and best agree vpon 40 yeares This Darius Nothus his bastard sonne had the honour to have the holy Citie builded and finished in his dayes He reigned in all Yeares 19 Moneths 6 7 Artaxerxes Mnemon In his dayes flourished the Prophet Malachie Cyrus his brother called Cyrus the younger tooke armes against him with the losse of his owne life Whose expedition is described by that famous Xenophon This Artaxerxes reigned 43  8 Ochus called Darius Artaxerxes Ochus He reigned 23  9 Arses the sonne of Ochus was slaine by Bagoas an Eunuch who killed first Ochus his Father Arses reigned 3  Broughton leaues out the 20 yeares of Ochus and makes Ochus and Arses to be but one man and thrusting out Arses gives vnto Ochus his three yeares and no more He was deceived by the Florentine Printer of Clemens Alexandrinus printing for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 20 put by the Librarie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yeares Moneths 10 Darius Codomannes his sonne succeeded him and in the 6 yeare of his reigne he was beaten by Alexander Magnus and slaine by Bessus Gouernour of Bactrya one of Alexanders Princes and Captaines and so an end of the Persian Monarchie He reigned 6  The whole time of the Persian Monarchy was a matter of 228 yeares Cyrus began to reigne in Persia the 55 Olympiad Darius the last was subdued by Alexander the 112 Olympiad So betwixt Cyrus and Darius there fell in 57 Olympiads each Olympiad had the terme of 4 yeares so we finde 228 compleat yeares onely adding the imperfect yeares of the 112 Olympiad in which Olympiad Darius was slaine Some petty differences there are about small matters in judicious Chronologers chiefely about Cyrus his time after he was Emperour for some giue him but 3 or 4 yeares at the most But in the summe of the matter the chiefest agree vpon this reckoning and giue to the Persian Monarchie about 228 yeares   CHAP. II. An Explanation of the former Kings of the Persian Monarchie out of Daniel Dan. 11.2 There shall stand vp yet 3. Kings in Pâ—rsia and the 4. shall be farâ—e richer than they all And by â—is strength through â—is rubes he shall stirre vp all against the Realme of Gâ—aecia SIth the former voyce shewes this was in the fâ—rst yeare of Darius the Mede and therefore whereas it is said There shall stand vp yet three Kings the sense is That from or after Darius the Mede there shall be three Kings in Perâ—ia viz. Cyrus Cambyses Darius Hystaspis and then the fourth is plainly Xerxes as appeares by that of his grâ—at riches and his huge and mighty preparations made to invade Greece Now sith 't is as cleere as day that the fourth was Xerxes the other 3 can be no other than Cyrus Cambyses and Darius Hystaspis The only Objection that can be made is of a Magus named Smerdis who tooke vpon him to be the sonne of Cyrus and vsurped the Throne after Cambyses against whom he conspired But the answere is that the Holy Ghost doth not hold him worth the naming and hee beares no place in the holy writ amongst the Kings of Persia whether it be for that his time was short for eâ—e he saw 7 monethâ— the Nobles conspired against him and suppressed him or whether he being a conspirator is rather to be called a Tyrant than a King 't is out of question the Holy Ghost doth passe the Magus or Smâ—rdis over Some doe take the odde moneths that this Smerdis vsurped and adde them to the time of Cambyses and so giue him somewhat a longer time of reigne than I haue done but so small a difference is not worth the speaking of 2. Chron. 36. a 20 And they were servants to him and to his b sons a Nebuchadnezzar b His son Euilmerodach 2. Reg. 25.27 His nephew Belshazzar Dan. 5.1 And all nations shall feare him and his sonne and his sonnes son vntill the time of his Lord come when many nations and great Kings shall serue themselues of him 2. Chron. 36.21 To fulfill the Word of the Lord spoken by c Ieremiah untill the land had her fill of Sabbaths for all the dayes that she lay desolate she kept Sabbath d 70 yeares c Ier. 25.11 And this whole land shall be desolate and an astonishment and these Nations shall serue the King of Babell 70. yeares and Ier. 19.10 d beginning when Iehoiakiâ— or Ieconiah was carried away captiue ending at the first yeare of Cyrus and Darius the Mede Kings of Persia. That they began at Ieconiahs captivity is proved by Ezek. 40.1 In the fiue and twentieth yeare of our being in captivity in the beginning of the yeare in the 10 th day of the moneth in the 14 th yeare after the Citie was smitten c. Now Ezekiel for the most part reckons the yeare from the first of Ieconiahs captivity As Ezech. 1.2 And more plainely out of Ieremiah cap. 29.2.10 where writing to those that were carried away with Ieconiah he tels them that they shall be 70 yeares in captivity from the time of their carrying away as may appeare if the Chapter be rightly considered of 2. Chron. 36.22.23 But in the first yeare of c Cyrus King of Persia c. Thus saith Cyrus King of Persia. c Together with Darius the Mede whom Cyrus had of his owne accord admitted into the governement of the Empire with himselfe as Dan. 5.31 Darius of the Medes tooke the Kingdome being 62. yeares old and Daniel 9.1 In the first yeare of Darius the sonne of Ahashâ—erosh of the seed of the Medes which was made King of the realm of the Chaldeans For Cyrus led with ambition went about warres in other Countries and therfore Darius had the title of the King though Cyrus were King in â—ffect Ezra 1.1 Now in the first f yeare of f Cyrus King of Persia that the Word of the Lord by the mouth of Ieremiah might be accomplished the Lord stirred vp the spirit of Cyrus K. of Persia and he made a proclamation throughout all his Kingdome c. f When he first reigned ouer Babylon for otherwise hee reigned 30. yeares in Persia and in the 28 th of his reigne of Persia was this captivity of the Iewes ended Ezra 2.2 Which came with g Zerubbabel to wit Ieshua Nehemiah c. g Zerubbabel was chiefe Captaine Ieshua or Iehoshua son of Iehozadak high Priest Hag. 1.1 But Nehemiah a man of great authority went not now but came 64. or 54. yeares after Ezra 3.1 And when the 7. moneth was come and the children of Israel were in their Cities the people assembled themselues as one man vnto Ierusalem From the first day of the 7. moneth they offered burnt offerings h And Cambyses his sonne synecdochicè Ezra 3.8 In the second yeare of their comming vnto the house of God in Ierusalem c. they began to set forward the worke of the
