raigned in Media but that can not be for this Darius was also the king of the Medes and Persians as is euident c. 6. 5. Iosephus Scalliger giueth vnto Darius 17. yeares making him the last king of the Chaldeans after whome Cyrus succeeded lib. 6. de emendat tempor 6. Iunius opinion seemeth to be commentar in 5. c. v. 29. that the first yeare of Darius was the second of Cyrus 7. Pererius affirmeth that Darius raigned but one yeare and that Cyrus succeeded him in the same yeare beeing the 70. yeare of the Iewes captiuitie 8. But the truer opinion is that Cyrus and Darius raigned ioyntly together as thinketh Calvin and that the first of Darius was the first also of Cyrus for in the first of Cyrus the word of God spoken by Ieremie concerning the 70. yeares captiuitie was finished 2. Chro. 36. 22. And so likewise it appeareth in this place that in the first yeare of Darius that time of 70. yeares was expired the first then of Cyrus and Darius concurred together for the rest it is like that Darius raigned not long but beeing 62. yeare old when he tooke the kingdom vpon him he might die the same yeare which was also Cyrus first see more hereof c. 6. qu. 3. 9. And whereas it is saide in one yeare of Darius which Pererius gesseth to be so called because he raigned but one yeare the reason rather is this that the word aâhath which signifieth one is according to the phrase of the Hebrew taken for the first as Gen. 1. the morning and euening were one day that is the first and Mark 16. it is said that our Lord rose in one of the Sabbaths that is in the first day of the weeke Polan Pintus 3. Quest. Whether in the first yeare of Darius the Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued and the 70. yeares captiuitie ended against the opinion of Iosephus Scalling lib. 6. Iosephus Scalliger a man of excellent learning who for his singular labours in that learned and exquisite worke which he hath written of the emendation of the times hath highly deserued of all men yet is in diuers points ouerseene and especially in this matter concerning the ende of the Chaldean Monarchie and of the Iewish captiuitie for lib. 6. of that worke he hath these positions 1. He affirmeth that the Chaldean state was not dissolued in the 70. yeare of the captiuitie but rather in the 60. yeare for from the 8. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie vnto the ende of the Chaldean gouernment are found saith he by Iosephus computation who therein followeth Berosus about 60. yeares 36. yeares remained after the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne when the captiuitie beganne who raigned in all 43. yeares after Nabuchadnezzer Euilmerodach 2. yeares then Niglasar 4. yeares Labosardach 9. moneths and Nabonidus whome Cyrus ouercame 17. yeares 2. He thinketh that Cyrus did not take Babylon in the first yeare of his raigne but many yeares after when he had vanquished Cresus the rich king of Lydia two yeares after that as Herodotus writeth he ouercame the Chaldeans But Cresus was ouercome as Eusebius doth cast the time in the 4. yeare of the 57. Olympiad whereas Cyrus began to raigne in the 1. yeare of the 53. Olyampiad 3. The first yeare of Cyrus he would haue concurre with the 46. yeare of the captiuitie not with the 70. yeare for the beginning of Cyrus raigne as is before shewed was in the 1. yeare of the 55. Olympiade And Babylon was taken in the 2. yeare of the 58. Olympiade which was the 14. yeare of Cyrus and the 60. yeare of the captiuitie 4. A fourth assertion is that the captiuitie ended in the last yeare of Cyrus about the 2. yeare of the 62. Olympiad when as Cyrus had now subdued many countries which could not be in the beginning of his raigne for thus Cyrus saith in his Edict for the returne of the Iewes All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord God of heauen giuen vnto me And whereas it is there called the 1. yeare of Cyrus that is not to be vnderstood of his raigne but of the captiuitie for so the Iewes began their account of yeares from that time Contra. 1. The first position is contrarie to that prophesie of Ieremie c. 35. 12. When the 70. yeares are accomplished I will visit the king of Babel c. then the 70. and last yeare of the captiuitie and the dissolution of the Babylonian state must fall out together as for that computation of Berosus of the yeares of the Babylonian kings it is vncerten neither doth Iosephus alwaies follow it who els where ioyneth the last yeare of the captiuitie with the first yeare of Cyrus 2. Herodotus is deceiued much in his historie in the order of time and in the computation of yeares as is euident in this one instance Nitocris the mother of Balshazar whome he calleth Labynitus the last king of Babylon he maketh but fiue generations or descents from Semiramis which exceedeth not an 165. yeares counting a generation at 33. yeares or at the most 500. yeares if we giue an 100. yeares to a generation whereas the most writers are of opinion as Hierome Eusebius Orosius Augustine with others that there were at the least a 1000. yeares betweene them 3. The two last assertions may euidently be conuinced by the Scripture which expressely setteth downe that the returne of the Iewes and so the ende of their captiuitie was in the first yeare of Cyrus which must be vnderstood of his raigne ouer Chaldea for he had raigned before in Persia and Darius in Media he might say all kingdomes were giuen him because he had ouercome the large Empire of Babylon The Iewes indeede accounted their owne yeares from such notable deliuerances as from their going out of Egypt from their returne out of Chaldea but there is no reason so to account the yeares of the raigne of forren kings neither can any such president be shewed in Scripture 4. Quest. Of the 70. yeares of captiuitie in what sense they are called seuen generations Baruch 6. 2. Whereas the Prophet Ieremie defineth and setteth downe the tearme of the Babylonian captiuitie to be 70. yeares c. 25. v. 11 12. c. 29. v. 10. it seemeth strange that Baruch c. 6. 2. should say that they should remaine in Babylon seuen generations to this obiection diuers answers are made by the Romanists who hold the epistle of Baruch to be Canonicall 1. The word generation is taken diuersly sometimes for 7. yeares as when the Physiâians prescribe that a child should not be let blood till he hath accomplished two generations that is 14. yeares Eusebius taketh a generation for 20. yeares Herodotus sometime for the space of 2â yeares sometime for 33. yeares Diodorus for 30. yeares in which sense Hâmer saith Nestor liued three ages that is 90. yeares Dyonisius Halycarnass by a generation vnderstandeth an 100. yeares and so it is taken in Scripture Gen. 15. 13. 16. foure generations are
this looking of Daniel toward Ierusalem out of the captiuitie of Babylon teacheth vs that we beeing set here in the world as in the captiuitie of Babel ex hac confusione ad calestem Ierusalem respiciamus should out of this confused estate looke vp to the heauenly Ierusalem Pintus Quest. 15. Why Daniel prayed thrice in a day 1. Daniel did not make choice of these houres as though they were more specially consecrated vnto praier and by the circumstance of the time more holines and efficacie were added thereunto as the Romanists haue such a superstitious conceit of their canonicall houres And they say the Iewes obserued these three times with more religious respect as the third houre because then the holy spirit was giuen the sixt houre because then the brasen serpent was lift vp in the wildernesse and the ninth because then the waters came out of the rocke in Cades And so Christians should obserue the same three times the third houre when the Holy Ghost was giuen the sixt at what time Christ was crucified and the ninth when the water gushed out of his side Pintus 2. But this was the reason rather why Daniel obserued these times he made choice of such times wherein he had best leisure and was freest from worldly businesse which was the morning before he went abroad at noone when he came home to eate meate as Ioseph also vsed to doe Gen. 43. 16. and at night when all his businesse was ended Iun. Besides these are the fittest times in respect of the benefits therein receiued of God in the morning to giue thankes for our deliuerance the night past at noone when we take our meat and at night for our preseruation that day Calv. of these three times Dauid maketh mention Psal. 55. 17. Euening morning and at noone will I pray A Deo initium felicem successum beatum exitum petimus we doe aske of God the beginning the happie successe and prosperous end of our busines Oecolampad 16. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in thus praying to offer himselfe to publike danger It will be obiected that Daniel might haue done better to haue prayed in secret 1. because of the kings commandement 2. he should haue had herein some speciall reuelation 3. he might haue prayed vnto God though he had not done it so openly seeing the externall worship is not simply necessarie but it is referred to the internall whereby God will specially be serued 4. a wise man would haue giuen way to the present necessitie and obserued the time 5. by this meanes he might haue brought all the Iewes into danger if God had not extraordinarily deliuered him Contra. 1. The kings commandement was to be obeyed so long as it was not contrarie vnto Gods commandement as in this case it was for the Lord saith call vpon me in the day of trouble but here the king forbiddeth that God should be called vpon 2. Daniel herein was guided by the spirit of God yet he was not to expect any speciall reuelation hauing the generall word of God as Deut. 6. 12. 13. beware least thou forget the Lord thy God c. thou shalt feare the Lord thy God and serue him c. and Deut. 8. 10. when thou hast eaten and art filled thou shalt blesse the Lord thy God 3. though the internall worship of God be most necessarie yet the other is necessarie also as beeing a part of our outward confession of God as in this case it was necessarie Daniel should thus testifie his worship of God because it had beene his custome in former times which if he had intermitted fâisset obliqua quaedam abiuratio c. it had beene an indirect abiuring of his religion 4. in ciuill matters things indifferent it is good to giue way vnto the time but not in matters which concerne the saluation of the soule 5. he was rather to goe before his nation in constancie of religion and to giue them a good example whereas if he had dissembled he might haue brought them all into the same dissimulation Daniel then herein doing his dutie was not to giue ouer in respect of any danger but to leaue the successe vnto God But that Daniel did well in making this open confession of his faith it appeareth by the happie successe Gods extraordinarie assistance whereby the Lord approoued of Daniels godly resolution Beside if Daniel had done otherwise he should haue diuersely offended 1. against God in preferring the kings commandement before his 2. against the law of nature which teacheth vs that God is to be worshipped 3. against the true religion and worship of God which by his example should haue beene much hindred 4. against the people of God in offending them with his inconstancie 5. and against his owne conscience if he had for feare forbeared that which in his iudgement he allowed Iun. in comment Quest. 17. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 1. First they lie in waite for Daniel And there is both a multitude of them which conspire together these men assembled v. 11. and they finde Daniel in the verie manner praying vnto his God 2. In their accusation is to be considered the forme of it which is full of subtiltie and cunning they doe not at the first directly accuse Daniel because they knewe he was fauoured of the king but first by making rehearsall of the decree in generall they drawe from the king a former consent that afterward he should not goe backe wherein they call three things to the kings remembrance the sum of the decree the ratification the penaltie v. 12. 3. The matter of the accusation is against Daniel which is not simply done but with diuerse false and enuious suggestions Enuious concerning his person in obiecting his captiuitie and the action in concealing to whom he made his petition they simply propound it he made his petition three times a day the king might conceiue that he might make it to some other man their suggestion is false as though Daniel did it in contempt of the king lawes 4. And their enuie further appeareth in these two things 1. they omit to make mention of Daniels vertues they burie them all in obliuion and picke what matter they can against him Pintus 2. they forget that Daniel was their fellowe in office which many times is respected by men of like place and calling Osiand Quest. 18. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the sunne went downe 1. The king by deferring the sentence vntill night might thinke that some opportunitie might in the meane time be offred vnto Daniel to escape this danger Iun. And in the meane time optimum testimonium Danieli dat he giueth a good testimonie vnto Daniel Oâco it is like he pleaded for him shewing what a necessarie man he was to the commonwealth and what good seruice he had done and that afterward there might be great misse of him Beside he might dispute the cause with them
resurrection of the Lord or the Lord taking reuenge came Nebuchadnezzer king of Babel not into Ierusalem L. for at the first comming he entred not into the citie and besieged it 2. v. And the Lord gaue into his hand not in his hand L. into his power V. Iehoiakim king of Iudah and part of the vessells of the house of God which he carried that is the vessels not the persons as Iun. Polan for he spake onely of Iehoiakim before into the land of Shinar into the house of his God not the house Polan for the whole land was not the house of his god I. his gods V. and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god his gods V. the treasurie G. 3. v. And the king had said to Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches the master of the pallace V. of the Courtiers for so saris signifieth as Potiphar is so called Gen. 37. 36. who had a wife but properly it signifieth an Eunuch so called of keeping the chamber of the Greeke word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a chamber and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to keepe Elias Levita noteth that onely the ministers or Courtiers of the Kings of Egypt Babylon Medes and Persians were so called that he should carie away I. P. rather then bring G. or bring in L. V. for the same word is vsed in the same sense to carie away v. 2. and this charge was giuen at the taking of Ierusalem some of the children of Israel and of the kings seede and of the Princes of the tyrants L. but that word though sometime it were taken in the better part is now out of vse the word is partemim which Kimhi taketh for the princes about Euphrates but Mercerus thinketh rather thereby to be signified the chiefe princes and gouernours of the Prouinces 4. v. Children in whome there was not any blemish and well fauoured heb good to the sight and instructed in all wisdome and skilfull in knowledge and endued with much vnderstanding and in whome there was facultie that they might stand in the kings palace I. P. better then which were able to stand in the kings palace for the distinction comming betweene doth diuide the sentence and that they might teach them the learning heb letters I. P. L. and tongue of the Chaldeans 5. v. And the King appointed them prouision for euery day heb the thing of the day in his day of a portion of the Kings meate and of the wine which he dranke heb of his drinks and so to nourish them three yeares that at the ende thereof they might stand before the King v. 6. Now there was among these of the children of Iudah Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah v. 7. Vpon whome the master of the Eunuches imposed other names for he imposed vpon Daniel he called Daniel G. but the word shum in the originall signifieth to put on or impose the name Belteshazzer and on Hananiah the name Shadrach and on Mishael the name Meshach and on Hazariah the name Abednego v. 8. But Daniel had purposed in his heart heb put it in his heart that he would not defile himselfe be defiled L. V. but the word is in hithpael and hath a compound signification with the portion of the Kings meate not with the Kings table L. and with the wine which he dranke heb of his drinks therefore he required of the chiefe of the Eunuches not the chiefe of the Eunuches G. for then the Hebrew preposition should be omitted that he might not defile himselfe v. 9. Now God had brought heb gitten Daniel into fauour and tender loue heb rachamim with the chiefe of the Eunuches or prince of the Eunuches I. master of the palace V. v. 10. And the chiefe of the Eunuches said vnto Daniel I feare my Lord the King who hath appointed your meate and your drinke for wherefore who if L. V. G. but asher is here put for a causall for and lammah signifieth not if but wherefore should he see your faces worse liking leaner L. but the word properly signifieth sadder heauier because they which are leane are sadde and heauie then the children which are of your sort G. your companions L. equals heb which are according to your revolution that is of like time and standing and are appointed likewise three yeares for their education and so ye should make me loose my head G. condemne mine head L. make me subiect vnto a capitall sentence V. make me guiltie of my head I. heb endebted for my head vnto the King 11. Then said Daniel to the butler I. Pol. not to Melzar L. V. A. G. for it is was a propername as appeareth by the article ha set before it hamelzar whom the chiefe of the Eunuchs had set ouer Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah 12. Trie I beseech thee thy seruants tenue daies and let them giue vnto vs of pulse that we may eate and water that we may drinke 13. Then let our countenances be looked on before thee and the countenances of the children that eate of the portion of the kings meate and as thou seest deale with thy seruants 14. So he hearkned vnto them in this thing and tried them tenne daies 15. And at the ende of tenne daies their countenance appeared fairer and they were better liking more corpulent L. heb fatter in flesh then all the children which did eate of the portion of the kings meate 16. Then the butler not Melzar see before v. 11. tooke away the portion of their meate heb was taking away and the wine that they should drinke and gaue them pulse heb seede 17. And vnto these fowre children children L. fowre is omitted God gaue knowledge and vnderstanding in all learning sepher in bookes or letters and wisdome also he gaue Daniel vnderstanding heb made Daniel to vnderstand in all visions and dreames 18. Now when the daies were expired heb in the ende of the daies which the king appointed heb said to bring them in the chiefe of the Eunuches brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar 19. And the king communed with them and there was not found of them all like vnto Daniel Hananiah Mishael and Hazariah therefore stood they before the king 20. And in euery matter of wisdome and vnderstanding which the king enquired of them he found them by tenne parts tenne fold L. tenne times G. better heb aboue or superiour then the Magicians and Astrologers that were in all his kingdome 21. And Daniel was vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim which is called the fourth Ier. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled 1. Polanus saith that the prophet Ieremie there speaketh not of the captiuitie of Iehoiakim as here Daniel doth but onely of a certaine prophesie deliuered by Ieremie in the fourth yeare so that he thinketh the third yeare here named and the fourth yeare there mentioned not to concure together But that the same time and
translatour readeth 2. Chron. 36. 6. vinctum in catenis duxit in Babylonem and beeing bound in chaines he caried him to Babylon but the true reading is he bound him in chaines to carie him to Babylon Iun. Vatab. Gen. 2. Hugo Card to iustifie the Latine translation thinketh that he was caried to Babylon and brought backe againe to Ierusalem and there killed and his bodie cast without the walls vnburied which was after at the request of the citizens suffered to be buried But this had beene an idle and superfluous course to carie him to Babel and recarie him And beside it is against the text that he was buried at all Ierem. 22. 19. He shall be buried as an asse is buried euen drawne and cast forth without the gates of Ierusalem and c. 36. 30. His dead bodie shall be cast out in the day to the heate and in the night to the frost 3. Lyranus and Caietane thinke that Nabuchadnezzar caused Iehoiakim to be bound hauing a purpose to carrie him to Babylon but afterward he changed his minde and onely imposed a tribute vpon him but no such thing can be gathered in the text that the King altered his minde for that matter or laid any imposition vpon him 4. Iosephus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar commanded Iehoiakim to be killed at Ierusalem and his bodie to be cast out of the gates but the phrase vsed 2. king 24. 6. Iehoiakim slept with his fathers seemeth to import not a violent but a naturall death And if he were killed at Ierusalem he needed not to haue beene bound in chaines to be carried into captiuitie 5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is that at this expedition Iehoiakim onely became tributarie to the king of Babel 2. king 24. 1. but he died afterward in the way as he was going into captiuitie the second time that Nebuchadnezzar came vp against him which was in his 11. yeare before he was past the borders of Iudea and it may seeme not farre from Ierusalem and so he may be saide to be cast out of the gates that is the borders and confines thereof Iun. Polan Quest. 12. VVhether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim 1. Lyranus and Dionys. Carth. doe referre the captiuitie of Daniel to the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne but the text here is contrarie which maketh mention onely of the third yeare of Iehoiakim when Daniel went into captiuitie and other children of the Princes of Iudah 2. Hierome thinketh that Daniel and Ezekiel were caried away captiue together with Ieconias who raigned but 3. moneths after his father Iehoiakim but this text euidently sheweth that Daniel was caried to Babylon the 3. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne which was 8. yeare before the captiuitie of Ieconias 3. But Iosephus is in a greater error who thinketh that Daniel was taken captiue together with king Zedekiah for this was 18. yeares after Daniel went into captiuitie the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim the next yeare was the first of Nabuchadnezzar Ierem. 25. 1. But Zedekiah was caried away in the 18. yeare of Zedekiah Ierem. 52. 29. Peter Quest. 13. VVhy it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captiues Though God sometime thinke good to exempt and deliuer the righteous from temporall calamities as Noah from the flood Lot out of the flames of Sodome the Israelites from the plagues of Egypt yet sometimes it pleaseth him that such temporall chastisements should fall vpon the righteous as this captiuitie vpon Daniel for these causes 1. The generall reasons may be yeelded to be these 1. God getteth himselfe hereby greater glorie in the deliuerance of his seruants as he did when the 3. children were cast into the fire and Daniel into the Lyons denne and yet they escaped the rage of the one and Daniel the crueltie of the other 2. Hereby also the patience of the godly is tried and exercised and others by their godly example are encouraged Pin. 2. The speciall reasons why Daniel went into captiuitie were 1. that he might be as a guide and comfort to the people to keepe them in the feare of God 2. that by this meanes Daniel might become more famous and be aduanced for the good of his Church 3. that by his meanes these idolatrous Kings and people might come to some knowledge of God Pererius Quest. 14. Of the meaning of these words ver 2. Which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god 1. Iunius vnderstandeth this clause of Iehoiakim and the rest which were carried captiue into Babylon into the land of Shinar and the vessels were brought into his gods treasurie so also Polanus But this exposition seemeth not so fit 1. it is not like that the men were carried into the house of their God but rather the vessells Caluin Polanus thinketh that the land of Shinar is called the house of his God But beside that this were an improper speach to call the whole region an house which is otherwhere named the land of Shinar Gen. 11. 2. this house is expounded to be the temple 2. Chron. 36. 7. Nebuchadnezzar carried of the vessells of the house of the Lord to Babel and put them in his temple at Babel 2. Here onely Iehoiakim is mentioned to be giuen into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar but the Hebrew affix is in the plural number and therefore is better referred to the vessels which also is the neerer antecedent 3. Neither was Iehoiakim carried at this time into captiuitie nor brought at all to Babel as is shewed before Quest. 11. 2. Therefore both these clauses are better referred to the vessels that he first brought them into the house of his god and then laid them vp in his gods treasurie not conuerting them vnto any ciuill vse Osian Pintus Some thinke the last clause is added because the treasurie was a speciall place in the temple where such things were laid vp first then he brought them to his owne palace and then to the treasurie of the temple of his God which was also in his house Vatabl. Quest. 15. Of the land of Shinar or Shingar 1. This land of Shinar or Shingar was the lower part of Mesopotamia which contained Chaldea and Babylon lying vnder the mount Sangara whereof there was a towne so called the Hebrewe letter aijn is pronounced often as the Greeke g as in these words Gomorrha Gaza which begin with that letter and are pronounced with a double aspiration as Hhamarrha Hhaza Iun. Polan 2. This was the land wherein the towes of Babel was built Gen. 11. 2. whereof the whole region was called Babylonia whereas then 2. Chron. 36. 7. he is said to haue carried the vessels to Babel there is no contradiction for they were both names of the same countrie Polan Quest. 16. Of the gods and idols of the Chaldes Ver. 2. To the house of his God The Chaldeans had fiue idols 3. gods and two goddesses 1. their first god was
Bel a name contracted of Behel which commeth of Bahal which signifieth a Lord Berosus saith this was Iupiter Belus the sonne of Saturne to whom was erected a temple in Babylon with a vast and huge tower in the middes which continued vnto the time of Vespasian the Emperour as Plinie witnesseth lib. 6. c. 26. 2. The second god was the Sunne which they called rach that is a king because he is the chiefe among the planets and the Persians call him Mithra as Iustinus Martyr saith dialog in Tryphon the priests of this idol were called Raciophantae obseruers of the Sunne 3. Their third god was Nego the fire so called of the brightnesse which was carried about among them 4. Their first goddesse was Shacha which was the earth worshipped also of the Romanes vnder the names of Opis and Tellus of the Syrians called Dorcetha In the honour of this goddesse they vsed to keepe a feast fiue daies together in Babylon during which time the masters were vnder the dominion of their seruants this festiuall time was called Shache whereof Babylon was called Sheshach of keeping this feast Ierem. 25. 27. and 52. 41. 5. Their other goddesse was Mulitta which was Venus whose priests were called Natitae or Natophantae the obseruers of faire Venus Polan But the chiefest of their idols was Bel Isay 46. 1. Bel is bowed downe which Iunius in that place thinketh was taken for the Sunne whom the Assyrians and Chaldeans worshipped But he was the same who was called Iupiter Belus Plin. 6. 26. as is before shewed they worshipped the Sunne and the fire beside Quest. 17. Ver. 2. What is to be commended what discommended in Nebuchadnezzar in carrying away part of the vessells of the Temple Ver. 2. With part of the vessels of the house of God 1. Herein he is commended for his moderation that he would not as an insatiable conqueror that came onely to spoile carrie away all the vessels of the temple but contented himselfe with part which notwithstanding was Gods speciall worke so moouing the heart of Nebuchadnezzar that the temple yet standing should not be stripped of all the ornaments Pere 2. In that he put them not to any ciuill house neither enriched himselfe by them but laid them vp in the temple of his god vnde aliquam religionem Deo exhibuit wherein he shewed some reuerence vnto God in reuerencing the vessels of the Sanctuarie gloss ordinar Pere 3. But herein the grosse blindnesse of Nebuchadnezzar appeareth who giueth the honour of this victorie vnto his idols which was onely due vnto God as Habacuk saith they sacrificed vnto their nettes cap. 1. Iun. Quest. 18. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away 1. God thereby would punish the wickednesse and impietie of the Iewes for it is no small iudgement rebus sacris priuari to be depriued of sacred things 2. Herein also the Lord shewed his iust indignation against the sinnes of the people that he would rather abijcere res suas cast off his owne things which were dedicate to his seruice And for the same cause he refused their oblations saying incense is abhomination vnto me Isay. 1. 13. 3. The Lord herein also reproued their carnall confidence thinking that the Temple and the vessels thereof were sufficient defence vnto them therefore the Prophet Ieremie saith cap. 7. 4. trust not in lying words saying the temple of the Lord the temple of the Lord. 4. And by occasion of the transporting of these vessels the Lord shewed his wonderfull and strange workes in Babylon as by the writing of an hand vpon the wall when Baltazar profaned the vessels of the Temple The like worke the Lord shewed among the Philistims when at the presence of the Arke Dagon their idol lost both his head and hands Pere While the kings of Babel did regard with some reuerence the holy vessels they prâspered as Nebuchadnezzar and Euilmerodach his sonne but when they grew to be presumptuous and profane in abusing them as Baltazar did the Lord iudged them for their contempt 5. God also hereby signified that he needed not any thing of theirs as any vessels of gold and siluer but such things beeing offred vnto God tended onely to the good of the offerer Pintus Quest. 19. Of Ashpenah the master of the Enuches his name and office V. 3. And the king said to Ashpenah c. 1. there are three parts of the kings charge vnto this Ashpenaz first concerning the transporting and carrying of certaine children of the Kings seede and of other nobles for at this time Iehoiakim the king himselfe went not into captiuitie then what choice was to be made of them both for their kindred and for their qualities of bodie and minde v. 4. and to what ende that they might stand before the king And in the third place order is taken v. 5. for their prouision and diet 2. Concerning the name Ashpenaz it signifieth in the Chalde tongue magistrum obiurgantium the master of the controllers that is the chiefe controller and gouernor of the kings house as Ctesias vseth the word Ashpamitres which signifieth the master or chiefe of the Priests Iun. 3. The kings of the Chaldeans Persians Egyptians at the first vsed Eunuches which were gelded men as their chamberlaines specially for the custodie of their concubines in Hebrew they are called sarisim of saras which signifieth to pull away but afterward the principall officers and seruants to the kings were called by that name as Potiphar Pharaohs chiefe steward or captaine is called an Eunuch that is a Courtier And the Queene of Ethiopia her Eunuch whom Philip baptized was her treasurer Act. 8. the word Eunuch is deriued of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a chamber and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to keepe they first attended vpon the king in his chamber So this Ashpenaz was a chiefe minister or officer to the king Polan Osian Pin. Quest. 20. Whether Daniel may be prooued from hence to haue beene an Eunuch in the first sense 1. Of this opinion are Iosephus Origen Simon Metaphrastes that Daniel was indeede an Eunuch and in him and the rest of the kings âeed some thinke that prophesie of Isaiah to Hezekiah to be fulfilled that his sonnes should be Eunuchs in the King of Babels palace 2. King 20. 18. But it is not necessarie as is shewed before to take an Eunuch alwaies in that sense for that name generally is applyed to the principall officers and ministers of the king 2. Some are of opinion that Daniel was called an Eunuch because of his perpetuall virginitie Dorotheus in Sinops Epiphan in vita Daniel so also Damascen lib. 4. de fide orthodex cap. 25. but this may be gainsaied by that place Ezek. 14. 20. that Noah Daniel Iob should deliuer neither sonne nor daughter it may seeme then that they all had sonnes and daughters Pârerius hereunto answereth 1. that by sonnes and daughters here are meant the
things most deare and precious but this is a forced and wrested sense for the text speaketh euidently of the deliuering of the persons of men not of any other pretious things 2. it is sufficient saith he to vnderstand some of these onely to haue had sonnes and daughters though not all c. But Daniel by this text can be no more denied to haue had sonnes and daughters then either Noah or Iob yet I confesse that this beeing but a supposition and conditionall speach that if these three Noah Iob Daniel were in the middest of it they should deliuer neither sonne nor daughter doth not necessarily conclude that Daniel had sonnes and daughters yet he might haue both 3. Now howsoeuer it was for his virginitiâ certaine it is he was no Eunuch as Lyranus and Carthusianus and Pintus inferre vpon these words ver 4. they must be children without blemish which collection though Peââââus mislike yet it may be warranted Leuit. 21. 20. where this verie kind of defect in the secret parts is counted among other blemishes And whereas Perer saith that they were onely to respect the outward comlinesse and beautie which he saith is held longer to continue in Eunuchs I rather thinke with Lyranus taliter castrati sunt male gratiosi etiam in facis that such as are depriued of their vitilitie haue for the most part lesse grace in their countenance Quest. 21. Who are vnderstood here by the Princes 1. The word is partemim which R. Ioseph Kimhi would deriue of the word Perath which was the name of the great riuer Euphrates and that thereby are signified the Princes of the region about Euphrates but this agreeth not to this place as Caluin noteth for these princes were of Iudah whose children were taken they inhabited not neere Euphrates 2. Some deriue the word of Pharah to fructifie and encrease noting such as were truely noble and excelling others some of Parath which signifieth to deuide because the Magistrates and Iudges which decided controuersies were of the nobler sort 3. Some rather thinke that it was a strange word taken vp in the Chalde tongue Mercer Iunius coniecture in that parthani may come of the Greeke word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and so it generally signifieth the first chiefe or principall men 4. The Latine interpreter it expresseth by the word tyrannorum the seede of the tyrants but that word howsoeuer at the first in the Greeke tongue it was vsed in the better part to signifie great and excellent men yet now it is applied vnto such which are cruell gouernours and are vsually called tyrants thereforre it is no fit word to expresse the sense here 5. The Septuagint retaine it as a proper name and title of dignitie Pharthammin but that is not like for the Princes among the Persians were so called Ester 1. 3. there were not the like titles of honour among the Iewes which were among the Persians I therefore preferre before the rest the opinion of Mercerus and Iun. Quest. 22. VVhy the children of the Princes and Nobles were taken captiues The reasons hereof may be these 1. the king herein shewed his triumph and victorie in carying away the more principall mens sonnes 2. And because such hauing had noble education and not trayned vp as the vulgar sort were meetest to attend vpon the king to the which ende he sorted them out from the rest 3. And this might be his policie also herein that these principall mens sonnes beeing brought vp with the king of Babel and so instructed in the manners and religion of the Chaldeans might thereby haue their hearts and affections enstranged and alienated from their countrie 4. And he might haue further this purpose therein to kepe them as pledges and hostages the better to containe the Iewes in obedience and subiection Caluin Quest. 23. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer 2. Sam. 16. seeing Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzers hand 1. We must consider that the promise in respect of Dauids temporall seede was conditionall that the Lord would make sure the kingdome so long as they continued in obedience but if they brake the condition the Lord was not tied to make good his promise 2. Yet the spirituall kingdome in the Messiah which was of the seede of Dauid according to the flesh shall remaine for euer without any condition or exception 3. And although Iehoiakim were giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand yet the kingdome well nigh continued after this 20. yeares in Dauids posteritie and the Lord by degrees did proceede to take away the scepter from Iudah which for Dauids sake he would haue continued still if they would haue taken any warning 4. But it must not be thought that Gods purpose and promise to Dauid was changed and ouerturned by any superior power and euen Nebuchadnezzar herein was the minister of God to execute his iudgements for it is saide that the Lord gaue Iehoiakim into his hand v. 2. Polan Quest. 24. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans v. 4. And whome they might teach the learning c. Though among the Chaldeans there were curious and superstitious artes for both iudiciarie Astrologie and Genethlialogie the casting of mens natiuities and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã diuination by the dead are held to haue beene inuented by the Chaldeans yet they had other profitable sciences as Astronomie Geometrie and other liberall arts which Daniel might safely learne as Moses was brought vp in the knowledge of the Egyptians whose superstitious inuentions notwithstanding he abhorred and if Daniel refused to be defiled with their meats which were but for the bodie much more did he take heede not to haue his soule defiled with superstitious inuentions Calvin Quest. 25. Of the Chalde language and the difference betweene it and the Hebrew 1. The Chaldeans called in Hebrew Chasdim had their originall from Arphachsad the sonne of Sem the Chaldeans at the first comprehended the Hebrewes also for Heber the sonne of Selah the sonne of Arphacsad was the father of the Hebrewes and Abraham the Hebrew was borne in Vr of the Chaldees 2. At the first the knowledge of God did flourish among the Chaldeans till idolatrie and superstition encreasing it pleased God to single out Abraham in whome the true religion should be preserued 3. The most auncient tongue was the Hebrew which was preserued in Hebers familie and so descended to Abraham who also because he liued among the Chaldeans could speake the language of that nation 4. But seeing Daniel here beeing an Hebrew borne was to be taught the Chalde language then Philo is deceiued who thinketh the Chalde and Hebrew to be all one 5. Neither was the Chalde and Syrian tongue the same which is the opinion of Mercerus so thinketh also Hugo Cardinal following the ordinarie Glosse some thinke that the Syrian tongue differed not much from the Chalde but was the more eloquent
do feede vpon other delicate meates and daintâe confections with drinking of wine which doe more pamper the flesh and enflame the lust 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turne 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. yeares together 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh 3. neither did he drinke any wine all this time of abstinence let them goe now and imitate Daniels fast themselues which they would take to be a verie hard penance Polan 4. Controv. vers 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings Pintus vpon this place giueth this note that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magi which is a Persian word and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians and a Gymnosophist among the Indians and because the kings of the East were philosophers they were called Magi wisemen and so the wise men which came to Christ Matth. 2. are held by an auncient tradition of the Church to haue beene kings as Tertullian Hierome and Augustine affirme with other Pintus p. 24. Contra. 1. Hierome writing vpon the 72. Psalme calleth them not reges but regum typos kings but types of the kings Augustine saith monente subdolo sermone regis alacres eunt beeing craftely warned by the king they goe cheerefully not as it is corruptly read reges alacres eunt the kings goe on cheerefully 2. Tertullian indeede saith nam Magos reges fere oriens habuit in the East they had for the most part the Magi or wisemen for their kings c. But this can hardly be prooued the wise men were of great authoritie with the Persian kings and did vsurpe the kingdome a while before Darius was chosen king but the Magi were not kings 3. And if this be such a firme tradition of the Church that these 3. wisemen were kings what tradition haue they for the rest that these three kings lie buried at Collen and that their names were Gaspar Melchior Balthasar which three names written in parchment and hung about the necke they say are auaileable to driue away any disease from the bodie 4. If they had beene kings Herod would haue beene afraide to haue entertained them beeing iealous of his kingdome neither is it like that the Euangelist would haue omitted it it beeing much for the honour of Christ that he was adored of kings in his infancie see Beza in his annotat Matth. 2. 1. 5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God as diuers of the Popes were such 1. The word chartummim is a strange and forren word and is taken properly as Aben Ezra for the Magician or Genethliake the caster of mens natiuities 2. In the beginning the tearme of Magicians was honourable among the Persians for they were such as professed the knowledge both of diuine and humane things and were assistant vnto Kings they were the same among the Persians with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt the Philosophers in Greece among the French the Druidae among the Indians the Gymnosophistes among the Bactrians the Samanaei 3. But afterward these Magi fell to practising of vnlawfull artes to inuocate spirits and to confederate themselues with deuills of whome they learned their enchantments and coniurations as Theodoret alleadgeth out of Porphirie 4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt of whome Iannes and Iambres were the chiefe which resisted Moses Most of the Heretikes were Magicians as Simon Magus and Menander his successor and Marcion as Iustinus witnesseth Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus who by his magicall impostures deceiued many as Ireneus Many of the Popes were professed Magicians and by such Diabolicall practises obtained the Popedome as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregorie the 6. Benedict the 9. Iohn the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call vpon the deuill as Luitprandus and to offer wine vnto him as Fasciculus temp Gregorie the 7. did vse to carrie about with him a booke of Necromancie and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia as Abb. Vrspergens and Benno Cardinal write Polan Thus in the aduersarie Church Magicians haue beene had in great reputation as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans But as Daniel by his godly wisdome obscured them all so the light of Gods truth and Gospel hath preuailed agrinst all such abominations 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. v. 2. That victorie and conquest is to be vsed moderately V. 2. With part of the vessells of the house of God Although this was especially wrought by Gods prouidence that Nabuchadnezzar caried away onely part of the vessels of the Temple that some might still remaine for the seruice thereof yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation who is contented to take part of these holy vessels and carieth away part of the chiefe men into captiuitie he maketh not hauocke and spoile of all which teacheth that Princes should not vse their victorie to make desolation and lay all wast but rather to helpe to bring things to better order Bulling 2. Observ. Princes can doe no more then God permitteth Herein also euidently appeareth Gods worke Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carie away more of the men or vessels then God gaue into his hand for the text saith God gaue Iehoiakim into his hand c. with part of the vessels of the house of God If God had giuen all into his hand he had taken all but now he is limited he taketh no more then God would he should take Papp So like as though the Sea rage and the waues thereof rise yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds and bindeth as it were with swadling bands Iob. 38. 9. So the Lord staieth the rage and furie of the mightie men of the earth they haue no power to doe any thing but from God as Iesus said vnto Pilate Thou couldest haue no power at all against me except it were giuen thee from aboue Ioh. 19. 11. 3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees At this time Nebuchadnezzer onely caried away part of the holy vessells and some few Daniel with other persons but afterward he tooke Iechonias the king himselfe and caried him into captiuitie and last of all he put out Zedekiahs eyes burnt the Temple and made hauocke of the citie and remooued the most of the inhabitants into captiuitie Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance till he powre out the whole viole of his wrath at once vpon them Osiand This manner of the Lords proceeding in his iudgements by degrees is well expressed Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seauen times more that is with more grieuous iudgements when they doe not profit by the former 4. Observ. God
the word nihiah of haiah in niphall sometime signifieth as Dan. 8. 27. but the preposition is ghall vpon not from the true reading thenis his sleepe was vpon him 3. Iunius giueth this sense that his sleepe was yet vpon him his spirit was troubled in his sleepe when he had this dreame so that he could not sleepe quietly vt ne somnus ipsius tranquillus esset his verie sleepe was vnquiet But the troubling of his spirits sheweth that he awaked from his dreame as is said of Pharaoh Gen. 41. 8. that when the morning came his spirit was troubled where the same word pagham is vsed to be troubled perplexed 4. Polanus giueth a contrarie sense that he was somno oppressus in a sound sleepe lying astonished as if he were dead but the troubling of his spirits argueth some interruption and discontinuing of his sleepe 5. I rather therefore here approoue Caluins iudgement quod attonitus iterum dorâiârit c. that beeing amazed and astonished with this dreame he fell asleepe againe whereupon came the forgetfulnesse of his former dreame so also Geneuens he was so heauie with sleepe that he beganne to sleepe againe Quest. 7. Of the fower kinds of wisemen whom the king sendeth for 1. The first are called chartummim which Hierome translateth harialos qui verbis rem peragunt which doe all with words so the Septuagint reade ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã cuchanters Hugo Cardi. saith they were such qui per sacrificia aras c. which by sacrifices and altars did require the answer of their doubts of spirits so also gloss ordina and Lyranus These enchanters tooke their beginning from Zoroastres the king of the Bactrians who onely of all men is said to haue laughed as soone as he was borne Pin. ex Plin. but these chartummim were rather their wise men or Magi which were as their Philosophers yet mingled the studie of naturall things with damnable artes Iun. Aben Ezra saith they were the Magi or wisemen they were such as professed hid and curious learning called among the Chaldeans chartummim as the Hebrewes called their doctors and learned men Scribes The olde Latine translation as Hierome saith called them Sophistas wisemen 2. The second sort are ashaphim which are vsually translated Magi qui de singuliâ philosophantur which take vpon them to giue the reason of any thing Hier. Pere Hu. Car. Pellican These which professed art Magicke Origen thinketh to haue had their beginning from Balaam Pin. R. Abraham thinketh that by this word are vnderstood Medici physitians which by the inspection of the vtine or feeling of the pulse doe giue coniecture of the state of the bodie but the king had no occasion here to vse his physitians this was no naturall accident but a supernaturall work Some would deriue it of the Hebrew word nashaph signifying inspiration but it seemeth rather to be a strange word beeing onely read here in Daniel Therefore R. Dauid Kimhi better taketh them for Astrologers and the word signifieth such as obserue the heauens crepusculo in the twilight whom Plin. calleth Hesiophantas for Rekiophantas that is obseruers of the element or skie Iun. in Daniel 3. The third sort is mecashphim which Caluine professeth is not certainely known what it signifieth because the names together with the things are out of vse cum res ipsa sepulta sit quis distinguet inter voces seeing the thing it selfe is buried who can distinguish betweene the words the Septuagint call them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Latine maleficos sorcerers witches doers of mischiefe Hierome describeth them qui sanguine victimis viuntur which vse blood and sacrifices and consult with the dead these had Cham for their founder Pin. so Hugo Cardi. Pint. Pelli but they are better vnderstood to be praestigiatores counterfetters deluders of the sense iuglets which doe cast as it were a mist before the eyes and deceiue the sense such as were the Egyptian sorcerers which made counterfeit serpents which delude the externall sense as phrantike persons are terrified with inward phantasies which rise of a distempered braine Polan Inn. And they themselues also are deluded and deceiued with phantasticall visions of Sathan sic auersis sensibus aliqua illis occulta reuelantur and while their sense is held turned aside or otherwise occupied certaine secret things are reuealed vnto them Lyran. 4. The fourth sort are called chaslim the Chaldeans Some take this for the generall nâme comprehending all other diuiners whatsoeuer in Babylon Iun. and therefore they are all afterward called Chaldeans v. 4. Calvin Pererius thinketh that these called Chaldeans beeing the more principall and excellent of the rest had conference with the king These Chaldeans then though it were a generall name of all the inhabitants of Chaldea yet it was appropriated vnto a certaine sect and profession of learning among them which seemed to be more excellent then the rest Hierome saith they were called mathematici Mathematicians Astrologi Chaldaeorum Philosophi they were Astrologians the Chaldean Philosophers Gloss. interlin Strabo saith that the Chaldeans were Assyriorum philosophi the Assyrian Philosophers lib. Geograph 16. These tooke vpon them to cast mens natiuities and by the sight of the starres to foretell things to come whereupon the three wisemen that came vnto Christ by the leading of the starre are held to haue beene Chaldeans Gloss. ordinar and therefore in the time of Hezekiah the king of Babylon sent to know the reason of the going backe of the Sunne 2. Chron. 32. 31. Lyran. This kinde of Astrologie is thought to haue beene inuented of Iupiter Belus as Philo in lib. de Abrah Diodorus Siculus thus writeth of them Chaldaei Babyloniorum antiquissimi eo loco sunt apud Babylonios quo in Aegypto sacerdotes the Chaldeans the most auncient of the Babylonians are in that place among them as the Priests are among the Egyptians they are deputed to the seruice of the gods they spend their whole life in Philosophie c. take vpon them to interpret dreames and prodigious thing and to foretell things to come c. they are much addicted to the knowledge of the starres thereby diuining what shall happen to euery man in his life These foretold vnto Alexander the death of Darius the like they foreshewed to Antigonus Nicanor Seleucus c. All these doe make the Chaldeas a certaine profession of Philosophers and Astrologians in Babylon 8. Quest. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans 1. Osiander thinketh the reason was because the king did know that Daniel was not exercised in their Magicall artes but that is not like for seeing the king had giuen order that they should haue beene trained vp in the learning of the Chaldeans c. 1. 5. it would haue much offended him if he had knowne his order had beene neglected 2. It may be therefore that the wise men were afraid to take Daniel with them least he might haue obscured them
