simbole or Crede is called the tradâ—tion of the Church 43 Similitudes force in reasonyng 234 Sinnes in .4 degrees 179. b Sinne entred by man and not by God 167 Sinne seperateth vs from the familiarity of God 117. b Sinnes are not equall 53 Sinnes punished by sinnes 248. b Sinnes of committing and omyttyng 63 Sinnes former by latter sins punished 79 Sinne cured with sinne 168. b Sinnes cannot be auoyded by vs. 73 Sinne is not therfore excused bycause it is publike 254. b Sinnes haue their weighte by the law 53 Sinnes are yll and good in diuers respectes 166. b Sinne is syn bycause it is againste Gods woord 233. b Sinne no synne when God commaundes it 39 Sinne whether God be the cause thereof 78 Sinnes reward is death 194. b Sinnes cause is not to be layde to God 167 Sin how it depeÌ„deth of god 166. b Sinne punished with sinne 11 Sinne is not to be committed to auoyd synne 253 Sinne is euer to be auoyded let folow what wyll 253 Sinnes of the Israelites 40. b Sinners punished by God two maner of wayes 11 Sinners punished by the same thinges wherin they transgres 61 Sinners ar not excused by the working of God 79 Sinners ought to cal vpon God 78 Sinners whether God heare 207 Single life for Ministers 94 Singuler for plural 109. b Singing in the church 102. b Singing dauncing alike 286. b Sircius a Romain forbad mariage of Ministers 94 Sisera a