have seene doe in the Nationall and learned versions and translations turne it by words expressing Nobles Lords Worthies Heroicall persons Potentates Illustrious and the like Sith I say all these proofes meet as most pregnant to evince the true and full signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be Nobles the conclusion is ours That Nehemiah did contest not with all the Freemen but with the Nobles as men that were in place and power to redresse the Prophanation of the Sabbath day CHAP. XXI THe Argument to prove the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signify Freemen from the use of the Chaldee word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not worth the printing What doth not that Chaldee come by etymology froÌ„ the Hebrew word and doth the Chaldee usually signifie Freemen and yet doe you say the Argument thence is of no force No. Of none at all For to passe it over that the Chaldee edition is but a Paraphrase no punctuall Translation neither is it as it is so exact so saith Bellarmine neither is it auncient enough to cary a conclusion for the use of a word for in so many hundred of yeares as the Chaldee is later then Nehemiah t is usuall for significations of words to change T is Vse rather then Grammar that brings in significations of words Vse is Norma Loquendi To passe over all this what if the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be used to signifie Nobles as well as the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where is all this boasting then Looke but in Danâ—el 7.9 and Daniel lived about the dayes of Nehemiah and there only that I know we have the Chaldee woâ—d It is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it signifies and is translated White just as the Hebrew word And Nobles using to apparell themselves in white thence they were both in the Chaldee and Hebrw words called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither doe we speake at randome For Schindler as great a Linguist as Christendome hath knowne dispraise to none doth assure us That the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie men of place he doth expresse the meaning of the Chaldee by three Latine words Principes Magnates Primates all which signifie great men And if the Chaldee Paraphrase may be heard for good then looke Ier. 27.20 wherfore our Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we translate Nobles of Iudah The Chaldee hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is The Princes Both come to one Therefore the Chaldee himselfe being Iudge the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not Freemen but Princes But doth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Chaldee properly signifie a Freeman It doth Is it not derived by Etymology from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I thinke so I grant it and yet all this comes not home to the point For words have the signification from the common use and the Chaldee comming in long after had some aâ—teration from the grammaticall signification And that I doe not onely say but prove For because the Chaldee doth not use to expresse the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but to shew a difference the Chaldee paraphrase is constant in using to render the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is indeed precisely a Freeman by the Chaldee word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was in the Language when the paraphrase wrote Freemen As Ez. 21.2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew in the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the sonne of the Freeman Sith then the Chaldee doth not expresse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—ut by some other word sâ—gnifying Nobles but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he doth ever use to translate by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore I conclude that in the Iudgement of the Chaldee paraphrast himselfe our word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie Nobles and not Freemen To argue from the signification of a word that it now hath to prove the signification it had 400 or 500 yeares agoe is of no force sith the use of words doe come and goe almost as fast as the fashion of Clothes As it follows not that because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie a Tyrant now that therefore it doth never signifie a King Times doe change and words doe alter with Time both in pronunciation and signification And so I thinke that the Chaldee which in the Paraphrast his dayes did signifâ—e Freemen long before when it came first out of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did signifie Nobles Howsoever men please to thinke of that Conjecture I have my desire in that the Chaldee himselfe doth not translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying Freemen though radically 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth derive it selfe from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they doe construe by words signifying Nobles Say then that Nehemiah had not testified against the Servants which the Text flatly sayth hee did and say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did signifie Masters which we have proved to be very false yet thus to dispute He contested with the Masters Ergo the Masters were onely in the sinne And The Servants did not sinne because not contested with This I say is such an Enthymeme that a Freshman newly come from turning over Brierwoods Notes can tell how at the first sight with reason to deny the Consequence For Nehemiah did reprove the Nobles because they were in greatest fault to suffer it And in their hands it lay much to reforme it And Nehemiah would not be sayed in it but threatens them all rich and poore mighty and meane bond and free Master and Man one with another And he had his Will God gave him good successe For the Text saith That they went away and from that time forth they came no more on the Sabbath day And what a mercy were it if the Lord would be pleased so to order the hearts pennes and tongues of the Learned that from henceforth they would give over and speake and write no more against the Sabbath Day FINIS â—unâ—cius in Chronol comm lib. 2. Ezra 6.11.14 Nehem. 2.4 Diodor. Sicuâ— lib. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 chiefely about some pieces of yeares Herodâ—t in Thaliâ a inclusivè accipiendum more Heb. b vid. Herod principium polymâ—iae Zech. 4.9 Zech. 1.1 a Plin. lib 6. cap 13. b Herodot in Melpoâ—ene 7.1 4. Nehem. 12.10 22. Nehem. 6.15 ARGVMENT I. From the storie of Mordecay who they say was carried captive with Ieconiah from Ierusalem Mat. 1.12 2. Sam. 19.36 ARGUM. 2. Nehemiah is named among those that returned in the first yeare of Cyrus from Babylon Ezra 2. â— And this Nehemiah lived till the end of the Persian Monarchie Nehem. 12. therefore saith M
house of God and v. 9. they laid the foundation Ezra 4.5 And they hired counsellers against them to hinder their device all the dayes of l Cyrus K. of Persia even vntill the reigne of Darius K. of Persia. l The son of Hystaspes the third King from Cyrus who either for to curry favour with the people or for the loue of Atossa Cyrus his daughter whom after he had gotten the Kingdome he married did carefully ratifie euery thing that Cyrus had done that hereby he might establish himselfe and therefore in his time also those crafty vnderminers of the Iewes prosperity did preuaile 6 And in the dayes oâ— k Ahashâ—erosh in the beginning of his reigne wrote they an accusation against the Inhabitants of Iudah and Ierusalem k That is of Xerxes called Ahashuerosh or Assuerus q. d. an hereditary Prince both because he was borne after that Darius was King as also because he first was borne of Aâ—ossa Cyrus his daughter and so seemed by subrogation and representation to succeed his grandfather Cyrus 7 And in the dayes of l Aâ—tash ashte Mithridate Tabeël and the rest of the companions c. wrote vnto the King for the staying of the building of the Temple l Or Artaxerxes he namely that was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Longimanus the sonne of Xerxes by Amestris the daughter of Otan as Herod Polymâ— whom Ctesias calleth Amistris