Hast thou found me O my enemie that is hast thou met with me Quest. 27. vers 25. Why Arioch nameth Daniel to be one of the captiues rather then of the wisemen 1. Some thinke he nameth him of Iudah because he had heard that diuers excellent Prophets had beene of that tribe Lyran. Pintus but that is not like for the famous Prophets which liued about that time in the captiuitie were Ieremie and Ezekiel who both were of the kindred of the Priests Ierem. 1. 1. Ezeck 1. 3. and so not of Iudah 2. Therefore Gods prouidence rather appeareth herein that as Daniel was not before in the assemblie of the wisemen so now he should not be counted among them that the interpretation of the dreame should onely be acknowledged to proceede from God and not be ascribed to the skill and cunning of any wisemen 3. Hugo Card. following the ordinarie gloss noteth here that Daniel was of the tribe of Iudah and not a priest sicut in fine continet fabulae Belis as is contained afterward in the fable of Bel c. he calleth that supposed historie of Bel and the dragon a fable which among the Romanists is held for canonicall 4. Bullinger here obserueth well in that the Lord refused the great wisemen of Babylon who were had in great reputation for their learning and wisedome and preferreth a poore captiue infirma mundi fortissimis esse robustiora that the weake things of the world are stronger then the mightie as the Apostle saith 1. Cor. 1. 27. God hath chosen the weake things of the world to confound the mightie Quest. 28. vers 26. How the king is said to answer no question beeing demanded The word hhanah or ghanah which properly signifieth to answer is taken simply for to speake as Iob 3. 2. Iob cursed his day and Iob answered and said so is the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã vsed in the newe testament as Math. 11. 25. at that time Iesus answered and said I giue thee thankes O father c. and yet no man asked him there any question Pintus so Mark 11. 13. when Iesus came to the figtree and found nothing but leaues it is said Iesus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã answering said where the word answered is superfluosly added as it is vsed in the Hebrewe tongue and therefore the Syrian interpreter onely readeth and he said so in this place then answered the king and said the word ganah answered is added ex abundanti as we say more then neede see Beza in his annota vpon that place Quest. 29. vers 27. Why Daniel denieth that any of the wisemen of Babel could expound this dreame 1. Daniel reckoneth vp 4. kind of wisemen among the Chaldeans the first are called cachinim wisards which by coniectures and casting of lots did gesse of things to come the second ashphin which by the aspect and sight of the starres did make coniecture of things the third chartummim which consulted with spirits of these three see before Qu. 7. the fourth sort are called gazrin of the word gazar to cut and they were they which did open and cut the entrals of sacrifices and by the sight thereof diuined of things to come Polan 2. All these Daniel denieth to be sufficient or able to finde out this secret and that for these causes 1. least men should arrogate vnto themselues diuine knowledge 2. that from henceforth the king should not exact any such thing of his wisemen which was farre beyond their reach 3. that he might stay from putting in execution his bloody sentence against the wisemen Iun. Quest. 30. vers 28. VVhether God onely be the reuealer of secrets and things to come It will be obiected on the contrarie that the heathen often had dreames whereby they knewe things to come and the like oracles they receiued at Delphos which were not giuen by God but vttered by spirits Hereunto we answer 1. that many of those oracles were false ambiguous and doubtfull as those which were giuen to Craesus and Pirrhus 2. many of them were deuised either by them who affirmed they had such dreames or by the writers to win more credit thereby 3. And if some such dreames and oracles tooke place either verie sewe of them did hit which might be by chance and hap hazzard as we say a fewe onely of a great number falling out or the deuill by the subtiltie of his nature by some naturall signes might foresee the effects and euents which should follow or he might foretell such things as by Gods permission he should effect himselfe Pere Polan 4. And as their dreames were vncertaine so were they as vncertainely interpreted as the dreame which Darius had before he encountred with Alexander some expounded to signifie the victorie that he should haue against him some gaue a contrary sense as Q. Curtius writeth lib. 3. Tullie giueth an other instance how one going to the Olympike games had a dreame that he was turned into an eagle one wisard interpreted it that he should ouercome because the Eagle is superiour to all other foules an other turned it the contrary way that he should haue the worse because the eagle driuing other birds before her commeth last of all so then the Gentiles had neither any diuine dreames and such as they had they could not interpret Pere Quest. 31. vers 28. VVhat Daniel meaneth by the latter dayes 1. Some doe expound it of all the time from thence when Daniel expounded this dreame vsque ad consummationeÌ seculs vnto the ende of the world Hierome which were then to be fulfilled complenda modo incepta but alreadie begun Hugo But Nebuchadnezzars thoughts extended not so farre to the ende of the world but onely to knowe what should come to passe after him and according to his thoughts so was the dreame answerable as Daniel sheweth vers 29. 2. Some by the latter dayes vnderstand the comming of Christ extremitas dierum vocatur Christi aduentus the extreame or latter dayes are the comming of Christ because the Gospel is as it were the perfection and renewing of all things Caluin Bullinger so also Lyranus because mention is made in this vision of the kingdome of Christ quod est vltimum regnorum which is the last of all kingdomes but if it were onely vnderstood of Christs comming then all the times following betweene Nebuchadnezzars raigne and Christs comming should be excluded 3. Much lesse for the same reason is it vnderstood de vltima mundi aetate of the last age of the world from the comming of Christ vnto the ende of the world as Pintus for then Nebuchadnezzar should haue had no reuelation of the times which should immediately followe wherebout his thoughts were most of all troubled 4. Wherefore by this word acharith are signified posteriora tempora the latter times Pellican or consequentia the times following Polan as the word is taken Gen. 49. 1. where Iacob declareth to his sonnes the things which should come to passe
of this stone he forbeareth to giue any interpretion of it putting off the matter thus mihi hoc narrare non libuit cui propositum est non futura sed praeterita scribere c. Daniel also giueth an interpretation of the stone but it liked me not to declare it whose purpose is to write of things past not of things to come It seemeth he was loath to offend the Romanes of whom he had receiued so great grace and fauour which he should haue done if he had giuen his opinion that the Romane Empire should in the ende haue beene ruinated by his nation But how vnlike a thing this is that the Iewes should obtaine such a temporall dominion it is euident to all the world they beeing now a dispersed nation without either king or priest Church or commonwealth And our Blessed Sauiour hath assured vs that his kingdome is not of this world they then dreaming of such an outward kingdome doe therein shewe their infidelitie that they haue no part in the true Messiah who is blessed for euer 2. The heretikes called Chiliastes which hold that 6. thousand yeares expired from the creation of the world there shall be a resurrection of iust men who shall raigne with Christ a thousand yeares in the earth doe expound this place of that terrene kingdome But their hereticall fansie is confuted by the verie words of this text for the kingdome here spoken of shall stand for euer it shall not then onely continue for a 1000. yeares 3. Wherefore this Scripture euidently describeth the spirituall kingdome of Christ in this world ruling and gouerning the hearts of his seruants by his grace and propagating his truth and Gospell ouer all the world exercising his power vpon the enemies of his Church which kingdome shall be perfected in his euerlasting glorie of this eternall and euerduring kingdome the Prophet Isay saith the Encrease of his gouernement and peace shall haue no ende Quest. 54. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine doe signifie Christ or his kingdome 1. The most doe vnderstand this of Christ himselfe who is signified by this stone of which opinion are of the ancient writers Iustinus Martyr dialog cum Tryphone Ireneus lib. 3. aduers. haeres cap. 28. Cyprian lib. 2. aduers. Iudaeos sect 17. and sometime Augustine enarrat in Psal. 98. and so interpreteth Lyranus and of the newe writers Bullinger by this stone would haue Christ vnderstood as Psal. 118. 22. the stone which the builders refused is become the head stone of the corner and Isay 28. 16. Behold I will lay in Sion a stone a tried stone a precious corner stone a sure foundation to the same purpose Melancthon likewise Perorius beside these testimonies of Scripture sheweth how Christ this precious stone was prefigured by certaine typicall stones in the old Testament as by the stone Iacob pitched and annointed it with oyle and the rocke which Moses smote with the tod and water gushed out by the stone that bare vp Moses hands Ezod 17. and by that rocke where Moses was set when he saw the Lords backe parts Exod. 33. Further in these fower respects Christ is compared to a stone 1. for the continuance 2. for the strength he is the fundamentall stone 3. a rocke of refuge vnto them that beleeue 4. and a rocke of offence for the wicked to stumble at 2. Some doe by this stone vnderstand the kingdome and Church of Christ as Augustine in Psal. 42. and 44. so also Caluine comparat regnum Christi cum omnibus illis Monarchijs c. he compareth the kingdome of Christ with all those Monarchies c. so is the Church of God likened to a stone Zach. 12. 3. in that day I will make Ierusalem an heauie stone for all people all that lift it vp shall be torne c. 3. But these interpretations are not contrarie one to another they may well stand together for Christ is not here considered apart by himselfe but together with his Church he as the head and the other as his bodie So the Apostle sometime by Christ vnderstandeth the whole mysticall bodie consisting of Christ and his Church as 1. Cor. 12. 12. As the bodie is one and hath many members so is Christ so the Church is called the bodie and fulnesse of Christ. Ephe. 1. 23. Then in this place Christ is not vnderstood without his body the Church but both Christ and his kingdome which is the Church are ioyned together for ver 44. Daniel speaketh of a kingdome which God should set vp Polan Quest. 55. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first or second comming of Christ. 1. Tertullian expoundeth it of Christs second comming lib. contra Iudaeos So also Theodoret beeing mooued with this reason because at the first comming of Christ all these kingdomes were not destroyed for the Romane Empire then flourished but at his second comming this prophesie shall be fulfilled but this argument is soone answered the kingdomes here spoken of were all dissolued at the comming of Christ in the flesh the Romane Empire is not comprehended in this vision as is before shewed at large quest 49. 2. Some thinke that this prophesie agreeth vnto the first comming of Christ inchoate aliquatenus in some sort and by way of beginning and that in the ende it should dash in peices the Romane Empire but it shall most fully and absolutely be accomplished at Christs second comming Pere Pap. 3. But it shall appeare by these arguments that this Scripture must onely be referred to the first comming of Christ and not at all to the second but onely by way of analogie and by a consequent 1. This kingdome shall be set vp in the times of these Kings but in the euerlasting kingdome of Christ in the next world there shall be neither any such kings nor any more time 2. This stone was but small at the beginning but afterward it grew into a mountaine but Christ when he commeth in his glorie shall then shew himselfe in his greatnes he shall not be as a small stone 3. And this stone became a great mountaine and filled the whole earth which sheweth that Christs kingdome here spoken of should increase by little and little but after his second comming it shall be at the full not still encreasing therefore the kingdome of Christ here in this world of necessitie must be here described 4. Yet by way of analogicall collection this prophesie may be applyed vnto Christs second comming when as Christ shall make a perfect conquest of all earthly kingdomes and powers and of all other aduersaries vnto his kingdome 5. Of this opinion that this prophesie concerneth the first comming of Christ are all they which expound this phrase of the cutting out of this stone without hands of the miraculous conception and birth of Christ of the virgine Marie as Lyran. gloss ordinar Vatab. Pin. with diuerse of the auncient fathers Caluin also though he refuse that
aduantage but to seeke the welfare of the people of God as Daniel here doth 2. that they defile not themselues with the superstitious and idolatrous vsages in such places as these three in the next chapter beeing chiefe officers yet refused to worship the kings golden image 2. And as it is lawfull to enioy such places of honour so it is not inconuenient for kings to set sometime strangers in place of gouernement such as for their wisedome and pietie are fit but not to that ende to make a pray of such places of gouernement 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. That God onely hath the knowledge of things to come Vers. 11. There is none that can declare it except the gods Hierome hence inferreth that euen in the opinion of the wisemen and Soothsayers of Babylon none hath the knowledge of things to come but onely God by the which it is euident that the Prophets foretelling things to come spake by the spirit of God Bulling By this argument the Prophet sheweth the vanitie of the Idols of the heathen and conuinceth them to be no gods Isay 41. 23. shewe the things that are to come hereafter that we may knowe that yee are gods 2. Doct. Of the immortalitie of the soule Vers. 4. O King liue for euer These heathen men voide of the true knowledge of God in wishing eternall life vnto the king doe shewe their opinion of the immortalitie of the soule which shall further be prooued 1. by the testimonie of Scripture 2. by the demonstration of reason 3. and by the euidence of forren and heathen witnesses 1. The Scripture plentifully testifieth that the soule liueth after it is separated from the bodie as in that the Lord calleth himselfe the God of Abraham Isaac and Iaacob long after their death Exod. 3. 6. whereupon our Sauiour inferreth that he is not God of the dead but of the liuing So Elias prayed vnto God to haue his hostesses child restored to life in these words I pray thee let this childs soule returne vnto him againe 1. King 17. 22. his soule then was aliue for otherwise it could not returne to his bodie Salomon saith that the spirit returneth to God that gaue it Eccle. 12. 7. In the parable Luk. 16. the soule of Lazarus was carried by the Angels into Abrahams bosome 2. 1. Seeing God is most iust and will recompence euerie man according to his life the righteous shall haue reward and the wicked punishment which is not alwaies seene in this life it must needs be that God should execute his iustice in another life 2. Seeing vertue which is in the minde is immortall the subject also thereof the soule must also needes be immortall 3. And the soule beeing not subiect to corruption is consequently immortall for that which is incorruptible is immortall 4. All things haue a place of rest as the center is vnto bodies the soule is restlesse in the bodie and neuer is at quiet if then it should not haue a place of rest elswhere it should be more miserable then any other creature 5. And how could the soule thinke of things immortall or desire them if it were not it selfe immortall 3. By these reasons and such like the heathen beeing perswaded beleeued the immortalitie of the soule as Antiochus in his epistle to Lysias that beginneth Since our father is translated to the gods c. 2. Macchab. 11. 23. In the funeralls of such Romane Emperours as had deserued well of the commonwealth they vsed to set an eagle and to put fire vnder which the eagle feeling soared aloft whereby was signified that the soule or spirit ascended vp into heauen Herodian Pythagoras and Thales Milesius were strong maintainers of the immortalitie of the soule likewise Plutarkain epistol consola and Seneca lib. de morte immatura Euripides held coelos esse aeterna animarum domicilia that the heauens are the eternall houses of the soules Many such like testimonies and examples might be brought from the heathen to this purpose 3. Doctrine Of the vanitie of Soothsayers Vers. 4. Shew thy seruants the dreame and we shall shewe thee the interpretntion These foolish Soothsayers promise much vnto the king but they were able to performe nothing for afterward cap. 4. when the king told them his dreame they could say nothing so they are liberales in verbis c. liberall in words but they can not performe that which they promise It is euident then that there is no art or certaine rule to interpret dreames or to coniecture of things to come but it is an extraordinarie gift that commeth from God Po. So the Lord saith by his Prophet Isay 44. 25. I destroy the takens of the Soothsayers and make them that coniecture fooles c. 4. Doctrine Of the mutabilitie of Princes fauours Vers. 12. He commanded to destroy all the wisemen of Babel Nebuchadnezzar who had before highly rewarded the wisemen and greatly fauoured them now in his rage without any iust cause commandeth them to be slaine such small certaintie there is in the fauour of Princes Dauid at his first entertainement was in Sauls fauour but not long after he hated him as much wen he returned from the slaughter of Goliah Ioseph at the first was much fauoured of Potiphar but vpon the false suggestion of his wife he soone cast him out of his fauour Alexander the great made great account of his friends Parmenio Philotas Clitus Calisthenes but in the ende he so hated them as that he would neuer be reconciled vnto them but killed them therefore the Prophet Dauid saith it is better to trust in the Lord then to haue any confidence in princes Pintus 5. Doct. The sentence of death ought not hastily to be executed Vers. 15. Daniel said why is the sentence so hastie from the king Daniel findeth fault with the hastie execution of the kings sentence shewing that in such cases long deliberation should be vsed and great aduisement taken This was the error of Theodosius the Elder who when one of his gouernours was slaine in a commotion at Thessolonica commanded a great number of the people to be put to the sword for which his bloody fact he was excommunicated of that couragious and religious Bishop S. Ambrose Theodoret lib. 5. Tripart 9. Polan 6. Doctrine Of Gods prouidence Vers. 21. He changeth the times and seasons This is an euident place to shewe that things are not gouerned by chance in the world but ruled by Gods prouidence Meminerimus in tot mutationibus c. fulgere Dei prouidentiam c. let vs remember that Gods prouidence shineth in so many mutations and changes in the world c. Caluin If things that seeme so vncertaine as times and seasons the change of weather the variable disposition of the ayre be yet directed by Gods prouidence then all other things must depend of the same cause This alteration cannot be altogether ascribed to nature for naturall causes worke certainely and orderly and to chaunce much
that thumbe thereof and the fingers were bigger then ordinarie images it broke in peices in the fall and great caues and hoales were opened wherein were couched huge stones to keepe the image vpright Plin. lib. 34. cap. 7. Greater also then this was the colossus of Nero which was an 110. foote long and an another picture made of him in cloth an 120. foote high yet this image because it was of gold in value may seeme to exceede all other the ordinarie cubite is foote and halfe but the Babylonian cubite as Herodotus saith was 3. fingers greater then the common cubite so that by this account this image might be 67. ordinarie cubites high Herodotus writeth that in his time there was a golden image at Babylon which was 12. cubites high which might be that image that euery stranger was required to worship before he was permitted to come into Babylon to see the citie as Philostrat saith de vita Apollin cap. 19. 2. This image was made proportionable to a mans bodie euerie part answerable vnto the other in due forme and measure by which proportion the greatnesse of euerie part of the image may be taken there is the same distance betweene the endes of the fingers the armes spread abroad from one extremitie to the other which is betweene the crowne of the head to the soale of the feete Plin. lib. 7. cap. 17. the face from the chinne to the toppe of the forehead is the tenth part of the length of the bodie And the face is diuided into three equall parts from the chinne to the nose the length of the nose and the breadth of the forehead the length of the eie from one corner to another is the 45. part and so is the distance betweene the eyes the length of the nose is the thirtith part and the widenes of the nostrils the 180 part the compasse of the eare and of the mouth is the 15. part the head from the chinne to the crowne is the 8. part the length and likewise the breadth of the breast the sixt part the nauill is in the middest of the bodie diuiding it into two equall parts the length of the hippes thighes and legges is almost the halfe part the length of the foote is the sixt part and so is the space from the shoulder to the elbowe and from the elbowe to the hand the hand is the 10. part 3. After this proportion the whole image beeing 60. cubites in height the face must be sixe cubites the chinne two cubites the nose and forehead as much the nostrills must containe halfe a foote the compasse of the eare and mouth 4. cubites and so much the necke the breast 10. cubites the length of the thighs and legges 29. cubites the foote tenne and the hand sixe thus Pererius casteth the proportion of euery part 4. But herein is his error he taketh the height of the bodie of the image to be 60. cubites whereas as Lyranus well noteth in this measure is comprehended the foote also or foundation whereupon the image stood for otherwise it should not be proportionable beeing 60 cubites high and but sixe cubites broad for the length of a man is but sixe times to the breadth and tenne times to the thicknes If the bodie be sixe cubites high it is but a cubite broad then 6. cubites broad will haue but 36. cubites in height 5. As this image was huge in the height and stature so it was verie costly beeing all of gold though it be not necessarie with Hierome to thinke that it was made of solid golde but either the outside onely of it was gold or it was made hollowe as Lyranus well coniectureth Quest. 7. Of the mysticall application of this image 1. Chrysostome by this golden image would haue couetousnesse resembled which S. Paul calleth idolatrie Ephes. 5. 5. for the couetous man doth addict all his desire and as it were consecrate his soule to the loue of money 2. Hierome compareth false doctrine vnto this image which heretikes and false teachers doe adorne and set forth with their witte and eloquence as this image is made of gold 3. Irenaeus maketh this image a patterne of the worldly happinesse which the deuill entiseth and seduceth men to embrace and as it were worship setting aside the desire of heauenly things Quest. 8. Of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles and officers here rehearsed ver 2. 1. The first are called in the Chalde tongue achashdarpenaija which R. Ioseph Kimhi deriueth of these three words achash which signifieth in the Aramites language great and dar to stay or remaine and panim the face they were such as alwaies remained in the kings presence and were next vnto him Montonus readeth secundâs à rege the next to the king Satrapae the great and highest men in the kingdome L. V. Iun. Lyranus saith they are so called taÌquam satis rapientes because they doe take and snatch from the people but that is no fit annotation here the Septuag call them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã chiefe men or of high place 2. The second is signaia which some translate pontifices summons the high priests Pag. for sagan is so sometime taken for the second priest next to the cheife but it seemeth here to be a ciuill office as all the rest are some read duces captaines V. as the Septuag interpret ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã chiefe commanders or captaines so also Bulling princes Genevens it rather signifieth here magistrates gouernours L. A. so Polan Antistites men of preheminence Iun. 3. The third are called pachavatha pecah as R. Dauid signifieth a prouinciall one set ouer a prouince Iudices iudges appointed to heare causes in their circuites L. duces dukes I. A. P. Geneuens the Septuag call them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they which were set ouer some speciall places and countries praesides prouinciarum the presidents of prouinces V. 4. The fourth are Adargazaraija which signifieth Senators as R. Dauid and R. Saadiah so also Iun. Iudges Geneuens duces dukes L. rather ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the keepers of the lawes to see that they were executed Pag. Vatab. Bulling 5. The fift are Gedaberaija which signifieth those which are set ouer the treasure questores V. P. the questors or receiuers Geneuens not tyraennos L. which Lyranus expoundeth exactors of tribute but the word tyrant is in this sense improperly vsed 6. The sixt dethaberaija deriued of dath a sentence and bari pure or fatte R. Saadiah they were the lawyers or counsellers I. V. so also Bulling Polan Geneuens the L. readeth optimates the nobles but that is too generall a word 7. The seuenth Tiphtaice which I. translateth exactores the exactors the executioners of iustice V. Bulling officers Geneuens such as had the charge and care to see iustice executed 8. The eight shiltonee medinatha the gouernours of prouinces Gene. Iun. Vatab. of the word shelet to rule it is a generall name
comprehending all those which had any office or gouernement in the prouinces Quest. 9. Why Nebuchadnezzar onely called his nobles and officers 1. All the people could not possibly come together to one place therefore the nobles are called vt per principes seducantur gentes as Hierome saith that by the nobles the people might be seduced 2. These are first summoned vt regi consentientes as consenting to the king and most forward to followe his mind Lyran. for such are the nobles pendent à nutu regis c. ad quaslibet flectuntur auras readie to serue the kings humor and are turned by euery wind Caluin 3. And the Nobles are conuented for the greater magnificence and maiestie that this image might haue the greater reuerence and remaine as a monument for a long time after Osiander Quest. 10. ver 5. Of the diuerse kinds of instruments here rehearsed 1. The first is in the Chalde called karna of keren a horne the Septuag translate ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of the trumpet tubam Lat. which Lyranus taketh for the vsuall instrument which is sounded in the warre Pintus saith it was a croked instrument made of brasse but it properly rather signifieth a horne or cornet which is so called either of the matter whereof it is made or for the fashion because it was like vnto an horne So the same word keren signifieth the trumpet made of rammes horne which Iosuah was commanded to make when he compassed the walls of Ierecho Iosh. 6. an other word chatzotzeroth is vsed to signifie trumpets made of mettall Num. 10. 2. 2. The second is called mashrokitha which the Septuag interpret by the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a pipe or whistle of sherach to whistle the L. readeth fistula a pipe or flute an instrument made of woode with diuers hoales to be played vpon with the hand Pin. such as sheepe-heards vse it is not a trumpet as Geneuens 3. The third is kathrom whence commeth the Greeke word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã cithara the harpe we haue the like English word a citherne but it is taken for an other kind of instrument the harpe is an instrument well knowne it is in forme like a triangle played vpon with the fingers Lyran made of woode and the strings are seene on both sides Pintus 4. The fourth in the Hebrewe is called Sabca the Septuag ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which commeth neere the Chalde word by the interpreters it is generally translated sambuca which some thinke was triquetrum instrumentum imparibus sidibus a threefold instrument with vnequall strings Iun. tetrachordum with fower strings Athen. which was made of yron or brasse and played vpon with an yron rodde Pint. But Lyranus rather thinketh it was a winde instrument made of reede and he deriueth it of sam which signifieth the Suune and buca a trumpet because it was vsed onely in summer but it is not like that such rusticall oaten pipes were vsed in this solemne assembly Hugo thinketh it was a kind of rurall harpe so called of the tree sambucus whereof it was made which was the elder tree But I rather thinke with our english interpreters Geneuens that it was the sackebut as the agreement with the Chalde word sabca sheweth 5. The fifth pesanterin ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Sep. the psalterie L. A. P. I. nablium V. which is the same with the psalterie the word seemeth to be deriued from the Chalde psanterie with the change of one letter Lyranus thinketh it was an instrument played vpon with a quill which we call a citherne Pintus describeth it to be an instrument foure square with tenne strings some thinke it was like an harpe but of more pleasant sound to the which they vsed to sing holy hymnes and psalmes whereupon it had the name psalterie such as Dauid vsed and this is most like 6. The sixt is called in the Chalde sumphonia which is the very same word in the Greeke ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a symphonie which R. Saadiah deriueth of the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a pipe with a bagge ioyned vnto it a knowne rusticke instrument but it is rather as Lyranus thinketh that vsuall instrument which blinde men carrie about and play vpon it with their fingers and with the other hande make it sound with turning about of an yron Pintus 11. Quest. v. 5. Of their falling downe and worshipping this image 1. Hierome vpon these words thus writeth that vnlesse my memorie faile me if I runne ouer the whole Scripture I can not finde quod sanctorum quisquam Deum cadens adoraverit that any of the Saints falling downe worshipped God but they which worshipped idols or the deuill fell downe and worshipped as Sathan said to our blessed Sauiour All these things will I giue thee if thou wilt fall downe and worship me c. to this purpose Hierome so also following him the ordin gloss and Hugo 2. But Hieromes memorie did here greatly deceiue him indeede for it is more vsuall in the Scripture for the Saints to fall downe and worship God then otherwise as Psal. 95. 6. the Psalmist saith Come let vs worship and fall downe and kneele before the Lord our maker the three wise men Matth. 2. fell downe and worshipped Christ so did the blind man Ioh. 9. the Angels Apoc. 7. 11. fell downe vpon their faces before the throne and worshipped Pere Abraham fell on his face while God talked with him Gen. 17. 2. so did Ezekiel c. 1. 29. 12. Quest. That it is not lawfull to bow vnto an image though one in his heart abhorre it 1. There are three sorts of men which doe thinke they may be dispensed withall for the outward reuerent gesture yeelded vnto an image hauing their heart free as they which doe it to conforme themselues to please the Prince or for feare to escape the perill of death or some other grieuous punishment or such which doe come vnto idolatrous seruice onely to see the manner of it and the pompe of Papall superstitious ceremonies 2. But all these are found to be in great error 1. the Lord in the second commandement directly forbiddeth to bow downe vnto such images And the Lord saith to the Prophet Elias that he had reserued seuen thousand that had not bowed their knees vnto Baal 1. King 18. 19. 2. Our bodies together with our soules are the temples of the Spirit and therefore neither the one nor the other should be defiled but preserued pure and holy for the Lord Polan 3. It satisfieth the idolaters themselues if men be but conformable in their outward gesture to their idolatrous seruice as here Nabuchadnezzer exacteth no confession of the mouth or subscription with the hand of or vnto this image but onely to fall down and worship it Calv. 4. In the purer ages of the Church euen they were held to be idolaters which beeing constrained by force did yeeld the least outward seruice vnto the idols of the
Gentiles as Origen as Suidas writeth was excommunicate of the Church for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and seruice where yet there is no externall obiect that may offend them therefore much lesse should Protestants shew such weaknes to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes 13. Quest. Of the malitious accusation of the Chaldees against the Iewes 1. The malitious Chaldees were so incensed against the seruants of God that refused to worship the image that they could not stay at all but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them 2. They bend their accusation not onely against those three whome they held to be offenders but against the whole nation of the Iewes v. 8. they grieuously accused the Iewes 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselues to the king that they might be the better heard O king liue for euer v. 9. 4. Then they subtilly seeke to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred 1. by their nation and countrey they were Iewes the kings captiues and vassals 2. by their vnthankfulnes for the benefits which the king had bestowed vpon them who had made them gouerners and chiefe officers Bulling 3. by their apostasie that beeing called by Babylonian names Shadrach Meshach Abednego and so incorporated into that nation yet were of a diuers religion and vsage Iun. 5. Then followeth the crime which they obiect against them which was threefold 1. contempt of the kings commandement and decree 2. irreligion in not worshipping the kings gods 3. mutinie and sedition in being singular among the rest in that they did not fall downe before the kings image 14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serue thy gods v. 12. when as there was but one image Lyranus thinketh that this image is called in the plural gods after the manner of the Iewes which vse to call an idol so though it be but one as they said of the golden calfe Exod 32. These are thy gods but it is euident in the text that by gods they meane not the image because they complain of 2. things they would not serue thy gods nor worship the image 2. The ordi gloss which Hugo followeth so also Pintus thinke that the gods here spoken of were diuers from the image for this he set vp for himselfe to be worshipped in it but his gods he worshipped himselfe But that they were not here two such distinct things it appeareth because the kings decree was onely that they should fall downe and worship the image which they transgressing are said therein also to haue refused to serue the kings gods 3. Wherefore it is euident that this image was set vp by the king to the honour of his gods Calvin which are so called in the plurall because they worshipped many gods so that in one and the same action in refusing to bow vnto the image they are held to be contemners also of the kings gods 15. Quest. Why these three Shadrach Meshach and Abednego are onely accused 1. It may seeme that the principall and chiefe men were onely or especially called and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present or at the least the principall men were most marked and obserued whose example the rest might follow Pere but it seemeth by their general accusation of the Iewes v. 8. that there were more Iewes present then these three 2. It may be also supposed that the vulgar sort of the Iewish people which were present did for feare doe as the rest did fall downe and worship therefore they were not complained of Perer. It is very like indeede that many Iewes did fall away in time of captiuitie to worship the Chaldean images because many of them had beene idolaters in their owne countrey for the which they were carried into captiuitie but that some other of the Iewes beside these three refused to fall downe may be gathered by the generall accusation against the Iewes but principally against these three 3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause why these three are singled out because they were aduanced to honourable place of gouernment and for this cause were enuied and maligned of the Chaldees and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation v. 12. wherin they specially vrge that point that the king had set them ouer the prouince of Babel that seemed to be an eye-soare and a griefe vnto them Why Daniel was not accused with the rest it was by reason of his absence as is shewed before quest 4. 16. Quest. What age these three were of when they were brought before the king 1. Chrysostome thinketh that these three were infantili aetate but as infants and children when this was done homil de trib pueris Augustine also hom 24. calleth them pueros children But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of gouernment for before this at Daniels request they were made gouernours ouer the prouince of Babel c. 2. 49. 2. Theodoret gesseth they were young men in aetatis vere in the spring and as we say in the floure of their age 3. Pererius thinketh they could not be lesse then 35. yeares of age for he supposeth they might be 10. yeare old when they went into captiuitie and in the 25. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer he had that dreame of the image But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age yet his ground is vncertaine for the second yeare mentioned c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne as is shewed c. 2. qu. 1. 4. But Pererius laboureth to cleare this point because in their Missals they are called the three children either for that they were children at their first going into captiuitie or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture that young men and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri as Iosua Exod. 31. beeing then aboue 40. yeare old is called puer the lad or seruant of Moses Contra. 1. The word puer when it is so applied is referred rather to their ministerie and seruice then age 2. we doe not stand vpon it how they are called in their Missals it sufficeth vs that in the Scripture they are not called children but gubhraia men v. 23. of the word gabbar to be strong they were then men of perfect age and strength 17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends 1. They which thinke Daniel was present and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his owne image as gloss ordin Hugo or that they did forbeare to accuse him because he was in great grace and fauour with the king Polan which conceits see refuted before quest 4. those which affirme Daniel to be present consequently must hold that Daniel was silent and spake not in the behalfe
borne of a noble mother the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes but of a meane father one Cambises should come and bring them into seruitude and then he suddenly vanished away the Chaldeans in Abydenus fragments record that he was blasted by some god and spake of Babels fall by the Persians H. B. consent 2. But that this was a true historie and not done in figure type or vision it may thus appeare 1. if this be no historie no more should the rest be written in this booke and so we should haue no certentie of any thing 2. Daniel himselfe rehearseth this as a matter of fact before Balthazar how Nebuchadnezzer was deposed c. 5. 20. 3. there are many things in this chapter which can in no wise agree vnto the deuill as how Nebuchadnezzer dreamed and asked counsell of the wise men and Daniel wisheth him to breake off his sinnes by repentance none of these things can be said of the deuill ex Perer. 8. Quest. Why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar 1. Dorotheus in synops and Epiphan lib. de vit interit prophet doe thinke that Daniel was so called after the name of Balthazar the kings sonne because he purposed to make him heire with him of the kingdome And this opinion may seeme somewhat to be fauoured by the vulgar Latin translation which readeth v. 5. till Daniel collega my collegue or companion in the kingdome came in which Pererius vnderstandeth so to be saide because Nebuchadnezzer had ioyned Daniel with him as his fellow in the kingdome Contra. 1. There is no word of that sense to signifie a collegue or fellow in the originall and therefore we will not insist vpon this reason 2. But the name of Belteshazzar and Belshazar are diuers in the the originall the one consisteth of 7. letters Beltheshaatzer the other onely of sixe Belshazzer And Daniel was so called before this time when as Balthazar the king was not yet borne nor named in storie 2. Suidas and Iosephus thinke that Daniel was so called because of the interpretation of hid and secret things but that is not so for he was thus called before he had yet expounded any of the kings dreames c. 1. 7. 3. The most thinke that this was the name of the god of the Chaldees and giuen vnto Daniel because of his diuine wisdome Lyran. Hugo Vatab. but the name of the Chalde god was Bel Isa. 46. 1. not Belteshazzar 4. Therefore Daniel had not the very name of his god but the king saith he was called after or according to my God the first syllable onely is borrowed from the name of his god Bel the whole name consisteth of three Babylonian words signifying keeping or laying vp the treasure of Bel Iun. as is shewed before qu. 28. c. 1. 9. Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzer saith that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods v. 5. 1. The Sâptuag read in the singular ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the holy spirit of God thinking to excuse the king and free him from idolatrie but the word in the originall is in the plural elohim gods 2. Some thinke that by gods are here vnderstood the Angels who are sometime called gods in Scripture Pint. but the knowledge of secrets the Angels haue not because they know not things to come and the magicians who had conference and familiaritie with spirits not beeing able to tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten excuse themselues because none but the gods could declare such things c. 2. 11. 3. His meaning then is that the gods aboue onely knew secrets whose diuine spirit Daniel was indued with loquitur more gentilium he speaketh after the manner of the Gentiles who held that there were many gods Lyran. And it was a receiued opinion among them that it was a diuine thing to interpret dreames as Socrates answered the Athenians that he was ignorant of that diuine science Lyran. ex Albert. mag 10. Quest. Of Nebuchadnezzers dreame and the summe thereof There are two parts of his dreame the first containeth a description of a goodly faire tree v. 7. to v. 10. the second the ouerthrow and cutting downe of this tree thence to v. 15. 1. The tree is described 1. by the situation of it in the middes of the earth 2. by the height which reached vnto heauen which Theodoret expoundeth of his pride so also gloss ordin Lyranus of his high aduancement to such a great Monarchie 3. by the spreading of it to the endes of the earth is vnderstood the largenes of his dominion which extended very farre Megasthenes as Iosephus citeth him thinketh that he subdued part of Spaine 4. by the vtilitie thereof which was double it gaue meate and shadow vnto all both foules and beasts that is all kind of people both of ciuill and vnciuill life both had nourishment and peace vnder the raigne of Nabuchadnezzer 2. Then the destruction of this tree followeth 1. by whome by a watchman which is interpreted to be an angel 2. the manner is described how this tree should be serued the tree is broken downe that is the king is cast out of his kingdome the branches are broken off his nobles and princes are remooued from him his leaues are shaken off his glorie and renowne is taken from him the fruit are scattered the riches of the kingdome euery one snatcheth and diuideth the birds and beasts flie away many taking occasion by the fall of the king withdraw themselues from his yoake 3. Then followeth the limitation and qualifying of the punishment of this tree a stumpe of it shall be left that is his kingdome shall be reserued for him still gloss interlin with the condition thereof set forth first metaphorically it shall be bound with chaines of brasse whereby is signified his phrensie and madnesse because mad men are bound with chaines Bulling then literally or historically his state is described both outward that he should liue with the beasts of the field and inward his heart should be changed which is amplified by the circumstance of time till 7. times that is yeares be passed ouer him v. 13. So this dreame was propounded in allegorie in such maner vt tamen Deus aliquid permiscuerit vnde colligeret aliud notari that yet God mingled withall some thing whereout he might gather that some other thing was signified Calvin for a tree from whence he borrowed this allegorie needed not to be bound with chaines neither hath any heart 5. Lastly the certentie of this decree is set downe by a generall consent of God and his Angels v. 14. 11. Quest. Why this tree is said to be in the middes of the earth 1. Hugo Card. thinketh it to be so said because Nebuchadnezzer had Iudea subiect vnto him which is thought to be in the middes of the earth 2. Some of the Rabbins thinke that Babylon is signified because it is in the same line or parallel with Ierusalem which is in the middes of the