or Amystres the daughter of Onopha That is to say by Ester the daughter of Abiâ—hail Ester 2.15 Ezra 5.24 Then m ceased the worke of the house of God which was at Ierusalem and did stay vnto the second yeare of n Darius King of Persia. m About 41. yeares for Artaxerxes Longimanus reigned 40. whereunto must be added the first yeare of Darius n Namely Darius Nothus for a bastard was hee who before hee was King was called Ochus Ezra 5.1 Then Haggai a Prophet and Zechariah the sonne of Iddo prophecied vnto the Iewes that were in Iudah and Ierusalem Haggai 1.1 â—n the 2. yeare of King Darius in the 6. moneth in the 1. day of the moneth came the Word of the Lord by the ministry of Haggai the Prophet vnto Zerubbabel the sonne of Shealtiel a Prince of Iudah and to Iehoshua the sonne of Iehozadach the high Priest chap. 2. In the 7. moneth and 21. day of the moneth came the Word v. 4. Who is left aâ—ong you that saw this house in her first glory how doe you see it now Is it not in your eyes in comparison of that as nothing The hands of Zerubbabel haue laid the foundation of this house and his hands shall also fiâ—ish it c. In the 8. moneth of the second yeare of Darius came the Word of the Lord vnto Zechariah the sonne of Berechiah the â—onne of Iddo the Prophet And v. 7. In the eleventh moneth c. Zechar. 7.1 And in the 4. yeare of King Darius the Word of the Lord came vnto Zechariah o This and the verses following are spoken by way of preuention to comfort the Iewes dismayed at the consideration of the meannesse simplenes of this house in comparison of that which Solomon built purposedly done by the Prophet because about 106. yeares before this time the very like griefe possessed the hearts of good men Ezr. 3.12 Not that any of them that saw the first Temple were now alive but by an usuall Hebrew manner of speaking Quasi dicas Say that any of them were now alive how would they weepe Yet for all that saith the Lord Goe ye on For the glory of the second house shall exceed that of the first For those in Ezr. 3.12 were then sayd to be old Ezra 6.10 That they may offer sweet odoâ—â—s unto the God of heaven pray for q the Kings life and for his r sonnes p viz. Darius Nothus which made this decree r Namely Arsaca afterwards called Artaxerxes Cyrus Artossa and Oxendrae perhaps if he were borne at that time Now this the King did more earnestly require because some other of his children had soone dyed Ctesias Ezra 6.14 So the Elders of the Iewes builded they prospered by the prophecying of Naggai the Prophet and Zechariah the sonne of Iddo and they builded and finished it by the appointment of the God of heaven and by the commandement of s Cyrus and t Darius and u Artashashte Kings of Persia. v. 15. And this house was finished in the 3. day of the moneth Adar which was the 6. year of the reigne of K. Darius and the 42. after their returne s viz. Cyrus the great who first gave commandment for the returne t viz. Darius Nothus v Or Artaxerxes namely Artaxerxes Mnemon who reigned together with his father Darius Nothus And therefore it is that Plutarch gives him 62. yeares reigne because from the beginning he was made Co-Emperour with his father by reason of the warres against Secundianus and other chiefe men of the Kingdome Ezra 6.23 And they kept the feast of unleavened bread 7. dayes with joy for the Lord had made them glad and turned the heart of the K. of x Ashur unto them to encourage them in the worke of the house of God even the God of Israël x Darius Nothus who dividing his Kingdome with his sonne Arsaca or Artaxerxes committed to his sons charge the more Southerne parts of the Kingdome and reserved to himselfe such Countries as lay more Northerly as more befitting his age experience in those quarters For whilst his father Artaxerxes Longimanus lived he was made Governour of Hyrcania where also he married Parysatis Now the Countries subject unto the Persian King are bounded within the two Seas Hyrcanum Persicum All that tract bounding Northward on the Caspian or Hyrcanian Sea is called Assyria The other lying Southward toward Mare Rubrum and Sinus Persicus is called Persia. But speciall mention is made here of the King of Ashur because that these Iewes which went with Ezra in the second returne from captivity did come out of those high Northerne Countries the former that returned under Zerubbabel out of the Southerne Countries That this is so appeares in the 8. Chapt. Ezra 7.1 Now after these things in the y reigne of Arthashashâ—â— K. of Persia was Ezra the sonne of Serajâ—h c. And â—e came to Ierusalem with oâ—her of the Iewes in the 5. moneth which was the 7 z year of the K. ver 9. For upon the first day of the first moneth he began to goe up from Babel and on the first day of the fifth moneth came â—e to Ierusalem according to the good hand of his God that was upon him Nehemiah 1.1 The words of Nehemiah the sonne of Hachaâ—iah in the moneth b Chisten c. in the 20. yeare c. v. 2. came Hanani one of my Brethren c. v. 3. And they said to me The residue c. y i. e. Of Artaxerxes Muemon when after his fathers decease he alone ruled
Vrim and Thummim was not to decide matters of doctrine but events and facts and successes in warre and peace as we see in David often vid. Numb 27.18 1. Sam. 23.5.9 30.7.8 And this was in x Ioseph Antiq. lib. 3. cap. 9. extraordinary cases In things ordinary the Prince was to have the Law before hisface Deut. 17. Ios. 1. but in extraordinary Accidents he was to seeke answer from God by the Vrim and the Thuâ—mim of the Priest 3 The Church was in as good case for certainty in things of salvation under the second Temple when the Vrim and Thummim was not as under the first Temple when it was That of Rabbi Talmud in Ion. cap. 1. fol. 21. that not only Vrim and Thummim Henry Ainsworth in Exod. 28.30 seemes to like too well this Rabbinicall Blasphemy as hee doth in his annot dote on the Rabbins too often but the holy Ghost was wanting in the second Temple is blasphemous For had not Christ and his Apostles the holy Ghost and did not they live under the second Temple Nay Is not more and more full revelation promised in the second Temple than in the first Hag. 1.8 Cap. 2.4.10 4 Besides after Vrim and Thummim was gone they had some Prophets as Haggai Zechariah and Malachy I confesse that Prophets by office and commission ended in Malachy Yet y Drus. 2. Pet. 1.21 there be that hold that after him there were now then some Prophets only by the Spirit I know there was a great sileÌ„ce of Prophets after Malachy to prepare the people for to expect the coming of that great Prophet For though it were vox populi and a tradition among the Priests z Iohn 1.20.21 7.40.41 and Levites that the great Prophet was one distinct from the Christ the Messias yet I doubt not but the Church did understand Moses the great Prophet prophecyed of to be no other than the expected Messias And therefore the dampe that was of Prophets after Malachy turned to the good of the godly It taught them that Christ Iesus was now at hand And upon his comming we finde that the Lord stirred up two Prophets in a line a Maldonat in Ioh. 1.21 Zacharie the father and Iohn the Baptist his sonne to point out him Prophets by grace rather than by office And so I may say that the want of Vrim and Thummim did teach the Church that they were shortly now to expect the true Vrim and Thummim Christ Iesus the high Priest of their profession And besides it should have taught them to cleave the more to the written Oracles of God This Ieremy seemes to mee to shew in the losse of the Arke viz. That that losse should be no losse The people of God should not care to looke after the Arke any more but set their hearts on the true Arke Christ Iesus the Arke of Arkes This then the Church got by it That by the want of Vrim they learned that the Ceremonies were in going and the Messias in comming that salvation was not to be placed in the ordinances of Moses since Vrim and Thummim it selfe was utterly gone Lastly wee see that the Church did stand and was the pillar of truth without Vrim and Thummim The b Bellarm. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. cap. 4 §. quartà probatur Argument is loose that is made to prove the infallibility of the great Bishop of Rome from the Vrim and Thummim of the high Priest For beside that the Argument may follow from the c Heb. 4.14 8.1 Leviticall high Priest to Christ our high Priest of whom that high Priest was a Type and not of the Pope yet we see that the Church stood to the word when there was no Vrim Thummim from the taking of Ierusalem to the comming of Christ Iesus for in that interim the high Priest had no Vrim and Thummim And for that slender voyce called Bath-col mentioned by Tremelius in Act. 12.22 which Henry d on Exod. 28.30 Ainsworth would have to make some supply for the defect of Vrim it hath no ground and is to be turned backe to the foolish Rabbins from whom it came And therefore the Law and the Prophets was the standard and not the Vrim and Thummim I doubt not but the people had by some meanes perfect notice of the Revelation made to the Priest and they were absolutely to stand to the Oracles given by Vrim and Thummim from the mouth of God Yet me thinkes 't is hard to prove that the Priest did use it for matters of Religion and doctrine and not onely for matters of fact and event Next that the Priest had answere when he would though he himselfe were never so wicked or lastly That the sinnes of the people did not hinder the giving of the Oracle sometime 'T is enough that for some 550. yeares the high Priest was destitute of Vrim and Thummim and yet I hope the Lord did not leave his people without a sure and certaine rule of faith and direction of life which is the holy Word of God And Malachy doth tell us that though the Priests lips by that place and office should haue preserved knowledge yet often they did not And though while Vrim lasted it never gave any false or fallacious answers yet many times what for the sinnes of the Priest and what for the sinnes of the people the Lord refused to give any answer at all and the answers that were given were rather in matters of e Numb 17.21 1. Sam. 23.11 12. 30.7 8. fact than of doctrine and of faith The argument is too weake that the Cardinall doth draw from the Iewish Church to prove that the Pope hath the deciding Spirit and Voyce in matters of Faith sith from the destruction of Ierusalem to Messiah the Prince a space of some 550. yeares there was no Oracle by Vrim and Thummim no f Psal. 74.9 Wee see not our signes there is no more any Prophet succession of Prophets nor but a few Prophets at all from Malachy till Zachary the father and Iohn Baptist the sonne No miracles except the Poole of Bethesda graunted to the Iewes to strengthen them in the true worship of God under the persecution of Antiochus till the dayes of Zachary and Iohn Baptist and the Lord Iesus And yet the providence of God did not leave the Church for all that time without sufficient and ample meanes of their salvation In a word the losse of Vrim and Thummim the Arke and other Ceremonials taught them to looke off from the shadowes and to looke for the Truth the Lord Iesus CHAP. VI. CYrus after the Edict made in behalfe of the Iewes was called abroad to the warres He left his sonne Cambyses the power of a King at home and Cambyses hindred the execution of his fathers Proclamation 1 Not Darius Medus as Ben-Gorion saith for he was predecessor to Cyrus Now it is plaine by this Text that
child with some greater measure of punishment should personall sins in the guilt descend from fathers to the children wee should have more Originall sinnes than one When then in the Word they were commanded to confesse together with their owne sinnes the sinnes of their forefathers it was not that their forefathers sins that went no further any way than their forefathers persons should be remitted to their forefathers being dead or to them being aliue but that such sinnes which they themselues had also in their owne proper persons by occasion of the example of their forefathers committed by act or some consent might be forgiven unto them So Psal. 79.8 Remember not against whom Our forefathers No But Remember not agaist us former iniquities that is such sinnes as wee haue committed through the example of our forefathers at least haue one way or another made our owne The Translation reades it former Iniquities Word for word it is in the originall The Iniquities of those that were before us i. e. of our Ancestors CHAP. X. THat is * I shall â—â—ter into For the house that he himselfe was to have being made governour by the King It appeares by Ezr. 6.15 and Nohem 2.1 that the Temple was built before the walls of the Citie The wals of the Citie were first broken downe and last built up and that 14. yeares after the Temple And one reason hereof is given for that before in all the former edicts made in behalfe of the Iewes by Cyrus or any other there was no word as touching the reedifying of the City but onely to build againe the Temple Paraeus rather is in the truth who holds that Cyrus did by edict give leave to build the Citie Orat. de 70. hebdom Dan. but by reason of so great resistance they could doe little or nothing to the Citie And therefore Nehemiah gets Letters Patents to build the Citie and the wals of the Citie And the truth is That the Iewes after their returne grew secure and carelesse fell to r Vid. Calvin in Zach. cap. 1. v. 3. marrying strange wives and other disorders till the Lord stirred up the spirit and zeale of our Nehemiah and he never gave over till hee had finished the worke So much good may one man of place power and zeale and courage doe for the Church Neither was the Lord wanting to him in his blessed enterprize But hee sent in Haggai and Zachariah a paire of noble Prophets to encourage the people in the worke of the Lord Neither will the Lord be wanting to any of us in things that are good if we be not wanting to him and our selves As if hee should say Vers. 11. Should such a man as I flie and who is there that being as I am would goe into the Temple to save his life I will not goâ— in It is not for mee that haue a calling from God to doe what I doe which calling is a sufficient testimonie of his assistance and protection for feare to leave the worke begun and so to discover disobedience and diffidence toward God Iunius is of opinion that hee being a stranger i. e. not a Priest was not by law to goe into the Temple As 't is Numb 3.38 But I rather follow Deodate who seemes to like better to say That hee would not flee to the Temple because it was for malefactors who used to take sanctuarie there to shift for their lives Exod. 21.14 1. King 1.51 2.28 Sâ—majah who perswaded him to run to the Temple