reason yeelded in this place this speech of the Angel hewe downe sheweth a generall consent of all the Angels one encouraging an other to effect and execute the decree of God and therefore it is called v. 14. the decree of the watchmen that is a ioynt consent of all the Angels And postulat ab hominibus fieri quod Deus imperat he desireth that what God hath commanded may accordingly be performed by men Iun. 16. Quest. v. 14. Why the Angels are called Watchmen 1. The Angels are so called because of their spirituall and incorporeall nature Ab. Ezr. for bodies onely neede sleepe and because they haue no bodies and so neither eate nor drinke which are the causes of sleepe they are alwaies watchfull Calv. quia homines laborant fatigantur somno egent c. because men doe labour and are wearied they neede sleepe therefore the Angels which labour not as man neither are wearied are free from sleepe Perer. 2. And by this word is not onely expressed the spirituall nature of Angels but their watchfull office also they doe alwaies waite and attend vpon God to fulfill his will as the Prophet Dauid setteth them forth Psal. 103. 20. Praise the Lord ye his Angels which excell in strength that doe his commandement in obeying the voice of his will in which sense they are said to be full of eyes Ezek. 1. Iun. annot 3. But because euill angels are watchfull also as S. Peter saith The deuill goeth about like a roaring lyon seeking whome he may deuoure an other title is giuen vnto these watchmen v. 10. the Angel is called a watchman and an holy one ad differentiam dâmonum c. to shew a difference betweene good Angels and deuills who are also spirits Lyran. 4. And whereas v. 10. the word is vsed in the singular a watchman but here in the plural multos intelligere debemus c. we must vnderstand that there were many Angels which were employed in this businesse Oecolamp 5. This tearme of watchman is vsed also as fitting the present matter for as watchmen explorant singula facta c. doe obserue all our doings Oecolampad so the Angel here obserued Nabuchadnezzer narrowly for while the word was in the kings mouth v. 28. that proud word whereby he boasted of his power and magnificence the sentence decreed from God was pronounced from heauen against him Iun. annot 17. Quest. By whome the 14. v. was pronounced by the Angel or by the King v. 14. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen 1. Some thinke that these are the words of the king for the Angel would not haue called the decree of God the decree of the Angels and in the next verse following v. 15. Nabuchadnezzer speaketh in his owne person This is the dreame that I Nabuchadnezer haue seene Contra. 1. It is called the decree of the watchmen in respect of their ministerie the decree came from God but was executed by them as Eph. 2. 20. the Apostle âaith the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles because they were Gods ministers in laying of it 2. It is not necessarie because the next verse is vttered in the kings person that this should be so likewise 2. Wherefore these words are also deliuered by the Angel 1. because if Nebuchadnezzer had so said he euen then had attained to the vnderstanding of the dreame he needed not to haue any further helpe 2. these words following according to the word or request of the holy ones could not be vttered by the king for how should he know what was the desire and request of the Angels Quest. 18. ver 14. Of the meaning of these words according to the request of the holy ones 1. Osiander expoundeth these words of the blessed Trinitie as though post rogatas sententias fecerint senatusconsulum after they had asked voices they made the decree against Nebuchadnezzar so also Pintus thinketh it may be vnderstood of the Trinitie But neither can the Trinitie in the plurall be called watchmen which word noteth not their persons but their nature and office nor yet can God be said to make any request 2. Vatablus by the watchmen vnderstandeth the superiour by the holy ones the inferiour Angels that these aske of the other a reason hereof and the answer to their demaund is that which followeth to the intent that men liuing may knowe c. But this is too curious that the watchmen and holy ones are the same is euident ver 10. where the watchman is called an holy one 3. Some by holy ones vnderstand the Saints in earth that this question should be asked of them and the Angels made answer thus seemeth Oecolampad to interpret erat petitio interrogatiue respondent there was a certaine petition and they answer by way of interrogation c. so translate Geneuens the demaund was answered but the text admitteth not this sense for the word sheelâa which signifieth request or petition is ioyned to the first clause of the sentence and diuided by a perfect distinction from the sentence following 4. Pellican thinketh that the Iewes hearing what calamitie had befallen their king praied vnto God to restore him to his right mind But these words were vttered and this petition made before this sentence was executed vpon Nebuchadnezzar 5. Lyranus thus vnderstandeth ad petitionem sanctorum in terra quam Angeli praesentant in coelo at the request of the saints in earth which the Angels did present in heauen c. but the Angels would not haue presented a request if any such office were committed vnto them contrarie to the decree of God 6. Caluin giueth this sense that Angeli vno âre te accusant c. the Angels with one mouth accuse thee before God Deus annuens eorum votis decreuit te abijcere and God consenting to their motion hath decreed to cast thee off So also Hug. the Angels desired that this decree should be made against him But the Angels request procured not this decree it followed vpon Gods decree as the order of the words sheweth 7. The meaning then is no more but this that the Angels with one consent desire that Gods decree might take place and that the sentence giuen by God in heauen might be executed by men in earth And therefore the Angel said before hewe downe the tree breake off the branches that men might in earth fulfill what God had purposed in heauen Iun. Polanus Quest. 19. Of the meaning of these words ver 14. and appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 1. Lyranus thinketh that this is to be vnderstood of Christ who was humbled and abased in this world but afterward God exalted him and all power was giuen vnto him in heauen and in earth But it is euident that this is spoken of the terrene and externall kingdomes of this world that God setteth vp some and pulleth downe others but Christs kingdome was not of this world 2. Lyranus also
brought vnto him the vse of reason This matter then may be further thus scanned that there is an Angelicall kind of nakednesse that I may so speake such as Adam had before his fall whereof he was not ashamed because sinne was not yet entred into the world there is a brutish nakednesse which because beasts haue no reason at all neither are subiect to sinne is not vnseemely in them there is an humane nakednesse between both whereof men are not ashamed either because the vse of reason is not yet come vnto them as in children or they are depriued of it altogether as naturall fooles or for a time onely as madmen Such was the nakednesse of Nebuchadnezzar which altered the state of his bodie 3. Then followeth the effect of his nakednesse and his lying in the ayer and in the cold fields enduring both heat and cold beeing carelesse of himselfe his haire grewe stiffe his skinne hard and his nayles long and crooked and so he became deformed 4. The gesture of his bodie was answerable he grewe crooked and bowed together and crept vpon all fower like a bruite beast 5. His foode and meate was hearbes and grasse such as the bruite beasts feed vpon 6. his habitation was in the fields and woods among the bruite beasts 7. he had no vse of his speach liuing among beasts but made a rude noise like vnto them And thus he was changed euen in respect of his bodie that although the fashion of his humane shape remained still in his head hands and feete yet he was become verie deformed as Rupertus collecteth that seeing it is said he should eate grasse like an oxe that he crept vpon his hands and his feete and pulled vp grasse with his mouth as doth an oxe and because his dwelling was among the beasts he was in outward gesture as a beast non enim bestiâ facile sociarentur illi sine aliqua similitudine for the beasts would not haue accompanied with him if there had beene no similitude and so he concludeth that this was the greatest change that is mentioned in Scripture excepting onely that of Lots wife who was changed into a pillar of salt 8. Now whereas ver 33. as the vulgar Latine readeth my figure returned vnto me or my shape Sep. my forme V. though it may be well vnderstood in respect of his deformitie not the change of his forme which now was taken from him as we see by experience that madde men if they continue any time are so changed that they can hardly be knowne and discerned Osian yet this matter is made more cleare and out of doubt if the word be rightly translated for the Chalde word zivi rather signifieth my glorie beautie as Iun. Mont. reade then my forme or figure so the comelinesse and grace of his humane countenance and bodie was restored vnto him and his deformitie taken away Quest. 31. ver 24. How Daniel gaue counsell to the king to preuent this iudgement seeing it was determined 1. Pererius saith that Daniel speaketh doubtfully It may be God will forgiue thy sinne as the Latine readeth non fuisse eum certum that he was not certaine whether God would remit the punishment which was thereatned but Daniel knewe assuredly that the sentence and decree of God should stand as is shewed before vers 14. 2. The most thinke that there was a secret condition annexed to this threatening and Hierome maketh it like to the message of Isaiah to Hezekiah that he should die and the prophesie of Ionas against Niniue which both were conditionall vpon their repentance so also Bullinger But it may be gathered v. 14. that it was certainely decreed in heauen that this iudgement should befal Nebuchadnezzar who the Lord foresaw would not otherwise be humbled 3. Chrysostome giueth this solution propter hoc prolata est sententia vt non fiat non vt Rex discat solum futura sed vt caueat therefore this sentence was pronounced that it should not come to passe that the king should not onely know things to come but preuent them c. ex Oecolamp But this still is most euident that God had certainely decreed this thing and it could not be altered 4. Calvine thus answereth this counsell of Daniel was profitable to the king though the iudgement were determined potuit aliquam veniam consequi etiamsi poenas dedisset he might some way haue beene eased though he were to endure the punishment c. so also Polan cum resipiscentibus Deus benignius agit God dealeth more gently with those which repent 5. To this may be added that Daniel here sustaineth a double person both of a Prophet in interpreting the dreame and shewing things to come and of a faithfull counsellor in aduising Nebuchadnezzar what course to take that although the sentence against him was decreed yet if he did in time humble himselfe he knew it would not be vnprofitable vnto him So our Blessed Sauiour though he knewe that indeede the bitter cuppe of death could not passe away from him yet in his humane affection he desireth it to passe yet with a subiection of his will to the will of God and the like supposition had Daniel here thus aduising and counselling if so it stood with Gods good pleasure not looking now into Gods secret counsell but speaking in his loue and zeale to Nebuchadnezzar as Moses in zeale to the people of Israel forgetting himselfe wished rather to be cut out of the booke of life which in the iudgement of faith he knewe could not be Quest. 32. VVhether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almesdeeds 1. Pererius with other Romanists doe ground their error of satisfactorie workes for sinne vpon this place for their opinion is that there are tria genera operum quae satisfactoria vocant pro peccatis three kind of workes which they call satisfactorie for sinne and so they reade this text redeeme thy sinnes Contra. 1. The word is not well translated to redeeme for Pharak properly signifieth to breake off as R. Shelemo and D. Kimhi thinke and so is the word vsed Exod. 33. 2. breake off your earings 2. sinnes properly are not redeemed but men 3. And it had beene impossible for Nebuchadnezzar who had raigned tyrannically 40. yeares to make satisfaction by his workes for all the cruell murthers and other oppressions which he had committed 2. Some giue this sense retaining the vsuall reading that good workes are said to redeeme sinns as they are said to iustifie because they which are iustified ex iustitia illa operum suorum probantur are prooued and manifested by the righteousnesse of their workes Bullin so also Oecolamp externa opera sidei testimoniuÌ dant externall workes doe giue testimonie of faith which is not seene of men but by their workes 3. There is a third answer that it is meant not of redemption or satisfaction of and for our sinnes before God but before men redimimus apud homines pââcata dum
praise taken from three properties and adjuncts of Gods workes the veritie and truth iustice and equitie and the power and omnipotence in these words Whose workes are all truth and his waies iudgement and those that walke in pride he is able to abase v. 34. 43. Quest. That God onely is without checke and not to be controlled in his workes v. 32. None can stay his hand nor say vnto him What doest thou 1. They which profanely obiect that God sheweth himselfe as a Tyrant doing what he list his will standing for law may easily be answered that this proposition they whose wills onely stand for law are Tyrants is true onely among men it concerneth not God and the reason of this difference is God is a law to himselfe quia voluntas eius est perfectissima iustitia because his will is most perfect iustice Calvin he can will nothing but that which is holy and iust So is it not with man whose will is corrupt and peruerse and therefore it had neede of a rule and law to guide it 2. It is a question among the Ciuilians whether the Prince haue not an absolute power in his kingdome statuendi omnia pro suo arbitratu c. to appoint all things according to his will and so they would haue the Prince to be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã without checke and controlment of this opinion are Bartolus and his followers others doe hold that euen the Emperours themselues are bound vnto their lawes for they doe thus professe digna vox est maiestate regnantis legibus alligatum sâ principem profiteri adeo de authoritate iuris nostra pendet authoritas it is a voice worthie the maiestie of him which ruleth for the Prince to professe himselfe bound vnto the lawes in so much that our authoritie dependeth of the authoritie of the law c. Polan 3. But thus may these opinions be reconciled that though Princes are both bound by oath in some kingdomes to keepe the lawes and customes of the countrey and in policie also doe subiect themselues to their owne lawes for the example of others and beyond all these they are tied by a straiter bond of Gods word yet they are without checke of their subiects their doings are not of euery one to be called in question as the Preacher saith c. 8. 4. Where the word of the King is there is power and who shall say vnto him what doest thou where Princes hold immediatly their kingdoms of God there they are only to giue account vnto God But God is not to giue account vnto any and therefore of him onely simply and absolutely it is true that none can say What doest thou both because of his perfect iustice that none can finde fault with his workes and his absolute power that he is not subiect to the checke of any 44. Quest. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were saued 1. It may be obiected that he was not out of that place Isa. 14. 14. Thou shalt be brought downe to hell to the sides of the pit which beeing spoken of Nebuchadnezzer sheweth his euerlasting destruction in hell and the rather because in him is set forth and described the fall of Lucifer who with the rest of the reprobate angels were cast downe to hell Answ. 1. Though it be admitted and graunted that Nebuchadnezzer herein were a type of Lucifer yet it is not necessarie that all things which are expressed in such typicall predictions should agree vnto the type for some things are so spoken that they may fitly agree both vnto the type and figure and to the thing prefigured some vnto the signe onely some vnto the thing prefigured onely as in the 2. Psalme where Dauid is a type of Christ the 2. verse The kings of the earth band themselues c. agreeth vnto both and v. 6. I haue set my king vpon Zion but these words v. 7. Thou art my Sonne this day haue I begotten thee can onely be applied vnto Christ So in this place this casting downe to hell may be vnderstood onely of Lucifer here prefigured Perer. but there are better answers then this 2. As this commination against the King of Babylon is conditionally vnderstood that vnlesse he repenâed he should be cast downe to hell 3. As it may be an allegoricall speech shewing his great abasement as that other is I will ascend aboue the height of the cloudes 4. But yet it may be further and better answered that it is not necessarie to vnderstand this prophecie of Nebuchadnezzer but rather it was performed in Balthazar for the Prophet prophesieth also together of the destruction of Babylon which continued many yeares after the death of Nebuchadnezzer 5. And lastly the word translated hell signifieth also the graue and so better interpreted here because there is mention made of the pit 2. Wherefore the more probable and certen opinion is that Nebuchadnezzer in the end was saued as may appeare by these reasons 1. Iosephus saith that Nebuchadnezzer all his life long after this did acknowledge God and gaue praise and glorie vnto him 2. Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius inferre as much vpon his afflictions that God therefore chastened him because he would not haue him perish 3. Augustine sheweth as much by the diuers end of Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzer that he was hardened in his sinne and so giuen ouer to destruction the other was humbled vnder Gods hand and so saued 4. Theodoret likewise moouing the question why the Lord punished Nabuchadnezzers for a time but Balthazar with sudden death maketh this answer because the Lord did foresee that the one would be amended by his corrections but the other was irrecorrigible 5. Lastly Lyranus addeth this reason scripturae terminat historiam in eius humiliatione c. fidei confessione the Scripture endeth this storie in his humiliation and confession of faith which it vseth not to doe in them that afterward fall away and are lost 45. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer was saued and not Pharaoh both beeing in the same cause 1. Augustine putting forth this question sheweth wherein both of these were like quantum ad naturam ambo homines c. in respect of their nature they were both men for their dignitie they were both kings their cause was the fame they both held the people of God captiue quantum ad poenam and for their punishment they both were gently admonished with Gods scourges and yet their ends were diuers the question is cur medicamentum vnius medici manu confectum alij ad interitum alij valuerit ad salutem c. why a medicine made by the hand of the same physitian should be effectuall to the destruction of the one and for the health of the other 2. His answer is this because the one was humbled vnder the Lords correction the other hardened but then it will be asked why the one was humbled the other hardened the answer must be this illi vt mutaretur adfuisse diuinum huic vt
well vnto vs yet it would not follow that therefore we should pray vnto them Oecolampad see hereof Centâr 2. err 8. 4. Controv. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdomes v. 22. Till thou know that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of the earth and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will This Soueraigne power belongeth vnto God to dispose of kings and kingdomes to pull downe and set vp then it is presumptuous arrogancie in the Pope to challenge vnto himselfe any such supereminent power ouer kings vnto whome he himselfe ought to be subiect according to S. Pauls rule Rom. 13. 1. See before chap. 2. controv 6. 5. Controv. Against satisfaction by workes v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse The Latine interpreter readeth redeeme thy sinnes by righteousnes whereupon Pererius with other Romanists doe collect that workes of righteousnes and mercie doe satisfie for sinne and are auaileable ad expianda peccata venialia to expiate veniall sinnes And to that purpose he vrgeth that place Prov. 16. 6. By mercie and truth iniquitie shall be forgiuen Contra. 1. It is before sufficiently declared Quest. 30. that the true reading here is not redeeme but breake off thy sinnes 2. Though that other reading be retained the meaning onely is that he should redeeme and satisfie men whome he had wronged 3. And this had beene impossible for him to doe to make recompence to so many whome he had cruelly handled the space of 40. yeares 4. And if he would not make satisfaction vnto men much lesse vnto God 5. Wherefore in these words non exponitur modus redimendi peccata sed modus potius agendi the way of redeeming his sinne is not declared but the way rather of working such as becommeth those that are truly penitent first then his sinnes must be forgiuen by faith before he can bring forth the workes of repentance Iun. 6. Further as Nabuchadnezzer could not satisfie for his sinne no more can any man for our best works are imperfect our righteousnes is as a stained clout Isa. 6. 6. but that which must satisfie before God ought to be perfect and absolute it is therefore the most perfect righteousnes of Christ and none other that is able to satisfie Gods iustice for our sinnes 7. And concerning that place vrged out of the Proverbs either it may be vnderstood not of mercie which we shew which is called an actiue mercie but of mercie shewed vnto vs from God which is a passiue mercie by the which our iniquitie is forgiuen as Iunius prooueth by the words following by the feare of the Lord they depart from euill or els the meaning is by the works of mercie we are assured our sinnes are forgiuen vs Genevens as in the like sense our Sauiour saith Many sinnes are forgiuen her because shee loued much Luk. 7. 47. her great loue was not the cause but the signe rather and effect of the forgiuenes of her sinnes And so the Apostle saith 1. Ioh. 3. 14. We know that we are translated from death to life because we loue the brethren he saith not we are translated but we know we are But of the question against satisfaction by workes see more Synops. Papism Centur. 4. err 78. 6. Controv. Of the certentie of remission of sinnes v. 24. The Latine readeth It may be God will forgiue thee thy sinnes whereupon Pererius inferreth nemini liquido cognitam remissionem peccatorum that remission and forgiuenes of sinne is not certenly knowne vnto any Contra. 1. It is shewed before Quest. 31. that the word here vsed is not a particle of doubting but rather it serueth to exhort and stirre vp to haue further confidence in God and to take away carnall securitie 2. But that by faith we are vndoubtedly assured of the remission of sinne the Scripture euidently sheweth Rom. 5. 1. Beeing iustified by faith we are at peace with God but our conscience can not be setled or at peace vnles it be assured of Gods fauour in the remission of sinnes likewise Rom. 8. 16. The same spirit beareth witnesse to our spirit that we are the children of God but how can we be assured that they are the children of God if their sinnes be not forgiuen them See further hereof Centur. 4. err 56. 7. Controv. Which be the good workes of Christians v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnes c. Here good workes are defended to be the workes of righteousnes and mercie Among the Romanists these are counted their good workes suscipere peregrinationes erigere statuam c. to vow and take in hand pilgrimages to set vp an image to found crosses Calvin But these are not the workes which God is pleased with those are the works acceptable vnto him not which mans curiositie hath inuented but such as God himselfe hath appointed for vs to walke in Eph. 1. 10. The hypocrites say Wherewith shall I come before the Lord c. will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams or with ten thousand riuers of oyle c. But the Lord maketh answer what workes he requireth To doe iustly to loue mercie to humble thy selfe c. Mich. 6. 7. 8. Controv. That Gods prouidence is not onely a bare prescience or permission v. 32. According to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen c. Polanus hence refelleth that error of certaine Lutherans who affirme providentiam Dei nihil aliud esse nisi praescientiam that the prouidence of God is nothing els but a certain prescience formul concord fol. 249. for here it is euident that God is not a foreâeer but a doer that all things in heauen and earth fall out according to his will as Psal. 135. 6. Whatsoeuer pleased the Lord that did he in heauen and earth c. And Luther himselfe was of an other iudgement whose words are these Deus omnia infallibili voluntate praevidet proponit facit c. that God by his infallible âill doth foresee propound and doe all things c. Polan Calvin further vrgeth this place against those which make a distinction betweene the will of God and permission As though he suffered some things which he would not haue done which should argue impotencie and weaknes in God as though he should suffer some things against his will A voluntarie permission there is in God in leauing men vnto themselues and suffering things to worke according to their kind but an inuoluntarie permission there is not in God to suffer any thing which he would not haue done He suffereth sinne to be done though he will it not to be done yet it is his will it should be done because he knoweth how to make it serue vnto his glorie yet he is no way the author of sinne nor yet accessarie vnto it 9. Controv. Against the presumption of the Pope who would be without checke and controlement v. 32. None may say vnto him What doest thou This prerogatiue and priuiledge this great king giueth
things ordained to superstitious vses which haue no right consecration 1. Concerning superstitious implements they may be conuerted to other vses 1. so that it be done sine furto without theft or any disorderly manner not by any priuate man but by such as haue authoritie 2. It must be prouided that sufficient maintenance be remaining vnto the Church such superstitious dedications beeing cut off quantum opus est Ecclesus impertire debent they must impart vnto the Church so much as is sufficient 3. The things superstitiously abused and euill imployed as to maintaine idle bellies and Abbey-lubbers should be conuerted vnto good vses the maintenance of preachers releefe of the poore and such like 4. The things taken from Ecclesiasticall vse must not be abused to riot and excesse which made Balthazar 's fault the greater in prophaning these holy vessels in his drunken feast And so it hath beene the miserable vse in some places that great men consumptis bonis in conuiuijs frequenter se conuertunt ad spoliandum ecclesias c. hauing consumed their owne goods in banketting and feasting doe often fall to the spoyling of Churches gloss ordinar 5. A difference is to be made in those things which are consecrated some are of necessarie vse and are not to be alienated some were added of superfluitie and were not so pertinent or properly belonging to the Church as the politike dominions and ciuill iurisdictions which were giuen to Ecclesiasticall persons were not so fit to be administred by them Melancth But the tithes of the Church as the proper maintenance thereof and originally theirs it had beene happie if they neuer had beene alienated 2. Now as touching things consecrated vnto true religious vses there is lesse libertie in alienating of such things where these cauteles must be obserued 1. We must distinguish betweene those things which are of necessarie vse in Gods seruice and those which are not so necessarie as the high Priest gaue Dauid Goliaths sword which was consecrated vnto God but of no vse in his seruice the holy vessels which were vsed in the Temple he would not so easily haue giuen him 2. Euen those Church implements which are vsed must giue place to necessitie and to workes of charitie as is shewed before for God will haue mercie and not sacrifice to adorne Churches with gold and to suffer the poore members of Christ to starue is not pleasing vnto him Dauid in his extreame hunger did eate of the shew bread which it was not lawfull for any but the Priests to eate 3. But like as Dauid if he could haue prouided other bread would not haue eaten of that so all meanes must first be vsed and the last refuge must be to the Church goods in such extreame cases and vrgent necessities 13. Quest. Of the fingers which appeared in the wall how they were caused 1. R. Saadiah thinketh that this was the hand of the Angel Gabriel who is called the man Gabriel c. 9. 21. and here it is said to be a mans band but the same word is not vsed in both places for here the word is enosh home and in the other ish vir this then is but a weake reason 2. The most thinke this was done ministerio Angelico by the ministerie of Angels Oecolamp Lyran operatione Angeli by the operation of an Angel Pint. so also Osiand but Daniel saith v. 24. that the hand was sent from God 3. Wherefore I rather thinke with Calvin that Deus scripsit virtute suâ God did write it by his power digiti Iehovae fuerunt they were the fingers of God Polan who procured or caused by his power a mans hand to appeare not that it was indeede a mans hand but had the similitude thereof Calvin 4. Rupertus more particularly saith it was the hand of Christ thus writing qui per lapidem de monte sine manibus in prima c. be which is described by a stone cut out of the mountaine without hands in the first vision and is expressed by his owne name in the second where he is called the sonne of God and by the name of watchman and the holy one in the third per manum scribentis designatur is designed by the hand of a writer in the fourth 5. But that is too curious which is obserued by the ordinarie gloss God is the writer the hand is the sonne of God by whome he made all things digiti spiritus sanctus the fingers are the holy Ghost 14. Quest. Whether it were the likenes of aâ hand onely and seene of Balthazar alone 1. Lyranus thinketh it was onely the similitude of an hand it was not manus scribentis secundum existentium the hand of a writer hauing any true existence for then it would haue beene seene of others as well as of Balthazar whereas it is saide onely of Balthazar that he saw it Contra. Pererius here refelleth the opinion of Lyranus 1. The Scripture setteth it downe simply that the fingers of a mans hand appeared there is no note of similitude added 2. Though it is said expressely that Balthazar saw it it followeth not but that others might see it also 3. Neither is his reason good though the rest had not seene it for God may open the eyes of some to see such visions which others see not as the young man with the Prophet saw not at the first the fierie charets and horse which the Prophet saw till his eyes were opened 2. king 6. Perer. 4. Hereunto may be added that God vseth not to feed mens eyes with phantasies but true appearances phantasticall apparitions are the illusions of Sathan 5. And as it was a true writing remaining vpon the wall so was it a substantiall hand that wrote it 2. Some thinke further that Balthazar first and onely saw this sight and not the rest of the ghâsts as Balaams asse saw the Angel before he saw it so Oecolampad Calvin speaketh doubtfully the king saw it proceres forte non ita the nobles perhaps not But I rather thinke with Iunius that it was seene of all vt omnes euidenter animaduerterent c. that all men might see euidently it was the hand of God And so much may be gathered v. 10. the Queene came in by reason of the talke of the king and his Princes this strange sight was the matter of all their talke 15. Quest. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand 1. The time is noted that it might euidently appeare propter quod erat vindicta wherefore this reuenge came Lyran. for as he was in the middes of his cuppes and blasphemed God and praised his idols then this hand was sent like as before while the word was in Nabuchadnezzers mouth the sentence was pronounced against him for his pride gloss ordinarie 2. The fingers of an hand appeared the hand is the instrument of working Deus exerit manum iam percussurus God putteth forth his hand now readie to smite it signifieth therefore the
such like 2. by their impotencie they could neither see heare nor vnderstand 4. he gaue not glorie vnto God which is aggrauated by two benefits the giuing him of his life and breath and in protecting him in whose hand is thy breath and all thy wayes c. 3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame v. 25. to 29. Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speach to the king v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinuaâion or salutation to the king were these 1. In respect of his age and grauitie such a simple and plaine beginning became him for he was 90. yeare old if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office beeing a Prophet and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts Iun. 3. hoc ipsâ monstrauit abiectum c. in that he saluteth him not as a king giuing him his titles he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God no longer to be king Oecolampad 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impiâ desperatâ he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man of whom there was small hope and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne and searcheth it to the depth Calvin Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 1. That was not onely the reason in respect of his office because he was a Prophet least he might seeme to haue made merchandize of his propheticall gift as Polan and to fulfill that saying in the gospel ye haue freely receiued freely giue Lyran. Pellican for then he should not by this reason haue receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar 2. Neither was this the cause tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciperâ it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts gloss ordinar for then neither should Daniel haue receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar after he had expounded the dreame of theimage which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome 3. And to say that Daniel affected no such honours because he was now old is an insufficient reason for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places but onely for the good of the Lârds people 4. But the speciall reasons are these two noluit ab homine impiâ c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man Osiand as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman who was a stranger As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat the time of subiection vnto this king and of his gouernment was at an ende Caluin and therefore he refused these honours at his hand who was as no king but reiected of God Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar and refuseth them from Balthazar 1. The reason of this difference is because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome which the Lord had giueâ to him and to his sonne and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vnto him because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead But the case was now otherwise for he knewe that Balthazar 's kingdome was at an ende and these honours vnder him he could not long hold and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende he could not thereby aduantage the people of God Polan 2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar then there was in Nebuchadnezzar ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre quam avo and therefore he sheweth that he doth not so much respect and honour him as his grandfather Calvin Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vnto him which before he in words refused 1. It is like that they were verie vrgent and instant vpon him to accept of the kings offers 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still it would haue beene thought quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer and therefore to take away that suspition he vpon that instance accepteth of the rewards so also Occolampad Bulling 3. An other reason was qui mundi diuitias contempserat ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur least he which had despised the riches of the world should haue seemed to haue set the king himselfe at naught he accepteth of the kings offers Pintus 4. If he had still obstinately refused he might haue beene brought in suspicionem proditionis into suspicion of treason Calvin as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king if he had refused Balthazar 's rewards and offers 5. signum fuisset timiditatis it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse that by this meanes he might haue lien hid still and so escaped the danger beeing called to no publike place he therefore in accepting of these honours ostendit se imperterritum sheweth himselfe without feare Caluin Quest. 30. Whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement as though he put to death the innocent and spoyled men of their goods without iust cause or equitie for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power the next v. following sheweth But when his heart was puft vp this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar and his heart not yet lifted vp 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger that it is like that Nebuchadnezzar non iniuste suum administrauit regnum did not vniustly administer his kingdome for the contrarie appeareth c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause for that they could not tell the king his dreame which he had forgotten and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp 3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place that princes haue authoritie to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure for euen kings themselues must remember serationem summo regi reddituros that they also shall giue account vnto the the great king Calvin 4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate of the kingly power Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power for the which he was feared of all This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects 1. the one is in his subiects they feared and stood in awe
is thought to haue raigned but a short time after not aboue a yeare or two but Cyrus was neither so old held not then to be aboue 40. and he raigned diuers yeares after 3. And c. 6. 28. Darius and Cyrus are named as two diuers persons 5. It was the opinion of some as Hierome writeth vpon the 5. chap. of Daniel that this Darius was the same who in Herodotus is called Astyages of which opinion Eusebius seemeth to be who maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes And this seemeth to be fauoured by the Apocryphal storie of Susanna v. 65. that when Astyages was put or laid vnto his auncestors Cyrus of Persia tooke his kingdome But this opinion may thus be refelled 1. because none of the forren writers doe make any mention that Astyages had any warre with the Chaldeans or that he tooke Babylon 2. And this Apocryphal storie may be doubted of for according to Xenophon Cyaxares raigned after Astyages and as Herodotus writeth Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdome and sent him to Carmania and so tooke vpon him the kingdome while he liued the storie of Susanna agreeth with neither of these reports 6. The most generall receiued opinion is that this Darius called Cyaxares was as Xenophon writeth the sonne of Astyages and vncle by the mothers side to Cyrus which Cyaxares was king of the Medes after Astyages this opinion followeth Iosephus Hierome Lyranus Pintus Oecolampad Osiander with others But this is obiected against this opinion that Astyages had no sonne but a daughter Mandane the mother of Cyrus whome Astyages commanded to be slaine because the Astrologers told him that he should haue dominion ouer all Asia And this is affirmed by diuers authors that Astyages had no sonne as Valerius Maxim lib. 1. cap. de somnijs Herodot lib. 1. Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr histor And therefore Iunius vnderstandeth Xenophon to speake not of Astyages naturall but of his adopted sonne 7. Iosephus Scaliger in the 8. booke of that exquisite worke which he hath written de emendat tempor is of this opinion that be which is called Balthazar is the same who is named of other writers Labosardach the sonne of Niâoctis Nabuchadnezzers daughter who was slaine by the Babylonians and then this Darius the Mede the same who is called Nabonidus was by a common consent chosen king in his place who when he had raigned 17. yeares in Babylon was ouercome by Cyrus and the citie taken Iunius also in his annotation vpon this verse saith that this Darius the Mede is the same who is called by the historians Labonidus or Labynitus Contra. 1. If Labosardach and Balthazar were the same beeing the sonne of Nabuchadnezzers daughter then was not the prophecie fulfilled that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzers sonne and his sonnes sonne for it was to his daughters sonne 2. when Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke the kingdom by force it is not like they would haue chosen him beeing a stranger vnto it 3. after Balthazar was slain the kingdom was deuided betweene the Medes and Persians it did not then quietly descend vnto the Medes 4. The Prophet Isai saith c. 13. 17. Behold I will stirre vp the Medes against thee the Medes then assaulted Babylon and tooke it by violence a Mede came not vnto it by election 5. This Darius was king of the Medes and Persians as it appeareth in the 6. chapter how could that be if he raigned in Babylon and was ouercome by the power of the Medes and Persians 6. Concerning Iunius opinion I preferre his iudgement in his commentarie vpon v. 11. 12. c. 5. that Balthazar is the same whome Herodotus called Labunitus or Nebonidus which signifieth a Prince expulsed because he with his father were both expelled by Niglazar Then Darius the Mede could not be that Nabonidus or Labynitus as he hath in his annotation 8. This then is the most probable opinion that this Darius called also Cyaxares was not the sonne but the brother of Astyages and great vncle to Cyrus the sonne of Cambyses and Mandane Astyages daughter this then was their genealogie Assuerus or Cyaxares the Elder had two sonnes Astyages and Cyaxares the younger the same is this Darius who is said to be sonne of Assuerus c. 9. 1. not of Astyages Xenophon calleth Cyaxares Astyages sonne because he adopted him to succeede in the kingdome to preuent Cyrus Iun. Polan The author of the scholasticall historie much disagreeth not who saith that Cyaxares was not the sonne but the kinsman of Astyages whome he adopted to be his heire This Darius was also father in law to Cyrus to whome together with his daughter he resigned the kingdome of Media Iun. 2. Quest. Of the diuers names which Darius had 1. Pererius obserueth that he was called by 4. names by Daniel he is named Darius by the Septuag as Hierome saith he was called Artaxerxes by Xenophon Cyaxares and in the storie of Susanna he is the same there called Astyages the three first names may be acknowledged to be giuen vnto him but Astyages he is not called either by Herodotus or Xenophon it is rather an error in that Apocryphal storie 2. The names Cyaxares and Assuerus are in effect all one for Chu in the Persian language signifieth a Prince and so doth achash whence is deriued the word achashverosh or Assuerus which the Greekes pronounce Axares or Oxuares Cyaxares then signifieth a prince of princes or a chiefe prince 3. He is called Darius the Mede by way of distinction from Darius the Persian Ezr. c. 4. 5. who was the third that raigned after Cyrus 3. Quest. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 1. Xenophon writeth that Darius was the chiefe author of the warre against Babylon and therein vsed the helpe of Cyrus who beeing sent with the greatest part of the armie to the siege Darius himselfe staied in Media to whome Cyrus came afterward when he had setled the Babylonian affaires to whome Darius offered the kingdome of Media together with his daughter and Cyrus againe gaue vnto Darius the gouernment of Babylon with the goodly palace and other edifices there this report followeth Iunius in his commentarie But it is not like that Darius was now absent seeing it is saide that immediately after Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome 2. R. Levi thinketh that Darius was present and that he afterward continued in Babylon and raigned not a full yeare there and then Cyrus succeeded him 3. But Iosephus whose opinion is more probable thinketh that Darius certaine moneths after the taking of Babylon returned into Media and caried Daniel with him where in Eâbatane Daniel builded a goodly tower for the sepulture of the kings which remained vnto Iosephus time and then seemed as if it had beene newly built And he left Cyrus behind him to set the Babylonian affaires in order this Bullinger thinketh more probable and Oecolampadius seemeth to encline to the same opinion
interpretando edictum by interpreting his decree and seeking to excuse Daniel Lyran. But he could not preuaile Thus farre the king is to be commended in labouring for the innocent 2. But in two things he faileth on the one side metuit discrimen c. he is afraide least the nobles should haue conspired against him if he had resisted them he durst not infringe their lawes at the first 2. stulto pudore mouetur he is mooued with shame least he might be noted of inconstancie for reuersing his lawe Calvin Thus Herode was loath to put Iohn Baptist to death but he more fearâd the note of inconstancie with those which sate at the table and Pilate would haue deliuered Christ but he feared the displeasure of Caesar as the Iewes obiect that in so doing he should not be Caesars friend 3. Yet though Darius here shew himselfe to be but a weake Prince yet his offence was no so great as was the sinne of the Rulers for he lapsus est infirmitate fell of infirmitie Melancthon illi accusant per inuidam c. they accuse the seruant of God through enuie Oecolamp And as there was difference in their sinne so the euent was diuerse for the Lord had mercie on the king and brought him to repentance but Daniels enemies were destroyed Quest. 19. Whether Darius might not haue broken this decree 1. There is no question but that the king ought to haue reuersed this vniust lawe whatsoeuer the custome was to the contrarie whereby the innocent were condemned like as it is better to breake an vniust oath then to obserue it for then there is a double fault committed first in making an vniust oath and then in keeping it like as Dauid did well to reuerse his oth of reuenge which he had made against Nabal and Herode did wickedly in performing his rash and vnaduised oath in killing Iohn Baptist Pap. 2. Darius then binding himselfe to strictly to his lawe therein cannot be excused 1. he knewe in his conscience that it was a wicked decree and against the glorie of God 2. And that it was made fraudulently to intrappe Daniel 3. neither should he haue beene drawn to be partaker of other mens sinnes 4. And though his nobles resisted him yet where he could not by argument and perswasion preuaile he should haue striken thorough by his authoritie Polan Quest. 20. Whether Darius prayer for Daniel were of faith v. 16. Thy God whom thou alway seruest he deliuer thee c. 1. Hierome with whom consenteth Lyranus Hugo gloss ordinar doe here note quod non ambigue loquitur sed audacter confidenter that Darius speaketh not doubtfully but boldly and confidently c. And this may seeme to be an argument that he prayed in faith because his prayer was heard but Daniels deliuerance was not an effect of Darius prayer the Lord had respect vnto his owne glorie and to Daniels innocencie and he wisheth rather that God should deliuer him then affirmeth any thing as Iunius translateth 2. There appeareth in Darius that he had here aliquam Dei cognitionem some knowledge of God which he had learned of Daniel Osiand which is manifest both in that he speaketh of Daniels God that he and not any other god was able to deliuer him and then in respect of Daniels person because he was innocent he was perswaded God would deliuer him Iun. 3. Yet this was farre from a faithfull prayer 1. for then he would neuer haue suffred an innocent man to be condemned 2. he calleth him Daniels God as though he were not his God Polan 3. If he had prayed in faith he would not onely haue wished well vnto Daniel but haue endeauoured by all his power to doe him good for not good words but good workes are the fruits of faith as S. Iames sheweth c. 2. 16. Bulling yet we may gather non omni pietate vacuuÌ fuisse regem that the king was not void of all pietie by his words following when he thus spake to Daniel v. 20. O Daniel seruant of the liuing God is not thy God whom thou alway seruest able to deliuer thee from the lyons Bulling though Calvin here doubt not to affirme âe micam pietatis fuisse in rege that there was not a crumbe of pietie in the kiââ Quest. 21. v. 17. Why the king sealed the stone with his owne seale 1. The Latine interpreter readeth he sealed the stone with his owne signet and the signet of his princes ne quid fieret contra Danielem least any thing should be done against Daniel whereupon the ordin gloss noteth following Hierome de leonibus securus de hominibus pertimescit the king beeing out of feare for the lyons is afraide of men c. he is afraide least any of his enemies seeing the lyons to doe Daniel no harme might haue practised against him in the denne and therefore he sealed the stone ne introiret aliquis sine scitu suo least any should enter without his priuitie Lyran. to the same purpose also Bullinger and Pellican But the originall is otherwise which is truely translated thus that the purpose might not be changed concerning Daniel 2. Therefore the meaning is this that when these men perceiued when Daniel was cast into the denne that the lyons stirred not at him they doubting of the kings constancie least he should cause Daniel to be taken out aliue or that some other of his friends might drawe him out Daniels accusers cause the king to seale the stone and they not trusting to the kings seale alone put to their owne seales likewise Iun. Polan Quest. 22. Whether Darius were truely conuerted confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God v. 20. Is not thy God whom thou seruest able to deliuer thee 1. Hierome and Lyranus following him thinke that the king did not speake thus as doubting of Gods power sed ambiguam sententiam temperat c. but he so tempereth his speach that when Daniel should come forth without any hurt the more credible the thing was tanto aduersus principes iustior sit indignatio so much the more iust his indignation might be against the rulers c. And so their opinion seemeth to be that Darius as trusting in the power of God spake confidently as a man assured that Daniel was deliuered And for further strengthening of this opinion it wil be said that Darius here confesseth the liuing God as beleeuing in the onely true God But to confesse one onely God men are taught by the light of nature and diuerse of the Gentiles so acknowledged this then was no firme argument of his conuersion 2. Though Darius spake not thus as incredulous sed inter spem metumque haerebat but did sticke as it were betweene hope and feare Osiand yet the manner of his speach sheweth that he somewhat doubted of Gods power habuit aliquid spei sed coniectum cum dubitatione he had some hope but ioyned with doubtfulnesse and infirmitie Bulling beside he confesseth