was a Priest and he did put a colour of retyred Religion on it too So that even Priests were found ready to hinder the building of the Wals. But Nehemiah did looke to God and not to Man and therefore in the next verse he saith He perceived that God had not sent him for that he went about to draw him from his vocation which had a sure foundation Wee must not suffer no not Divines themselves to turne us out of our callings places and duties CHAP. XI HEre we see how forward the people were they called upon Ezra and Ezra thought it not much to be stirred up by the people to doe his duty The winde of Gods spirit bloweth where it lifteth and sometimes beginneth with the common people The duty that they pressed Ezra unto was a plaine Text Deut. 33.10 11. where God commanded in the feast of Tabernacles that the Law should be read unto the people Where the people have Scripture for it they must say to Archippus Doe thy dutie The people were too many to be taught by one and therefore they made sundry companies and congregations and had many Doctors of the Law to teach them Therefore it is said They read in the Book And having read they gave the sense and made the people to understand thereading The meaning is That by comparing places of the word of God they did clearly expound to them the meaning Reading expounding or preaching have used of old to goe together So in the case of Philip and the Eunuch And Act. 13.15 After the lecture of the Law Prophets the Rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them saying Men brethren if yee have any word of exhortation for the people say on We see more Scriptures were read than were presently expounded yet when reading of the word was there used to be expounding of some portion T is a poore conceit to say That before the Captivity there was nothing but bare reading but after when the people had lost much of their Language and did hardly understand the Tongue that then literall expounding came in by learned men that had the skill of the Tongue As though giving of the sense had bin nothing but a grammaticall interpretation of the word Preaching is ancienter than so Noah was a Preacher of righteousnesse And Acts 15.21 Moses of old time hath in every City them that preach him seing he is read in the Synagogue every Sabbath day Moses of old i. e. from the first time from the very beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab aetatibus antiquis A phrase never used of the Ages onely since the Captivity And that it is sayd Moses and not Moses and the Prophets as Acts 13.15 it seemes to me to note the times of Moses Law before the Prophets were The word translated Reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which doth properly signifie an Assembly or Convocation and here the Scripture is named by that name to shew us That the holy Scripture ought to be read in the Congregation and Assembly Take it then for a truth That before and after the Captivity the Church of the Iewes had their Teachers who did expound and preach unto them the meaning of the Scriptures And Ezra with the rest here are sayd to interpret not the words but the meaning They gave the sense that is not the literall sense of the Hebrew words which the Iewes
understood full well but the spirituall sense I cannot beleeve that the Iewes in Captivity lost the use of their native Tongue and I thinke it not credible that the Iewes in the space of seventy years should so forget their native Tongue they being a people so scrupulous as they were to haue no more commerce with strangers than needs must And lastly Haggai Zachary and Malachy who lived and wrote after the Captivity did speake and write to the people in the pure Hebrew Language Which they would not have done but that the people understood the Language The Hebrewes were in Egypt 220. in Chaldea but 70. In Egypt they were held to greater bondage than in Babylon yet they brought with them the purity of the Language out of Egypt What kept it 220. yeares in Egypt and not 70. yeares in Babel CHAP. XII That is hee gave him a faithfull heart first and then finds his heart faithfull not by nature but by grace and makes a Covenant with him So Augustine Pravenit hominis voluntatem nec eam cujusquam invenit in corde sed facit God doth at first not find but make our wills and hearts good So Aquinas God is sayd to give grace to the worthy not that they are worthy before hee gives them grace but because he by grace maketh them worthy who onely can cleanse that which is uncleane Hee then doth abuse plaine places of Scripture who doth hold that the spirit teacheth not but stirs up motions to learne It doth both It followes not to inferre that if wee say the Spirit teacheth we must grant Anabaptisticall Revelations Did wee say that the Spirit did teach by rote without the booke that were to joyne with the Anabaptists but to hold that the Spirit teacheth by the word is to speake with the Scripture Ephes. 1.17 The Spirit is called the Spirit of Revelation in the knowledge of him 1. Cor. 2.13 Which things also wee speake not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth but which the holy Ghost teacheth That men pretend the Spirit is no Argument against the teaching of the Spirit for men doe as much pretend the Church and doe father their fancies on the Church As for inward teaching without the word wee leave that to the Anabaptists and to the Papist who doth affixe and appropriate an infallible teaching to the private spirit of the Pope Which spirit the Papist in the Pope and the Anabaptist in his Enthusiast make the Standard of all truth and superior to the word But to say that the Spirit teacheth in and by the word by enlightening us and casting a cleering light on the word also is that which here we reade in Nehemiah and hath gone for good and sound doctrine till of late it hath beene otherwise taught without ground CHAP. XIII TIrshasha is a Persian word and signifieth a man in high Office about the Prince and such an one was Nehemiah Other there were that did beare the like office as Nehem. 7.70 't is said The Tirshasha gave to the Treasure a thousand drams of gold But this Tirshasha is some other officer and not our Nehemiah Wee see the great goodnesse of God who did preferre to great place and favour some of his servants about Heathen Princes And it is a comfort that if God send us or ours into the Countries or Courts of Pagans yet hee can preferre us then and preserve us there Nehemiah is very great and holds his goodnesse And Daniel with the rest were in as high place of dignity and command as ever they could have beene had the Court and Common-wealth of Israel stood Doubt nothing as long as wee follow God God can keepe us to our consciences and our consciences to him in Babylon it selfe Let us teach our posterity to pray and beleeve and though they have not one penny in their purses yet faith and prayer will carrie them all the world over And if God in his providence make them great in a land of Persians in the houses or Courts of Pagans faith will keepe them good This Feast of Boothes was a Feast of 7. dayes and it had these uses 1 That all Generations might by it understand that when Israël came out of Egypt the Lord made them to dwell in Booths 2 To remember their misery past 3 To look for redemption by the death of Christ. And therefore Zacharie makes the signification of this holy feast to be to shew us That the memorie of Christ redeeming us by his death is to be kept with all manner of spirituall joy 4 Of thankfulnesse for their fruits it being kept at this time But was this Feast disused since Iosua's time What for a matter of 1000. yeares such a Feast as this so expressely commanded by God so utterly omitted in the times of so many godly Princes and Priests I thinke not rather that it had not beene kept with such devotion and celebration from Iosuah till now which I thinke is the reason why mention is here made of the Feast of Booths For here we finde v. 18. That all the 7. dayes day after day the Booke of the Law of God was read and they had Congregations to that purpose each day and then they had a solemne Assembly on the 8. day according to the manner By which word we see that the manner had beene to have a solemne assembly on the 8. day But it seemes the manner had not beene to have Assemblies and reading from the first day to the last day no not from Iosua's time as it was now So that in Iosuah's time they did use to reade the Law in such order and manner as they did now In Levit. 23.35.36 there is required a holy Convocation onely the first day and the last 8. day Did they more now in this Feast than the very Law it selfe required If they did they must have warrant from the Spirit of God by some revelation made to Nehemiah Ezra or some other for it which appeares not or else who required this at their hands to doe more than God commanded And therefore I leave Iâ—nius and Deodate in this and doe rather thinke that in the Feast of Booths by the very Law reading of the Word was required all the dayes though that the first last were dayes of restraint more solemne Convocations and great holy-dayes in which they might doe no worke as they might in the interim dayes And so Iohn 3.7 the last is called the great day of the Feast I thinke there had beene an omission of such reading of the Law viz. day after day which was required by the institution in the Law had beene in use till Iosuah's time but was discontinued from his time till now and now was brought into use againe The manner had beene continued to reade on the 8. day the solemne day but now it was done every day of the Feast of Tabernacles And therefore
the Asse c. And therefore when the creature that is a necessary creature is in danger of receiving any notorious dammage that may make it unserviceable for man did they break the Sabbath if they did worke to save it No The Sabbath was broken except they did worke Neither is it any thing to say we must rather let our hay and corne fall into and lye in the suddes and accept therein the chastisement of our sinnes What and perhaps famish And must wee suffer our Oxe to sticke in the mire as a rod from God What not lift the poore Oxe out And yet a man that is rich feeles no losse in an Asse or a sheepe In mercy then to the poore creature wee must let all lye and see it done It is a conclusion held on all hands That an house on fire is warrant enough for a whole Parish to lay about them on the Sabbath day to quench it And is not water as unmercifull an element as fire Yea to preserve life man did fight and flee on the Sabbath day and did well Then wee conclude That in mercy to the creature to preserve it in mercy to our selves to preserve that which doth preserve us in good liking and in both to shew our obedience to God worke at any bodily worke wee must on the Sabbath and are free Nehemiahs case lay not in such exigents and therefore Nehemiah did like himselfe in reproving and reforming Nothing is to be concluded against what I have said out of that in Exodus That in harvest they were to cease on the seventh day I have read an answer That this was a priviledge of that Nation that they had a Wriâ— of protection against all Inundations As God undertooke for them during their Iourney up to the anniversary Feasts to keepe all well and safe at home the while So the promise of the former and latter raine in season was a peculiar to the Israelites But what needes this sith a reconciliation is at hand that this prohibition is to be construed with the exception still of necessity Tremellius a Iew by nature is of the mind that by very Talmud dangers of life though not evident were cause enough for a Iew to worke vpon the Sabbath day And Lyra another Christian of the same Nation writing on the very words of the Law is plaine that for all the words of the Law it was lawfull to doe those workes which could not well be deferred to the next day nor done the day before He saith not which could not simply bee deferred but which could not well be deferred His meaning is in casualties as he himselfe cals them A maine observation out of the words of Nehemiah is touching the persons with whom Nehemiah is sayd here to contest Our last and best Translation reads it Nobles I have read that it were fitter to translate it Freemen And this is to beare out an Opinion that even among the Iewes a servant did not sinne in working on the Sabbath day in case his Master command him As though Nehemiah had contested with all and with onely Freemen and that therefore the servants were in no blame Navarrus to helpe this his Opinion puts in two Clauses of exception One is That the servant is to heare one Masse the other that the Master doe not enjoyne him worke on the holy day in contempt If hee doe then the servant is rather to dye the death than to worke at his Masters command CHAP. XIX A word of the Argument and then more at large of the proofe of the Argument Say the word did signifie Masters which it doth not yet I deny the Argument He contested with the Masters therefore the Masters onely were in fault And the reason why I deny it because I find it granted that the servants would have rested with thankes if they had not beene constrained to worke What needs then to urge the servants to doe that which of themselves they would faine doe The Masters were chiefe in fault therefore hee contests with them The Masters had in their power to reforme all therefore Nehemiah like a wise and just Prince deales with them Hee was a Magistrate and his businesse being not for correction of what was done but for reformation that they might doe so no more whom in reason should hee speake unto but the Superiours mend them mend all The servants would come in of themselves if they would not the Masters had power to force them to it whether they would or not Mee thinkes then it is an argument to be pitied to fall from the penne of any learned man and from this to conclude That the Servants did not sinne because in that sabbaticall reformation Nehemiah did contest with the Masters and not with them by name But what if wee prove out of this very Chapter That Nehemiah did contest with all Servants and all Looke but into the 15. verse and there wee reade that Nehemiah saw some treading wine-presses on the Sabbath day and these are confessed to be Servants and bringing in sheaves and lading Asses as also wine grapes and figges and all manner of burdens which they brought into Ierusalem on the Sabbath day All these or the most of these I am sure were Servants For who used to beare burdens but the Servants And were not these in fault Else why did Nehemiah contest with them Hee was to deale wisely and justly The Text saith That hee testified against them and therefore not onely the worke