vsque in futurum seculum in quo regnabunt per gloriam their kingdome shall begin in this world wherein they raigne by grace and continue vnto the next world wherein they shall raigne in glorie c. 3. this kingdome of the Saints in Christ shall beginne after the dissolution of the foure former Monarchies as is before shewed 49. Quest. Why they are called the most high Saints v. 18. 1. The vulgar Latine readeth which H. Br. followeth in his commentarie Saints of the most high God but beside that the word high ghelonin is in the plural and so must be ioyned with Saints the other word God is not in the text 2. Some by the high Saints vnderstand the Angels but that can not be for v. 27. they are interpreted to be the holy people of the most high the Saints in earth 3. neither by the high Saints can God himselfe be vnderstood the Scripture vseth not in the plural number so to speake of God 4. some thus read the Saints of the high things that is to whome belongeth the inheritance of the high and heauenly things Iun. Polan Calvin But it is better ioyned as an epithete to Saints they are called the high Saints as v. 27. the people of the Saints most high they are most high in respect of all other people in the world in respect of the most high Prince the Lord Christ to whome they belong and in regard of the most high inheritance of heauen which appertaineth vnto them 50. Quest. v. 20. How the horne called before little is said to be in shew greater then the rest 1. Before in the vision it is saide to be a little horne in respect of the obscure base and meane beginning for so Antiochus Epiphanes beeing the younger brother had no right nor title to the kingdome and in this sense he was a little horne 2. But the euent considered how afterward Antiochus Epiphanes proud Antiochus who of some is rather called Epimanes madde Antiochus exceeded all other of the Seleucians in greatnes he is in this respect said to be greater in shew then the rest So both are true but not in the same time 51. Quest. How this little horne is said to chaunge lawes and times 1. Hierome by changing times and lawes vnderstandeth that Antichrist shall abolish and take away all religion so also Lyran. he shall abrogate the worship of God sibi illum cultum vsurpabit and shall vsurpe vnto himselfe that worship making himselfe God But Antichrist which was prophecied of and is now come into the world shall not be an open and professed enemie vnto all religion but rather through hypocrisie and vaine shew of religion shall deceiue many and therefore the Apostle saith he shall come with lying wonders 2. Thess. 2. 9. 2. Calvin vnderstanding the Romane Emperours to be this little horne giueth this sense that omnia iura humana divina peruertent they shall peruert all lawes humane and diuine as Augustus caused altars to be erected vnto him though otherwise a ciuill Prince Tiberius neglected all religion Caligula threatned to banish Iuppiter their great god into Greece and would often smite his image with his fift Domitian wished that all the people of Rome had but one necke that he might smite it off at once he would haue made his horse Consul But though these things may by way of analogie be thus applied yet historically as hath beene shewed at large this prophecie was fulfilled before the comming of the Messiah into the world 3. Bullinger with others shew how this is practised by the Pope of Rome to chaunge lawes and times for he canonizeth Saints and erecteth holy daies vnto them appointeth fastâ and fasting daies for religion he chaungeth lawes as commanding adoration of Images which is forbidden by the law of God restraining mariage which God hath made free for all taking away the cuppe in the Eucharist which Christ in the institution of his last supper appointed to be vsed 4. Other doe verifie these things in the Turke who endeauoureth what he can to abolish all Christian religion he thinketh to doe it laboureth what he can to extitpate the Gospel of Christ but he can not These two last expositions also we refuse vpon the former reason These applications by way of analogie we mislike not but this prophecie had the historicall accomplishment before the birth of Christ. 5. Wherefore this is a true and liuely description of Antiochus Epiphanes how he attempted to change times to abolish the festiuals of the Iews to prophane their Sabbaths the rites also and ceremonies of Moses law he abrogated defiling the Temple and the altars and setting vp most abominable idols as is shewed at large 1. Macch. 1. 46. c. Antiochus sent his letters to Ierusalem and the cities of Iuda that they should follow the straunge lawes of the countrey that they should forbid the burnt offerings and the sacrifices and the offerings of the Sanctuarie and that they should defile the sabbaths and the feasts and pollute the sanctuarie and the holy men and to set vp altars and groues and chappels of idols and offer vp swines flesh and vncleane beasts c. The like reporteth Ioseph lib. 12. Antiquit. Iudaic. c. 6. It is very euident now by comparing the historie of the Macchabees with the prophecie of Daniel that all these things were most truly and properly fulfilled in the raigne of Antiochus Epiphanes which are here described of this little horne 52. Quest. What is meant by a time times and a part of time v. 25. 1. Some by these termes vnderstand not any certaine definite time but take it at large for a certaine season not determined 2. Others vnderstand precisely a certen prefixed time 1. Of the first sort 1. some doe vnderstand longam durationem a long continuance of time yet certaine and determined with God Papp So Bullinger calleth it praefinitum tempus sol Deo cognitum a time defined but onely knowne vnto God to the same purpose also Calv. Genevens Melancth 2. Oecolampad also here defineth not any certaine time but giueth this reason of three times and an halfe which maketh halfe a propheticall weeke dimidiat Deus hebdomadam God halueth the weeke because he will not be angrie for euer as our blessed Sauiour saith that for the Elects sake those daies shall be shortned But it is euident that a certaine time is here prefixed and limited and that by times yeares are signified as c 4. in the vision of the great tree by seauen times are vnderstood seauen yeares 2. They which vnderstand here a certen time 1. some would haue hereby signified so many yeares as there be daies in 3. yeares and an halfe as R. Levi saith that the desolation of the Temple shall continue a 1335. yeares which number of daies Daniel hath c. 12. 12. But the grosse blindnes of these Rabbins is euident to all the world for since the last and finall desolation of the
is more probable that this vision was sent to Daniel now beeing awake one reason is because simply it is called a vision there is no mention made of sleepeâ which is alwaies expressed when the vision is reuealed by dreame Osiand Oecolampadius addeth this reason further that because Daniel made good vse of the former vision remembring it and committing the same to writing ampliorem gratiam accipit he receiueth greater grace and that which was before shewed by night now vigilans certissime agnoscit he knoweth most certainely beeing awake Quest. 4. How Daniel is said to be in Shushan v. 2. 1. Dyonisius Carthusianus is of opinion that this is an inexplicable question how Daniel at this time could be at Shushan which was the chiefe seate of the kings of Persia. 2. Some doe make it indifferent whether Daniel were here corporally or in vision onely Bul. But the obiections which afterward followe doe shewe that either of these cannot be indifferently held 3. Pererius and Pintus following the Latine text resolue that Daniel was there corporally and that it is like the prouince Susiana at this time belonged vnto Chaldea but the text saith otherwise that it was in the prouince of Elam which was in Persia Iosephus hath the like opinion that Daniel beeing at Susa with some of his companions went into the field and there suddenly rose a great earthquake which scattered his companions from him and he was left alone and then sawe this vision of the ramme and the goat But no such thing is expressed in the text and therefore this report of Iosephus hath no ground 4. It remaineth then that Daniel was in the palace of Shushan onely in vision as afterward c. 10. 4. he was beside the great riuer Hiddekell corporally Daniel was not there vpon these reasons 1. because Daniel could not goe whether he would beeing a captiue and therefore it is not like he could be suffered to be in his enemies countrey 2. he was by allegeance bound to the king of Babel and by Gods ordinance was to serue him till the years of captiuitie were expired Ierem. 27. 7. 3. Daniel was in Babylon at the taking thereof by Darius it is not like that he could be permitted to come and go to the professed enemies of the Chaldeans 4. And that he nameth the third yeare of Belshazar it is euident he was then vnder the gouernement and dominion of the Chaldeans 5. Beside the manner of speach sheweth as much when I sawe I was in the palace of Shuâhan that is in my vision I thought I was there as Vatablus interpreteth Daniel then was in Shusan not corporally but spiritually by vision And this vision answereth to the euent because there these things should come to passe the Persian kings should there be conquered for Alexander tooke that rich citie and spoyled it Quest. 5. Of the citie Shushan by whom it was builded and whence so named 1. Strabo writeth that the citie Susa as he calleth it was first builded by Tithonus the father of Memnon Diodorus lib. 3. c. 6. maketh Memnon the first builder of it whereupon the citie was called a long time Memnonia Plinie lib. 6. c. 27. saith it was built by Darius Hystaspis But it is euident out of the text here that Darius which followed after these times could not be the builder of it It may therefore thus be that the citie was first founded by Memnon and then afterward enlarged by Darius 2. Strabo also saith lib. 15. that it was Cyrus chiefe citie both because it was nearer vnto other prouinces which he had subdued and for the honour of the Susians that were most faithfull to the Persians and neuer fell from them 3. It was so called of Susan which signifieth a lilie of the pleasantnesse of the situation as Athâneaus noteth Iun. Pol. of this Shushan was the whole prouince called Susiane Bullin Quest. 6. Of the situation of the citie Shushan 1. It is here said to be situate in the region or prouince of Elam Hierome readeth following Symmachus in the citie of Elam for the word medinah signifieth both a prouince and a citie both the place to the which lawes and iudgements are giuen the place from whence they come that is from the chiefe citie But it is here taken for a prouince for how could one citie be said to be within another 2. Hierome further affirmeth that this Susan was the chiefe citie of the Prouince of Elam But Strabo Theodoret Iosephus doe make it a part of Persia Plinie doth deuide the region Susiane from Elemais by the riuer Euleus and maketh two Prouinces of them lib. 6. cap. 27. But all these may thus be reconciled that both tho se regions on the one side and on the other of the riuer Vlai were all one and belonged to the Prouince of Elam but afterward the Susians growing famous they were distinguished into two proâââces and both belonged to Persia Perer. 3. This Elam was so called of Elam one of the sonnes of Sem Gen. 10. 22. of whom the inhabitants were called Elamites of whom we reade Act. 2. 9. Parthians Medes Elamites 4. Some take Shushan and Ecbatane for the same citie histor Sholast but that cannot be for Ecbatane was the chiefe citie of the Medes Iudith 1. 1. but Sushan was the chiefe citie of Persia Hierome also is in the same error for he saith that Daniel built that great tower at Susan where the kings of the Medes and Persians were buried whereas Iosephus saith he built it at Ecbatane in Media who in the same place euidently distinguisheth betweene Ecbatane and Susan making them two diuerse cities Iosephus lib. 10. cap. 12. So that either Hieromes memorie herein fayled or els he tooke both those cities for one 5. The Persian kings had beside an other citie called Persepolis where they had a most sumptuous palace made of white marble the pillars were of gold the roofe or sealing set forth with glistering starres which goodly Palace Alexander at the instigation of his concubine caused to be set on fire 6. Of this Princely palace of Susan where the kings of Persia made their abode mention is made Neh. 1. 1. Esther 1. 1. Quest. 7. Of the Riuer Vlai where Daniel had this vision v. 2. I was by the riuer Vlai 1. Hierome readeth by the gate Vlai as cities haue diuers gates which are named by their seuerall names as the gate Carmentalis in Rome so also gloss ordinar but the word Vbal doth not so signifie 2. Theodotian whom Theodoret followeth maketh it a proper name by Vbal Vlai 3. But the better reading is by the riuer Vlai for so Vbal signifieth a riuer and Plinie maketh mention of the riuer Eulaeus that runneth by Susa and compasseth that most famous temple of Daina there the water of which riuer was had in such price that the Persian kings onely vsed to drinke of it and whither so euer they went they had of this water carried with
his opinion And he further affirmeth that those numbers in those bookes of the Macchabees were not inserted by the author of that storie but by Iosephus But though the booke of the Macchabees is not receiued as Canonicall for any matter of faith or doctrine yet it may be esteemed of for matter of storie and therefore it is great bouldnes therein to contradict the same And he in this his censure giueth vnto Antiochus 16. yeares whereas he is held to haue raigned but 12. yeare he began to raigne in the yeare 137. and died in the 149. yeare 1. Mac. 6. 16. 3. Therefore these yeares of the kingdome of the Greekes must beginne from the raigne of Seleucus in Syria not from the death of Alexander as may thus be gathered 1. whereas Antiochus polluted the Sanctuarie in the 145. yeare if this time were taken from Alexanders death it should be the 157. or 159. yeare for so long it was after Alexanders death 2. Beside Iosephus lib. 12. antiquit cap. 7. saith that this 145. yeare did concurre with the 153. Olympiads then cannot this account begin from the death of Alexander which was in the first yeare of the 114. Olympiad from thence to the 153. Olympiad are 39. Olympiads which make an 156. yeares whereas it was but the 145. yeare from the beginning of the raigne of the Seleucians Quest. 27. Why the kingdome of the Greekes is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians 1. Though Alexander were the first king of the Greekes and founder of that Empire v. 21. yet his raigne is not counted because the kingdome descended not to his posteritie as the kingdome of the Seleucians did for there were many descents in the same familie vntill the kingdome was dissolued by the Romanes 2. And whereas it may be obiected that there was a descent and succession in the other kingdomes but especially of the Ptolomees in Egypt whose race continued longer then the Seleucians in Syria yet these haue the name of the kingdome because the were mightier then the rest and they had chiefely to doe with the people of God whom the hystorie of the Macchabees specially concerneth 3. Further whereas the kingdome of the Seleucians was not in any part of Greece but in Syria and Chaldea yet it is called the kingdome of the Grecians because the Seleucians had their beginning from thence and vsed the language customes superstitions of the Greekes Perer. Quest. 28. Of the man Gabriel 1. Some doe take this to be an excellent name common to all Angels it signifieth the strength or power of God but it is euident Luk. 1. 19. where this Angel Gabriel was sent to the vigin Marie that it was the proper name of an Angel Iun. commentar 2. But Gregorie well noteth that Angels are not called by names in respect of themselues as though they could not be discerned but by their seuerall names in that celestiall citie where they enioy the vision of God sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi veniunt c. but when they come vnto vs to minister they doe take their names of their ministerie and office c. as here this Angel is called Gabriel the strength of God because he was employed in the defense of the Church against the enemies thereof 3. But this further must be considered that this Angel is not so called ab essentiali potentia dei from the essentiall power of God but of that power which was giuen him to execute the Lords commandement Iun. 4. And this is the onely name giuen vnto Angels in Scripture for the name Michael which signifieth one as God is ascribed vnto Christ who is equall vnto God As for the other names Raphael Ieremiel Sammael they are but the deuised tearmes of men inserted in the Apochryphall bookes but not to be found in the Canonicall Scriptures Polan Iun. Quest. 29. v. 16. Vpon these words make this man to vnderstand the vision whether Angels can giue vs vnderstanding 1. The Angels of themselues haue no power to infuse vnderstanding into the minde of man but he onely which hath created the heart of man can giue vnto it vnderstanding And the Angels themselues cannot vnderstand the secrets and mysteries of God vnlesse it be giuen vnto them as here the Angel called an holy one enquired of Palmoni which is Christ the meaning of this vision v. 13. 2. yet when it pleaseth God to vse the ministerie of Angels they may helpe to make a way for our better vnderstanding as he which openeth the windowe may be said to giue light vnto the house yet it is the sunne properly that giueth light So the Sonne of righteousnesse illuminateth our hearts the Angels may helpe to prepare the way Polan 3. But in this place the Angel doth not by any secret infusion open Daniels vnderstanding but by a manifest and cleare interpretation of the vision and so the Lord vseth the ministrie of men in the preaching of the gospel to open the hearts of the hearers Quest. 30. v. 29. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia 1. Though there were other kings of Macedonia which is a part of Greece before Alexander as Philip with others yet Alexander here compared to an horne for strength is said to be the first king namely of the Monarchie Osiand the first king of the Grecians that ouercame the Medes and Persians Polan 2. And here it must be obserued that the two first kingdomes are likened vnto beasts the rest vnto the hornes of beasts because they did issue out of the other as the hornes came out of the beast 3. And by the hornes we must vnderstand the kings together with their kingdomes Osiand 4. Lyranus giueth this reason why Alexander is called the first because before him the kings were nullius momenti of no account or fame He was the first notable king But he is so called not onely in respect of his name or fame but of his power and conquest as is before touched Quest. 31. Of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp in the latter ende of their kingdome 1. Some doe thus expound the word beacharith procedente tempore during the time of these kingdomes Iun. annot Polan but the same word v. 19. they interpret extremitatem the extremitie of wrath or the last wrath therefore it is not fit in this place to giue it an other interpretation 2. Some reade in the ende of their kingdome Genevens that is toward the ende of the kingdome of the Macedonians or Greekes Vatab. So also readeth the Latine post regnum illorum after their kingdome But this cannot be vnderstood of the ende of the kingdome of the Grecians or Seleucians for when Anciochus Epiphanes rose vp there were more which succeeded in that familie after him then went before him for in all there were 18. kings of Seleucus posteritie in the which number Antiochus Epiphanes was the 8. king of that familie so that tenne succeeded him Antioch us
ouer thy people and vpon thine holy citie citie of thy holines H. to restraine finish V. L. S B. G. but the word is cala with aleph which signifieth to restraine but calah with he signifieth to finish and to seale vp A. I. B. G. S. rather then to finish sinnes L. V. P. the word is chatam to seale to reconcile iniquitie not that iniquitie be taken away L. and to bring in euerlasting righteousnes and to seale vp the vision not that the vision be fulfilled L. and the Prophet I. A. not prophesie L. S. V. B. G. for nabi signifieth a Prophet not prophecie and to anoint the most Holy the holines of holines H. 25. Know therefore and vnderstand that from the going forth of the word to bring againe the people to cause to returne H. not to answer S. or restoare I. or to cause to returne and build that is to build againe L. V. for although the same word be vsed in the same sense in the ende of the verse the streete shall returne and be built that is shall againe be built yet it is there in an other forme here it is in hiphil which signifieth to cause to return and to build Ierusalem vnto Messiah Christ. L. S. the Prince shall be seuen weekes and threescore and two weekes and the streete shall be built againe and the ditch that is the compasse of the wall V. the wall S. B. G. in a troublesome time in the straitnes of time H. B. not in a short time V. or the time shall be euacuated S. 26. And after threescore and two weekes the Messiah anointed H. Christ. L. not the vnction or anointing S. shall be destroied slaine B. G. and not for himselfe Br. B. better then there shall be no iudgement that is fault worthie of iudgement in him S. or he shall haue nothing that is he shall seeme to haue no beautie G. or nothing to doe with Ierusalem I. or there shall be none to helpe him V. see qu. 64. the vulgar Latine thus he shall haue no people which should denie him and the people of the Prince that shall come shall destroy the citie and the Sanctuarie see the diuers readings qu. 74. and the ende thereof shall be with a flood and vnto the ende not after the ende L. it shall be destroied by desolations or extreame desolation is appointed L. V. 27 He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke and in the middes or halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease some read thus the halfe of the weeke shall cause to cease c. V. Br. and vpon the wing that is the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation L. S. better then by the ouerspreading of abomination he shall make it desolate B. G. or by the legions or armie of abominations making desolate I. or the destroier shall be vpon the wing of abominations V. see further for the best reading qu. 87. and 88. in the ende euen vntill the consummation determined precise consummation H. it shall be powred that is desolation I. continue L. vpon the desolate 3. The questions and doubts discussed 1. Quest. What Assuerus this was whose sonne Darius is said to be 1. What Darius this was is handled at large qu. 1. c. 6. he was not that Darius in whose second yeare the Temple beganne to be built whereof mention is made Hagg. 1. 1. as Porphyrie of purpose doth confound them to disturbe the propheticall historie and computation of yeares in Daniel neither was this that Darius whome Alexander ouercame but Darius before mentioned c. 6. who together with Cyrus tooke the citie of Babylon 2. This Assuerus the father of Darius was not that Assuerus the husband of Esther as Canus thinketh and Bullinger seemeth to incline to that opinion for that Assuerus is also called Artaxerxes in the booke of Esther which was the name of the Persian kings after Cyrus And that Assuerus had his palace and princely seat at Sushan which was not appointed to be the chiefe citie or seat of the kingdom vntil Cyrus as Strabo thinketh l. 15. or till Darius Hystaspis as Plin. lib. 6. c. 21. Perer. But this argument rather ouerthroweth this opinion that the captiuitie of Babylon was ended and the people returned before the raigne of that Assuerus whereas they were at this time in captiuitie still And further that Assuerus raigned from India to Ethiopia but the Chaldean Monarchie yet standing the Persian Monarchie could not be so large 3. Iosephus Hieronimus Theodoret and Lyranus Carthusian following them take this Assuerus to be Astyages whose daughter Mandane was Cyrus mother but Astyages is not found to haue had any sonnes but onely that daughter as is shewed before c. 6. qu. 1. 6. 4. Pererius thinketh that Assuerus or Achashuerus was not the proper name of any one king but it beeing deriued of Achash great and Resh an head was a common name which was giuen by the Hebrewes vnto forren Princes that were of great power And this title is found giuen vnto three kings the father of this Darius the husband of Esther and to that king which hindred the building of the Temple Ezr. 4. who is thought by the most to be Cambyses the sonne of Cyrus Contr. Pererius is here deceiued in many points 1. he taketh Assuerus to be an Hebrew name where it hath a Persian deriuation and is deriued of Achash which signifieth a Prince Polan in c. 6. v. 1. 2. it is euident that it was a peculiar name for otherwise it should haue beene common to all the Persian kings 3. the same Assuerus mentioned Ezt. 4. 6. is thought to be the same so much celebrated in the storie of Esther in both places Iunius taketh him for Xerxes 5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is that this Assuerus called by the Greeke historians Cyaxares the first was father vnto Astyages and this Darius who was called also Cyaxares the second for there is no great difference in signification betweene Cyaxares and Achassuerus the first beeing deriued of chu and achash both which words signifie a Prince and put together a Prince of Princes that is a great Prince and Achassuerus likewise is deriued of the same word Achash a Prince Ioseph Scallig lib. 6. de emendat Polan in 6. Dan. This Assuerus then was not Astyages but the father of Astyages and this Darius who was vncle to Cyrus mother and great vncle vnto Cyrus Iun. comment 2. Quest. Of the yeares of Darius raigne and how this vision is said to be in his first yeare 1. Annius whome Driedo and Lucidus follow thinke that Cyrus and Darius raigned two yeares together after the Babylonians were subdued 2. Lyranus and Vatablus in 9. â Dan. thinke that Darius raigned two yeares before Cyrus raigne began 3. Cyrillus Hierosolymit seemeth to giue vnto him eight yeares cateches 12. 4. Severus Sulpitius thinketh that Darius raigned 18. yeares at the same time that Astyages
the Temple vnto Cyrus he counteth 52. yeares Paulus Burgensis thus confuteth this assertion because none are simply in Scripture calleth annointed but those which were annointed either with materiall oyle as the kings and Priests or with spirituall as the Prophets but Cyrus was neither of these wayes annointed And whereas this place is vrged of Cyrus he saith it is not to be vnderstood of Cyrus but of the Messiah this answer of Burgens is verie weake for in that the Prophet saith Cyrus his annointed what is more euident then that he speaketh of Cyrus beeing expressed by name Pererius answer also is vnsufficient that Cyrus was long before the beginning of these weekes whereas it hath beene alreadie shewed that the weekes beganne in Cyrus time 1. Thus therefore is this opinion rather refelled 1. because he himselfe counteth 52. weekes vnto Cyrus which make aboue 7. weekes of yeares Burgens 2. Afterward by Messiah that should be slaine he vnderstandeth Agrippa king of the Iewes and so he changeth the person taking the Messiah for two diuerse persons whereas it is euident that the Prophet speaketh of one and the same Messiah Lyran. 3. he is called Messiah the gouernour or principall for so the word nagid signifieth but none is called the principall Messiah but onely Christ of whom the Prophet speaketh Isay. 55. 4. I haue giuen him for a witnesse to the people for a Prince c. the word is nagid Burgens 2. Some by the Messiah vnderstand Nehemiah as Ab. Ezra some Zorobabel some Iehoshua the high Priest as R. Levi Ben Gersoâ But these were in the beginning of the 7. weekes at the returne of the captiuitie Ezrâ 2. 2. it cannot be therefore said that there should be 7. weekes vnto them And againe the office of this Messiah was to finish sinne and reconcile iniquitie which none of these could doe 3. Some by Messiah taking the singular for the plurall doe vnderstand the annointed gouernours whom Eusebius taketh to be the Macchabees who were both Priests and kings but vnto the beginning of the raigne of the Maccabees were aboue 7. weekes from the beginning of the 70. weekes wheresoeuer they beginne them for the regiment of the Macchabees beganne aboue an hundred yeares after the ende of the Persian Monarchie 4. M. Liuely therefore in his Persian Monarchie p. 205. taketh the word Messiah somewhat more largely for the chiefe rulers and kings of the Iewes commonwealth vnto the beginning of whose setled estate are counted 7. weekes for from the 2. of Darius Nothus when the Temple beganne to be reedified of whose raigne there remained 17. yeares to the 32. of Arrashasht are iust 49. yeares in whose 32. yeare the citie beeing builded and set forme of gouernement established Nehemiah returned vnto the king Nehem. 13. 6. of this his opinion he yeeldeth two speciall reasons 1. from the Hebrewe point athnah after 7. weekes which beeing a perfect distinction doth suspend it from the sentence following so that he would haue these 7. weekes to the Messiah taken by themselues and not to be ioyned with the 62. weekes following 2. these two things beganne together the citie builded and the annointed gouernour thereof as Samballat in a letter to Nehemiah ioyneth them both together Nehem. 6. 6. thou and the Iewes thinke to rebell for the which cause thou buildest ihe wall and thou wilt be the king thereof to this purpose M. Liuely p. 209. Answ. 1. Oecolampadius to that obiection of the points maketh this answer we had rather followe in this place the Greekes and Latines quam Iudaeos pro sua libidine punctum constituentes then the Iewes setting the points according to their pleasure but this is a dangerous answer for if we make question of the Hebrewe pricks and points we shall haue no certaintie of the Scripture therefore I rather answer with Polanus that although the perfect distinction athnah be there set yet the rest must be ioyned in sense as the Angel at the first maketh but one whole number of 70. weekes 2. It followeth not because when the citie was builded the setled gouernement began that therefore the gouernours were this Messiah And if Nehemiah were the first gouernoâr as it cannot be denied after the building of the citie to the beginning of his gouernement there were not 7. weekes of yeares seeing he was sent in the 20. of Artaxerxes and there continued to the 32. yeare when according to his account the 49. yeares expired 5. Wherefore the best and most receiued interpretation is that by Messiah here we are to vnderstand our Blessed Sauiour Christ Iesus as it may thus appeare 1. one and the same Messiah is spoken of through this prophesie but the Messiah which should be slaine and confirme the couenant for one weeke was Christ therefore this Messiah here spoken of was Christ. 2. the weekes before spoken of to finish sinne and reconcile iniquitie could onely be performed by Christ. 6. Some doe vnderstand by Messiah Christ and make this the sense that 7. weekes that is 49. yeares he should be their gouernour and afterward cast them off But it is euident that the Lord did not onely during those 7. weeks take vpon him the protection of that people but many yeares after also 7. Some obiect that in that Messiah is called here a captaine or gouernour if it were meant of Christ it would extenuate his dignitie M. Calvin answereth that therein the dignitie and excellencie of Christ is set forth who was a captaine ouer all other kings and Princes and this title is giuen also to kings and to the chiefe earthly states as Dauid is called the captaine of the people 2. Sam. 3. 2. and Hezekiah 2. king 20. 5. Pererius addeth further that this title nagid captaine Prince is particularly giuen vnto Christ as Isay. 55. 4. I haue giuen him for a prince or captaine for he was our captaine 1. to lead vs by his holy example of life 2. in teaching the way vnto saluation 3. in gathering together his church and conducting them to eternall life Perer. lib. 10. quest 17. Quest. 61. v. 25. The streetes shall be built againe in a troublesome time how this was fullfilled 1. Some doe referre this troublesome time to the 62. weeke immediately before spoken of which containeth 434. yeares to be counted vnto the Messiah from the ende of the 7. weekes and then the meaning is this that during all the continuance of that time the commonwealth of the Iewes should haue much âââuble so Iun. Polan and M. Liuely out of Saadiah giueth this sense pag. 172. that Ierusalem beeing builded shall continue 434. yeares before the desolation but in that mention is made of building the streetes againe that is the citie the words seeme to haue speciall reference to these troublesome times in the first 7. weekes wherein the worke of the Temple and citie were intermitted 2. Some by the streightnes of time vnderstand the short time wherein the citie was builded
writeth lib. 5. Agrippa was confederate with the Romanes and Iosephus also testifieth that he tooke part with the Romanes after be could not perswade the Iewes to giue ouer their intended warre and that the said Agrippa suruiued after the destruction of the citie 2. Beside here is a great error in Chronologie for from the beginning of the 70. weekes which he maketh 52. yeares before Cyrus to the destruction of Ierusalem are in the most compendious reckoning almost 600. yeares 2. Theodoret and Eusebius by the Messiah vnderstand Hyrcanus who was the last anointed gouernour of the Priests and after him the Herodians vsurped the kingly authoritie vnto the destruction of the citie But the Messiah here spoken off must reconcile iniquitie and finish sinne but so could not any of the anointed Priests 3. M. Liuely by Messiah taking the singular for the plurall would haue meant the anointed gouernours for all lawfull rule and authoritie ceased a little before the taking of the citie by the Romans there was hauock made of the rulers and Elders and a generall disorder and Anarchie brought in first vnder Albinus then Florus Persian Monarchie pag. 212. and p. 241. And this reason he vrgeth why the Messiah is not here Christ because it were an vnproper speach to take the last weeke for the Messiah as they are forced thus to interpret these words after 62. weekes shall the Messiah be slaine that is in the 70. and last weeke Contra. 1. Whereas the Prophet here speaketh of one Messiah by this interpretation we shall haue many and a succession rather of gouernours then any one certain gouernour in which sense I thinke it cannot be shewed that the word Messiah is taken throughout the whole Scripture 2. and by this exposition of Messiah we are depriued of one of the most pregnant prophesies of Christs holy passion 3. neither doth it follow that the 70. weeke in that sense should be taken for the Messiah no more then he himselfe taketh it where he saith that after 69. weekes counted from the commandement thâ Messiah whom he interpreteth the annointed gouernour should be cut off the citie and Temple destroyed leauing the last weeke of the seuentie for the accomplishment thereof pag. 224. for doth not he likewise vnderstand the 70. weeke after the 69. wherein the Messiah should be cut off 4. euen to admit his owne sense the lawfull anointed gouernours ceased in Ierusalem long before the destruction of Ierusalem about the birth of Christ in the 30. yeare of Herod when that tyrant slew all the Sanedrim as the L. of Plessie sheweth out of Philo whereupon he inferreth that to be the time wherein the soueraigntie and Iurisdiction of Iudsh did cease And so was Iacobs prophesie fulfilled Gen. 49. 10. that the scâptâr should not depart from Iuda nor a law-giuer from betweene his feete vntill Shiloh come M. Liuely hereunto answeareth that this prophesie was rather fulfilled in the destruction of Ierusalem which he calleth the beginning of Christs second comming to iudgement the ende and accomplishment whereof shall be in the last day of iudgement and therefore all the time afterward is called the last daies and this is the reason why our Sauiour Matth. 14. treateth in the same place of the destruction of Ierusalem and of the end of the world So M. Lively p. 251. But 1. this is a strange exposition to vnderstand Christs comming in the flesh when he was gone out of the world and to make his going his comming 2. Iacob prophesieth of the first comming of Christ in the flesh as Iunius noteth out of the word Shilob which he interpreteth her sonne the word properly signifying the matrice or wombe because Christ was borne of a woman without the helpe of man Iun. annot in Gen. 49. 3. The reason why our Sauiour treateth of both those questions together is because the Apostles had propounded two questions both of the time of the destruction of the citie and Temple and of the ende of the world for thus they say Tell vs when these things shall be and what signe shall be of thy comming and of the ende of the world Matth. 24. 3. therefore our Sauiour satisfieth them in both their demands 4. These very words last rehearsed shew that the second comming of Christ and the ende of the world should be ioyned together 4. Iunius who vnderstandeth this place of the true Messiah yet referreth the ende of these 70. weekes to the destruction of the citie is forced to vse a kind of zeugmatical construction as he calleth it by supplying the word after in this sense after 62. weekes after the Messiah is slaine so also Polanus which words they thus interpret not that after the 62. weekes the Messiah should be cut off but after such time as the Messiah should be slaine which was within the 69. weekes and after the said 62. weekes then should follow the destruction of the citie But who seeth not how in this exposition the text is strained for the nominatiue is turned into the accusatiue after the Messiah slaine or the ablatiue the Messiah beeing slaine and the word after is inserted which is not in the text And the very first reading of the words after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine doe euidently giue this sense that after that time and not before he should be slaine 5. Iunius hath an other interpretation in his annotations shewing the accomplishment hereof in the members of Christ how that after the Messiah himselfe was slaine his members were persecuted for in the ende of the 69. weeke about the 7. yeare of Nero Iames was put to death and a grieuous persecution was raised against the Church But the members and seruants of the Messiah can not be the Messiah and this cutting off must be after the 69. weekes not in any part of them neither as is shewed before doth the 69. weeke extend to the 7. of Nero beeing expired before the baptisme of Christ. 6. Oecolampad yeeldeth this as a reason why this cutting off can not in his iudgement be referred to the death of Christ because the word signifieth so to cut off as the thing cut off be in a manner extinguished and perisheth but so was not Christ cut off who hanging vpon the crosse was written in the superscription king of the Iewes But M. Calvin answereth this obiection well quâad communem sensum quia putabant homines prorsus esse abolitum this was true according to the common sense because men thought that Christ was wholly abolished So that he was in the opinion of men as quite cut off as the Prophet Isay faith c. 53. 8. he was cut out of the land of the liuing 2. And the word here vsed caâath signifieth to cut off either by death or banishment as Amos. 1. 5. I will cut off the inhabit aâts of Bikeath-auen c. the sense then is no more but this that the Messiah shall be an off that is slaine
more then to haue Cesars image in their coine 2. This was done rather after the passion of Christ as Oecolampad inferreth out of Iosephus 3. And though they were remooued yet it is like they stood there some certaine time 4. Neither onely is this abomination of desolation to be restrained to the images which Pilate brought in but it comprehendeth also other like profanations as that of Caligula before mentioned for the word is put in the plural shakutzim abominations Now that this is the most fit and conuenient sense of this place our reasons are these 1. because this reading of the Septuagint and vulgar Latin in the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation is confirmed and warranted by our blessed Sauiour Matth. 24. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place 2. The abomination of desolation which was in Antiochus time foreshewed Dan. 8. 13. 11. 31. they shall pollute the Sanctuarie c. and set vp the abominable desolation is taken in that sense which was the abominable idol of Iuppiter Olympius which was set vp vpon the altar as appeareth 1. Macc. 1. 57. and Iosephus also writeth that he caused the Sanctuarie to be called the Temple of Iuppiter Olympius lib. 12. antiquit c. 7. The like meaning of the same words is also insinuated here 3. The Hebrew word shakutz abomination is peculiar to idols as 1. king 11. 5. Milcom is called shakutz the abomination of the Ammonites the abomination then and abominable thing is most properly vnderstood to be some abominable idol set vp 4. The word also canaph wing is applied to the Sanctuarie as Psal. 61. 4. I will dwell in thy Tabernacle for euer and my trust shall be vnder the couering of thy wings where Dauid alludeth to the Cherubims which strercheth out their wings and ouershadowed the Arke So Matth. 4. 5. the place of the Temple whether Christ was carried in his second temptation is called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the wing that is the pinnacle or battlement of the Temple Pintus taketh the wing for the spreading of the banners in the Temple R. Saadinh by the wing of abomination interpreteth the hand of those which taee abominable things as swines flesh but this is forced and he seemeth especially to haue reference to Antiochus times It is most fitly therefore referred to the Temple the wing or pinacle and part beeing taken for the whole Oecolamp or because in the inward parts were the Cherubims with their stretched-out wings Osiand or rather because the Temple was in respect of the defence thereof and Gods presence called the wings of God Bulling and it stood in the highest part of the citie as ouershadowing the rest as it were with wings see more of the diuers acceptions of this word in the question next before 89. Quest. v. 27. Whether the desolation of Ierusalem here spoken of should be finall The words are thus translated vntill the consummation euen determined shall it be powred vpon the desolate Iun. the meaning of which words is that like a continuall dropping and ouerflowing so shall one calamitie follow an other vntill they be vtterly made desolate 1. R. Salomon vnderstandeth this consummation of the last battell of Gog and Magog in the ende of the world vntill that time should this desolation be but then the Messiah should ouercome all the aduersaries of the Iewes and the citie and Temple should be reedified againe But the battell of Gog and and Magog was past long before Christs time neither should the Messiah come into the world as a victorious Prince he was to be put to death as here the Angel foresheweth see this opinion before confuted qu. 78. 2. Lyranus inferreth vpon these words vsque ad consummationem finem vnto the consummation and ende c. that prope finem mundi c. toward the ende of the world the falsenesse of Antichrist beeing detected by the preaching of Henoch and Elias the Iewes shall be conuerted vnto Christ and vntill that time this desolation shall be c. But that conceit of Henoch and Elias preaching in the ende of the world hath no ground neither shall the comming of Antichrist be deferred so long vnto the ende of the world the Iewes conuersion is expected but their citie and Temple shall neuer be restored againe for that would hinder their conuersion vnto Christ. 3. Wherefore out of this place rather it may be concluded that this ouerthrowe of the citie which is here spoken of should be the beginning of their finall and perpetuall desolation which may thus further appeare 1. This is testified in other places of the Scripture that a finall destruction was determined ouer this people as Ier. 19. 11. I will breake this people and this citie as one breaketh a potters vessell that cannot be made whole againe so also the Prophet Isay saith after he had prophesied of diuerse calamities which should fall vpon them yet for all this his wrath is not turned away but his hand is stretched out still Hereunto agreeth S. Paul speaking of the Iewes who both killed the Lord Iesus and their owne Prophets and haue persecuted vs and God they pleased not and are contrarie to all men c. for the wrath of God is come vpon them to the vtmost c. 1. Thess. 2. 16. And yet the Prophet Isay more euidently prophesied of the finall ruine of the citie c. 25. 1. 2. O Lord thou art my God I will exalt thee for thou hast made of a citie an heape of a strong citie a ruine c. it shall neuer be built againe 2. This further may appeare by comparing this desolation of Ierusalem with the former times of their captiuitie In Babylon they were captiue but 70. yeares afterward the citie and Temple were repaired vnder Antiochus the Temple and citie lay wast 2300. daies Dan. 8. 14. that is 6. yeares 3. moneths and an halfe But this desolation and captiuitie hath now continued aboue 1500. yeares Now whereas the Prophet Hagge saith c. 2. 7. Thus saith the Lord of hosts Yet a little while and I will shake the heauens and the earth c. I will ââone all nations and the desire of all nations shall come seeing that in the Prophet Hagges time which is almost 2000. yeares since the Messiah was then to come within a little while what hope can the Iewes now haue after so many yeares to expect an other Messiah 3. Beside this is an euident argument of the finall and perpetuall desolation of the Iewes citie and Temple because they haue attempted since this destruction by Titus to haue restored their Temple and Commonwealth but they were hindred from going forward vnder Adrian the Emperour some 64. yeares after this calamitie the Iewes vnder their captaine Benchochab or Barchochab thought to recouer their libertie they held 50. castles and 980. townes and fortified Beth-oron Adrian came and besieged the citie 3. yeares and 6. moneths at the length
inwardly warranted that they are sent and called by the Lord. 2. they must be Prophets that is indued with propheticall and spirituall gifts for God sendeth no dumbe or lame messenger with his errant and message 3. they must speake in the name of the Lord they must preach nothing but Gods word and warrant their doctrine thereby 4. they must be faithfull not respecting persons in the deliuerie of their message but indifferently speake to all as here it followeth which spake in thy name to our kings to our princes to our fathers 6. Doctr. That Angels are of a finite and circumscriptible nature v. 24. The Angel Gabriel came flying c. Hence it appeareth that the Angels passe from place to place and are circumscriptible and defined by their proper place when they are in heauen they are not at the same time in earth as Damascene saith lib. 2. de fide orthod c. 3. Their errour then is manifest who thinke the Angels to be in heauen and in earth at once they are euidently conuinced by this place which speaketh of the comming of the Angel to Daniel which sheweth that he was not present before Bulling so Daniel saith c. 6. 22. that the Lord had sent his Angel and stopped the mouths of the Lions the Angel then was not there before vntill the Lord sent him to that ende 7. Doctr. That Christ is perfect God and perfect man v. 24. To reconcile iniquitie and bring in euerlasting righteousnesse c. Hence it is prooued that Christ was both perfect God for otherwise he could not take away sinne which is the worke onely of God and he was man in as much as he liued and was conuersant among men the Prophet Dauid therefore vnderstanding this mysterie of the beeing or dwelling of God in the flesh saith Psal 46. 7. the Lord of hostes is with vs the God of Iacob is our refuge Therefore he is called by the Prophet Immanuel Isay. 7. 14. and 8. 8. Pintus 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. That prayer and fasting is not meritorious v. 3. I turned my face vnto the Lord c. with supplications with fasting and sackecloth Fasting is not of it selfe a thing acceptable vnto God but as it is vsed as a meanes to make âur prayers more feruent the Romanists then are in an errour which make fasting a thing meritorious Calvin the contrarie is euident in the Pharisie who boasted of his almes deeds and of his fasting twice in a week yet his prayer was not accepted of God Luk. 18. If prayer then and true contrition with hartie repentance and vnfained humilitie doe accompanie fasting it is regarded and had in remembrance with God otherwise it is an vnprofitable exercise as S. Paul saith Bodily exercise profiteth little but godlinesse is profitable vnto all things 1. Tim. 4. 8. 2. Controv. God onely is to be invocated not Saints or Angels v. 3. Daniel onely turneth his face vnto the Lord now if Saints were to be prayed vnto Daniel had here occasion to turne himselfe vnto Ieremie whose prophesie he maketh mention of before who had beene fitter to assist Daniel praying for deliuerance after the 70. yeares captiuitie then he who was the minister of that prophesie and promise By this then it is well gathered that the invocation of Saints was not in vse in the old Testament Bullinger and therefore the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 73. 25. Whom haue I in heauen but thee And the Scripture commandeth vs to worship God onely and serue him Deut. 6. 13. Matth. 4. v. 10. If God onely is to be worshipped he alone must be prayed vnto for prayer is a part of his worship The Romanistes for the invocation of Angels and Saints doe alleadge these places of Scripture 1. Gen. 48. 16. Iakob saith the Angel which hath deliuered me blesse the children But this was no created Angel it was Christ the sonne of God for in the former verse he is called God the God before whom my fathers Abraham and Izaak did walke the God which hath fedde me all my life long vnto this day blesse c. then it followeth in the next verse the Angel which hath deliuered me c. what other Angel was it which deliuered Iacob but he that fedde him which he saith was God 2. That place also is vrged Iob. 19. 21. haue pitie vpon me haue pitie vpon me O yee my friends which Bellarmine vnderstandeth of the Angels But it is euident that Iob speaketh vnto his friends which came to visit him who seemed to haue small compassion on him but with tauntes and rebukes condemning him as an hypocrite did adde more affliction vnto him for it followeth in the next verse Why doe ye persecute me as God they were not the Angels of God that persecuted him but Sathan was the chiefe instrument of his afflictions and his friends helped it forward 3. That place also Apocal. 1. 4. is abused to the same purpose Grace vnto you and peace from him which was which is and which is to come and from the seuen spirits which are before the throne by these seuen spirits they vnderstand the Angels But that cannot be 1. these spirits are ioyned as in equall authoritie with God the Father and the Sonne grace is here ascribed indifferently to proceede from them all 2. these spirits are set betweene the father and the sonne as beeing of the same power 3. the Lambe is said to haue 7. hornes and seuen eyes which are the 7. spirits c. 5. 6. these spirits then were of the same essence and substance with the Sonne 4. and by the vertue of these seuen spirits the Lambe openeth the booke with 7. seales c. 5. 5. But Christ receiueth no vertue from the Angels 5. Wherefore these 7. spirits are vnderstood to be the holy Ghost which is called septiformis seuenfold quia licet vnus natura gratiarum distributione multiplex who though he be one in nature yet is manifold in the distribution of the graces gloss ordinar And because Christ did worke so effectually by the coÌmunication of his graces in the seuen Churches as if there were seuen seuerall spirits therefore is the spirit so described Thus also Iustinus of auncient time expounded ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. the holy Prophets say that one and the same spirit is diuided into seuen spirits 4. Then followeth the example of Iohn who saith he fell downe at the feete of the angel to worship him Apoc. 19. 10. and 22. 8. where Bellarmine saith that so great an Apostle and Prophet would not haue offred to haue worshipped the Angel if it had beene vnlawfull he was deceiued in his person taking him to be Christ he erred not in offring to adore him for then if it had beene an error he would not haue done it twice once before c. 19. and now againe c. 22. Contra. 1. it is euident by the text that Iohn is reprooued of the Angel for offring to worship him therefore
therein was Iohns error 2. And Iohn was not ignorant that it was an Angel and not Iesus himselfe for he saith c. 22. v. 6. the Lord God of the holy Prophets sent his Angel to shewe vnto his seruants the things which shortly must come to passe and againe v. 16. I Iesus haue sent mine Angel to testifie vnto you these things 3. Polanus thinketh that Iohn did not commit this error twice in seeking to worship the Angel but that it is a repetition of that before mentioned c. 19. But it may appeare by comparing the places that Iohn fayled herein twice for as Peter not twice but thrice together offended in denying his master so might Iohn thorough forgetfulnesse beeing astonished with the preseuce of so glorious an Angel once againe shewe his infirmitie herein 3. Controv. That Christ is the onely Mediator v. 17. Heare the prayer of thy seruant c. for the Lords sake that is for thy Christs sake But this place is corrupted by the Iewes and by the Romanists 1. the Rabbines some of them as R. Moses R. Saadiah doe here vnderstand Abraham But the faithfull of the old Testament vsed not to call Abraham beeing dead their Lord and the Prophet I say saith c. 63. 16. that Abraham is ignorant of vs how could he then be a mediator for them whose affaires he knewe not Some other of them doe say that the noune is put here for the pronoune as it is vsuall in the Scriptures so that for the Lords sake is as much as for thine owne sake But this phrase is vsed to take away ambiguitie as Gen. 1. 27. God created man after his image after the Image of God created he him for if he had said after his image it had beene doubtfull whether it had beene Gods or mans image but there is no such occasion of doubt here 2. The Romanists here also following the Latine translation read propter teipsum for thy selfe or for thine owne sake But they corrupt the text euidently the word is Adonai Lord. 3. Thus Christ was acknowledged to be the Mediator in the old testament as Psal. 80. 15. the Church prayeth that God would visite his vine which he had planted and that for his sonnes sake whom he had made strong for himselfe for so it is in the originall and so in that place read Montanus Iunius and the Latine interpreter howsoeuer he fayleth here there readeth right Thus Dauid desireth to be heard for thy words sake meaning Christ 2. Sam. 7. 21. And it is said he called the name of Salomon Iedidiah beloued of God propter Iehouam for Iehouahs sake 4. Thus also in the newe Testament there is the same confession of Christ to be the Lord and Mediator as S. Peter Act. 2. 36. whom God hath made both Lord and Christ. And Heb. 1. 2. he is called the heire of all things and Elizabeth confesseth him to be her Lord Luk. 1. 43. So Christ is the Lord both by his naturall right as the Lord and Creator of all and iure acquisito by the right of purchase which is threefold by the right of inheritance because God the father hath giuen vs as an inheritance to his sonne as Psal. 2. v. 8. Aske of me and I will giue thee the nations for thy possession c. by the right of redemption we are Christs because he hath redeemed and purchased vs with his blood as S. Paul saith 1. Cor. 6. 19. 20. You are not your owne ye are bought for a price And Christ is our Lord by the right of his spiritual marriage for the husband is Lord and head of his wife and so Christ is of his Church 5. But it will be obiected that in the old Testament this phrase is often vsed for Dauid my seruants sake as 1. king 11. v. 12. 13. and 2. king 19. 34. Hereunto it may be answered that the meaning is not that for the worthinesse of Dauid or by his mediation and intercession God would haue respect vnto them but because of the Promises which the Lord made vnto Dauid as Psal. 89. 50. where are the auncient mercies which thou swarest vnto Dauid in thy truth and Psal. 132. v. 11. The Lord hath swore in truth vnto Dauid and he will not shrinke from it Polan 4. Controv. Against prayer and invocation of the dead v. 18. Whereupon thy name is called that is which is called by thy name for so this phrase is vsed as Isay 4. 1. seuen women shall take hold of one man saying we will eat our owne bread c. onely let thy name be called vpon vs. And so is that place to be vnderstood Gen. 48. 16. where Iacob saith of Ephraim and Manasses let my name be invocated or called vpon ouer them which words the Romanists doe wrest as though Iacob would haue them to pray vnto him whereas he meaneth nothing else but that they should be counted among his sonnes and called by the name of Israel as the other of Iacobs sonnes So in this place though the name of God were indeede invocated and called vpon in Ierusalem yet the meaning here onely is that they were called by the name of God they were counted his citie and people Polan 5. Controv. Of the name of the Catholike Church that it is but vsurped by the Romanists As it was not enough for Ierusalem to be called by the name of God but their profession and couersation also must be agreeable thereunto for otherwise while they said the Temple of the Lord the Temple of the Lord and yet did steale murther commit adulterie c. the Prophet saith they did trust in lying words Ierem. 7. 8. And therefore because of their idolatrie and other sinnes the Lord suffered his own Temple to be defiled and destroyed by the Chaldeans So neither now is it a sure note to know the Church of God by to be called Chatholike if the Catholike faith be not held and maintained The Romanists theÌ are but vsurpers of this name Catholike seeing they are departed from the Catholike faith He is not a Catholike that dependeth vpon the Pope of Rome but he which professeth the holy Catholike doctrine of Christ which they that corrupt and denie are no more Catholikes then a dried sceleton the bones of a dead man hanging together is to be counted a man And as there is great difference betweene a painted woman such as Iezabel was and a faire woman by her naturall complexion euen so a Catholike in name differeth from a Catholike in deed 6. Controv. That no man is perfect in this life v. 20. While I was speaking and praying and confessing my sinne The interlinearie gloss here hath this note this he saith either because in many things we offend all or ex humilitate of humilitie he ioyneth himselfe with the people But it was better inferred and concluded out of this place in the Mileuitane Councell c. 7. that euen Daniel confessed his own sinne for Daniel saith confessing
my sinne and the sinne of my people Daniel then confesseth not in the name of the people onely but he confesseth his owne sinnes beside the sinnes of the people And further whereas euery one is taught to say in the Lords prayer forgiue vs our sinnes that Councel further decreeth him to be anathema and accursed who should say that a righteous man saying this petition pro alijs potius quam pro se petere intelligatur c. must be vnderstood rather to pray for others then for himselfe Bulling 7. Controv. That the prayers of the faithfull are not meritorious v. 23. For thou art a man greatly beloued c. Daniel was not accepted of God because of his prayers but his prayers were heard because he was a man beloued before and accepted of God in Christ So that it is not the merit or worthinesse of our prayer that maketh vs to be respected with God but the respect which God hath to vs in Christ causeth our prayers to haue entrance vnto God As it is said Gen. 4. 4. God had respect vnto Habel and vnto his offring first his person by faith was accepted and then his prayer because of his person admitted So S. Iames saith the prayer of a righteous man avayleth much c. 5. 16. that is of a man righteous and iustified by faith as a little before he saith the prayer of faith shall saue the sicke 8. Controv. That we are not iustified by any inherent righteousnesse but imputed onely by faith v. 24. To reconcile iniquitie and to bring in euerlasting righteousnesse This then is our iustification when our sinnes which we haue don are not imputed as it is in the Psalme and so cited by the Apostle Rom. 5. 8. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth not his sinne and beside the righteousnesse of the Lawe which we could not doe but Christ hath wrought for vs is imputed also vnto vs as the Apostle teacheth 2. Cor. 5. 21. he hath made him sinne for vs that knewe no sinne that we should be made the righteousnesse of God in him Contrarie to this truth of doctrine are these assertions following 1. The Iesuites in Censur Coloniens fol. 186. doe define the iustice of God which is reuealed in the newe Testament to be virtutem in Deo quam iuxta vniuscuiusque dignitatem singulis distribuit vertue in God which he distributeth to euery one according to their worthinesse c. not much vnlike hereunto is the opinion of Andreas Osiander that we are iustified per essentialem Dei iustitiam in nobis habitantem by the essentiall iustice of God dwelling in vs and stirring vs vp vnto good workes But this is an absurd opinion 1. because it confoundeth Gods iustice and righteousnesse with the effects and operation thereof 2. if our righteousnesse be the essentiall iustice of God then Christs obedience is excluded for that is not the essentiall iustice of God 3. this opinion tendeth to blasphemie making the essentiall iustice of God to be a qualitie in man 4. it commeth neere the heresie of the Manichees who held that the essentiall iustice of God was transfused into men 2. An other opinion is that our righteousnesse whereby we are iustified is an inherent vertue infused into vs by the merit of Christ Synod Trident. sess 6. c. 16. And the same is the generall opinion of the Romanists that we are not iustified formally by the righteousnesse of Christ in beeing accounted or reputed iust but by an inherent iustice whereby we are made iust in deede so the Rhemistes to whom Bellarmme consenteth which is directly against the doctrine of the Apostle Abraham beleeued God and it was counted to him for righteousnesse Abrahams iustice was imputatiue by faith There is indeed in euerie faithfull man a iustice inherent and dwelling in him which is nothing else but our regeneration and sanctification which is the fruits of our iustification by this inherent and inhabiting holynesse we are not iustified before God but thereby our iustifying faith is approoued and ratified which S. Paul calleth saith working by loue Galat. 5. 6. 9. Controv. Whether sinne after forgiuenesse may be said any way to remaine in the faithfull Pererius vpon these words to finish wickednesse and take away iniquitie as the Latine translator readeth inferreth that sinnes in the faithfull are not onely not imputed but are vtterly taken away and therefore he by the scandalous name of Heretikes noteth the Protestants that they should hold remanere peccata sed non imputari propter Christum that sinnes doe remaine in those which are iustified but they are not imputed vnto condemnation for Christs sake And to this purpose he alleadgeth Thomas Aquin. who obserueth 4. things in sinne 1. the offence toward God which is said to be remitted as one man forgiueth the trespasse of an other 2. there is an act of sinne which beeing once done cannot be vndone but this is said to be couered because God seeth it not to punish it 3. there is reatus poenae the guiltinesse of punishment which the Lord remitteth in forgiuing sinne that it shall not be imputed vnto punishment 4. there is macula the blot and staine of sinne whereby the soule is defiled and this is taken away when a man is iustified and therefore he is said to be washed hence Pererius inferreth that sinnes to them which are iustified nulla ex parte remanere doe not remaine at all And this he would further prooue by that place 1. Cor. 15. 17. If Christ be not raised ye are yet in your sinnes the Apostle counteth it an absurd and impossible thing that sinne should remaine in a man regenerate Contra. 1. Pererius not citing any Protestant that so affirmeth speaketh but by gesse and âurmise for the Protestants doe not hold that in the regenerate their former sinnes still remaine beeing onely couered but that they are forgiuen and remooued indeede neuer to be remembred againe This is that we affirme that for the sinnes past they are abolished but for the time to come there remaineth an aptnesse to sinne with some staine and blemish which continueth with the faithfull as long as they are in the flesh 2. Thomas obseruations may be admitted all but the âast in that he holdeth the staine or blot of sinne to be washed away if he speake of such a blot qua sublato nitore gratiae animus per pâccatum foedatur whereby the soule the brightnesse of grace beeing taken away is defiled by sinne as his words are such a staine to the extinguishing of grace cannot be in the righteous but such a blemish and staine remaineth whereby the soule is hindered in euerie good worke and whereby the flesh resisteth against the spirit which combate and strife betweene the flâsh and the spirit remaineth euen in the righteous as S. Paul giueth instance in himselfe Rom. 7. 22. 23. 3. We must distinguish with the Apostle betweene the dwelling of sinne and the raigning of
sinne Rom. 6. 12. and between the warring after the flesh and walking in the flesh 2. Cor. 10. 3. Though sinne raigne not in the regenerate yet it is in the regenerate as the Apostle saith 1. Iohn 1. 8. if we say we haue no sinne we deceiue our selues and the truth is not in vs. 4. In that place 1. Cor. 15. 17. the Apostle meaneth that if Christ were not risen againe they could not haue remission of their sinnes for then our redemption had not beene perfited he speaketh not of evacuating of sinne that it should haue no more beeing in the faithfull but of the not imputing of sinne as the next words before shewe if Christ be not risen againe your faith is in vaine c. that is by faith ye could haue no remission of sinne But see more of this question how farre sinne remaineth in the regenerate Synops. Papis Centur. 3. quest 10. 10. Controv. That charitie is not more principall in the matter of iustification then faith v. 24. To bring in euerlasting righteousnesse Hence Pererius would prooue that charitie is the cheifest and preferred before faith in the worke of iustification because this iustice is euerlasting and therefore faith is not this iustice which remaineth not alwayes but charitie remaineth for euer and therefore the Apostle concludeth that the chiefest of these is loue Contra. 1. We doe not say that faith is the iustice it selfe whereby we are iustified but it apprehendeth instrumentally the iustice of Christ whereby we are iustified and therefore he concludeth not to the purpose 2. though faith remaine not yet the effect of faith which is our iustification abideth for euer no more shall the preaching of Gods word be necessarie in the next world yet it is called the immortail seede 1. Pet. 1. 13. because it is the seede whereby God begetteth vs who liueth for euer and in respect of the euerlasting fruite that commeth by the word it begetteth faith and faith bringeth euerlasting righteousnesse 3. charitie is euerlasting but it is not the euerlasting righteousnesse here spoken of which is the righteousnesse of Christ applyed by saith 4. And charirie is the chiefest not simply but in respect of the perpetuitie it is not preferred as more avayleable then faith to iustification wherefore it followeth not charitie is chiefer then faith because it endureth longer therefore euerie way it is the chiefest 11. Controv. That the Pope doth blasphemously vsurpe the title of Christ to be called most holy v. 24. To anoint the most holy Pererius here maketh this collection that not onely Christ is called holy but whatsoeuer belongeth vnto Christ as the Church is called holy the faithfull are called Saints that is holy And the Pope because he is Christs Vicar and representeth him in earth is called most holy yea sanctitas holines it selfe Contra. 1. True it is that the things which belong vnto Christ are holy by the participation of Christs holinesse as his spouse the Church and his members but they which are neither this spouse not members as the Pope is the head of the Antichristian Church haue no part in this holinesse 2. And though they are called holy yet the title of most holy and of holinesse it selfe cannot without blasphemie simply be giuen vnto any mortall and sinnefull man 3. Christ needeth no vniuersall Vicar in earth and it is impossible that to one man should be committed the dispensation of the whole Church 4. Euery prince is Gods Vicar and Vicegerent in his kingdome they are called Gods beeing in Gods stead and they are the Lords anointed and so holy But yet the title of most holy is peculiar vnto Christ his Vicar and representer may be holy but the person represented is onely most holy 12. Controv. Whether the Sacrament of the Altar be most holy The Romanists doe giue this title of most holy vnto the sacrament of the Altar as they call it as simply giuing it the preheminence of holinesse before all other things Contra. 1. If there were present indeede the verie bodie of Christ which is but their superstitious imagination then it would followe that it were most holy But that is their owne conceit without any ground for S. Peter saith that the heauens must containe Christ vntill the time that all things be restored Act. 3. 21. And Christs bodie beeing in heauen is not at the same time in the earth neither is in more then one place at once for otherwise the Angel had not reasoned well Matth. 28. 6. He is not here for he is risen 2. As it is a sacrament and so representeth the bodie and blood of Christ we confesse that the Eucharist is holy and to be reuerenced yet most holy it can not be said to be as hauing the preheminence before all other things The word of God is not inferiour to the Sacrament if not before it for that which sanctifieth is greater then that which is sanctified as our Sauiour reasoneth concerning the Altar and the offering Matth. 23. 19. but the Sacrament is sanctified by the word Eph. 5. 26. That he might sanctifie it by the washing of water through the word for all things are sanctified by the word of God and prayer 1. Tim. 4. 5. Augustine also to this effect saith Dicite mihi c. tell me which seemeth greater vnto you the word of God or the bodie of Christâ respondere debetis quod non sit minus verbum Dei you must answer that the word of God is not inferiour Homil. 26. But if the Sacrament were simply most holy then it should be more holy then the word 3. Yet may the Sacrament in some respect be called most holy namely comparatiuely if it be set against other things which are prophane or not of like holines for like as in the Sanctuarie the most holy place where the Arke was had simply that name of most holy yet other things also comparatiuely were called most holy as the altar of burnt-offering Exod. 29. 37. and the perfume c. 30. 36. the altar was most holy in comparison of all other things in the outward Court and the perfume beeing set against all other perfumes So simply the most holy of all is the sweete smelling sacrifice of our blessed Sauiour vpon the crosse as Origen saith ipse est hostia sancta sanctorum he is the offering most holy of holies in Levit. 7 comparatiuely the Sacrament and other holy things may also be said to be most holy 4. But their Sacrament of the altar which they haue made an abominable idol giuing the highest adoration to a peece of bread which they make their impanate god hath no holines at all and therefore is farre from the title of most holy 13. Controv. That Christ is mediatour both as God and man In that the most holy is saide here to be anointed first the Arrians inferre that Christ is not God for God can not be anointed secondly the Romanists collect that Christ was our
highly in Gods fauour yet he was lead into captiuitie and there continued 70. yeares let not men therefore be dismaied though they continue long in affliction yea the Lord consecrated the Prince of our saluation through affliction Hebr. 2. 10. yea his whole life was nothing els but a tragicall storie of crosses and tribulations the members must not thinke much to take part with the head neither is the disciple better then the master CHAP. X. 1. The Argument and Method IN these three last chapters the 10 11 12. the fourth and last vision which Daniel had is set forth whereof there are three parts 1. the preparation to the vision contained in the 10. chapter 2. the propheticall vision it selfe in the 11. chapter 3. the consolation ministred vnto Daniel after the prediction of such heauie things In the preparation or preamble to the vision in the 11. chap. there are these fowre parts 1. the summe of the vision in generall to v. 5. 2. a description of the glorious person that appeared to v. 7. 3. the effect that followed Daniel and his companions feare v. 7. to the 10. 4. the erection and animating of Daniel by the Angel v. 10. to the 21. 1. In the generall summe 1. the time is expressed 2. the person to whome the vision was reuealed to Daniel 3. the manner of the vision for the certentie it was true for the continuance long for the clearenes he vnderstood it 4. then the disposition of Daniel is shewed how he was affected when this vision came he was in heauines the effects whereof were he eate no pleasant bread v. 3. 2. In this description 1. the circumstances are set forth the time and place v. 4. 2. the glorious person described by his forme he was as a man by his rayment v. 5. by his parts and voice v. 6. 3. The feare of Daniel and his companions is diuersly set forth they fled away and hid themselues v. 7. Daniel staied by it though his strength was much abated v. 8. and the cause of this great feare is shewed the hearing of the voice like thunder v. 9. 4. The erecting and animating of Daniel is set forth in fowre degrees 1. the first degree is in setting Daniel vpon his knees and the palmes of his hands which was caused partly by an hand that touched him v. 10. partly by words v. 11. 2. In the second degree he standeth but trembling the comfort is ministred by the speaking of the Angel where he sheweth 1. when he was first sent forth v. 12. 2. what was the cause of his stay v. 13. 3. to what ende he came v. 14. 3. In the third degree is shewed 1. the Prophets infirmitie he set his face toward the ground but held his tongue v. 15. 2. the consolation an hand touched his lippes 3. the effects he speaketh shewing his feare v. 16. and the cause thereof v. 17. 4. In the fourth and last degree 1. the Prophets infirmitie is expressed his great feare v. 17. 2. the erection of him partly by gesture an hand toucheth him v. 18. partly by speach 3. the effects Daniel speaketh boldly to the Angel 4. the Angel declareth three things 1. of his fighting with the Prince of Persia. 2. of the comming of the Prince of Grecia 3. of the assistance and helpe of Michael the Prince of Gods people 2. The text with the diuers readings v. 1. In the third yeare of the raigne L. ad Cyrus Choresh H. which in the Persian language signifieth Lord and therefore they call the sonne choresh his name before was Spaco as Herodotus which in the Medes language signifieth a dogge king of Persia a thing a word H. was reuealed vnto Daniel who was called by his name Belteshatzar and the word was true proper Br. truth in the word H. but the time appointed was long great H. the strength or force was great L. V. S. tzaba signifieth both but the first rather here and he vnderstood the words word H. and had vnderstanding in the vision he vnderstood both the words of the vision because they were plaine and the matter of the vision 2 At the same time in those daies H. I Daniel was in heauines for three weeks of daies 3 I ate no pleasant bread or meate I. bread of desires H. neither came flesh nor wine in my mouth neither did I anoint my selfe at all in anointing anointed me H. till three weeks of daies were fulfilled 4 And in the foure and twentieth day of the first moneth I was by the banke side B. G. hand H. of the great riuer euen Hiddekel that is Tigris L. V. in Dekel S. cor 5 And I lift vp mine eyes and looked and behold a man clothed in linen end his loynes were girded about with gold of Vphaz not fine gold L. V. it is the name of the place from whence they had fine gold Ier. 10. 9. 6 His bodie was like Tharsis H. S. the chrysolite L. G. the turkeis B. the hiacinth V. berill I. see more qu. 14. and his face as the sight of lightning and his eyes as lamps of fire and his armes and feete were like the colour shining V. shew L. eye H. of polished brasse and the voice of his words as the voice of a multitude 7 And I Daniel alone saw the vision and the men that were with me saw not the vision but a great feare fell vpon them so that they fledde away to be hidde and hidde themselues B. G. 8 Therefore I was left alone and saw this great vision and there remained no strength in me and my comelines my forme L. glorie S. colour B. strength G. was turned into corruption was corrupted and deformed V. and I reteined no power 9 Yet I heard the voice sound I. of his words and when I heard the voice of his words I slumbred fell a sleepe G. was astonished B. but the word signifieth to slumber on my face and my face was turned toward the ground 10 And behold an hand touched me which set me vp mooued or strengthened me H. vpon my knees and vpon the palmes of my hands 11 And he said vnto me O Daniel a man much desired a man of desires H. see c. 9. 23. vnderstand the words that I speake vnto thee and stand in thy place station H. for vnto thee am I now sent and when he had said this word vnto me I stood trembling 12 Then he saide vnto me Feare not Daniel for from the first day that thou didst set giue H. thine heart to vnderstand and to afflict chasten B. humble G. thy selfe before thy God thy words were heard and I am come for thy words 13 But the Prince of the kingdom of Persia withstood me stood before I. rather against me one and twentie daies but lo Michael the first one V. L. cum caeter but achad signifieth the first Gen. 1. 5. as well as one of the chiefe Princes came to helpe me and I remained there by the
he was the same which in both places appeared 3. Now this strong obiection there is that it was not Christ but an Angel which appeared because afterward v. 13. he speaketh of Michael the Prince which came to helpe him which Michael is vnderstood to be Christ Christ needed not to be helped beside he saith v. 11. vnto thee am I now sent But Christ is none of the missiue or ministring Angels he sendeth them he is not sent Answ. 1. Some here answer that though Michael afterward be vnderstood to be Christ yet in this place Michael signifieth one of the principall Angels Pappus But that seemeth not so fit in the same prophesie and at the same time by Michael to vnderstand not one and the same but diuerse 2. Oecolampadius who holdeth this to be Christ that appeared in this maiestie thus interpreteth those words now I am sent to thee placuit pairivt te nunc consoler it pleaseth my father that I now should come to comfort thee But we doe not finde that Christ as the sonne of God is said to be sent of his father as he was man he was sent into the world Againe he giueth this sense of the other words Michael helped me hunc meum erga vos fauorem magis declarauit the Angel Michael hath more declared my fauour toward you so also Pellican but it may seeme an harsh and hard speach in any sense to say that Christ is helped of the Angels 3. Therefore this is our answer that it was the person of Christ the sonne of God which was seene of Daniel in that great maiestie And he is that Michael afterward spoken of But it was the Angel Gabriel that had the communication with Daniel for the Prophet himselfe distinguisheth the person of the Angel froÌ him that appeared in that glorie as v. 16. he saith I said vnto him that stood before me that was another beside Christ that appeared whom the Prophet pointeth out by the pronoune demonstratiue dubled v. 17. how can the seruant of my Lord talke with that my Lord Polan So c. 8. 16. there is the like distinction betweene the Angel Gabriel and another that spake vnto him in a mans voice called before Palmoni v. 13. the like also see c. 12. 5. where one of the Angels standing by the riuer speaketh vnto the man cloathed in linen that is vnto Christ to know when should be the ende of those things Quest. 13. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared and first of his apparell Christ is described by the adiuncts of his vesture and raiment and by the parts of his bodie set forth by certaine similitudes There are two parts of his apparell named his white garment and his girdle which shall be handled in their order 1. The word is âaldiâ which Ammânius taketh for a variable vesture of diuerse colors which he would haue to signifie the diuerse vertues which the seruants of Christ should be endued with but it was a kind of fine white linen such as was vsed in those countreys by Princes and great men And such were the linen garments prescribed to be vsed by the Leââes and Priests in the old Testament Exod. 28. Pererius hereby vnderstandeth the innocencie and puritie of the Angelicall nature Oecolampadius applyeth it to the innocencie that ought to be in the preachers of the Gospel But it better expresseth the Priesthood of Christ who is described in the like manner with a long garment downe to the feete Reu. 1. yet sometime Christ appeareth with a garment dipped and besprinkled with blood as Isay. 63. v. 1. 2. and Apoc. 19. v. 13. but that is in a diuerse sense he hath a bloodie garment in respect of the wicked to shewe his victorie and triumph ouer them but a white garment toward the righteous because he is their righteousnesse and in his blood they doe wash their garmens white Apoc. 7. 13. 14. that is are iustified and made righteous by the blood of the Lambe Polan 2. His girdle was of fine gold of Vphaz the Latine interpreter readeth for Vphaz Obrizum so also Lyran. Vatab. which is a name giuen vnto the finest gold called obrizum quia obradiat because it glistereth as Isidor lib. 16. Etymol c. 17. or quia rubeat because it is redde Pline lib. 33. c. 3. or rather as Pagnine it is called obrizum quasi Ophirizum because it came from Ophir for that place which here is called Vphaz and Ierem. 10. 9. is elsewhere called Ophir from whence Salomon had his gold It is a place in India about the riuer Ganges called Malaca Polan Pererius thinketh it to be the same place which the Portugals call Sophala The girding of the loines with this girdle of gold some expound of the pure affection of the Angels because the reines are held to be the seate of the affections that their reuelations sauour not of any carnall thoughts Bulling Some of their delight which they haue in God Perer. But this beeing a vision of Christ not of a created Angel both sheweth his strength wherewith he had girded himselfe as the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 93. 1. as Pererius expoundeth that part of the vision Apocal. 1. or it sheweth Christs readinesse and alacritie to finish that worke which was committed vnto him as they in those countries wearing long garments vsed to gird and trusse them vp when they went about any businesse Iun. Polan Oecolamp Quest 14. Of the glorious parts of this heauenly bodie which appeared vnto Daniel 1. His bodie was like vnto the Chrysolââe L. Genevens Turkeis B. to the Hyacinth Vatab. to the Saphir Osiand rather like the berill which is of Sea or Skie colour Iun. Pol. the word is tarshish which is diuersely taken for it signifieth the Sea then a countrey in India from whence Salomon had his gold 1. king 10. 22. and there was a pretious stone of that name Exod. 28. 20. And sometime it is taken for Carthage as where it is said Ezeck 27. the merchaunts were of Tarshish the Septuag read the Carthaginians were thy merchants But for Tharsus the chiefe citie of Cilicia it is neuer taken as Iosephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit to this purpose Pererius In which obseruation of his this may be excepted against 1. he thinketh that Tarshish is a countrey in India but no such thing is gathered in that place 1. king 10. mention is made onely of the shippes of Tarshish that is of the Ocean sea which brought Salomons gold 2. In that place of Ezechiel the Cilicians or any other inhabiting vpon the sea may as well be vnderstood as the Carthaginians 3. And it is euident that Ionas 1. 3. by Tarshish Tarsus of Cilicia is vnderstood which was so called of Tarshish one of the sonnes of Iavan the sonne of Iapheth Gen. 10. 4. And this may appeare by the words of the text he payed his fare and went downe into the ship that he might goe with them to Tarshish this is
the kings of Persia. 21. Quest. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel 1. They which vnderstand the Prince of Persia here spoken of v. 13. and the Prince of Grecia mentioned v. 20. to be euill angels doe verily thinke that there is striuing and fighting betweene them in deede as Cassianus thus conludeth Discordias gentium conflictus quos istis instigantibus inter se gerunt etiam contra se aduersae exercent potestates the discords and conflicts of the nations which they make among themselues by the instigation of these spirits euen the aduersarie powers doe exercise among themselues c. He thinketh that by the variance betweene nations which is caused by euill spirits the Deuills themselues may be thought likewise to be at variance 2. Rupertus goeth further Etiam sibimet semper dissentiunt inter eos semper sunt iurgia quia superbi sunt the euill Angels doe not onely resist the good but they are at variance betweene themselues alwaies and there are continually brawles among them because they are proud c. But both these opinions are contrarie to that saying of our Sauiour that Satan is not diuided against Satan for then his kingdome could not long stand 3. The euill Angels likewise resist the good as Hierome saith in this place enumerando peccata Iudaeorum by rehearsing the sinnes of the people for the which they were iustly held in captiuitie and Rupertus sheweth how they contradict the good Angels about our praier nostra contra nos declamando causas iniustitiae c. by declaiming against vs shewing our vnrighteousnes for the which we deserue not to be heard But in this sense they might as well be said to contradict God and to withstand him when they seeke to hinder his gratious will and purpose toward his and thus the euill angels oppose themselues not onely 21. daies but continually they neuer giue ouer 4. Pappus seemeth to vnderstand this resistance of the Deuill of his suggestions and tentations which he worketh fiue waies 1. by peruerting the vnderstanding and iudgement and corrupting it with error as Idolaters and heretikes are seduced 2. by incensing the will and affections to anger enuie lust and such like 3. by offering the obiects and occasions of sinne as opportunitie of time person place 4. by driuing men to despaire through aduersitie and affliction 5. by puffing them vp with prosperitie But this is not the withstanding here spoken of which continued but an 21. daies whereas Satan neuer ceaseth in this manner to tempt 5. Some referre it vnto Satans instruments that Satan in respect of them is said to resist because he turned the minde of Cambyses and of the nobles of Persia against the people of God Osiand Indeede Satans instruments properly resisted herein as is before shewed But Satan is not here said to resist in them for then they should haue resisted still for Satan neuer left egging and stiââing of them vp against the Church of God 6. They which vnderstand and this of the good Angels doe thinke they are said to resist and withstand one an other allegando contraria merita c. by alleadging the diuers merits of the nations ouer the which they are set Lyran. Pint. with others but this is confuted before in the former question 7. This Prince of Persia then beeing vnderstood to be Cambyses the gouernour of Persia he is saide to withstand the Angel not that any morall Prince can oppose himselfe against the Angels but this was done per accidens by an accident because mora iniecta est Angelo the Angel was staied beeing occupied in hindring the contrarie endeauours of the Prince of Persia against the people of God who while he practised against the Church of God whose cause the angel sought to further is said to withstand him Iun. in commentar 7. Vatablus thinketh that this is but a prase of speech that one Angel withstood an other res exprimit Scriptura more nostro the Scripture expresseth things according to our manner Emmanuel Sa resolueth thus that it seemed an hard thing to him to vnderstand and admirable how there should be any contention among the Angels the best resolution then is to insist vpon the plaine and literall meaning that this Prince of Persia was Cambyses as is shewed before 22. Quest. Who this Michael was that helped the Angel 1. The most take Michael for one of the chiefe Angels which assisted Gabriel Hierom Pintus Pererius Bullinger Oecolamp with others and Lyranus thinketh that this Arkangel had the protection of all the people of God wheresoeuer as this Angel was set ouer those which were left in Persia. 2. But the better opinion is that this Michael was none other but Christ the Sonne of God the Prince and chiefe of the Angels the reasons are these 1. the word Michael signifieth who is as God whereupon it can not be inferred that he is not God for the essence of the Sonne is not compared with the essence of the Father but the comparison is of their persons and so Christ is called the image of the inuisible God Coloss. 1. 15. the ingrauen image of his person Heb. 1. 3. 2. He is called the cheife of the Angels who are called Princes in comparison of all other terrene Princes the word achad here vsed signifieth as well the first as one as the word achath of the same sense is taken Dan. 1. 21. he was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus Christ then was not one but the first or chiefe of the Princes that is the Angels 3. This Michael is called the Prince of the people of God v. 21. who is Christ and the great Prince c. 12. 1. 4. He is saide to helpe the Angels then he was greater then the Angels for there is no power greater then the Angelical power but the diuine onely Polan Melancth Genevens H. Br. Iun. all consent that Michael is not here a created Angel but Christ Iesus the Sonne of God the Prince of the Angels M. Calvin leaueth it as a thing indifferent 23. Quest. How Michael helped the other Angel 1. Lyranus thinketh that he was a superiour Angel and so helped him as beeing of greater power but God would not employ an Angel in the defense of his Church not beeing of power sufficient to goe through with the busines 2. Pererius thinketh he helped him validissime repellendo rationes Principis Persarum by valiant repelling the contrarie allegations of the Prince of the Persians whome he supposeth to haue beene a good Angel But it is an inconuenient thing to imagine that there is such dispute and arguing among the Angels 3. Oecolampad who taketh the Angel that speaketh to Daniel to be Christ and Michael for another chiefe Angel maketh this the sense that Christ calleth an Angel his âelper vt commodius fauere videatur that he might seeme more commodiously or fitly to fauour and protect his people his meaning is that Christ
his kingdome and Seleucus expelled by Antigonus fleeing vnto him for succour Hierome 6. But he was cruell to the Iewes inuading them vpon the Sabbath day when they suspected nothing and carried many of them away captiue but afterward he became more indifferent toward them giuing them the like priuiledge in Alexandria as the Macedoniaâs had Ioseph lib. 12. antiquit 7. He raigned well nie fourtie yeares after Alexanders death and died in the 124. Olympiad as Polybius writeth in the same yeare that Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolome Ceraunus likewise ended their daies 8. He left behind him Philadelpus Ceraunus and other children beside Pausan. And this was the king of the South that is of Egypt which was South to Iudea which the text saith v. 5. shall be mightie 18. Quest. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile who is meant hereby 1. Hierome whom Lyranus Hugo Card. Pintus follow vnderstand this to be Ptolome Philadelphus who succeeded Ptolome Lagi and grew to be mightier then he he had 200. thousand footmen and 20. thousand horsemen 15. hundred shippes of warre and a 1000. shippes for burthen so Hierome 2. Iunius in his commentarie and in his annotations is of the same opinion that the pronoune his hath reference to the king of the South before named and by Princes vnderstandeth sonnes as Dauids sonnes are said to be his chiefe Princes 2. Sam. 8. And they are called Princes rather then sonnes because they were not the legitimate sonnes of Ptolome And beside this philadelphus after the manner of the Persians married his owne sister Arsinoe so that the children which he had by her were rather called his Princes then sonnes Iun. in commentar But the words of the text following he shall preuaile aboue him or as some read against him G. B. will not beare this sense for these words doe implie a contention which should be the greater but this was not betweene the father and the sonne rather Ptolome the father made his sonne great beeing his younger sonne he appointed him to be heire of the kingdome and as Iustine saith resigned vnto him the kingdome beeing yet aliue thinking it to be a greater honour to be a kings father then the king neither can it be shewed that this Ptolome more enlarged the kingdome then his father had done 3. Therefore by one of his Princes is rather to be vnderstood one of his that is Alexanders Princes and that was Seleucus Nicanor who was king of Babylon and Syria which was North to Iudea so Melanct. Vatabl. Calvin Osiand Bulling Genevens B. Polanus 1. This Seleucus was of such strength that when a wilde bull as Alexander was sacrificing brake loose he held him by the hornes alone and staied him whereupon he gaue the hornes in his armes which doth fitly answer vnto the description of the fourth beast with tenne hornes c. 7. 8. which signified the kingdome of the Seleucians Appian in Syriac it is said that Seleucus and his posteritie had naturally the signe of an anchor in their thigh Melanct. 2. This Seleucus ouercame Antigonus though he were before by him expelled out of Babylon and he diuided his kingdome likewise he caused his sonne Demetrius to yeeld himselfe vnto him he also slue valourous Lysimachus who in Alexanders time being cast vnto a lyon slue him 3. He much enlarged his kingdome he raigned ouer Babylon and Media Mesopotamia Armenia Cappadocia and ouer the Persians Parthians Arabians Bactrians Hyrcanians and possessed all from the borders of Phrygia euen vnto the riuer Indus and passing ouer that riuer he likewise warred with Sandracotus king of the Indians neuer any possessed more countries in Asia then this Seleucus onely Alexander excepted Polan 4. He builded many goodly cities sixteene of them he called after his fathers name Antiochia sixe by his mothers name Laodicea nine after his owne name Seleucia three by his wiues name Apamea and one Stratonica by his other wiues name the most famous of these cities which afterward continued were two called by the name Seleucia one by the Mediterranean sea the other by the riuer Tygris Laodicea in Phoenicia Antiochia vnder Libanus and Apamea in Syria Many other cities he called by Greeke or Macedonian names as Berrhea Edessa Perinthus Maronea Callipolis Achaia Pella Amphipolis Arethusa Cholcis Larissa Apollonia In Parthia Sotera Calliope Hecatompolis Achaia in India Alexandropolis in Scythia Alexandrescota So that Seleucus dominion was mightier and larger then the kings of the South H. Br. in Daniel 5. This Seleucus was somewhat equall and fauourable toward the Iewes he did enfranchise them in all his cities which he builded in Asia and Syria with the same priuiledges which the Macedonians had Ioseph lib. 12. c. 3. which he did to make them his friends against Ptolome Soter 6. But at length he was circumvented and slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus Melancthon 19. Quest. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog That Ezekiel c. 38. and Daniel here agree in their description of the same kingdome may appeare by these reasons 1. because the kingdome of Gog is also there called the kingdome of the North Ezek. 38. 15. Come from thy place out of the North parts thou and much people with thee and here also he is called the king of the North. 2. The nations which doe accompanie Gog as Magog Meshech Gomer Togarmah Pharas Put the ââebrews themselues vnderstaÌd to be the nations inhabiting Cappadocia Galatia Iberia Armenia all which were vnder the command and obedience of the king of the North. 3. The building of cities thoroughout those countries and the calling of them by the names of the Seleucians and their kinted are euident arguments of the foueraigntie which they had ouer those nations so that we neede seeke no further for that great Gog whome Ezekiel speaketh of 4. And further as Ezekiel prophesieth c. 38. 23. that after the ouerthrow of Gog the Lord would be magnified and sanctified among many nations which was performed by the comming of the Messias so it came to passe for not long after the destruction of this kingdom of the North and the ende of that familie of the Seleucians Christ came into the world And this is the common opinion of the Hebrewes as Ab. Ezra and Kimhi testifie that after the ouerthrow of Gog Messiah should âaigne 5. Wherefore seeing this Prophesie is fulfilled alreadie they are deceiued which deferre the fulfilling of Ezekiels prophesie vntill the ende of the world wherein they giue great aduantage vnto the Iewes who thinke that their Messiah when he commeth shall vanquish the power of Gog and Magog H. Br. in Daniel 20. Quest. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South and the king of the North and of their ioyning together againe v. 6. In the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together againe 1. It is euident then that first the league made betweene the first kings of the
open force to inuade Egypt and the king of Egypt called here the king of the South prepareth to meete him with a great armie likewise this was the preparation But the successe was this the king of Egypt was not able to stand he is ouercome with his armie and the meanes which Antiochus vfed was this he corrupted Ptolomes captaines and counsellers with gifts who betraied Ptolomes armie euen his owne feed men and courtiers that liued vpon him should deceiue him v. 26. 2. The euent was this that after Philometor was ouercome he should make some peace with Antiochus but it was a fraudulent peace where 1. their intent and purpose is expressed both the kings hearts shall be to doe mischiefe 2. their dissimulation they shall speake deceitfully at the same table for Philometor feasted Antiochus and gaue him great gifts 3. but the issue was this nothing was effected or concluded by this peace for the time appointed of God was not yet v. 27. 3. The sequele was this 1. Antiochus returneth into his countrey with great substance partly by the gift of Ptolome partly by spoiling with his armie 2. In his returne he set his heart against the holy Couenant that is the people of God for he entred into Ierusalem beeing receiued by wicked Iason and robbed and spoiled the Temple though as yet he set not vp the abomination of desolation as is further shewed 1. Macchab. 1. 18. and 2. Macch. 4. 24. Some vnderstand this battell to haue beene fought vnder Euleus and Leneus Ptolomes captaines at which time Antiochus entred into Egypt robbing and spoiling and came to Memphis Iun. annotat 1. 2. edit Oecolampad Bulling But this can not be 1. this was Antiochus second voyage into Egypt 2. Macch. 5. 1. but that battell vnder those captaines was fought in his first voyage 2. at this time Ptolomes captaines were corrupted which could not be the foresaid Euleus and Leneus for they were slaine in battell 3. hitherto Antiochus had dealt by cunning and fraud but now he went about by force to raigne ouer Egypt 1. Macchab. 1. 17. which he did not attempt at the first for he had sent in peaceable manner before Apollonius to the coronation of Philometor 2. Macchab. 4. 22. 4. the kings now practised deceit one against an other it seemeth then that Philometor was of yeares of discretion but when Euleus and Leneus were slaine he was vnder their tuition this Hierome foreseeing that Philometor beeing a child could not practise any deceit or mischiefe against Antiochus thereupon saith that some will haue it vnderstood of Antichrist who should first ouercome the king of Egypt But Philometor was not now a very child in Antiochus second expedition he was somewhat growne in yeares Osiand for this happened in the sixt yeare of Antiochus raigne who beganne to raigne in the 137. yeare of the raigne of the Greekes and this was in the 143. yeare 1. Macchab. 1. 11. 21. Wherefore I rather follow Iunius interpretation in his commentarie with Polanus who referre the battell of Euleus and Leneus to the first voyage of Antiochus into Egypt 35. Quest. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt v. 29 30 31. Three things are here declared 1. his attempt he shall come againe against the king of the South and the time is set downe at the time appointed which was about two yeares after as may be gathered 1. Macchab. 1. 30. Bulling then entring into Egypt and hauing taken Memphis Philometor fled to his younger brother Physcon to Alexandria and thither Antiochus followed and besieged the citie Ioseph l. 12. c. 6. 2. Then the successe is shewed not to be like vnto the former it should not be as at the first and as at the last for so are the words not the last shall not be as at the first Geneuens for two expeditions or voiages are mentioned before then the reason is shewed of this crosse successe he shall be staied by the Romanes which arriued there in shippes of Cilicia called the shippes of Chittim for Ptolome had sent vnto the Romanes for aid who sent Popilius or as some call him Pompilius who in their name should charge Antiochus to depart who arriuing at Alexandria found Antiochus vpon the shore who first would haue saluted Popilius with a kisse being of his old acquaintance in Rome would with flattering words haue put off that matter for which Popilius came and haue craued some time to consider of it But the couragious Romane bid him leaue off his trifling and vpon the sand did with his rod make a circle before Antiochus requiring his present answear before he went from that place who though much against his will there yeelded himselfe to obey his embassage and therefore it is said in the text he shall be sorie and returne thus Hierom. out of Iustin. lib. 34. the same is reported by Florus in epitom lib. 45. 3. The euent was this that this cruell Tyrant beeing disappointed of his hope in Egypt shall freat against the holy couenant for in his returne he entred into Ierusalem beeing receiued in peaceable manner at the first but afterward he made hauocke of the citie put them to the sword caused the daily sacrifice to cease and set vp the abhomination of desolation a filthie idol in the Temple and burnt the bookes of the lawe as is declared 1. Mac. 1. 57. 58. And the meanes is shewed also how he compassed this his wicked purpose he had inelligence by those which did forsake the holy coueuant he was brought in by the wicked counsell and practise first of Iason then of Menelaus 2. Macchab. 4. Iunius Polanus Oecolampadius Quest. 36. Of the meaning of the word Chittim v. 30. 1. Here are two words vsed tziim and Chittim which some Hebrewes vnderstand to be the Italians and Romanes Hierome but the first word signifieth shippes it commeth of tzi which properly betokeneth a bird and so consequently a shippe which beeing vnder saile is like a bird that flieth 2. Iosephus whom Theodoret followeth and Vatablus vnderstand the shippes of Chittim to be shippes of the Isle Cyprus where was a towne called Citium where Zeno the Stoike was borne But the word Chittim is more generall then to be taken for one small Island and Cyprus was vnder the command of Alexandria which nowe Antiochus besieged and therefore the shippes of Cyprus could not repell Antiochus 3. Some take Chittim directly for the Romanes as Hierome so also the Chalde paraphrast and the Tharg Hierosol so interpreteth that place of the Italians and Romanes Numb 24. 24. the shippes shall come from the coasts of Chittim and subdue Ashur and shall subdue Heber But originally Chittim are not the Italians or Romanes for Chittim was one of the sonnes of Iavan the father of the Grecians as likewise were Elisha the founder of the Aeliseans or Aeolians and Dodanim of the Dodoneans and Tharshish of the Cilicians where Tarsus was all these were