was done by them but a sinne was committed by them As good an Argument as the former might have arose to inferre That onely Servants were in the sinne because he testified againsts the Servants and not the Masters by name But the thing wee looke is not to be denied and that is Because here ver 15. Nehemiah testified against the Servants that did beare burdens that therefore They did sinne For wee have it confessed that they would not have troden the wine-presses nor carried the burdens except their Masters had commanded them And therefore albeit their Masters did charge them to doe it just and wise Nehemiah did testifie against those Servants for those workes on the Sabbath day which workes they did in obedience to their Masters And out of this hee that hath halfe an eye may see that the Servants did sinne Hee did look besides the Booke then who did and durst write That Nehemiah did not reprove the Servants by whose employment and labour these things were done For the Text is expresse That Nehemiah did testifie first against them The Servants that did tread the Presses and beare the Burdens ver 15. and then the Nobles ver 17. Once more from the very Text in hand I prove That Servants as servants were in the same sinne with their Masters though not in the same point and degree of sinning I say in the sinne as sinne to shut out all cavill For 't
to be plaine by the places before cited which are all the places I know except this in Nehemiah now in question where in the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is done into the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And the reason was as I said because such should bee of a free and noble mind And doth not this make it plaine That whenever the 70. are to translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is radically and properly a Freeman as a Freeman simply as opposite to a Bondman there they ever use to translate it by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but when they are to translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usually they doe give it a word in Greeke which signifies a Gentleman or rather one a size above a Gentleman And in these few places where they put it into the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in those places I have set downe in this of Nehemiah the scope of the places do shew that they meane to note thereby nothing lesse than nakedly a Freeman And if challenging were so fit among Scholars me thinks I might put any man to prove That in any place where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the Originall or where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made by the 70. the translation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that then and there in any one place it must yea or may be rendred a Freeman Quatenùs a Freeman contradistinct to a servant The briefe of all is in two words In other places where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made by the 70. the translation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it cannot signifie Freemen and therefore it doth not follow that it must here in our place of Nehemiah And now at last to come to the very place I say that here it doth not signifie a Freeman and therefore the 70. who being Iewes borne knew best to translate their owne Language do not here translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meane thereby a Freeman but a man of Note and Name T is a poore piece of Learning then to say that it doth properly signifie a Freeman when there is no one place in all the Bible where it must say I nay where it may handsomely be translated Freeman And for this place I dare appeale to all Interpreters where ever any did translate it by a word that is ever used in any Tongue to signifie a Freeman Onely excepted this questioned translation of the 70. now in hand When I say all I meane all I have seene and by them I judge the same of all the rest I have not seene Divers words they have but all the wit in the world cannot expresse what they all meane in a more full formall and significant terme than Noble which is our last English To say all in a word the 70. translate commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which of force signify Nobles and in two or three places where they render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they must and did meane Nobles And so doe the circumstances of this very place Nehe. 13.17 evince it to be understood here Consider but that the same forme and manner of chiding and reproving which he followes here he used before Verse 11. Where he saith he contended with the Rulers about the abuse of the Levits portion But there the men reproved were great men For the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is there in the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that is nor can be nothing but Ruleâ—s In regard of their place of office he cals them there Rulers In regard of their Birth or others Titles and dignities he calls them here Vers. 17. Nobles in both the same ranke of men But because the Septuagints translation of the word in this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by some made such a matter We will therefore shew it is not for nothing that we afâ—firmed the 70. to meane by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A man of a free and noble spirit Consider we then that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly originally doth signifie Ingenuous men Now an ingenuous man is defined in Law to bee borne not made a Freeman Yet a common use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scriptures is to signifie Princes Potentates Rulers Nobles The 70. who being â—ewes best knew the use of their owne mother Tongue do often translate it by words which doe and in very grammaticall etymology must signifie Rulers And the learned are in the right when they teach us That Luke 22.25 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Benefactours bountifull doth expresse the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that S. Luke doth import men of authority and place Two of the Ptolomej Kings of Egypt tooke to them this Title to be called Ptolomeus Euergetes And why But because Princes and Grandies should be men of a bountifull mind and of a free and most ingenuous spirit And Aristotle saith That Kings were created from their Beneficence And gives this reason For that good men are highly esteemed for their vertue As then the Hebrew and Greeke words which signifie properly ingenuous free munificent are used for Princes as common as may bee because such men should have such conditions and hee wrongs the Text that shall translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ingenuous may I not in like manner say That the 70. in our place useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which thematically properly signifies Freeman for a Nobleman because meÌ„ of quality such should be endued with such qualities The very same we see in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose immediate and literall signification is an elderly man a Senior Yet how often in the old Testament is it used to signifie a Ruler in the State And all over the new Testament for a Ruler and Rector in the Church And why Because men are not usually so fit to be put in place in either till they come to some yeares The reason we have in the Philosopher Because a man is not fit for a Councellour in the state till he be of some good experience which a Iunior cannot have Nor in the Church till he be of composed manners which is not found every day among the younger sort Old in time and old in manners usually goe together To come to the point then Sith most an end the 70. doe translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by words expressing Nobles And sith in those few places where the 70. doe make use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Circumstances of the place doe carry it That simply Freemen as Freemen cannot be meant but Noblemen because they should be men of free mindes as the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are translated in like sort from the literall sense to signifie men of place and quality And sith all translations I thinke I am sure all that I