countreys belonging vnto Grecia 4. Some thinke that Chittim signifieth both the Grecians Macedonians and Romanes Calvin but so we should make it too generall a name 5. Some vnderstand the shippes of the Romanes which were kept in the coasts of Cilicia where the Isle Cetis was that they might the better command the Seas Polan Iun. But that seemeth not to be so proper to call them shippes of Chittim that is of Cilicia because they onely harboured there 6. And it is too slender a conceit to thinke that the Romane Embassadour came thither in shippes of Grecia ex Bulling as if that potent nation of the Romanes had no shippes of their owne 7. nor yet is Chittim taken only for Grecia for the shippes of Chittim came now against Antiochus which were not the Grecians but the Romanes 8. Wherefore I thinke with Melancthon that Chittim originally is taken for some countreys of Grecia and comprehendeth also Macedonia whereupon Alexander king of Macedonia is said to haue come from the land of Chittim 1. Macchab. 1. 1. and the two last kings of Macedonia Philip and Perses are called kings of Cittim 1. Macchab. 8. 5. And the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Macedonian hath some affinitie with Chittim the first letter beeing added And further Melancthon sheweth out of Homer how the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Citians came with Telephus the king of the Mysians to the battell of Troy as next adioyning But yet though originally Chittim are the Grecians which name might first be giuen vnto the Islands of Grecia as Cyprus Rhodes and the sea coasts as of Cilicia and then generally was taken for other vplaâd countreys of Grecia this name also was extended to the Italians as hauing their originall from the Greekes Melancthon sheweth out of Suidas that Latinui the sonne of Telephus brought the Citians into Italie and gaue the name to the countrey but howsoeuer this is it is certaine that the Grecians came into Italie and there inhabited whereupon it might be called magna Graecia great Greece and thus much for the word Chittim Quest. 37. Of the persecution of the people of God by Antiochus and the manner thereof This is the second persecution raised by Antiochus against the people of God the first was touched before v. 28. the occasion of the second is expressed in the former verse partly because Antiochus beeing disappointed by the Romanes turneth his rage against the Church of God and partly beeing thereunto induced by such amongst the Iewes as had forsaken the couenant In this second persecution 1. there are declared the meanes which Antiochus vsed in oppressing Gods people which were partly the forces and captains and forren helps which he vsed partly the seditious and factious among the people themselues 2. the godly are described which shall suffer persecution to v. 36. 3. then it is shewed what Antiochus should doe himselfe thence to v. 40. Now in v. 3. the forren helpe is described which Antiochus should vse namely his captaines with their forces which are called armes and the effects and workes which they shall doe are fowre 1. They shall pollute the Sanctuarie 2. then the citie it selfe called the munition 3. the daily sacrifice shall be taken away 4. and the abhomination of desolation set vp Quest 38. What is vnderstood by the armes v. 31. 1. Some of the Hebrewes by the armes doe vnderstand Thus that came of Vespasian and was as his arme that destroyed Ierusalem and the Temple 2. Oecolampadius by the armes interpreteth the captaines of the Romanes Pompey Crassus Sabinus Cumanus Florus with others which diuerse times made hauocke of the citie spoiled and profaned the Temple But the coherence of the text will allowe neither of these interpretations for the storie of Antiochus still is continued he that set his heart against the holy couenant v. 28. is the same that fretteth against the holy couenant beeing repelled by the shippes of Chittim v. 30. and he that there fretteth is the same that here polluteth the Sanctuarie 3. Some by the armes vnderstand the towers and fortresses of the citie which are as the armes of it Pintus But the armes are said to pollute the Sanctuarie this cannot be properly vnderstood of the towers 4. Calvin whom Geneuens followe by the armes thinketh to be meant the faction of the wicked Iewes that held with Antiochus but they are spoken of in the next verse which shall wickedly breake the couenant 5. Therfore by the armes are better vnderstood Antiochus Princes and captaines whom he sent to spoile Ierusalem Bulling Melancth as Philippus a Phrygian whom he left at Ierusalem after the first taking of it and Andronicus at Garazin 2. Macchab. 5. 22. to them he ioyned Bacchides of whom Iosephus maketh mention lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. And he sent also Apollonius two yeares after to Ierusalem who made great hauocke and spoile of all as is shewed 1. Macchab. 1. and 2. Mac. 5. Polanus Quest. 39. Of the defiling of the Sanctuarie and the manner thereof Fowre wicked exploits done by Antiochus forces are expressed here 1. they defiled the Sanctuarie for they entred into it robbed and spoiled it as Antiochus had done before himselfe for he entred into the Temple Menelaus beeing his guide and touched the holy vessels with his owne hands 2. Macchab. 5. 15. and carried them away 1. Mac. 1. 23. 24. 2. They tooke also the citie and the munition the strong places thereof Some referre it to the Sanctuarie thus reading the Sanctuarie of strength so called because it was situate in a strong place and had the tower of Dauid adioyning vnto it Osiand or because the people fled thither as to a sure hold when the citie was taken Oecolamp or because the people put their confidence in the Temple as the rocke of their defense Bulling or to put them in minde that they should trust in God who was yet their strength although for their sinnes he suffred his Temple to be defiled for a time Calvin But it is better vnderstood of the citie which is called the munition because of the strength thereof for as Strabo writeth lib. 16. Geograph it was compassed with a strong wall of stone and within was a ditch 60. foote deepe and 200. foote wide made out of a rocke the stone hewne out made the walls about the Temple Apollonius beeing sent to Ierusalem by Antiochus was receiued peaceably into the citie but being entred he went vp and downe killing and slaying sparing none but fell vpon the Iewes hauing an armie of 22. thousand vpon the Sabbath while they were keeping their feast 2. Macchab. 5. 24. 25. Iun. Polan as also they fortified the citie of Dauid with a great and thicke wall and mightie towers and set people to keepe it and brought in the spoyle of the citie thither 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 36. this may be well vnderstood the euent so fitly answering the prophesie to be the munition or strong place here
Iuppiter Bacchus Hercules which were not the Syrian gods for all the Gentiles worshipped in effect the same idols though vnder other names 4. But herein was his impietie and prophannes seene that though he set vp the idols of the heathen and spared for no cost in adorning them and therein exceeded all his predecessors as Polybius in Athen. yet in effect he cared for no god he was vacuus omni numinis reverentia void of all reuerence of the godhead Iun. Pellic. and Graserus who applieth all this to the Pope denieth not but that in this sense it may be vnderstood of Antiochus pag. 191. 45. Quest. How Antiochus should not regard the desires of women 1. Some doe read these words affirmatiuely that he shall be in the desires of women And here 1. Pellican applieth it to Antiochus that was luxuriosissimus most lasciuious in so much that publikely he was not ashamed to vse his concubines 2. some referre it to the Antichrist in the ende of the world qui futurus est Iudaeorum Messias who shall be the Messiah of the Iewes who because the Iewes doe expect the multitude of wiues to be graunted them by their Messiah shall by no meanes command or commend caelibatum single life Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. pont c. 21. But it is euident that in the Hebrew the negatiue particle must be supplied in euery clause as hath beene shewed in the diuers readings of this verse and so Anquila readeth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he shall not attend to the desires of women As concerning that conceit of their Antichrist the Iewes Messiah and that Antichrist shall come together 2. Pererius thinketh that the spirit of God of purpose left the Hebrew Scripture ambiguous that in both senses it might agree to Antichrist for he secretly shall be giuen to all lust and yet outwardly feigne chastitie but the Scripture vseth not to speake doubtfully 3. Wherefore the best reading is negatiuely he shall not haue respect to the desires of women 1. which neither doe we take generally for his inhumanitie becasue kindnes and humanitie is likened to the loue of women 2. Sam. 1. 26. as Iunius referring it to Antiochus and Calvin to the Romanes and some other to Herod that was cruell toward his wife and children 2. nor becasue Antiochus regarded not the desire and request of his wife for sparing the Temple for the text speaketh of women not of one woman 3. nor yet is here signified the tendernes of women whome he cruelly put to death not sparing their sex Bro. for the word chemidah desire is not taken in that sense 4. nor yet is it meant he should altogether be alienated from the desire of women as Vatablus doth applying it to their Antichrist 5. But the word signifieth the lawfull desires of women he shall contemne matrimonie and be giuen ouer to vagrant lust and this to be the sense Graserus sheweth by three arguments 1. by the vse of the word which is for the most part taken for lawfull desire as Daniel is called a man of desires Dan. 9. 23. and Ezekiels wife is called the desire of his eyes c. 24. 17. 2. the word signifieth a reflexion of desire in desiring and beeing desired as 1. Sam. 9. 20. the desire of Israel was toward Saul but this reflexion of desire is onely seene in lawfull matrimonie 3. the phrase sheweth so much he shall not regard as before it signified not the abolishing of all gods but a contempt of them so here he shall not altogether despise women but he shall not regard their desire he shall contemne matrimonie and so did Antiochus who had a famous strumpet Antiochis to whome he gaue the cities of Tharsus and Mallot 2. Macchab. 4. 30. Theodoret and he openly ioyned himselfe to strumpets as Hierome 6. This beeing thus literally true of Antiochus may be applied typically to the Pope who hath brought in contempt of Matrimonie c. but this is not the historicall meaning as Bulling Osiand Illyricus Graserus doe thinke 7. But Oecolampad is further off who vnderstandeth this of Antiochus contempt of the beutiful goddesses as the Moone or Venus for the text speaketh of women not of goddesses 46. Quest. Of the strange god that Antiochus should set vp v. 28. This verse is diuersly interpreted and there is great difference about the meaning of these words in his place he shall honour the god Mauzzim These diuers opinions may be thus sorted some doe vnderstand these words of the false god which shall be set vp some of the true God in whose stead Antiochus or Antichrist shall set vp an other strange god Of the first sort 1. some thinke that Mauzzim should be the name of the place where Antiochus set vp his idol and caused it to be worshipped which Porphyrius thinketh to haue beene called Modin the countrey of Mattathia Pellican also misliketh not this sense But Mauzzim hath an other sense it signifieth munition or strength and betweene the words Mauzzim and Modin there is small affinitie 2. Some applie this vnto Antichrist and thinke that he shall secretly worship the deuill whom he shall call the god of his defence Lyran. and Bellarmine doth hereunto incline 3. Theodoret thus expoundeth that Antichrist shall call himselfe the god Mauzzim that is a strong god but it hath beene shewed sufficiently before that this prophesie is historically and literally vnderstood of Antiochus And if it should be referred to Antichrist that he is himselfe this god Mauzzim there can be made no sense of these words he shall worship the god Mauzzim in his place for how can he be said to worship himselfe here is one that worshippeth and an other that is worshipped 4. Some vnderstand this prophesie of the Turke and this god Mauzzim to be Mahomet whome the Turks adore with siluer and gold and whose religion he maintaineth by force and strength still seeking to enlarge his Empire and to subdue nations which was one of Mahomets speciall precepts and principles and it is saide he shall worship him in his place that is according to his qualitie and dignitie not as a God but as a great Prophet thus one Christian Irenophil ex Polan Oecolampadius much varieth not hauing reference here vnto Mecca the temple of Mahomet which is adorned with siluer and gold But I haue shewed that this prophesie concerneth not the Turke whose Monarchie beganne a 1000. yeares after Antiochus the affaires of the Turke did not belong to the state condition of the Iewes the people of God then for whose coÌfort specially this prophesie was penned 5. M. Calvin still proceedeth applying all this vnto the Romanes that they had their peculiar god Iuppiter Olympius Iuppiter set vp in the Capitol whome they made the chiefe of all other gods but in effect they onely magnified themselues their power and riches aboue all other gods And so farre as it was for their aduantage and profit they did pretend the name and worship
of the gods but in effect they set vp altars and offered sacrifice suae foelicitati fortunae to their owne happines and fortune so also Genevens following Calvin but this application to the Romane state we haue vpon diuers reasons refused before qu. 44. 6. Melancthon by the god Maosim that is of munitions vnderstandeth the god variorum templorum that was worshipped in diuers temples for as the Iewes had but one Temple called before Maosa v. 31. the Sanctuarie of strength so the Gentiles had their Maosim their diuers temples wherein they worshipped a number of gods as the Athenians worshipped Pallas the Thebanes Bacchus the Eleusines Ceres the Sicâlians Proserpina the Argives Iuno they of Delphos Phoebus the Lemnians Vulcan the Lampsacenes Priapus the Phrygians Cybele But M. Calvin doth not much weigh this distinction of the singular and plural for the word Maozim he taketh it to be curious And seeing Melancthon first vnderstandeth this of Antiochus it can not be shewed how he brought in all these gods and the text onely speaketh in the singular of the god Mauzzim 7. Some doe properly vnderstand here the Pope the Romane Antichrist and retaining the word as a proper name Mauzzim doe specially applie it to the idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse Osiander maketh some allusion in the word Mauzzim to the word Masse Melancthon obserueth that the word mazon which signifieth foode or meate hath some assinitie with Mauzzim noting the Papists breaden god but Oecolampad refuseth this conceit because the word mazon is written without the letter ain which the other word hath Bullinger maketh this application that Mauzzim which signifieth holds may be taken for the Temples which they adorne with siluer and gold and doe tie thereunto the corporall presence of Christ But all these are analogicall applications of this prophesie we must seeke for an historicall sense beside which was to take place long before the Romane Antichrist appeared in the world 8. All these doe by the god Mauzzim vnderstand a false god which should be brought in by this aduersarie here spoken of Polychronius by the god Mauzzim that is of strength would haue signified the true god of Isreal whome Antiochus at length was forced to confesse by the extremitie of his disease and sent great gifts and presents to Ierusalem to the Temple But neither is mention made in the storie 2. Macchab. 9. of any such gifts which he sent Oecolampad and it is a strange god not the true God which Antiochus here is said to worship with gold and siluer 9. Iunius and Polanus doe concurre together thus reading as for the God of strength in his place he shall honour he shall honour a god whome his fathers knew not c. And Polanus will haue the first clause distinguished because of the accent zakeph katon which diuideth it from the words following so that they would haue the god Mauzzim here taken for the true God called the God of strength Polan or the God of munitions that is whose seate was at Ierusalem which is called in Scripture a citie of munition Iun. commentar But 1. neither that accent nor yet the imperfect distinction rebia which is ouer the word maghuzim or as Montanus mahuzim are of such force wholly to suspend these words from the clause following but onely they make a little pause or stay not diuiding the sense for then the words leeloha maghuzim the god Mauzzim standing by themselues should make no sense at all 2. And againe the same word leeloha God is repeated in the next sentence it must therefore be taken in the same sense in both places if in the latter it might be translated and God he shall honour whome c. it must be so taken in the first place and the god Mauzzim or of munitions not as for the God the preposition lamed must haue the like vse in both places and this reason chiefly maketh me to dissent from these learned men in this place 10. Wherefore I rather condescend to that other interpretation of Melancthon that Mauzzim signifieth not onely strength but an hold munition a place of defence and so Antiochus after he had set vp the idol of Iuppiter Olympius in the Temple he built a strong tower or place of defence neare vnto the Temple where he set a garrison to force the people to worship that idol so the author of the Scholasticall historie interpreteth Maozim praesidium sonat Antiochus in Ierusalem praesidium posuit Maozim signifieth an hold or garrison and so Antiochus set garrisons in Ierusalem Lyranus taketh Mauzzim for a strong place where Antichrist shall worship his idol Vatablus by the god of strength vnderstandeth the idol cuius fortitudini tribuet acceptum imperium to whose fortitude he shall ascribe his Empire dominion which he had obtained But I preferre rather the former sense for these two reasons 1. because an other word by way of explanation is added to Mauzzim which signifieth holds he shall make or set in the holds Mauzzim munitions with a strange god v. 39. 3. The historie hereunto agreeth how they built a strong wall and made towers in the citie of Dauid which was neere vnto the Temple and so they were an ambushment to the Sanctuarie 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 38. This god of munitions then was Iuppiter Olympius whome Antiochus caused to be set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem and to be called by the name of that idol 2. Macchab. 6. 2. which idol he garded with munitions worshipped with siluer and gold which was a strange god because the Syrians worshipped other gods and goddesses as Apollo Diana Atargates Strabo lib. Geogra 16. Iuppiter Olympius was the idol of the Greekes which was not knowne in these places before at the least neuer set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem by any of Antiochus predecessours so foure things are here declared concerning this abominable idol 1. he shall be garded with munition 2. he shall be set vp in his place that is in the seat and place of the true God of Israel 3. it shall be a strange idol not knowne in that countrey before 4. he shall honour him with siluer and gold 47. Quest. Of Antiochus politike deuises to continue the idolatrous seruice of his new god v. 39. This wicked and subtill Tyrant hauing brought in a new Idol vseth two meanes for the establishing of this new come image first he by force planting garrisons and fortifying strong holds seeketh to defend his false worship then by rewards honours preferments he inticeth base fellows to maintaine his idolatrie but first the meaning of the words must be examined and then the accomplishment and fulfilling thereof shewed 1. Some doe ioyne both the parts of the verse together and make this the sense thus shall he doe to the strong garrisons that shall defend his strange god he shall giue rewards honours and preferments Melancth Oecolampad Osiand but beside that the distinction rebia doth diuide the first part
the citie of abhominations the holy mountaine 6. Oecolampadius likewise here vnderstanding Antichrist taketh this holy mountaine for the Church of God which was prefigured by Iudea which was situate betweene the two Seas the dead Sea and the mediterrane sea But it is euident that the glorious mountaine is here taken for Iudea as it is called before the beautifull or glorious land v. 16. 41. 7. Iunius in his commentarie taketh Apadno for Mesopotamia for he saith that countrey was called Apadan as Theodotian retaineth the same word Apadon and there Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the Seas among the Chalde fennes and in the holy mountaine he interpreteth when they went against the holy mountaine that is Iudea which was an hilly countrey And this may seeme some probabilitie hereof because the word padan is taken for Mesopotamia in Scripture which commeth somewhat neere the word aphadno But the two seas cannot properly be said to be fennes And the verie description of the holy mountaine betweene the two Seas sheweth that Iudea is vnderstood by the right situation thereof 8. Some doe thinke that Antiochus himselfe returning out of Persia was entring into the borders and confines of Iudea when he was stricken of God and then he pitched his princely tents betweene the dead sea and the Mediterranean so Polanus out of Iosephus who thus writeth that Iudas Macchabeus eum in sines Iudaeae ingredientem vehementissima plaga percussum repressit c. did recoile him or driue him backe entring into the borders of Iudea beeing striken with a great plague c. lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. But this cannot stand with that report 1. Macchab. 9. 4. that Antiochus fell sicke in Babylon and their died he was dead then before he came neere Iudea and he could not spread his tents there after he was returned from Persia wherefore either Iosephus writeth here somewhat loosely and slenderly of this matter as he doth elsewhere or he speaketh of some other foyle that Iudas gaue vnto Antiochus and not at that time when he had beene in Persia. 9. Wherefore the meaning is this that not Antiochus should pitch his pauilion in his owne person but his viceroy Lysias with whom he had left his sonne Antiochus and halfe of his armie and made him gouernour in his absence of all his kingdome from Euphrates to the borders of Egypt then he pitched in Emmaus with the kings forces 1. Macchab. 3. v. 32. 40. H. Br. in Daniel which was since called Nicopolis which though it be said to be in the plaine yet there the hilly tract beginneth that extendeth to Ierusalem the mount Oliuet not beeing aboue a mile from Emmaus Lyran. Hugo the two Seas are the dead Sea and the Mediterranean Sea which are the limites of Iudea Iun. Quest. 51. Of the sudden and fearefull ende of Antiochus v. 45. He shall come to his ende and none shall helpe him 1. Hierome thus deliuereth the sense that Antichrist shall goe vp to the toppe of mount Oliuet for so he readeth veniet ad summitatem eius he shall come to the height thereof that is of mount Oliuet whereon he shall be confounded And this he would prooue by that place Isay 25. 7. I will destroy in this mountaine the couering that couereth all people c. But the meaning of this place is that Christ of whom the Prophet there speaketh who shall prepare a spirituall feast which is mentioned in the former verse by the preaching of the gospell shall remoue the couering of ignorance and darkenesse which had ouerspread the world And the Prophet there nameth not mount Oliuet but hath reference to that mount spoken of c. 24. 23. which was mount Sion a figure of the Church which should be illuminate with the knowledge of Christ. 2. and the text speaketh not of the ende of the mountaine but of Antiochus ende when his time was come which was limited of God 2. Some proceed yet further and shew the manner how Antichrist shall be ouerthrown that first he shall faine himselfe dead and rise againe the third day and then vpon mount Oliuet he shall make as though he would ascend into heauen and so shall be lifted vp into the aire by the helpe of the deuill and his Angels at which instant he shal be destroyed by Christ from heauen by the spirit of his mouth as the Apostle speaketh 2. Thess. 2. Percrius Some adde further the particular manner how Antichrist shall be destroyed as the author of the scholasticall historie saith ascendente per aera Antichristo audietur vox Christi de coelo missa morcre as Antichrist is ascending into the aire there shall come a voice from heauen die and presently he shall be smitten with lightening and perish so also Lyran. But Lactantius is yet more bold who thus describeth the destruction of Antichrist that he with an huge armie shall compasse about the Saints in a mountaine whether they fled then they shall call vpon God for his helpe And presently the heauens shall open and lightening shall breake forth and this shall be a signe of the Lords descending cadet repente gladius a sword shall suddenly fall from heauen and then Antichrist shall be ouercome by the Angels and all his power he onely shall escape sed quarto praelio debellatus c. but he in the fourth battell with all his host shall be subdued and then shall suffer worthie punishment for his wickednesse to this purpose Lactantius lib. 7. institution c. 17. 18. But 1. beside that these shewe great bouldnesse in thus expounding taking vpon them without warrant of Scripture to expresse the verie forme of words which shal then be vsed and the verie signes which shall be shewed 2. herein further they faile in confounding the two ouerthrowes of Antichrist which the Apostle doth separate for first he saith whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth that is by his word and the finall destruction followeth and abolish with the brightnesse of his comming 2. Thessal 2. 8. first Antichrists hypocrisie shall be discouered by the preaching of the Gospel which is alreadie fulfilled but the remainder of his kingdome shall be reserued for the iudgement of the great day 3. They which vnderstand this of the Turkish Monarchie as Melancthon or of the Antichrist of Rome as Bulling Osiand or of the Romane state as Calvin are confuted by this argument because here the destruction of one particular man is set forth as in the precedent part the prophesie runneth still vpon one principall agent in the warres before mentioned 4. Iunius in his annotations vnderstanding all this of Antiochus doth thus interpret these words he shall come to the ende that is of his kingdome namely to Persepolis in Elymais which was in the vtmost bounds of his dominion But in his commentarie he better expoundeth it of the ende of his life so also Polan H. Br. Porphyrius though an enemie to the Christian faith
11. epist. c. 3. These scrappes of some auncient writers the Romanists in these daies haue gathered vp who affirme the same that Antichrist shall haue his seat at Ierusalem reedifie the Temple and command circumcision The same is the generall opinion of the Iewes that when their expected Messiah commeth the citie and Temple shall be built againe and he shall restore vnto them their kingdome and countrey be a victorious conqueror suppressing the armies of Gog Magog Now then as the Romanists themselues hold the obstinate Iewes to be in error that denie the Messiah and Christ to be come looking for an other so they making their Antichrist to be the same with the Iewes Messiah are in the like error expecting for the comming of an other Antichrist who long since is come alreadie and manifested in the world and as soone shall the Iewes Messiah come as this their imagined Antichrist Hauing now thus briefly discouered these errors of the Romanists concerning Antichrist we will now come to set forth the true signes and marks whereby the Antichrist is discouered and so find him out where he is 10. Controv. Of the true markes whereby Antichrist may be discerned 1. As he is called Antichrist so he shall in all things be opposite and contrarie vnto Christ. 1. Christ was most holy and by the spirit of God which remained in him was mooued in his thoughts words and workes onely to that which was good but Antichrist by the operation and instinct of Sathan shall be stirred vp vnto all kind of euill this Pererius confesseth how this hath bin performed in that Romish chaire of pestilence all the world seeth and they which are not wilfully blinded must needes acknowledge what blasphemie idolatrie profanenes vncleannes of life murders and other impieties haue beene committed by that Sea hath beene abundantly shewed elswhere so that that title which the holy Apostle hath giuen vnto Antichrist calling him the man of sinne 2. Thess. 2. 8. doth more fitly agree vnto none then to the Bishop of Rome 2. Christ was humble and meeke but Antichrist shall be most proud 3. Christ was most obedient vnto his father and gaue most honourable testimonie of him Antichrist shall be most contumelious and blasphemous against God and therfore he is said Apoc. 13. to be full of the names of blasphemie 4. Christ came to preach the truth Antichrist shall be the sower of all corrupt and false doctrine 5. Christ said his kingdome was not of this world but Antichrist shall altogether seeke the pompe and glorie of this world 6. Christ was the head of all good and holy men and Antichrist shal be caput malorum the head of the euill and wicked men These notes and marks Pererius giueth of Antichrist shewing wherein he shall be an enemie and aduersarie vnto Christ. All which notes and markes doe most fitly agree to the Bishop of Rome for what place can shew more examples of all kind of wickednes then that who is more proud and ambitious blasphemous then he where is taught more false and corrupt doctrine then there who seeketh more the outward pompe of the world then he and who els chalengeth to be head of the malignant Church but he 2. Pererius saith that Antichrist shall be a great dissembler and hypocrite he shall make a shew of three great vertues chastitie abstinencie and pietie And who maketh a greater shew of these then the Pope he would seeme to be so chast that he forbiddeth his Clergie lawfull marriage yet suffering them to practise secretly all kind of vncleannes he would seeme to be abstemious in forbidding the vse of lawfull meates and for his pietie he will be saluted and called the most holy father 3. Antichrist shall corrupt many with his great gifts and liberall rewards And so the Pope hath Cardinals hats Archbishops palles Bishops miters and other dignities with ample and large reuenues to bestow vpon his followers as Bishop Fisher in king Henries daies was rewarded with a Cardinals hat for his good seruice in maintaining the Popes supremacie but the head that should haue worne it was first set vp vpon London bridge Bellarmine for his great paines taken in defending of the Popes supremacie and other points of Antichristian doctrine was made a Cardinal 4. Pererius addeth further that whome Antichrist cannot winne with flatterie gifts he will seeke to ouercome by terror and torments lib. 14. in 11. Dan. v. 21. Such hath beene the practise of the Antichristian Prelates as the former daies of persecution in England doe plentifully testifie for first they would set vpon the faithfull seruants of God by flatterie and faire promises and so not preuailing they would threaten faggot and fire this may be euidently seene in the examinations of the blessed seruants of God D. Taylor M. Philpot. M. Bradford with the rest 5. Last of all Antichrist shall deceiue saith Pererius faciendo plurima admiranda prodigia by working many prodigious things And this hath beene the continuall practise of the Papal Church with forged miracles to deceiue the simple people as hath beene before declared And hitherto I haue followed Pererius steppes shewing how his markes of Antichrist doe most fitly agree vnto his Pope holy father the Bishop of Rome 11. Controv. How the description of Antiochus historically doth typically decypher the Pope and Antichrist Though in this propheticall narration of Daniel c. 11. from v. 21. to the ende Antiochus be properly described yet figuratiuely it may be applyed vnto Antichrist And it letteth not that Antiochus was a ciuill and temporall king and the Pope taketh vpon him chiefely to be a spirituall gouernour for as Doeg notwithstanding he was one of Sauls courtiers yet was a type of Iudas one of the twelue Apostles as appeareth Psal. 69. 26. and 109. 8. compared with Act. 1. 20. And so Achitophel also one of Dauids politike Counsellers of state a figure of the same Iudas Psal. 55. 14. and Mark 14. 20. So Antiochus as well may be a figure and type of the Antichristian Prelate 1. Antiochus is said to be a vile and abiect person and not to haue come vnto the honour of the kingdome by any right and title or by consent or election but by flatterie So the Romane Bishop was at the first of small respect who by little and little vsurped ouer the Church not by any right or title thereunto or by common consent and suffrage of the Church but by flatterie and deceit Bulling Polan Hereunto also agreeth the former prophesie c. 7. 8. where this enemie vnto the people of God is called a little horne in respect of his obscure and base beginning and Reuel 13. the beast which signifieth Antichrist is said to ascend out of the âarth 2. Antiochus is set forth as a victorious conqueror the armes shall be broken before him v. 22. So the Antichrist of Rome hath much preuailed and prospered in the world though not so much
controversie 19. Contr. Why the Lord suffereth Antichrist to rage against his Church That is no reason which Bellarmine pretendeth that the Romane Church is by their outward prosperitie knowne to be the true Church and therefore it is giuen vnto them to prosper but these rather are the causes 1. That herein Gods mercie may appeare who for a long time tied vp and bound Saâhan though for a while he be let loose yet in that vntill the reuealing of Antichrist he was bridled and not suffered hetherto to powre out all his malice against the Church of God it must be ascribed to his mercie 2. The Lord by this persecution vnder Antichrist will trie out the faithfulnes of his seruants that they may be discerned from the hypocrites as it is shewed here in the former verse that diuers were suffered to fall into affliction to trie and purge them both that they might be scuered and purged from hypocrites as the wheat is from the chaffe and drosse and that the Lord also might haue experience of the faithfulnes and constancie of his seruants Hereupon Hyppolitus thinketh that the Martyrs vnder the tyrannie of Antichrist shall be the most glorious Martyrs that euer were in any persecution before which verily may be affirmed of our holy Martyrs that suffered in the daies of Queene Marie in England and then and since in other places for beside that their torments and cruell manner of death were equivalent the cause for the which they suffered was more hard to be iudged of and their enemies more subtle for the Martyrs of the Primitiue Church died for not yeilding vnto most grosse idolatrie of the heathen which was most manifest impietie and their aduersaries were professed enemies to all Christianitie But these latter Martyrs suffered for matters of religion euen controuerted among Christians and their persecutors themselues pretending to be Christians 3. A third reason is that God by the hypocrisie and tyrannie of Antichrist punisheth the sinnes of the world which abounded at the reuealing of Antichrist Hyppolitus thus well setteth forth the iniquitie of those times wherein Antichrist shall come omnes suo arbitratu vivent silij manus inijcient in parentes c. all shall liue as they list the sonnes shall lay violent hands vpon their parents the wife shall deliuer the husband to death the husband the wife masters shall be cruell toward their seruants and seruants shall be stubborne against their masters no man shall reuerence the aged nor haue pitie on the poore then shall enchanters and sorcerie be in force Pastours shall become wolues and Monks shall couet and desire the things of the world c. All these vices and corruptions abounded in the world when Antichrist beganne to shew himselfe and these things are yet practised vnder the Romane tyrannie Wiues doe accuse their husbands and husbands their wiues children the parents and parents the children one brother riseth against an other to put them to death for religion So that for these and other sinnes the hard yoke of Antichristian bondage yet lieth vpon the world And S. Paul sheweth the reason thereof 2. Thess. 2. 11 12. God shall send them strong delusions to beleeue lies that all they might be damned which beleeue not the truth but had pleasure in vnrighteousnes And so those nations which are yet in bondage vnder Antichrist because they desire not to leaue their superstition and vnrighteous liuing but still continue enemies to the truth therefore they are by the iust iudgement of God kept still in ignorance and misbeleefe 20. Controv. That out of this text v. 36. it can not be prooued that the Pope is not Antichrist as Bellarmine intendeth Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. Pontiâ c. 21. goeth about to prooue by diuers arguments out of this text that the Pope can not be Antichrist Argum. 1. Antichrist here described shall doe what he list and exalt himselfe against God as not holding himselfe tied vnto any law nor acknowledging any superiour so doth not the Pope who taketh himselfe to be bound vnto the law and confesseth Christ to be his Iudge and superiour Ans. The Pope confesseth thus much in words but in effect he abrogateth the law of God and so consequently denieth Christ to be his superiour 1. The Pope dispenseth against the law of God which sheweth his superioritie ouer the law Pope Martin the 5. with the aduise of his Popish diuines dispensed with one to marrie his owne sister germane this is committed to writing by Antoninus Florentin summ 3. p. tit 1. c. 11. § quod Papa whome Necolaus Boerius followeth consil 20. vtrum papa numer 26. such were the incestuous mariages of Egypt for Ptolome Philadelphus maried his owne sister Berenice and so did Ptolome Philopator his sister Eurydice whome he killed Ptolome Physcon married Cleopatra his brother Philometors wife in which very case the Pope dispensed with Henrie the 8. to marrie his brother Prince Arthurs wife Likewise the law of God forbiddeth the setting vp of all images to be worshipped Levit 18. 9. which the Pope commandeth euery where to be done The holy Apostle saith that concupiscence is against the law and consequently sinne Rom. 7. 7. But the Pope in his Councell of Trent decreed the contrarie that concupiscence is not vere proprie peccatum verily and properly sinne 2. As the Pope alloweth that which Gods law forbiddeth and condemneth so likewise he forbiddeth that which Gods word alloweth and commandeth As Gods word commandeth obedience to parents but the Pope set Conradus and Henrie against their father Henrie the 4. who warred against him and Henrie depriued him of his Empire and of Christian sepulture Our Sauiour biddeth to giue vnto Cesar the things which are Cesars as homage tribute obedience but Gregorie the 2. forbad tribute to be paied to Leo the 3. for pulling downe of images or any obedience to be yeilded vnto him The Scripture alloweth that they which haue not the gift of continencie should marrie but Calisthus the 3. refused to dispense with the marriage of a certaine Deacon that alledged he had not the gift of continencie for whome also Cardinal Senensis entreated who was afterward Pope called Pius the 2. who writ hereof vnto his friend in these words alterum Papam expectandum qui melior sit that an other Pope must be expected who should be better Boerius loc citat num 20. The Scripture counteth mariage honourable and maketh it free for all men Hebt 13. 4. yet the Pope forbiddeth mariage to his Clergie as a disgrace to their orders 3. And that it yet may more euidently appeare how the Pope extolleth himselfe aboue Christ In the yeare 1447. when Felix was Bishop of Rome who succeeded Eugenâus this answer was made by the Cardinal of S. Angel to the Embassadors of Bohemia Siquis non crederet Christum esse verum Deum hominem idem sentiret Papa eum non damnatum âri if any did not beleeue Christ to be
God man and the Pope did so thinke also he should not be damned and at the same time Henricus the master of the Palace said to the same Embassadors Papa potest mutare S. Evangelium potest S. Evangelio pro loco tempore alium sensum tribuere the Pope may change the holy Gospel and may giue an other sense to the Gospel according to time and place ex Polan Argum. 2. Antichrist shall care for no God at all But the Pope worshippeth God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost yea all the Saints in heauen images and reliques in earth if we will beleeue the Protestants saith Bellarmine he adoreth also Answ. In that the Pope inuocateth Saints praieth vnto images adoreth reliques and so setteth vp other gods it is an euident argument that he denieth the true God Argum. 3. Antichrist shall ouerthrow the policies and states of kingdomes so doth not the Pope Answ. The contrarie is euident for Gregorie the 2. forbad any obedience to be yeelded to Leo the 3. and Gregorie the 3. depriued him of his Empire Alexander the 3. so serued Frederike the 1. Frederike the 2. and Lewes the 4. were so likewise vsed Gregorie the 7. deposed Bolâslaus king of Polonia Iulius the 2. gaue away the kingdome of Navarre How then is not Bellarmine ashamed these things beeing so manifest to say that the Pope is not an enemie to politike states Argum. 4. Antichrist shall prosper but the Pope since the Protestants made him Antichrist hath much decreased he hath lost a good part of Germanie of Fraunce Helvetia Bohemia Pannonia Eagland and all Suetia Gothia Norway Denmarke but Luther hath prospered by his carnall preaching seducing many who of a silly Monke became as it were Pope ouer all Germanie he rather may be taken for Antichrist Answ. 1. The Protestants in these dayes are not the first that discouered Antichrist he was so called and counted many yeares since 2. the prospering here spoken of is not vnderstood of any spirituall successe by the preaching of the Gospell but of such prosperous euents as are compassed by violence and force of armes and cunning deuises 3. it is no carnall preaching to teach men not to be addicted superstitiously to carnall âites and ceremonies which was the scope of Luthers preaching 4. neither did Luther affect a papall preeminence ouer Germany though it be true that of late one Felix Peretus of a poore Monke came to be vniuersall Pope called Sixtus 5. 5. God be thanked that many good morsells are snatched out of the wolues mouth he speaketh but of a good part of England that is reuolted from the Pope But all England in generall and Scotland doe detest the Pope with his superstitious and treacherous practises except onely a fewe thaâ are Popishly addicted whose number I trust daily will decrease 6. And though Antichrist doe not prosper as he hath done and I am sure neuer shall yet that followeth not but he is Antichrist still for he shall prosper onely for a time not alwaies 21. Controv. How Antichrist shall forsake his fathers God v. 37. v. 37. He shall not regard the god of his fathers 1. This is most true of the Pope who hath swarued and departed from the religion and faith taught by the holy Apostles and Apostolicall men in the purer ages of the Church 1. as S. Paul teacheth 2. Tim. 3. 17. that the Scriptures are able to make the man of God perfect to all good workes and so consequently are perfect and all-sufficient so Tertulliane aliunde suadere non poterunt de rebiââ fidei quam ex literis fidei de praescript haeretic c. 15. they can not otherwise perswade of matters of faith then by the Scriptures of faith But the Pope teacheth that beside the word of God written there are traditions which he calleth the word of God not written which they make of equall authoritie to the Scriptures and so they bold that the Scriptures containe not all things necessarie to saluation 2. Their forefathers haue taught that the Scriptures are plaine and easie and therefore are to be heard and read of all as Iren. lib. 2. adv haeret c. 46. vniversae Scripturae c. apertae ab omnibus audiri possunt all the Scriptures are open and may be heard of all But the Pope holdeth them to be obscure and not safe to be read of the lay-people 3. Clemens teacheth ex ipsis Scripturis capere sensum veritatis oporâet we must take the sense of the truth out of the Scriptures distinct 37. c. relatum but the Pope will haue the sense of Scripture depend of his owne mouth 4. Their fathers haue taught that the translation of the Scriptures must be examined by the originall distinct 9. c. 6. veâerum librorum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus examinanda est the credit of the bookes of the old Testament must be examined by the Hebrew but now among the Romanists the vulgar Latine is made authenticall Trident. sess 4. and preferred before the originall Hebrew and Greeke 5. Their Elders haue taught that we are onely iustified by faith Basil. concion de humilitat this is perfect righteousnes c. when a man knoweth himselfe sola fide in Christum iustificatum to be iustified by faith onely in Christ so also Ambrose impius sola fide iustificatur apud Deum a wicked man is iustified onely by faith with God in 4. ad Roman But the Romanists hold that we are also iustified by the merit of our workes 6. The Fathers haue taught that there are no other mediators of our prayers but Christ as Chrysostome nihil tibi opus est patronis apud Deum c. you neede no patrons with God for God will not heare so easily if other pray for vs as if we pray our selues though we be full of euill c. And in many other points of doctrine it is euident that the Pope hath lost and forsaken the faith and the religion of the auncient Fathers and so consequently their God also But Bellarmine thus would wipe away this marke that this no way can be fastened vpon the Pope who confesseth the God of his fathers God the Sonne God the Father and God the holy Ghost lib. 3. de Roman Pontif. c. 21. Contra. In words indeede they confesse Christ to be their God but in fact they denie him 1. They doe not acknowledge him to be their onely Prophet seeing they detract from the Scriptures making them obscure and imperfect whereas Christ onely is to be heard in the Scriptures yea Boniface the Archbishop of Mentz vttered this blasphemous speach magis ab ore eius quam à sacris paginiâ antiquam Christianae religionis institutionem expetant let them seeke and desire the auncient institution of Christian religion rather at his mouth then from the sacred booke c. which horrible blasphemie is inferted in their Canon law distinct 40. cap. Si Papa Bellarmines best answer here is to doubt
of the truth of this speech but if it be not true why standeth it in the Canon after so often reuising and perusing of the Canons 2. They denie Christ to be our onely Priest in making other Mediators and intercessors beside him contrarie to the Apostle 1. Tim. 2. 5. There is one Mediatour of God and man the man Iesus Christ. 3. Neither doe they acknowledge Christ to be the onely king of his Church making the Pope his Vicar and head of the Church and they say that vnto the Pope is giuen all authoritie in heauen and earth lib. 1. Ceremoniar cur Roman Bellarmine answereth that the Pope no more denieth Christ to be king then a Viceroy in a countrey denieth the king of the land Ans. 1. The reason is not alike for a king can not be present in euery part of his kingdome and therefore committeth many things to his deputie which he can not doe himselfe but Christ is for euer present with his Church 2. the Viceroy taketh not vpon him to be the king and head as the Pope doth So then it is euident that the Pope in effect renounceth the God and religion of his fathers see further in the Appendix exercis 3. argum 1. 22. Controv. How the Romane Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women Though the Antichrist of Rome doth publikely pretend chastitie yet all fornication and vncleannes both naturall and vnnaturall is practised and suffered vnder that licentious gouernment And herein the Pope regardeth not the desires of women in that he is an enemie vnto lawfull marriage forbidding his Clergie to marrie which is made lawfull to all men 1. Cor. 7. 1. Hebr. 13. 4. And while marriage is restrained there is a way open to all other kind of vncleannes euen that filthie Sodomitrie which is against nature in commendation whereof a great Bishop of Italie did write publikely and that without any checke Papp This sinne some scoffingly haue called mutum peccatum a dumme sinne but they shall finde that it is peccatum clamans a crying sinne which called for fire and brimstone from heauen vpon the Sodomites Bulling But Bellarmine to cleare his great Master the Pope of this suspition also he alleadgeth that in the originall the words stand thus and he shall be in the desires of women though that in the Greeke translation it be read negatiuely he shall not c. And he giueth two coniectures why it should be read rather affirmatiuely then negatiuely both because Antiochus as Hierome writeth who is here historically meant was giuen vnto the desire and lust of women neither is it probable that Antichrist should command or commend single life but the Iewes rather doe expect that Antichrist shall suffer them to haue many wiues which they count a part of their terrene happines Contra. 1. That it is more agreeable to the originall to read here negatiuely he shall not haue respect to the desires of women then affirmatiuely is shewed before qu. 45. whether I referre the Reader 2. Though Antiochus were one way giuen vnto the desire of women in respect of his carnall lust yet an other way he was not in not regarding the request and desire of his wife for to spare Ierusalem as is shewed likewise before qu. 45. 3. It is most probable nay rather that Antichrist shall enioyne single life and restraine marriage because he shall maintaine the doctrine of deuills whereof this is one 4. And though the Iewes expect such carnall libertie when their Messiah commeth that is nothing to the purpose for such a Messiah as they expect shall neuer come But we know certenly that the Antichrist should come into the world and is indeede alreadie come 5. And that Antichrist shall outwardly seeme to maintaine single life it is the opinion of their owne writers exterius finget castitatem vt facilius decipiat he shall outwardly faine chastitie that he may the more easily deceiue Lyran. so also Pererius Intimis animi sensibus erit super omnes libidiâosus c. in his inward disposition he shall of all men be most licentious and lustfull though he shall outwardly dissemble chastitie 23. Controv. That Antichrist shallnot care indeede for any God nor haue any sense of religion That the Antichrist of Rome herein also was well resembled by Antiochus may be prooued first by particular induction that many of their Popes haue beene found in a manner to be very Atheists hauing âo sense of religion Iohn the 12. whome Platina maketh Iohn the 13. nec Deum nec hominem prae oculis habuisse had neither God nor man before his eyes so testifieth Theodoric à Niem lib. 3. c. 9. Innocentius the 8. was seene for the most part to sleepe in the time of diuine seruice of Alexander the 6. saith Guicciardine that he had nullum religionis sensum no feeling of religion his holy-daies exercise was to see Plautus comedies plaied of Leo the 10. it is reported that he should thus say quantum nobis profuit fabula ista de Christo how much hath this fable or tale of Christ profited vs Secondly this may be shewed how the Pope doth magnifie himselfe against God by those blasphemous titles and prerogatiues which he suffreth to be giuen vnto him by his Canonists as Osiander doth exemplifie these the Pope is the vniuersall father of all the faithfull and of all the sheepe of Christ Ioannes de tur cremat the Pope hath the same consistorie with God and the same tribunall with Christ the Pope is a certaine diuine power representing a visible God in earth Gomesius All power is giuen vnto the Pope in heauen and earth from the Pope appeale is not to be made no not vnto God the Pope can make something of nothing the Pope can doe all that God doth Decius the Pope is God Felinus the Pope is greater then any other creature and his power extendeth it selfe to celestiall things terrestriall and infernall Antonin Florentin the Pope may change the forme of the Sacraments deliuered from the Apostles Archiadiacon the Pope is the foundation of faith as the canons speake God hath subiected all lawes to the Pope and no lawe can be imposed vpon his highnesse ãâã Gratian. the Pope may decree against the epistles of S. Paul Carolus Râânus God hath brought all things in subiection vnder the Popes feete Barbazia none is equall to the Pope but God August Beroius the Pope is the husband of the whole Church Ioan. de tur cremat These and such like blasphemies are vttered by the Popes claw-backes and âe accepteth them for if he misliked them why doth he not prohibite them to vse such grosse and blaspemous seatteries By this it is euidently manifest that the Pope as here it is said of Antiochus seeketh onely to magnifie himselfe and in effect careth not for any God 24. Controv. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange God which his fathers neuer knewe v. 38. As Antiochus brought in his newe