r Broughton the Persian Monarchie cannot be held to stand 200 yeares ARGUM. 3. Ezra is called son of Serajah Ezra 7.1 Now Serajah was slaine before the destruction of Ierusalem 2. King 25.21 Therefore Ezra must needs be borne at that time who also lived untill the later times of the Persian Monarchy therefore either the Persian Monarchie must endure but 130 years or else Ezra must live above 200 wch is not likely ARGUM. 4. Is from the 70 weekes of Daniel which they say doe begin at the 1. yeare of Cyrus and end with Christ and are precisely 490 yeares and therefore the Persian Monarchie cannot be no not 200 years For then from the first of King Cyrus will arise more then 490. yeares to the death of Christ. 2. Chr. 26.21 For the land rested or kept Sabbath all the dayes of her desolation to fulfill 70 yeares Iudg. 11.26 Israel dwelt in Heshbon Aroër and Arnon 300. yeares Apoc. 11.12.13 Three yeares and a halfe c. Gen. 15.13 Know for a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs 400. yeres and they shall serve them Matth. 1.17 From Abraham to David are 14. Generations from David to the captivity of Babylon 14. Generations from the Capt. of Babylon unto Christ 14. Generations Mat. 12.14 So shall the Son of Man be three dayes and 3. nights in the heart of the earth Object The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be translated Dimidio not Medio So that Christ shall be said to abolish sacrifice and offering not in the middle of the Weeke but in halfe of the Weeke and this halfe must be the last halfe and not the first a Exod 12. Medio noctis Exod 24.16 dimidium sanguiâ—is Some doe question whether it be their part to reade on in the Booke of Ezra in their private going over the Scripture sith many places are nothing but names and as they conceive of no great use to us b In sacris Libris nihil contemnatur aut obiter praetereatur etiamsi nomina recenseantur Chrysost. hom 21. 24. super Gen. Et in Rom. 16. Ser. 31. c Chrysost. Serm. 3. de Lazaro Object But doth not Paul Tim. 1.4 warne Timothy that hee should not give heed to fables and endlesse genealogies which minister questions rather then ediying d August contra Adversarios Leâ—gis Prophet lib. 2. cap. 1. tom 6. e Aquinas in 1. Tim. 1.4 Tit. 3.9 f Chrysost. Hom. 23. in Act. Questionum nullus finis Cap. 1. v. 1. Now in the first yeare of Cyrus King of Persia that the Word of the Lord by the mouth of Ieremiah might be fulfilled the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus King of Persia that he made proclamation throughout all his kingdome g In respect of their custome Religion h Vid. 23.9.5 cap. 45. in annot i Davenant in Col. 1. v. 2. p. 15.16 Ver. 7. Also Cyrus the King brought forth the Vessels of the house of the Lord which Nebuchadnezzar had brought forth out of Ierusalem and had put them in the house of his God k Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 truncavit Ver. 8. Even those did Cyrus King of Persia bring forth by the hand of Mithridath the Treasurer and numbred them unto Shazbazzar the Prince of Iudah Ezra 2. Question is made whether onely they of Iudah and Benjamin returned a Sanctius in Zachar. 8. 13. §. 32. Ver. 1. Now these are the children of the Province that went up out of the Captivity * Mat. 1.12 Ver. 2. Which came up with Zerubbabel Iesuah and Nehemiah Serviah Reelajob Mordecay Bilshaâ— c. Of Zerubbbael m Chrysost. Hom. 7. in Mat. 2. n Scaliger de emendat temporum lib. 6. o Great men under some tutors are put in places of imployment young Asclepiades held men began about that age to be wise And the Civil law saith that men at 14. are fit for action Vid. Tertul. de animâ cap. 38. Zach. 4.9 Vers. 2. Of Nehemiah p Scal. de emend lib. 6. Wolph in â—it lib. Nehem c. 12. Dion Carthus in Ezr. 2. Vers. 2. Of Mordecay * Vers. 61. And the children of the Priests the children of Habajaâ— the children of Roz the children of Barzillai which tooke a wife of the daughters of Barzillai the Gileadite and was called after their name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vers. 62. These sought their Register amongst those that were reckoned by Genealogie but they were not found therefore they were as polluted put from the Priesthood q i. e. genealogizatorum r i.e. kept from the Priesthood Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elongati sunt so Steph. Polluti à sacerdotio i.e. ut polluti abstrusi sunt à Sacerdotio Iunius Apportati del Sacerdotio coâ—â—e persone non consecrate Deodat Gen. 11.4 Vers. 63. And the Tirshatha said unto them that they should not eate of the most holy things till there stood up a Priest with Vrim Thummim s What Vrim and Thummim was Vid. Phag in Exod. 18. Delr disquisit Magicas l. 4. q. 2. §. 4. Chap. 4. v. 5. They hired counsellers against them to frustrate their purpose all the dayes of Cyrus K. of Persia even untill the reigne of Darius K. of Persia. Question is made who this Darius King of Persia was which of the Darij a Ioseph antiq lib. 11. cap. 3. Chap. 7. v. 3. The sonne of Amaziah the sonne of Azariah the sonne of Merajoth Cap. 10.11 Now therefore make confession unto the Lord God of your Fathers doe his pleasure and separate your selues from the people of the land and from the strange wiues Cap. 9.1 Now when these things were done the Princes came unto me saying The people of Israel and the Priests and the Levites have not separated themselves from the people of the land doing according to the abominations even of the Canaanites the Hittites the Perizzites the Iebusites the Ammonites the Moabites the Egyptians and the Amorites ver 2. For they have taken of their daughters for themselues and for their sonnes so that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the people of those lands yea the hand of the Princes and Rulers hath beene chiefe in this trespasse Cap. 10.44 All these had taken strange wives and some of them had wives by whom they had children h Chytraeus in Levit. 18.28 qu. â— c. etiam citantur i Piscator 1. King 3.1 Solomons first wife was an Egyptian but a proselyte 1. King 3.1 2 3. è verisimile che prima la faccile an marsirat neâ—la vera relâ—gione è ren unciare alle sue Idololatrie i. e. 'T is like hee caused her to be instructed in the true religion and to renounce her Idolatry Deodat Italian Altra mente haualbe peccato contra alla Legge Deut. 7.3.4 i. e. Else hee had sinned against the Law Ibid. La quale benchi reguardi principalmente à popoli Cananei male detti ha puri