he is called Dauid yet was he not Michael the Arkeangel 4. M. Calvin leaueth it as indifferent whether we vnderstand Christ the Mediator or a created Angel 5. But that this Michael was none other but Christ the Prince of the Angels may be made plaine by these reasons 1. By the name Michael which is compounded of these three particles mi cha ell which signifie which is as God noting both the distinction of his person and the identitie of his nature that he in power is equall vnto God as the Apostle saith of Christ Phil. 2. 6. who being in the forme of God thought it no robberie to be equall vnto God and Heb. 1. 3. he is said to be the brightnesse of his glorie and the engraued forme of his person This annotation of the word is well vrged by Melancthon vpon this place Oecolampad Iun. in comment Polanus M. Br. in Daniel 2. This Michael is here called shar hagadol the great Prince there are principalities and dominions so called both among Angels and men but this Michael is called prince in the superlatiue and highest degree and in this respect the Apostle saith Ephe. 1. 21. that God hath set Christ aboue all principalities and powers c. and euery name that is named And hereunto may be applyed that saying of the Apostle that Christ is made so much the more excellent then the Angels as he hath obtained a more excellent name then they namely to be called a great Prince Iun. this name or title shar hagadol a great Prince is translated by the Apostle ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã an Arkangel which signifieth the chiefe or Prince of Angels And though it be there said 1. Thess. 4. 16. that the Lord shall descend with the voice of an Arkangel it followeth not that Christ is not that Arkangel no more then it followeth because it is said also in the same place with the trumpet of god that Christ should not be God Polan And the trumpet of God is the voice of God as Psal. 47. 6. God is gone vp with triumph euen the Lord with the sound of a trumpet God shall then descend in the voice of a trumpet as in the giuing of the lawe So is this voice interpreted to be the voice of the Sonne of God which the dead shall heare and liue Ioh. 5. 25. Polan M. Br. 3. Further this is shewed by the office of this Michael which is to stand for the people of God whose protector and captaine is Christ Iesus called therefore Iosua 5. 15. captaine of the Lords host which place Iustin. Martyr dialog cum Tryphon vnderstandeth of Christ for who else is captaine of the Lords host and protector of his Church 4. This great Prince here mentioned is the same who had written vpon his thigh the king of Kings and the Lord of Lords Apocal. 17. 16. who sate vpon a white horse his eyes were as a flame of fire and the wariers of heauen followed him vpon white horses who was called the word of God This was no other but Christ for to no other but vnto him doe all these glorious titles agree Oecolampad 5. This Michael is said to haue Angels Apocal. 12. 17. but the blessed spirits cannot be said to be any others Angels saue Christs Fulke annot By these and other reasons it is euident that this Michael is no other but Christ see more hereof c. 10. quest 22. But it will be obiected that Michael is not alwayes taken for Christ as epist. Iude 9. that Michael the Arkeangel striuing with the deuill about the bodie of Moses durst not blame him with cursed speaking but said the Lord rebuke thee Answ. Christ so speaketh as the Mediator of his Church referring all to the glorie of his father as the like we reade Zach. 3. 2. where it is said Iehouah said vnto Satan Iehouah rebuke thee Sathan Polan Quest. 3. What time of trouble the Angel here speaketh of v. 1. There shall be a time of trouble such as neuer was since there beganne to be a nation vnto that same time 1. This time of trouble such as neuer was any before some referre vnto the last persecution vnder Antichrist whome they suppose shall be one particular man that whereas the Church hath beene persecuted by fiue seuerall enemies the Iewes the Gentiles by heretikes schismatikes and euill liuers this last persecution shall exceede all other for both it shall be corporall in tormenting the bodie and spirituall in abrogating the seruice of God burning the bookes of Scripture abolishing the vse of the sacraments Perer. This is true that there shall be a most grieuous persecution vnder Antichrist but that is not signified here for the accomplishment of this prophesie must not be deferred so long and beside that is but a groundlesse conceit that Antichrist shall be one particular person 2. Iunius in his commentarie thinketh this time of such trouble to be that when Christ was borne for the Iewes were neuer in any such slauerie both corporally beeing diuers waies afflicted oppressed and kept vnder by the Romanes and spiritually by the superstitious traditions and corrupt doctrines of the Scribes and Pharisies But at that time Christ the Messiah came in great humilitie he did not then shew himselfe as the great Prince in triumphing ouer his enemies 3. M. Calvin vnderstandeth the great persecution of the Christians vnder the Romane Empire but the Angel still speaketh of Daniels people that is the Iewes how they should be deliuered this text then concerneth not the beleeuing Gentiles 4. Osiander thus interpreteth haec non de corporalibus afflictionibus sed de carnificina conscientiarum c. these things must not be vnderstood of corporall afflictions but of the tormenting of the conscience vnder the Pope of Rome by his superstitious traditions whereby mens consciences were snared and entangled as the doctrine of merits Purgatorie and such like But the Angel speaketh here of such troubles as should befall the Iewes 5. Bullinger doth take these for the last times when Christ at his comming shall iudge the world whose iudgement shall be more terrible vnto the wicked then was either the destruction of the old world by water or of Sodome by fire the elect onely shall be deliuered But the Angel speaketh here of troubles which should fall vpon the elect out of the which they should escape Now the terrors of the last day of iudgement shall not touch the righteous who shall stand forth and appeare before Christ with boldnes 6. These daies of trouble then are those which came vpon the Iewes in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes which are said to be the greatest troubles that fell vpon that nation because their other captiuities in Egypt and in Chaldea were but corporall but this was both corporall in tormenting their bodies and spirituall in foreing them by torments to forsake the law And whereas before time some particular men were tried for their conscience as Daniel and the three children
Dan. c. 1. c. 3. yet there was neuer an vniuersall persecution before for religion among the Iewes H. Br. in Daniel But Lyranus obiecteth so also Pererius and Pintus that there were greater persecutions before then this vnder Antiochus both intensive extensive in the intending and extending thereof in the greatnes and in the continuance the persecution by Nebuchadnezzer was both greater for the citie and Temple was destroied and many carried away captiue and many slaine it was also longer for it continued full 70. yeares Contra. It is true that the captiuitie of Babylon continued longer then this persecution but it was not greater for beside that all these outward calamities of the sword captiuitie spoiling of citie and Temple here concurred they were generally persecuted for their conscience and religion which triall they were neuer put vnto before so that in this respect these may be said to be the greatest troubles which euer that nation had 4. Quest. What deliuerance the Angel speaketh of and of whome v. 1. At that time shall thy people be deliuered euery one that shall be written in that booke c. 1. Bullinger vnderstandeth this deliuerance not in this life but at the comming of Christ which time is called the day of refreshing But then this clause should be confounded with the next v. 2. where he speaketh of those that shall rise and awake out of the dust vnto eternall life he therefore speaketh of an other deliuerance here 2. Some referre it to the spirituall deliuerance of the faithfull from the persecution of Antichrist in the end of the world isti vere salvabuntur de tribulationibus Antichristi these shall truly be deliuered from the tribulation of Antichrist Lyran. so Calvine vnderstandeth it of the spirituall victorie and conquest whereby the faithfull are conquerors euen in the middes of death Osiander of the spirituall deliuerance of the faithfull from Antichrists superstitions by the preaching of the Gospel But Daniel doubted not but that all the elect should be spiritually deliuered therefore some other deliuerance is spoken of from those externall troubles 3. Iunius in his commentarie applieth it to the vocation of the faithfull by Christ that although many should be called in common to the knowledge of Christ at his comming yet the Elect onely should be effectually called vnto life eternall But some externall deliuerance is here signified as the Angel spake before of an outward troublesome time 4. Iunius in his annotations followeth an other sense that euery one should be temporally deliuered from those troubles euen euery one whome it seemed good vnto God in his immutable decree to preserue but by the booke here is vnderstood the booke of life wherein they were written which were ordained to euerlasting life not any such knowledge or decree of God for a particular deliuerance 5. Some giue this sense that all the Elect of the Iewes should by these afflictions be brought vnto life eternall God would sanctifie their afflictions vnto them that thereby they should be consecrate vnto God and so obtaine euerlasting life according ro their election M. H. Br. But in this sense is excluded the temporall deliuerance which is promised for the comfort of the people 6. Pellican doth expound it altogether of their temporall deliuerance that they which then stood for the law obtinuerunt claram Deo auxiliante victoriam obtained a most glorious victorie by the helpe of God But euery one of the Elect in that time of persecution were not deliuered and all that temporally escaped it is hard to say whether they were all elected 7. Wherefore both these the spirituall and temporall deliuerance must be ioyned together that euery one of Gods elect should be deliuered some both in bodie and soule if any of the elect were slaine and put to death in that persecution though their bodie suffered yet their soule should be deliuered and afterward in the resurrection both soule and bodie should be saued as it followeth v. 2. 5. Quest. Whether all the Iewes shall be called before the comming of Christ. Because some vnderstand this deliuerance of the people of the Iewes of their last conuersion and calling in the ende of the world as Lyran. Perer. it shall not be amisse by the way to touch somewhat of that matter 1. Theodoret vpon this place and Gregor hom 12. in Ezech. doe deliuer their opinion that not all the nation of the Iewes but onely so many as shall by the preaching of Henoch and Elias be conuerted to the knowledge of Christ shall be saued the rest which shall cleaue vnto Antichrist who shall most of all deceiue the Iewes they shall be damned as it is said Apoc. 14. 9. If any man worship the beast and his image c. he shall drinke of the wine of the wrath of God But 1. if none els of the Iewes shall be called saue such as shall be conuerted by the preaching of Henoch and Elias none are like to be called at all for that is a meere fable of the returne of Henoch and Elias in their owne persons to preach vnto the world as is afterward shewed Controv. 2. 2. this opinion includeth a contradiction for if at the comming of Antichrist whome the Iewes suppose to be their Messiah he shall most of all seduce them then is it like that very few of the Iewes shall be conuerted but rather more hardened their hoped for Messiah as they thinke beeing come 2. An other opinion is that vniuersally all the Iewes shall be called as Chrysostome inferreth vpon those words Rom. 11. 13. if the diminishing of them be the riches of the Gentiles how much more shall their abundance or fulnesse be which fulnesse Chrysostome thus expoundeth quando vniuersi ad fidem accessuri sunt when all of them shall come vnto the faith hom 19. in epist. ad Romanos 3. But the safer opinion is betweene both these that neither vniuersally the whole nation is like to be called for in their best times when as the worship of God most flourished among them there were many carnall men and vngodly persons among them neither yet shall so fewe of them be conuerted because of the generalitie of the Apostles words v. 26. and so all Israel shall be saued as here in these troublesome times euerie one of the elect was preserued But it is euident by S. Pauls prophesie of the calling of the whole nation that the greater part shall be conuerted and beleeue so that the other part of those which shall remaine in their blindnesse and hardnesse of heart still shall be but small in respect of the other And thus the Scripture vseth to take all for the most and greatest part Now that there shall be before the comming of Christ such a generall calling of the Iewes the Apostle prooueth out of Isay 59. 20. the deliuerer shall come out of Zion and shall turne vngodlinesse from Iakob this prophesie is not yet fulfilled for though some of
Iun. Polan Quest. 19. What is meant by a time two times and an halfe v. 7. Some doe take this for an vncertaine and indefinite time Some for a certaine and limited tearme and of both sorts there are sundrie opinions Of the first sort 1. some doe thinke that the time of the afflictions of the people of God certissimum esse apud Deum sed nobis incognitum is certaine with God but to vs vnknowne Bulling B. so that the meaning is no more but this these things shall most certainely come to passe but whether post modica vel multa temporis intervalla after a long or short time it is not knowne to vs Bulling 2. Some because the time is here halued doe thinke that thereby is signified modicum tempus a short time a little while and doe expound it by that place Apoc. 6. 11. They should rest for a little season vntill their fellow seruants c. were fulfilled Oecolampad Pappus 3. But some contrariwise here vnderstand a long time tempus hic ponitur pro longo tractu tempora pro longiore tractu here time is put for a long tract or continuance times for a longer M. Calv. Genevens Now all these opinions are confuted by these reasons 1. because the same phrase of a time two times and a part of time are taken before c. 7. 25. for a certaine and definite tearme therefore it is like to be so taken here 2. this time is diuided a part of time therefore it is a certaine and definite number for that which is vncertaine and indefinite vseth not to be deuided into parts 3. And what comfort had there beene in this prescription and naming of time if there were giuen no certaine direction how long this troublesome time should continue 4. Of the second sort some take this for a certaine number of yeares whereof some vnderstand by daies yeares some so many daies literally by a time two times and an halfe which make yeares three and an halfe or a part that is daies 1225. or thereabout are signified so many yeares 1200. and odde which Melancthon beginneth from Daniels time whereof 600. yeares were expired vnto Christ and about 600. yeares after the sect of the Mahumentans did spring in the East and religion beganne to be corrupted in the West by the Bishops of Rome 5. Osiander beginneth this tearme where Melancthon endeth it and continueth it vnto the destruction of the Romane Antichrist and of his tyrannicall kingdome But all these things here must be accomplished while the Church of the Iewes yet continued which are here called the holy people 6. They which vnderstand by a time two times and an halfe a yeare two yeares and an halfe as indeede they signifie as c. 4. seuen times during the humiliation of Nebuchadnezzer are vnderstood to be feuen yeares some doe referre it vnto the time of Antichrists tyrannie who shall rage againât the Church of Christ three yeares and an halfe as Christ preached three yeares and an halfe Hierome Lyran. Hugo Pintus with others But they thinke that their Antichrist shall beare sway longer in the whole yet the heate of his most cruell and outragious persecution shall continue but 3. yeares and an halfe But this interpretation is refused vpon the former reason because this prophesie concerned the holy people of God that then was and beside that imagination of some one singular person to rise vp to be Antichrist is but a fabulous and phantasticall conceit as is before shewed c. 11. Controv 2. 7. This time then here prescribed and limited precisely signifieth three yeares and an halfe or rather part of time for so long continued the desolation of the Sanctuarie vnder Antiochus which beganne in the 145. yeare the 15. day of the moneth Casteu 1. Macchab 1. 57. and ended in the 148. yeare on the 25. day of the same moneth 1. Macchab. 4. 52. so that the euent of the historie doth very fitly explane this prophesie Iun. Polan But against this exposition which Porphyrius also did hit vpon Hierome thus obiecteth 1. if the time two times and an halfe that is three yeares and an halfe must be referred vnto Antiochus whereof mention is made before c. 7. 25. then that which followeth also in the same place v. 27. The kingdome vnder the whole heauen shall be giuen vnto the holy people of the most high c. and all Princes shall serue him must be applied either to Antiochus or to the people of the Iewes which is manifestly false 2. the defolation of the Temple continued but three yeares as Iosephus writeth l. 12. c. 10. but this tearme is of three yeares and an halfe 3. Lyranus obiecteth that the persecution vnder Antiochus continued sixe yeares from the yeare 143. 1. Macch. 1. 21. to the yeare 148. 1. Macch. 4. 52. Answ. 1. There is no consequent that those words which follow should be either vnderstood of Antiochus or of the Iewes who neuer ruled ouer the whole world for there the Prophet sheweth the destruction and ruine of the tyrannie of Antiochus by Christ to whome raigning spiritually in his Church there called the holy people the kingdome should be giuen ouer the whole earth 2. The word chatzi signifieth not onely the halfe but the part of a thing as the same is expressed by an other word pelag c. 7. 25. which signifieth a diuision and so indeede the desolation of the Temple continued iust 3. yeares and a part of a yeare namely tenne daies as is before shewed therefore Iosephus is deceiued which maketh account but of three yeares for there were tenne daies aboue 3. The persecution vnder Antiochus was either of the citie with spoiling also and robbing onely of the Temple or in laying wast the Sanctuarie and causing the daily oblation to cease the first continued aboue sixe yeares euen 2300. daies as is prophesied c. 8. 14. but the other endured onely three yeares and ten daies so these diuers persecutions had their diuers tearmes and both may well stand together Some thinke that this tearme of 3. yeares and an halfe sheweth the tearme of Christs persecution in the daies of his flesh which was iust so many yeares M. Br. this prophesie may haue such an analogicall application but the historicall accomplishment was vnder Antiochus as hath beene sufficiently prooued 20. Quest. Of the meaning of the words v. 7. When he hath made an ende to disperse the hand of the holy people Some referre these words to the comming of Christ in the flesh some to the ende of the world some to the daies of Antiochus 1. Of the first sort some giue this sense when God hath dispersed the hand that is the place and citie of this holy people which came to passe in the destruction of Ierusalem then these things shall be fulfilled Iun. in comment But 1. beside that the Iewes after they had put Christ to death were not worthie to be called the people of God but were reiected of
Church as is there prooued by these 3. aguments out of this place 1. by the name Michael 2. by the title here giuen vnto Christ called the great Prince 3. by his office he standeth for the people of God Herein then appeareth the horrible blasphemie of Seruetus who as M. Calvin reporteth his words was not afraid to say se esse illum Michaelem Ecclesiae custodem that he was that Michael the protector and keeper of the Church c. What presumption is this for a mortall man to arrogate vnto himselfe that name and title which is too great to be giuen vnto the Angels 2. Controv. Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand vp with Michael in the last times Pererius concurring with other Romanists saith that beside Michael who shall be the inuisible protector of the Church shall stand vp two faithfull witnesses Henoch and Elias who shall oppose themselues against Antichrist and they shall preach repentance vnto the world a 1260. dayes that is 3. yeares and an halfe Apocal. 11. 3. And that Elias should come in person beside the receiued opinion of the fathers as of Theodoret in this place August lib. 20. de ciuitat Dei c. 29. he alleadgeth these Scriptures for it Malach. 3. 4. 5. I will send Elias the Prophet before the comming of the great and fearefull day of the Lord which must be vnderstood of the second comming of Christ which shall be fearefull and terrible Againe Apocal. 11. 6. it is said of these two faithfull witnesses these haue power to shut heauen that it raine not in the dayes of their prophesying wherein there is an allusion vnto Elias at whose word the raine was staied three yeares and sixe moneths so Pererius vpon this place First these places giue no warrant for this opinion 1. the two witnesses are the ministers and preachers of Gods truth who are said to be two because their number shall not be great and yet they shall be so many as one shall giue witnesse to an other neither Henoch nor Elias are here named for these 1260. dayes beeing taken prophetically for so many yeares two Prophets could not continue preaching so long 2. that place in Malachie our Blessed Sauiour expoundeth of Iohn Baptist Matth. 11. who should come in the spirit of Elias to turne the hearts of the fathers to the children as the Angel saith Luk. 1. 17. And the first comming of Christ is there vnderstood to be that fearefull day for in the same place the Prophet saith v. 2. vnto you that feare my name shall the Sunne of righteousnesse arise which Zacharie applyeth to the first comming of Christ Luk. 1. 78. whereby the day spring from an high hath visited vs It shall be a day of health and saluation vnto the faithfull but a day of terror to the wicked and vnbeleeuers as Iohn Baptist saith Mat. 3. 12. which hath his fanne in his hand and will make cleane his floore and gather his wheate into his garner but will burne vp the chaffe with vnquencheable sire 3. And by the shutting of heauen is by an allegorie signified the efficacie of the preaching of the Gospel in opening the heauens to the faithfull and shutting vp the same to all vnbeleeuers as our Sauiour faith to Peter Matth. 16. 19. whatsoeuer thou shalt bind in earth shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt loose in earth shall be loosed in heauen Secondly concerning these witnesses there is great difference and varietie of opinion 1. both for the number of them 2. and who they shall be 3. and when they shall preach for the first the common opinion is that they shall be but two yet Lactantius affirmeth that there shall be onely one Prophet lib. 7. c. 17. Some thinke there shall be three Henoch Elias and Iohn the Euangelist and this is one of their reasons because as in the world there haue beene 3. lawes in force the lawe of nature the lawe of Moses the lawe of grace so it is requisite there should be 3. witnesses that liued vnder these three lawes Henoch Elias and Iohn Hyppolit oration de consum secul Aâbr Catharin in Genes 2. As great diuersitie there is of opinion who these witnesses should be Elias is agreed vpon by the most to be one but it is doubted who should be the other Victorinus in Apocal. 11. thinketh that Ieremie the Prophet shall be the other witnesse because the Lord saith Ierem 1. 5. I haue ordained thee a Prophet vnto the nations but then Ieremias onely prophesied to the Hebrewes to fulfill therefore that saying he shall come in the ende of the world to prophesie vnto the nations But Pererius well answeareth vnto this reason that Ieremie is said to prophesie vnto the nations because he fortelleth the destruction in his prophesie of diuerse nations the Aegyptians Moabites Ammonites Philistims with others Areta vpon the Apocalypse thinketh that Iohn the euangelist shall be one of the witnesses whom they suppose yet to be kept aliue in Paradise with Henoch and Elias because it is said Apocal. 10. 11. thou must prophesie againe among the people and nations and tongues and to many Kings which was not done in Iohns life time and therefore he thinketh he shall come in the ende of the world to prophesie vnto nations But the meaning of this place is that Iohn should prophesie vnto nations in the rest of the visions of this booke and nowe though Iohn be dead his Reuelation prophesieth still Pererius also vnderstandeth it of the Gospel which Iohn did write after his returne from the Isle Pathmos whereby he prophesieth vnto nations But it is certaine that Iohn is not yet aliue in the flesh as Eusebius prooueth by the testimonie of Polycrates who was the Apostles disciple lib. 3. Ecclesi histor c. 25. Lyranus thinketh that the two witnesses spoken of Apocal. 11. were Sylverius the Pope and Menna that resisted the Eutychiane heresie Ioachimus Abbas and Gagnaeus vpon the Apocalypse c. 11. doe thinke that Moses shall be one of these witnesses that like as he was raised to life to be a witnesse of Christs first comming when he was transfigured in the mount so he shall be raised to be a witnesse of his second comming And this is brought as a probabilitie thereof because these witnesses are said to haue power ouer waters to turne them into blood Apocal. 11. 6. which thing Moses had done before But 1. it followeth not because Moses was seene in the mount talking with Christ that therefore he shall come againe before his second comming for by the same reason it may be inferred that his three disciples also which went vp to the mount and sawe him transfigured should also be witnesses of his second comming be sent againe into the world to preach Sure it is that both the Prophets and Apostles shall accompanie Christ in his second comming and by the doctrine which they preached iudge and condemne the world Matth. 19. 28. But neither
prophesie c. 11. 5. by one of his Princes vnderstanding Philopator the son of Ptolome Lagi whereas the pronoune hath relation vnto Alexander and by one of his Princes is vnderstood Seleucus one of Alexanders Princes pag. 68. Answ. 1. True it is that the historie of 14. kings is abridged c. 11. 6. of the South and 8. of the North but the other are prophesied of for the more euidence of the historie and in that prophesie the Angel doth not onely entreate of the tenne hornes of the beast which came out of the kingdome of the North but expoundeth the first vision of the two legges of the image shewing how they knocked and beat one vpon an other 2. Graserus himselfe giueth the reason why Ptolome Lagi is not counted among the rulers of Syria because he then subdued Syria quando Seleucus de eius possessione ne cogitare audebat c. when Seleucus as yet durst not so much as thinke of possessing that kingdome p. 69. the kingdome of the Seleucians then was not yet begunne when Ptolome subdued Syria and therefore the other two rather are counted in the number of the Syrian hornes and kings then he namely Euergetes and Philopator who subdued Syria after the Seleucians were confirmed and setled in their kingdome and because speciall mention is made of the victorie and conquest of these two against the kings of the North of Euergetes c. 11. 8. of Philopator v. 11. 3. Iunius is deceiued in vnderstanding these words one of his Princes of Ptolome Philopator rather then of Seleucus Nicanor as is further shewed c. 11. quest 18. and we confesse with Graserus Iunium interdum dormitare that Iunius and his followers may sometime be a sleepe and be deceiued p. 70. for no mans iudgement is so perfect to be followed in euerie thing yet this is no let but that his former exposition of the tenne hornes may verie well stand Argum. 8. Further Graserus thus obiecteth against these tenne hornes thus interpreted and the little horne comming vp among them vnderstood to be Antiochus 1. These tenne hornes of the beast must come vp at one time for how can it be called a tenne horned beast if one should come vp after an other and the little horne is said to come vp among them therefore they came vp together 2. the little horne shall rise vp after the tenne c. 7. 24. it was then the eleuenth rather then the tenth p. 73. 3. The kingdome of the beast endeth with the destruction of this little horne c. 7. 11. and then the euerlasting kingdome of Christ succeedeth but the kingdome of the Seleucians ended not in Antiochus many of that line succeeded afterward and there was almost as many yeââes from Antiochus Epiphanes death vnto the comming of Christ as there were from Alexanders death vnto Antiochus Graser p. 74. Answ. 1. It is not necessarie that these 10. hornes should come vp all at once because the beast is said to haue tenne hornes like as the beast is described with seuen heads Apoc. 17. which are interpreted to be 7. kings v. 10. and yet were they not altogether but fiue were fallen one is and one is to come v. 10. this little horne is said to come vp among them that is it was one of them see more hereof c. 7. quest 26. in the ende 2. The little horne is said to come vp after them that is the last of them as Iunius translateth post quos exurget postremus after the which it shall rise vp last c. 7. 24. as the word acharan signifieth both an other and the last so it was the tenth in number and in some sort the eleuenth also as much differing from the rest see c. 7. 29. 2. 3. The beast is said to be slaine when the little horne was destroyed not because then the kingdome of the Seleucians was vtterly extinguished but the power and glorie thereof beganne more and more to be abated after Antiochus vntill it was taken from the Seleucians and giuen to Tigranes king of Armenia and last of all dissolued by the Romanes This translating of the kingdome from the house of the Seleucians vnto Tigranes happened about 80. yeares after Antiochus death and about 80. yeares after this translating of the kingdome was our Blessed Sauiour borne see before c. 7. qu. 38. Argum. 9. And that Antiochus Epiphanes cannot be the little horne spoken of Graserus thus argueth 1. it is called a little horne but Antiochus Epiphanes could not be said to be little beeing sonne vnto Antiochus the great though he had an elder brother pag. 76. 2. the shewe of this little horne in the ende was greater then of his fellowes but Antiochus Epiphanes was not greater then his father called Antiochus the great 3. this little horne had a mouth that spake words not against the most high as the most interpreters read but ex parte alâissimi letzad on the part of the Almightie as Vatablus Pagnin and Montanus Thus did not Antiochus But it must be referred to him qui impietati suae Dei nomen praetendet which shall pretend the name of God in all his impietie Graserus pag. 80. Answ. 1. Antiochus Epiphanes is said to be that little horne because he was the younger sonne and so not borne vnto the kingdome and his elder brother had a sonne Demetrius so that Antiochus Epiphanes was an vsurper of the kingdome 2. Antiochus Epiphanes was not simply greater then his father but he carried himselfe more stoutly and proudly against the people of God then any of his predecessors and he also practised against Egypt and did them more hurt then any of his predecessors as it is said Dan. 11. 24. he shall doe that namely to Egypt which his fathers haue not done not his fathers fathers these words beeing so manifest I wonder that Graserus so much forgetteth himselfe thus to write constat parentem Antiochum non minores yes contra Egyptum gessisse it is euident that Antiochus his father did attempt no lesse matters aganst Egypt 3. That word letzad signifieth not on the part but rather against the part of the most high as let ziddim is vsed Iudg. 2. 3. thornes against their sides and that this is the meaning that he shall speake words against the most high is euident c. 7. v. 8. where he is said to haue a month speaking presumptuous things and c. 11. 36. he shall speake marueilous things against the most high Argum. 10. Further he thus obiecteth 1. this little horne pulled away three other before it this can not be shewed of Antiochus Iunius vnderstandeth that he remooued Philopator who had ouercome Antiochus his father but yet he continued king of Egypt still his horne then was not broken an other of these hornes pulled away he saith was Seleucus his elder brother whose death he procured but the text saith contrarie that he entred peaceably c. 11. 21. Demetrius Seleucus sonne was the third but neither can it be shewed that
trampling vnder feete all diuine things he had no shew neither of diuine nor humane right as neither hath that Romane Antichrist See c. 11. qu. 43. Argum. 4. Further he shall speake maruelous things against the God of gods which most properly fitteth the Romane Antichrist both in respect of his maruelous and strange doctrine which he hath brought in full of curious questions and schoole diuinitie in which sense he is said to vnderstand darke sentences c. 8. 23. p. 163. and beside his sophisticate doctrine this may be applied also to that counterfeit seruice which he hath brought into the Church onely feeding the eye and eare bewitching the senses with superstitious obiects of images and such like p. 165. adde hereunto his sophisticate and cousening miracles p. 166. and the snaring and entangling of mens consciences with auricular confession his penall iniunctions workes of satisfaction and such other All these things most truly are verified in the Pope But to Antiochus they agree not who either had no knowledge at all of this great God or he spake rather open blasphemie then maruelous things against him p. 167. Answ. 1. We denie not but that all these things giuen in instance are most liuely and euidently verified in the Pope but yet this prophesie is rather thus typically accommodated to him then literally spoken of him 2. And this prophesie was verily accomplished in Antiochus who in respect of his subtiltie and cunning his fetches and deuises in compassing his purposes is saide to vnderstand darke sentences though he had no true knowledge of God he might blaspheme him so much the more for if he had knowne him he would not haue blasphemed him and what els are blasphemies but wonderfull and strange things vttered the same which are here called niplaoth maruelous wonderfull things are said to be rabhreban presumptuous things c. 7. 8. in a Chalde word 3. But Graserus would haue that place vnderstood of Mahomet this of the Pope p. 168. whereas it appeareth by the description of the little horne both c. 7. and 8. and the properties that in both places the same enemie is discouered by the Prophet Argum. 5. 1. It followeth it shall prosper till the wrath be accomplished c. The long prosperitie which here the Prophet speaketh of better agreeth vnto the Pope of Rome then vnto Antiochus he vseth here the word tzalach to prosper which thrice before is inserted in the prophesie c. 8. 12. 24 25. In setting downe the prosperous successe of Alexander the Prophet vseth not this word so that he speaketh of a longer prosperitie then Alexander had which is not seene in Antiochus p. 173. 2. Neither neede this limitation be added the determination is made if Antiochus onely were here meant for his prosperous successe must needes determine with his life p. 180. 3. Therefore it is most fitly referred vnto the perpetuall prosperous successe of the Popes who for sixe hundred yeares together haue so wonderfully preuailed and prospered that they onely haue not deluded the world to receiue their pretended title of their supreame Vicarship in earth but haue by the ayde and helpe of temporall Princes enlarged their kingdome and triumphed ouer those that set themselues against them p. 176. to 178. Ans. 1. In that this very word of prospering is vsed in the former vision c. 8. where euident mention is made of taking away the daily sacrifice and casting downe the Sanctuarie it is manifest that these things were fulfilled the Iewes Temple and Sanctuarie yet standing And the reason why Alexander is not saide so to prosper is because he attempted no such things against the Iewes neither so prospered in any deuise against them 2. Though Antiochus prosperous preuailing in these his enterprises could not exceede the tearme of his life yet it was requisite that the Church of God should be comforted vnderstanding that this successe against the Church of God should be but for a time And indeede this his prosperitie ceased before his death at the appointed time before likewise v. 35. which Graserus confesseth to be vnderstood of Antiochus the like phrase is vsed there is an appointed time that it neede not seeme strange the like clause to be added here Exercise 3. Wherein Graserus out of the 37. and 38. v. goeth about to prooue this prophecie literally and historically to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist and not of Antiochus Argum. 1. He shall not regard the God of his fathers 1. This was not true of Antiochus for he set vp the idols of Iuppiter Olympius and Iuppiter Xenius or Hospitalis and caused them to be worshipped which were the idols of the Grecians p. 183. 2. But this is performed by the Pope for he regardeth not Christ the God whome the Apostles worshipped whose successor he boasteth to be he is not said to denie or abjure him but not to regard him Aben Ezra malitiously here vnderstandeth Constantine who did for sake the idols which his fathers adored when he embraced the Christian faith But he is said here not absolutely to reiect the God of his fathers he onely shall not haue due respect vnto him And the Romanists can not wipe away this imputation from the Pope though he often make mention of Christ in all his edicts and bulls he may notwithstanding and in truth doth little regard him not so much opposing himselfe to his person as impugning his offices both regall in arrogating vnto himselfe power ouer heauen earth and hell p. 185. and priestly in setting vp an other propitiatorie sacrifice of the Masse in making other Mediators his Propheticall in detracting from the authoritie of the Scriptures making them imperfect and adding thereunto traditions which they are not afraid to call the word of God vnwritten and the Pope reserueth vnto himselfe power to interpret Scripture as he list And thus he derogateth both from Christs kingdome priesthood prophecie and so regardeth not his fathers God p. 186. to 190. Answ. 1. Antiochus did diuersely depart from his fathers Gods 1. those idols of the Grecians were new gods among the Syrians whom he made to forsake their owne lawes and rites to receiue his newe idoles 1. Macchab. 1. 43. 2. Macchab. 2. 3. 2. he cared not in effect for the idols of the heathen otherwise then they were for his profit and advantage for he would haue robbed the Temple at Persepolis 2. Macchab. 9. 2. 3. whereas some of his predecessors had great respect vnto the Temple at Ierusalem giuing vnto it great gifts as namely Seleucus and Antiochus the great as it shewed c. 11. quest 44. he robbed spoiled defaced and polluted it 2. All these things are also typically verified in the Romane Antichrist as further hath beene declared c. 11. controu 21. he many wayes is departed from the faith and doctrine of the Apostles and auncient fathers of the Church and in effect vseth the name of Christ but for his owne gaine and aduantage but yet the historicall application
of this prophesie belongeth vnto Antiochus Argum. 2. An other note is that he shall not regard the desires of women the word chemedath here signifieth the lawfull desire and loue of women which is in matrimonie not that he should vtterly condemne mariage but not giue it that reuerence which is due vnto it This fitly ageeth vnto the Bishop of Rome who although he make matrimonie a Sacrament yet he holdeth it a profanation of orders and therefore forbiddeth any of his Clergie to marrie And in that the naturall and lawfull desire and affection of women is not regarded 2 way is giuen vnto vnnaturall lust to that filthie sinne of Sodomitrie and to other kinds of vnnaturall concupisence as of adulterie fornication p. 196. 197. 2. But to Antiochus it cannot be referred who was married and had children whom he was carefull of as appeareth 2. Machab. 9. what though he might be vnkind vnto his wife or wiues that was not a matter of such note that it should be specially touched in this prophesie Graser p. 200. Answ. 1. All this we graunt typically and analogically is fitly vrged against that Antichrist of Rome who alloweth his Clergie rather to commit fornication then to be lawfully married as hath beene at large declared before c. 11. controv 22. 2. But properly Antiochus is here decyphered who beeing an idolater and so polluted with spirituall fornication was also no doubt an vncleane person of life and though he were married yet he might be and was carried away with vagrant wandring and inordinate lust see more hereof c. 11. quest 45. Argum. 3. 1. The next note is he shall not care for any God which Graserus thus expoundeth that he shall acknowledge no power or maiestie in earth and this word eloah he vnderstandeth of the Ciuill magistrate for as before the Prophet shewed how he should carrie himselfe in the Ecclesiastical and Oeconomical estate neither caring for the God of his fathers nor for the desire of women so now it followeth how he should vse the ciuill state not regarding them or giuing them due reuerence he should not vtterly take away magistracie or gouernement but he should make no great reckoning or account thereof Thus haue the Popes done both challenging vnto themselues power to command Emperors and kings to translate the Empire and accordingly they haue made kings to hold their stirrop to lead their horse by the bridle This great power Augustine de Ancona who liued vnder Pope Iohn the 22. ascribeth to the Pope thus writing Papa habet omnem Regalem Imperialem Sacerdotalem potestatem in toto mundo quia cosecratur quemadmodum sacerdos coronatur vt Rex c. the Pope hath all Regall Imperiall and Priestly power in the whole world for he is consecrated as a Priest and crowned as a king c. 2. But Antiochus was so farre from depressing and despising Magistrates and the Ciuill power that one captaine of the Romans with a message from Rome terrified him and made him giue way yea and the Macchabees beeing of no great power resisted him Graser p. 205. Ans. 1. That the Pope is a despiser of the Ciuill gouernment and hath despightfully and disdainfully vsed both Emperours kings and Princes it is euident to all the world wherein he doth manifestly detect himselfe to be Antichrist according to S. Iudes description v. 8. That they shall despise gouernment and speake euill of them that are in authoritie 2. Yet hereby is it not euicted that this is the proper and literall meaning of this place for though elohim in the plural be in Scripture applied to Princes and rulers yet eloah in the singular is seldome found in that sense but is better interpreted God 3. And so indeede Antiochus cared for no God but was lift vp in pride beyond the condition of man as though he could command the floods and weigh the mountaines in a balance 2. Macchab. 2. 9. And yet in the other sense it was also true that Antiochus though he were kept in awe by the Romanes yet he made no account of the gouerners and Elders among the Iewes toward whome the greatest respect is had in this propheticall description of Antichrist for he put them to the sword as common and vile persons as is touched 1. Macch. 1. 27. The Princes and Elders mourned c. The fourth Exercise Wherein the idolatrie of this Antichrist is described as it is set fourth in the 38. v. which Graserus contendeth by diuerse reasons to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist and not of Antiochus Argum. 1. It is said that in his stead he shall honour the God Mauzzim that is as Graserus interpreteth basilicarum Deum the God of Temples for so before v. 31. the Sanctuarie is called mahoz of the strength and Ezceh 24. 25. the same word is vsed where the Prophet saith shall it not be in the day when I take from them their strength the ioy of their heart the pleasure of their eyes c. 2. Thus the Romanists haue set vp a newe God the God of their Temples which they consecrate vnto seuerall Saints as seuerall gods making vowes vnto a Saint of such or such a place and going in pilgrimage vnto them to this ende they hollow Churches consecrate Altars as tying the diuine worship vnto such places whereas Christ hath left his worship free for all places not limiting it to Ierusalem or any other place but euery where God is worshipped in spirit and truth Graser p. 317. to 319. And thus they set vp in Christs place and stead their Temple gods and that strange idol of the Masse which all they say tend vnto the honour of Christ they might as well say that the abhominable idols which Antiochus set vp in the Sanctuarie tended also vnto the honour of God p. 239. 3. Graserus after this entreth to confute Iunius translation of this place who thus readeth as for the God of strength in his seate he shall honour be shall honour I say a God whom his fathers knewe not with gold and siluer against which interpretation Graserus produceth these reasons 1. It cannot be shewed in Scripture where God is called eelohe mauzzim the God of strength or munitions without any other addition but either the God of my strength or refuge or for my refuge or the rocke of my refuge and in the Psalmes and deprecations made vnto God not in propheticall predictions 2. In the second clause he translateth leeloah God why then in the first clause should it be interpreted as for the God if the the word cabadh to honour vsually admit not this construction with the preposition lamed it must be considered that the Prophet speaketh of no vsuall but of a strange matter and yet as Graserus well obserueth out of Iunius Grammar this preposition is often set before such words as are gouerned of verbes which signifie studie desire attributing of any thing as here in this place 3. The coniunction van veleeloah
this cannot be vnderstood of Egypt literally for though their might be abundance of siluer and gold yet the hauing power ouer the hid treasures and ouer precious things as peârles precious stones so well agreeth not to Egypt Hereby rather is signified the rich spoyles which the Spainyards the Bishop of Romes right hand haue taken from the poore Indians and so haue corrupted all Europe with their Indian siluer and gold And so Augustine speaking of Antichrist saith dabit credentibus in se abundantiam auri argenti he shall giue to such as beleeue in him abundance of siluer and gold Graser p. 394. 395. 4. And this shall be done successiue per certos progressus successiuely and by certaine pases as it were and degrees so Graserus interpreteth the word bemitzeghadau at his footesteppes or pases p. 386. But this was not true of Antiochus whome Iunius supposeth to haue done all this in his last two yeares nor yet of the Papists Antichrist who they imagine shall raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe p. 398. Answ. 1. It is a slender coniecture that because cushim and lubbim are writen without vau shurek that thereby are signified such nations as came out of those countreys for Zipphorah Moses wife is called Cushith â Cushite which word is written without vau shurek Numb 12. 1. and yet she was indeede of that countrey a Cushite or Aethiopisse of Arabia for there was one Aethiopia in Asia which was Arabia an other in Africa beyond Egypt neither can it be shewed that the East and West Indians had their beginning from the Lybians and Aethiopians 2. The phrase of stretching out the hand hath no such speciall signification the phrase in Hebrewe is shalach iado he sent his hand which is indifferently vsed when any are assaulted neere or farre off whether prouoked or not as Exod. 24. 11. vpon the nobles of the children of Israel lo shalach iado he layd not his hand 3. Egypt was verie rich in siluer and gold and other precious things It is said before v. 8. that the king of the South hauing ouercome the king of the North should carrie into Egypt precious vessels of siluer and gold and v. 28. Antiochus returned thence with great substance this therefore may very well agree vnto Egypt literally that he shall haue power ouer the siluer and gold 4. The word bemitzeghadau properly signifieth in his progresse or at his footsteppes for so the word tzaghad of the same roote is taken for going Prouerb 30. 29. the words then are thus to be read the Lybians and Aethiopans at his footesteps or pases that is shall followe him for the distinction athnah diuideth the Lybians and Aethiopians from the first clause though Graserus thinketh that it serueth rather for ornament here then distinction p. 386. the meaning is that the Lybians and Aethiopians who ioyned vpon Egypt and vsed to assist the Egyptians in their warres as may be gathered Nahum 3. 9. should leaue the king of Egypt and ioyne with Antiochus beeing allured by his promises and rewards Here then no such successiue proceeding is signified as Graserus supposeth see c. 11. quest 48. toward the ende Argum. 3. Graserus proceedeth to shewe the probabilitie of this his opinion that by the Cushites and Lybians are vnderstood here the East and West Indians 1. First the Americans are without all question descended of Noah and most like of Cham whose seede was accursed and those beastly people of the Indians therefore may be thought to be of his line 2. The coasts of Africa are nearest vnto the West Indians and parts of America and most like in that behalfe to haue beene stored with people from thence 3. The likenesse of beastly and bruitish manners and the affinitie in colour betweene the Indians inhabiting betweene the tropike of Cancer and the equinoctiall doe shewe them to come of the same offspring with the blacke Mores and Aethiopians p. 400. 401. Answ. 1. The contrary is euident out of Scripture that the East Indians are not descended of Cham but of Sem As Ophir and Havilah who inhabited the golden Indians were the sonnes of Ioktan of Eber and so of Sem Gen. 10. 29. though the Americanes and West Indians should deriue their petigree from Cham yet the other Indians in the East must certainely come of Sem. 2. America is more like to haue beene replenished from the East India from the which it is thought either not at all to be deuided by Sea or by a verie small cut then from the coasts of Africa from whence it is separated by the large and great Ocean And if the old inhabitants of America had come from Africa there would haue beene greater entercourse betweene them whereas till of late those parts haue beene vtterly vnknowne both to the Africanes and Europians 3. The similitude of colour is caused by the qualitie and condition of the climate for otherwise if their originall from blacke or tawnie Moores were the cause not onely in that climate betweene the tropike of Cancer and the equinoctiall but in other climates and regions also the people would retaine the same complexion and colour if it were naturall vnto them in respect of their parentage and beginning and not rather caused by the qualitie of the climate and region 4. This coâceit then of Graserus in taking these Lybians and Aethiopians to be the East and West Indians hath no probabilitie and we further reiect it vpon these reasons 1. The Lybians and Cushites are here to be vnderstood according to the phrase of Scripture in other places But where they are named elsewhere they are taken for the people inhabiting in the parts of Africa neere vnto Egypt as Ierem. 46. 9. Nahum 3. 9. therefore so are they also to be interpreted here 2. the king of the North who throughout this whole prophesie is vnderstood to be the king of Syria had power ouer these countryes but the kings of Syria neuer stretched their hand vnto the Indians 3. the Bishop of Rome cannot be said to be the king of the North in respect either of the East or West Indians but he is toward the East to the one and Westward to the other 4. by the king of the North one speciall king is signified whose ende is described v. 45. therefore not a succession of Kings or Popes The ninth exercise Wherein Graserus expoundeth the 44. v. applying the same still to the Romane Antichrist and his proceedings Argum. 1. By the rumors from the East and North he vnderstandeth the euill newes both from the East of the Turkes victories and of his taking of Constantinople ann 1453. the hearing whereof did terrifie all Europe but more afterward when in the yeare 1481. Geduces a Bassa of the Turkes inuaded Calabria and made the Pope himselfe Sixtus 4. and all Rome afraid the rumors from the North was the fame of Luthers preaching and of others which set forth the gospel and discouered the hypocrisie and
Of the meaning of these words v. 12. the armie was giuen vp with the daily sacrifice by iniquitie 22. qu. Of the meaning of the word Palmoni v. 13. 23. qu. What Angel that was vnto whom one of the Angels spake 24. qu. Of the time prescribed v. 14. of 2300 dayes how it is to be taken 25. qu. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended 26. qu. When the kingdome of the Greekes so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning 27. qu. Why the kingdome of the Greekes is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians 28. qu. of the name Gabriel 29. qu. v. 16. Vpon these words make this man to vnderstand the vision whether Augels can giue vs vnderstanding 30. qu. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia 31. qu. of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp in the latter ende of their kingdome v. 25. 32. qu. The description of Antiochus and of his doings 33. qu. Of some differences in the storie of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus 34. qu. Of the agreement of other persecutions of the Church with this description of Antiochus 35. qu. Why it is called the vision of the euening and morning v. 26. 36. qu. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision 37. qu. What kings businesse Daniel did v. 27. 38. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 27. none vnderstood or perceiued it 39. qu. The historie of Antiochus Epiphanes raigne abridged for the better vnderstanding of this vision Questions vpon the 9. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. What Assuerus this was whose sonne Darius is said to be 2. qu. of the yeares of Darius raigne and how this vision is said to be in his first yeare 3. qu. Whether in the first yeare of Darius the Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued and the 70. yeares captiuitie ended against the opinion of Ioseph Scaliger lib. 6. 4. qu. of the 70. yeares of captiuitie in what sense they are called seuen generations Baruch 6. 2. 5. qu. When the 70. yeares of captiuitie mentioned v. 2. tooke their beginning 6. qu. when the 70. yeares of captiuitie ended 7. qu. of Daniels prayer v. 4. to v. 20. 8. qu. How Daniel prayeth for the deliuerance of the people seeing it was certainely promised after the 70. yeares 9. qu. Of the properties required in the prayers of the faithfull obserued here in Daniels prayer v. 20. 10. qu. Of the apparition of the Angel Gabriel v. 21. 11. qu. How Daniel descerâed this to be a good Angel 12. qu. Whether the Angels haue bodies 13. qu. Why the Angel came about the time of the euening sacrifice v. 21. 14. qu. Why Daniel is called a man of desires v. 23. 15. qu. v. 24. Seuentie weekes are determined How Daniels prayer is heard praying for the peoples deliuerance 16. qu. v. 24. How the seuentie weekes must be vnderstood 17. qu. Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined 18. qu. Why this tearme of 490. yeares is expressed by weeks 19. qu. Why the Angel saith vpon thy people and vpon thine holy citie 20. qu. Of the meaning of these words v. 24. to finish or rather restraine wickednesse 21. qu. Of the sealing of sinnes 22. qu. What it is to reconcile iniquitie 23. qu. v. 24. How the Messiah brought euerlasting righteousnesse 24. qu. Why it is called euerlasting righteousnesse 25. qu. Whether as Christs satisfaction for the punishment of sinne is imputed to vs by faith so likewise his innocencie 26. qu. Whether the iustice brought in by Christ exceede the iustice of Adam 27. qu. Whether it standeth with Gods iustice to iustifie vs by anothers righteousnesse and how that may be 28. qu. How the vision and prophesie was to be sealed vp 29. qu. Of the annointing of the holy one who is signified thereby 30. qu. Why Christ is called the holy of holies 31. qu. How Christ was anointed 32. qu. When Christ was anointed 33. qu. Of the obscurenes and difficultie of this prophesie 34. qu. Of the diuerse interpretations of Daniels weekes with an answer to the cauill of the Iewes concerning the dissension of our interpreters 35. qu. What Chronologie and computation of time is to be followed in the account of the 70. weekes which make 490. yeares 36. qu. whether the account of the Olympiake yeares be a certain direction for the vnderstanding of Daniels weeks 37. qu. Of the names and number of the Persian kings 38. qu. Of the vncertainty of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie and of the Persian kings 39. qu. That Daniels weeks do signifie a certain definite number of yeares 40. qu. That Origens account cannot stand beginning the 70. weeks at Adam and ending them at the destruction of Ierusalem 41. qu. That the 70. weekes must not begin before the peoples returne out of captiuitie 42. qu. That the 70. weeks doe not beginne in the raignes of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus 43. qu. That Daniels 70. weekes must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the returne of the people 44. qu. Vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued and of his age 45. qu. which of the Persian kings it was that renewed the decree for the reedifying of the Temple 46. qu. VVhat Artaxerxes it was in whose 7. yeare Ezra was sent and in whose 20. Nehemiah 47. qu. That Daniels 70. weeks were determined neither before Christs passion nor at the destruction of the citie 48. qu. That the 70. weeks ende not after the destruction of Ierusalem 49. qu. That the 70. weeks must end at the passion of Christ. 50. qu. Of the iust and exact computation of yeares from Cyrus first vnto the passion of Christ. 51. qu. Of the yeares of the Persian kings in particular to make vp the said summe of ãâã 130. yeares and first of the yeares to the finishing of the Temple 52. qu. That Xerxes raigne was intermingled with his fathers in the beginning and with his sonnes in the end 53. qu. Of the particular yeares of the second part of the Persian Monarchie from the finishing of the Teple to the end therof 54. qu. Of the iust computation of the yeares of the Grecian Monarchie 55. qu. The seuerall interpretations of Daniels 70. weekes dispersedly handled before summed together 56. qu. Why the 7. weeks are seuered from the 62. v. 25. vnto the Messiah shall be 7. weekes and 62. weekes 57. qu. Whether these 7. weekes must be âted before the 62. weeks or after 58. qu. When this tearme of 7. weeks that is 49. yeares beganne and when it ended 59. qu. Whether that place Iohn 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. yeares in building haue any agreement with these 7. weekes 60. qu. Vnto Messiah the Prince shall be 7. weekes v. 25. who is here vnderstood by the Messiah 61. qu. The street shall be built againe in a troublesome time how this was fulfilled 62. qu. Of the 62. weeks how they are to
hope of the kings fauour and of great rewards entised nor yet by feare of punishment terrified from their profession Nay they would not so much as admit of any deliberation in so euident a matter As Cyprian when he was required to take some time to pause and consider with himselfe what he would doe vttered that worthie saying In re tam certa nulla deliberatio in a matter so certen there neede no further deliberation So these here answer that they tooke no care how to answer the king according to that saying of our blessed Sauiour Mark 13. 11. When they lead you and deliuer you vp take ye no thought afore neither premeditate what ye shall say but whatsoeuer is giuen vnto you at the same time that speake c. 5. Doct. Of the difference of temporall and eternall promises v. 18. But if not be it knowne vnto thee c. Although God should not deliuer them out of this temporall daunger yet they would not leaue their profession for they knew that God beeing able to deliuer them yet he might not shew his power at this time for some causes best knowne vnto himselfe There is a double kind of deliuerance one from euerlasting death which we are absolutely sure of without any condition there is a deliuerance from temporall daunger which we are assured ordinarily no otherwise of then it pleaseth God and as he seeth it may stand best with his glorie and our good In such temporall cases the Apostle teacheth alwaies to presuppose this condition If the Lord will 6. Doct. Obedience is not to be giuen vnto Magistrates in all things v. 22. The flame slew those men c. Because these tormentors and executioners did yeild obedience vnto the king in a wicked and vniust thing they are worthily punished God commandeth obedience vnto princes but not against himselfe so after this manner the two captaines with their fifties whome the king sent to take Elias were destroied with fire from heauen Our Sauiour saith in the Gospel that if the blind lead the blinde they shall both fall into the ditch both of them not onely the captaine and ring-leader but he also that is seduced and misled Bulling 7. Doct. Of the certentie of the resurrection v. 27. Not an haire of their head was burnt c. Tertullian collecteth from hence that if God by his power preserued euen the garments of these men and the haire of their heads from the fire much more able is he to preserue the bodies of his Saints from euerlasting and finall corruption and to raise them vp at the last day hence then he concludeth Dominum potentiorem omni corporum lege c. that God is of power and might beyond the law of corruptible bodies And in that one haire of theirs was not burnt here is verified that saying of our blessed Sauiour Matth. 10. 30. All the haires of your head are numbred c. 8. Doct. The maintenance of true religion belongeth vnto the ciuill Magistrate v. 29. Therefore I make a decree Nebuchadnezzer here maketh a seuere law against those which should blaspheme the true God whome these three worshipped whereupon Augustine inferreth well that it belongeth vnto the Magistrate to be conseruators and preseruers of true religion poenam capitalem constituit in eos qui Deum illorum invenumblasphemarent c. he appointeth a capitall punishment against them which did blaspheme the God of those young men c. The Apostle saith that the Magistrate is the minister of God to take vengeance on him that doth euill Rom. 13. 4. Therefore heretikes and blasphemers who are euill doers are to be censured and punished by ciuill lawes as well as other malefactors 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. That an image vsed for any religious vse and an idol are all one v. 1. Nabuchadnezzer made an image of gold The word is tzelem which the Septuag translate ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and image so also Pagnin Montan. Iun. and yet it was a plaine idol Here then appeareth the vanitie of that curious and friuolous distinction of the Romanists betweene an image and an Idol as though an image should be onely the true similitude of a thing an idol the representation of a thing which is not as were the idols of the heathen for this great idol represented no speciall person it was erected for the honour of their gods yet is it called an image see more of this question Synops. Cent. 2. err 42. 2. Controv. Against the adoration of Images 1. Hierome vpon this example of these young men that refused to fall downe before Nabuchadnezzers image thus inferreth Cultores Dei statuas adorare non debent c. the worshippers of God must not worship images therefore they which worship the images of Emperours doe that quod tres pâeri facere noluerunt which these three children would not doe Pererius here answereth that Hierome speaketh against the worshipping of the Emperours images not of Saints and of giuing diuine adoration vnto them after the manner of the Gentiles Contra. 1. If it be vnlawfull to adore the images of men liuing much more of them that are dead A liuing dogge is better then a dead lyon Eccles. 9. 4. 2. Hierome speaketh not of adoring images as gods but simply of adoring them for the Gentiles did not hold their images to be their very gods but onely representations of them and therefore in the same place Hierome noteth these as two distinct things Deos coli imagines adorari quod vtrunque servis Dei non conuenit for the gods to be worshipped and the images to be adored both of which doe not beseeme the seruants of God 2. Lactantius vrgeth these reasons against idolatrie 1. Imago hominis tum videtur necessaria cum procul abest c. the image of a man is then thought to be necessarie when he is absent and farre off but then it is superfluous when he is present and at hand But the Spirit of God beeing euery where dispersed can neuer be absent therefore an image of God is alwaies superfluous lib. 2. Institut c. 2. 2. Images are but the portraitures and pictures of men now it is inconuenient vt simulachruÌ hominis à simulachro Dei homine adoretur that the image of a man should be worshipped of man who is the image of God l. 2. instit c. 18. 3. Worshippers of Images doe offend in these 3. things 1. in worshipping that which is not God for the images and idols which they worship are not gods so Ierem. c. 2. chargeth the Israelites because they digged vnto them pits which could hold no water 2. They offend quando colitur Deus sed non solus when God is worshipped but not onely as the Israelites in Elias time serued God and Baal together which he calleth an halting betweene two opinions 1. king 18. 3. Though they intend Gods worship onely yet they sinne in worshipping him after an other
manner then the Lord hath prescribed in his word as Ieroboam brought in new rites and ceremonies and other Priests then were appointed by the law Bulling 4. The beginning and inuention of Idols was from the heathen as in the booke of wisdome it is said c. 14. 13. The vaine glorie of men brought them into the world so Gregorius the Bishop of Neocaesarea said Gentilit as inuentrix caput imaginum Gentilitie was the inuenter and head of images Eusebius speaking of the images of Christ of Peter and Paul saith hoc mihi videtur ex gentili consuetudine obseruatum this seemeth to me to be obserued according to the custome of the Gentiles for they vse to honour those whome they count worthie of honour So the Emperours Hâliogabalus Adrianus Alexander Severus vsed to set vp in their Chappels the images of Abraham Moses Christ. Likewise the Gnostike and Carpocratian heretiks did worship the pictures of Christ of Paul Pythagoras Homer as Iraen witnesseth l. 1. c. 24. Athanasius therefore well saith simulachrorum inuentio non à bono c. that the inuention of images came not of any good but euill as it is saide Wisd. 14. 11. The beginning of idols was the beginning of whoredome and the finding of them is the corruption of life Hereupon it is that the Iewes suffer no image painted or grauen in their Synagogues Dion l. 37. nay Origân testifieth they would not suffer any caruer or painter to remaine in their countrây lib. 4. cont Celsum See more of this Controv. Synops. Cent. 2. err 44. 3. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be tolerated though they be not adored 1. Pappus here maketh 3. kinde of Images some were set vp for idolatrie and these he would haue remooued there are two other kind some doe set forth the histories of the old and new Testament some are onely for ornament in Churches neither of these are prohibited as euidently appeareth by the building both of Moses Tabernacle and of Salomons Temple but here it is the part of the Minister to admonish the people to take heede of idolatrie so he concludeth that the vse of Images in it selfe is to be counted among indifferent things 2. 1. This distinction of images and pictures as some were set vp for superstition some are for historie some for ornament we greatly mislike not but if he graunt that all images set vp for idolatrie ought to be demolished then all such likewise which may be abused to idolatrie as all carued and grauen images are of that kind 2. Such kind of images which are carued and fashioned with proportion and not painted onely and pictured serue not at all for historie therefore by that pretext they cannot be excused 3. And though there may be an outward comelines to the eye in the gilding and garnishing of images yet such comelines must serue vnto edifying but if offence rather and occasion be feared thereby the inward comelines and decencie is more to be respected then the seemelines of the obiect to the eye 4. It is a more compendious way to remooue the stumbling blocke then to put it before the feete and then bid men to take heed of it so it were better to take away the very occasion of idolatrie then it remaining to warne the people to take heed 5. And the vse of images for religion is no indifferent thing as the very place doth show that images set vp in Churches haue a certaine religious respect 6. Lastly the Apostles saying Babes keepe your selues from idols 1. Ioh. 5. 21. doth not onely will them to take heed of idolatrie but euen to shunne the occasion and to remooue the stumbling blocke 4. Controv. Of the waies and meanes whereby idolatrie is promoted 1. As here this image is set vp by the authoritie of the king so the Romanists doe by the authoritie of Princes get the adoration of images commanded 2. He causeth it to be made of gold that it might allure them the more and so the Papists doe adorne their images and Temples with gold 3. The image is made of an huge bignes that it might be the more admired for the greatnes thereof so in the Popish Churches they haue their Crucifixes made of great proportion and other images as of S. Christopher that they might draw the eies of the people vnto theÌ 4. Nabuchadnezzer maketh choice also of a conuenient place in a great plaine and the Romanists thinke to grace their images by the place setting them vp in Churches and Churchyards in crosses and high waies 5. The king hath here the consent of all his nobles for the setting vp of this image so was it a decree among the Romanes that no god should be consecrated of the Emperour vnlesse the Senate approoued it and therefore when Tiberius mooued that Christ should be receiued into the number of the gods because the Senate would not consent it was not done hereupon Tertullian saith nisi homini Deus placuerit Deus non erit vnlesse God be pleasing vnto man he shall not be God After this manner the Papists doe vrge consent and agreement of all states among them of Princes Dukes Nobles Cardinals Bishops 6. Here was a bloodie decree made against those that would not worship this image they are threatned the fierie fornace So in the persecution vnder the Romane Emperours the Christians were put to vnspeakable torments as Tertullian describeth crucibus stipitibus imponitis Christianos c. you put Christians vpon crosses and stakes you teare scratch their sides with clawes and nayles c. we are cast vnto beasts burnt with fire c. Euen these also are the engines and instruments wherewith the Papists persecute the seruants of Christ the fire and sword 7. This idolatrous seruice of the Image is set forth with all kind of varietie of musicke to affect the minds of the simple and to stirre vp their superstitious affections So among the Romanists their seruice is attended vpon with instruments of musicke which make a dumb sound nothing beeing vnderstood that is sung or plaied 8. Thus by all these meanes superstition and idolatrie is countenanced by authoritie of Princes consent seueritie of decrees and such like and yet preuaileth not whereas the truth is naked hath neither consent nor authoritie on it side but all things against it yet it prospereth to make that saying good of the Apostle The foolishnes of God is wiser then men and the weakenes of God is stronger then men 1. Cor. 1. 25. 5. Controv. Of the vse of Church musicke and musicall instruments v. 7. As soone as the people heard the sound of the trumpet cornet c. Because Idolaters abuse musicall instruments to insinuate their superstition it followeth not that there can be no right vse of them in the Church of God 1. It is euident in the titles of diuers Psalmes of Dauid that they were sung and plaid vpon instruments which should not haue beene
Bulling so also Pintus Sa Oecolamp Perer. But all these are deceiued 1. in taking this number of tenne for a number indefinite for seeing this number is diuided as after mention is made of three kings which shall be pulled away a certaine and finite number must be signified and if tenne did not betoken a certain number the time should not be known when the little horne the last of the ten should be expected 2. The kings doe not signifie kingdomes but so many kings out of one kingdome as it is expounded v. 24. the tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings that shall rise they must rise out of one kingdome 3. neither can these tenne kingdomes which they vnderstand be raised after the dissolution of the Empire for the beast is not destroyed that is the kingdome dissolued vntill the little horne came vp v. 11. 2. Of the second sort also there are diuerse opinions 1. Some by tenne hornes vnderstand so many kings which in the end of the world shall diuide the Romane Empire among them and then shall the eleuenth horne rise vp which they suppose to be Antichrist of this opinion is Hierome whom Lyranus followeth Hugo gloss ordinar interlin But as Oecolamp noteth we finde this to be otherwise for one part of the Romane Empire onely which is in Europe we see to be diuided into tenne kingdomes as Portugall Spaine England Fraunce Denmarke Suecia Polonia Bohemia Hungaria Naples the other parts of the Empire were deuided into more kingdomes 2. Some vnderstand the 10. Prouinces which were subiect to the Romane Emperour gouerned by Consuls as Strabo lib. 17. reckoneth tenne of them But the Proconsuls and Deputies were not kings and though they were as kings they had their seueral prouinces as their kingdomes but these kings must come out of one kingdome 3. Some doe here number tenne seuerall kingdomes into the which the Romane Empire was diuided as some doe reckon these Italie Spaine Fraunce Germanie Illyricum Grecia Africa Egypt Asia Syria Melancthon Some doe for Illyricum put England numbring the rest which are before rehearsed Osiand Some doe name the tenne kingdomes in Europe before specified ex Pap. But it is euident that more then ten kingdomes are risen out of the Romane Empire seeing so many are found onely in Europe 4. Some then leauing this conceit of the Romane Empire doe finde these tenne hornes that is so many kings in diuerse kingdomes putting together Macedonia Egypt Syria this was the opinion of Porphyrie rehearsed and refuted by Hierome for these kings must rise out of the same kingdome as these tenne hornes came out of one and the same beast 5. Wherefore these tenne hornes were indeede tenne kings of Syria which the Seleuciaâs held one succeeding another and these they were 1. Seleucus Nâcanior 2. Anâiochus Soter who was in loue with Stratonica his fathers wife whom he enioyed by the meanes of Erasistratus his Physitian and raigned his father yet beeing aliue 3. Antiochus called Theos God of the Milesians for deliuering them from the tyrannie of Timarchus him his wife Laodice the daughter of Ptolâme Philadelphus poisoned 4. Seleucus Callmicus whom Ptolome Euergetes expelled his kingdome 5. Pâolome Euergetes 6. Seleucus Ceraunus Ptolome Euergetes being expelled 7. Antiochus the great the brother of Ceraunus who had warre with the Romanes and draue them out of Asia 8. Ptolome Philopator who inuaded Syria Antiochus the great beeing otherwise occupied and busied and held the kingdome a while 9. Then Philopator beeing expelled by Antiochus and his sons Seleucus Philopator succeeded 10. And Seleucus beeing slaiâe then Antiochus Epiphanes the younger brother inuaded the kingdome who was the little horne here spoken of and did rage most cruelly against the people of God Iun. ann there were after him other of the Seleucians that held the kingdome of Syria but they had not that power ouer Iudea which the other had for Antiochus Eupator and after him Demetrius the sonne of Seleucus attempted in vaine to subdue Iudea vnto their kingdome Polan 6. But here is some defference betweene Iunius and Polanus account of these tenne kings Iunius maketh Ptolome Euergetes the fift who expelled Seleucus Callânichus and Seleuchus Ceraunus the sonne of Callinicus the sixt But Polanus omitting Ptolome Euergetes maketh Ceraunus the sonne of Callinicus the fift and the sonne of Ceraunus the sâxt who beeing but a child and not able to gouerne the kingdome after he had raigned two yeares was poisoined But I rather followe Iunius for these reasons 1. seeing Polanus confesseth that Euergetes expelled Callinicus and held the kingdome he is as well to be counted among these tenne kings as afterward Ptolome Philopator who inuaded the kingdome vnder Antiochus the great 2. Seleucus Ceraunus raigned himselfe but three yeares and next vnto him succeeded Antiochus the great no mention is made in some Chronicles of Ceraunus sonne comming betweene Bullinger 7. But against this interpretation of the tenne kings of Syria thus it will be obiected 1. Lyranus saith that these kings must not be vnderstood per successionem vnius post alterum by the succession of one after another but they were all at one time as the Angell expoundeth afterward Contra. 1. The contrarie appeareth by the Angels exposition that these kings shall one succeed another as v. 24. the Angel saith tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings that shall rise now in one kingdome there cannot be tenne kings at once euerie king hath his kingdome 2. as the three kings which shall be subdued are vnderstood successiuely so are the tenne but these followed one an other by succession as Andreas whose opinion Hugo reporteth thus expoundeth alios duos sibi succedentes similiter occidet he shal likewise kill two other kings succeeding one another 2. Pererius obiecteth that in the Syrian kingdome there were but eight kings in all vnto Antiochus Epiphanes Contra. There were but eight of that line but two kings of Egypt Ptolome Euergetes Ptolome Philopator which held the kingdom by conquest are to be numbred among them 3. This fourth kingdome shall be more fierce and mightier then any before it but the kingdome of Syria was not mightier then Alexanders Perer. Contra. It is not said simply to be mightier or stronger but in respect of the Iewes whom they carried a more strong and terrible hand ouer then did Alexander who fauoured them 4. It may be obiected that this fourth beast shall deuoure the whole earth and shall tread it downe and breake it in peices v. 23. but the kingdome of Syria did not subdue the whole earth Contra. By the whole earth is here vnderstood the whole land of Iudea as is expounded v. 25. he shall consume the Saints of the most high and so thinketh R. Saadia that the whole earth is taken here for Iudea which was brought into such subiection vnto the kings of Syria that Memnon in his Chronicle lib. 13. 14. calleth Antiochus warring with
the Romanes the king of Iudea Quest. 27. Who is signified by the little horne ver 8. The diuerse opinions here conceiued about the interpreâation of these words are of fiue sorts 1. Some apply them to the Empire of the Turkes 2. Some vnderstand them of the Romane Empire 3. Some of both ioyned together 4. Some of Antichrist 5. Some of the Syrian kingdome and hold Antiochus Epiphanes that cruell enemie of the Iewes to be this little horne All these opinions shall now be examined in their order 1. That this little horne should be the Turke it is the opinion of Melancthon and Oâiander and of Vatablus and Pintus among the Romanists vnto whom they make all the properties of this little horne to agree for as this is called a little horne so Mahomet was of obscure beginning who vnder the Emperors Heraclius and Honorius about the yeare 600. by craft cousenage and sorcerie did drawe many after him he is said to haue the eyes of a man because he was most cunning to deceiue he spake proud things for Mahomet fayned that he had familiar conference with Angels and that he was a great Prophet and he said his lawe was better then Moses or Christs Melancthon to the same purpose sheweth how these fowre things doe fitly agree vnto the Turkish Empire the time of their rising vp their doctrine power and place of their dominion 1. For the time they sprang vp when the Romane Empire was decaying and vnder the Empârours before named 2. for their doctrine they abolish the writings of the Prophets and Apostles they denie Christ to be the Sauiour of the world and many horrible blasphemies doe they vtter against the Son of God 3. their power exceedeth all other Monarchies they haue vnder their Empire the most part of Africa and a great part of Europe and Asia 4. For their place they came from the North from the mount Caucasus as Ezekiel prophesieth that Gog and Magog shall come from the North Ezeck 39. 2. But Pererius sheweth by these two arguments that the Turke is not here meant to be this little horne 1. because when Mahomet did rise there were not tenne kings in the Romane Empire it was not yet dissolued and deuided into tenne kingdomes but remayned whole vnder the obedience of the Emperor 2. This horne shall afflict the people of God a time two times and an halfe that is three yeares and an halfe but Mahomet and his followers haue persecuted the Church of God many hundred yeares 3. Burgensis addeth further this reason that the Turke doth not make the fourth beast which is the fourth Monarchie here described nor that set forth in the Image c. 2. because before the first comming of Christ which is there spoken of there was no mention at all of the Turkes and Saracenes and the fowre Monarchies were absolute in their times that no other kingdome was able to resist them So is not the Turke for he is encountred with other enemies equivalent vnto him 4. But this further may disprooue this opinion for the Turkes this fourth kingdome shall make warre with the Saints and the people of God which then were vnderstood to be the Iewes the knowne people of God But the Turkes are at this day great friends vnto the Iewes of whom they borrowe the greater part of their religion This little horne then vpon the reasons aforesaid is not the great Turke to whome by way of analogie many of the properties of this horne may agree but historically it is not meant of him 2. Of the second sort that here vnderstand the Romane Empire is R. Leui who sometime maketh the next after the tenth Caesar which was Traiane to be this horne sometime Constantine But both of these were commendable Emperours Traiane is renowned euen among the Gentiles and Constantine was a vertuous and religious Emperour as all our histories doe write of him 3. Calvin would haue this little horne to be Iulius Caesar Augustus and the other which succeeded him But seeing that the tenne hornes are expounded to be tenne kings the little horne beeing the last of the tenne cannot be the first nor the second or the rest in order Iulius Caesar was the first Emperour next to him was Augustus and so the rest that follow 4. Oecolampadius doth indifferently vnderstand this little horne to be both the Pope in the West and the Turke in the East which he expoundeth to be the beast with two hornes Apocal. 13. 11. the one pushing in Europe by âypocrisie and deceite the other in Asia and Africa by tyrannie and violence so also Pap. But v. 24. the Angel expoundeth the tenne hornes to be tenne kings of one kingdome the Pope and Turke make not one kingdome therefore they cannot both be this horne 5. Some apply this prophesie vnto Antichrist whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world after the Romane Empire is destroyed and deuided among tenne kings Hier. Lyran. Hugo who out of Andrâas reporteth that this Antichrist shall drawe the Iewes vnto him and reedifie the Temple at Ierusalem But this is an olde dreame that such an Antichrist shall come toward the ende of the world this phansie is receiued both of Turkes who in their Alcaron speake of Antichrist that shall come whom Christ shall destroy and the Papists expect the like Antichrist to come three yeare and an halfe before the second comming of Christ Both of them are grossely deceiued for the little horne here described should make warre with the Saints that then were the Iewes whose commonwealth long since was dissolued and they through the world dispersed 6. Bullinger vnderstandeth this little horne to be the Pope shewing how from small beginnings that Sea did growe vp at the first as a little horne partly by the graunt of the Emperours as Boniface the 3. obtained of the Emperour Phocas to be called the Vniuersall Bishop partly by their pride and ambition But still this principle must be held that Daniel describeth here by this horne a great enemie and persecutor of the Iewish nation the people of God then therefore this vision although analogically it may be referred to the Pope the verie Antichrist of whom Antiochus Epiphanâs might well be a type and figure yet literally and historically it is not so intended 7. But the Hebrewes of all other are the most malicious and absurd who most blasphemously make Iesus Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour this little horne for so they say his beginning was small and base he came out of the fourth beast he ioyned with the Romane Empire as appeared in Constantine he spake presumptuous things in making himselfe equall vnto God and changed times in abrogating the ceremonies of Moses lawe ex Paul Burgensi But all this is malitiously and ignorantly deuised of the Iewes 1. because this horne is little at the first it followeth not that whosoeuer is little and smal at the first should be this horne 2. neither is the
the armes and breasts of siluer what it was 44. qu. v. 39. why the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour to the Babylonian 45. qu. whether the Monarchie of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruel toward the Iewes 46. qu. why the Persian Monarchie is compared to siluer 47. qu. why the third Monarchie is likened to the belly and the thigh and vnto brasse 48. qu. Of the largenes of Alexanders Empire and of other memorable and notable things in him 49. qu. v. 40. whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstood to be the Roman Empire 50. qu. That this fourth kingdom diuided into two kingdoms resembled by the twâââgges of the image was the kingdom of Syria and Egypt 51. qu. Of the beginning and continuance of the fowre generall Monarchies of the world 52. qu. v. 43. Of the meaning of these words they shall miagle themselues with the seede of men 53. qu. v. 44. What manner of kingdome the Prophet speaketh of which God should set vp 54. qu. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine do signifie Christ and his kingdome 55. qu. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first or second comming of Christ. 56. qu. The description of the kingdome of Christ by the Prophet v. 44. 45. 57. qu. That this kingdome which God shall raise vp must be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christ. 58. qu. That this kingdome of Christ is a spirituall no temporall kingdome 59. qu. v. 44. In the dayes of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp 60. qu. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes 61. qu. Whether Christ at his comming did indeede destroy the temporall dominions 62. qu. How Christ is said to be the stone cut without hands 63. qu. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone and how it filled the earth 64. qu. v. 46. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did well in bowing vnto Daniel and commanding odours to be offered vnto him 65. qu. Whether Daniel refused this worship offered vnto him 66. qu. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God 67. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God 68. qu. Whether Daniel did well in accepting the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him 69. qu. Whether Daniel could with a good conscience be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon 70. qu. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate 71. qu. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court Questions vpon the 3. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image 2. qu. To whom Nebuchadnezzar erected this image 3. qu. To what ende this image was set vp 4. qu. How it came to passe that Daniel hindred not the kings purpose in setting vp this image 5. qu. of the place where this image was set vp 6. qu. of the greatnes of this image compared with others and in it selfe 7. qu. of the mystical applicatioÌ of this image 8. qu. of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles officers here rehearsed v. 2. 9. qu. why Nebuchadnezer onely called his nobles and officers 10. qu. v. 5. of the diuers kinds of instruments here rehearsed 11. qu. v. 5. of their falling downe and worshipping this image 12. qu. That it is not lawfull to bow vnto an image though one in his heart abhorre it 13. qu. Of the malice of the Chaldees against the Iewes 14. qu. why they say in the plural they wil not serue thy gods v. 12. whereas there was but one image 15. qu. why these three Shadrach Meshack and Abednego are onely called 16. qu. what age these three were of when they were brought before the king 17. qu. why Daniel mâde not intercession to the king for his three freinds 18. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers speech vnto these three brought before him 19. qu. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king 20. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall dangers 21. qu. why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image 22. qu. whether the Prince is by fire sword to root out theÌ which are of contrarie religioÌ 23. qu. of the extraordinarie heating of the fornace 24. qu. of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put vnto 25. qu. of the apparel which they were cast into the fire with 26. qu. why Daniel was not cast into the fierie fornace with the rest 27. qu. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings cruelty 28. qu. How these three men cast into the fire were preserued 29. qu. of 7. miraculous things concurring in this preseruation of them from the fire 30. qu. whether any thing without miracle may be preserued from the fire being in the flames therof 31. qu. That these three were true martyrs though they escaped by miracle the daunger of death 32. qu. whether all those are to be held martyrs which die constantly and couragâously 33. qu. Why it pleaseth not God alwaies to deliuer his seruants out of daunger as he did these at this time 34. qu. v. 25. In what sense the king saith that the fourth was like the sonne of God 35. qu. of the apparition of Angels in humane shape what maner of bodies they appeared in 36. qu. why the Angels vsed to appeare in humane shape 37. qu. Of the sudden change and conuersion that was in Nebuchadnezzer with the parts thereof 38. qu. whether this were a true conuersion in Nebuchadnezzer 39. qu. whether blasphemie is to be punished with death 40. qu. whether the 3. last verses doe belong vnto this third chapter Questions vpon the 4. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. of the kings epistle the summe and parts thereof 2. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezer wrote this epistle 3. qu. How Nebuchadnezer could write vnto all the people in the world 4. qu. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezer declareth 5. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were now at the last truly conuerted 6. qu. Of the author of this epistle 7. qu. whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezers transmutation were so done in deede 8. qu. why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar 9. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezer saith that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods 10. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers dreame and the summe therof 11. qu. why this tree is said to be in the mids of the earth 12. qu. why Nebuchadnezer is compared to a tree 13. qu. v. 11. who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules 14. qu. v. 12. how Nebuchadnezer was bound with a band of yron and brasse 15. qu. v. 11 12. why this prophecie is vttered in the imperative moode hew downe the treâ c. leaue the stumpe 16. qu. v. 14. why the Angels are called watchmen 17. qu. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced by the Angel or by the King 18. qu. v. 14.
Of the meaning of those words According to the request of the holy ones 19. qu. of the meaning of those words v. 14. appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men 20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre 21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies 22. qu. That a tyrannical gouernment is better then an Anarchie or no gouernment 23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree 24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driuen from among men dwelt with beasts 25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grasse like an oxe 26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was gouerned in Nebuchadnezzers absence 27. qu. v. 22. what is vnderstood by 7. times 28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation but first in generall of the diuers kinds of transmutations 29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was 30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers bodie was changed 31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gaue counsel to the king to preuent this iudgement seeing it was determined 32. qu. whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almes deedes 33. qu. whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying v. 24. It may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged 34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow Daniels counsell 35. qu. Of the greatnes of the citie of BabyloÌ 36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel 37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying which I haue built for the house of c. 38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen 39. qu. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuâhadnezer 40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezer he did eat grasse c. 41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what daies Nebuchadnezer was restored 42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer 43. qu. That God onely is without check and not to be controlled in his works 44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saued 45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saued and not Pharaoh both being in the same cause 46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus conuerted the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered nor Iehoâakim released out of prison Questions vpon the fift chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed and noâ set downe according to the order of time 2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer 3. qu. Of the diuers names of this Balthazar 4. qu. In what yeare of Balthazar 's raigne this historie fell out 5. qu. of the greatnes of Balthazar 's feast 6. qu. of the maner and order of this feast 7. qu. of the occasion of this feast 8. qu. who commanded the vessells of the Temple to be brought and how 9. qu. Of Balthazar 's prophaning of the holy vessels 10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise prophane the vessels in laying them vp in his idols temple 11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatrie of the Chaldeans 12. qu. How farre it is lawfull to applie some things to prophane vses 13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall how they were caused 14. qu. whether it were the likenes of an hand onely and seene of Balthazar alone 15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand 16. qu. Why the hand appeared ouer against the candle sticke 17. qu. Of Balthazar 's sudden feare and the manner thereof 18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest 19. qu. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing 20. qu. What Queene it was which came in 21. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazar 's father 22. qu. of the Queenes oration to the king 23. qu. of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene 24. qu. of Belshazars speech vnto Daniel 25. qu. Of Daniels answer to the king and the seuerall parts thereof 26. qu. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speech to the king v. 17. keepe thy rewards to thy selfe 27. qu. why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards 28. qu. why Daniel receiueth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer and refuseth them from Balthazar 29. qu. VVhether Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards v. 29. 30. qu. whether in these words he put to death whom he would v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed 31. qu. Of the writing and interpretation thereof in generall 32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in generall 33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled 34. qu. Of the meaning of the word tekel 35. qu. Of the meaning of the word Pheres 36. qu. Of the tropological that is the morall application of this vision 37. qu. why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes 38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed vpon Daniel 39. qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours 40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before 41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthazar were slaine at that time 42. qu. whether Balthazar were slaine the same night and the citie taken 43. qu. whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon 44. qu. By what meanes Babylon was taken 45. qu. By whom Balthazar was slaine 46. qu. By whom the citie of Babylon was taken 47. qu. who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus and why mention is made onely of Darius 48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war 49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets 50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued 51. qu. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon Questions vpon the sixt chapter of Daniel 1. qu. what Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 2. qu. of the diuers names which Darius had 3. qu. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 4. qu. when Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans 5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed and the reason thereof 6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel beeing a stranger ouer the whole realme v. 3. 7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court 8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose finding no fault at all in Daniel 9. qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel the occasion thereof and iniustice therein 10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians v. 8. 11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise 12. qu. Of Daniels constancie of praying with the circumstances therof 13. qu. How Daniels custome in opening the windows when he praied agreeth with our Sauiours precept Matth. 6. to shut the dores of the chamber in praier 14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward Ierusalem 15. qu. why Daniel praied thrice in a day 16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this