Councell of Nice calling thither the Bishops out of all parts and he calleth this dispatch of the Emperor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a precept or commaund and in the title it is said Theodoret. l. 1. c. 7. Sozom. l. 1. c. 16. That he enioyned And Theodoret The Emperour saith he not able to compose matters in Alexandria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assembled that great Councell And Sozomen vseth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. he called them together Also the Synod it selfe writing to the Churches Acta Concil Nicaen vol. 1. We say they here assembled by the grace of God and fauour of Constantine our Prince beloued of God c. And likewise writing to the Churches of Aegypt they vse these words By the grace of God and commaundement of the Emperour Socrat. l. 1. c. 5. Gelaz Cyzicen l. 1. Likewise Socrates and Cyzicenus vse the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. he gathered or assembled them together as Eusebius had done before them Neither is there any Father or Historian of the Church which speaketh in other manner Baron an 324. art 131. to 3. Concil Rom. 2. c. 1. And all this done by Constantine after the time that Baronius acknowledgeth him to haue beene a good and a perfect Christian and withall most forward to aduance the Church to wit after his baptisme and a whole yeare after that supposed donation of his What now will he say to this seeing the whole Church hath euer held this for a most holie and lawfull Councell backe againe to his old ward and to his conjectures The Councell of Rome saith he was held one yeare before vnder Syluester ad Traiani Thermas and why not at Lateran if that had beene his owne palace as he said before Constantine and Helena his mother were there present But will this Cardinall stand to this Councell where the Priests of Rome now called Cardinals stood behind the place where the Bishops sat Baron an 324. But to the matter Who dareth to doubt saith he but that Syluester and Constantine at this Councell concluded to call that other afterward at Nice And we aske againe Who dareth to affirme it seeing there is no such thing mentioned in the Councell nor the Arrians there so much as named A silly ghesse as euer was But if Baronius will needs stand to ghesses why may not wee doe the like and say Who doubteth but that it was there accorded that Constantine himselfe should call it seeing that indeed he did call it as all histories record and that without contradiction of any for aught that yet appeareth to the contrarie Yet is not Baronius ashamed to build hereupon as vpon an vndoubted veritie Baron an 325. art 13. sequent And if all faile at least saith he this is sure that Hosius presided there as Legat of the Bishop of Rome Let vs therefore see if he proue his embassage here any better than hee did that other at Alexandria before mentioned Euseb de vita Constant lib. 3. Edi◠Lat. c. 7. Ib. c. 11. Eusebius in the life of Constantine speaketh in this manner He which presided ouer the Imperiall citie meaning the Bishop of Rome was not in this assemblie by reason of his age but his Priests there present supplied his roome Now Victor and Vincentius are named for such in the acts of the Councell but of Hosius who should least of all haue been forgotten there is no mention made to any such effect Why then saith he Athanas Apoleget 1. did Hosius first subscribe before all the rest I answer Because he was principally imployed by the Emperour for the composing of this difference in regard whereof he did the like also in the Councell of Sardica And seeing that Victor and Vincentius wrot in this manner We haue subscribed for the reuerend Syluester our Pope and Bishop Acta Concil Nicaen why did not Hosius the like if he were also his Legat Why subscribed hee in his owne name I Hosius Bishop of Corduba of the Prouince of Spaine doe so beleeue for so we find it euen in the old Roman Code it selfe Baronius replieth out of the title of a certaine Epistle written as he saith from the Councell vnto Syluester by his Legats Baron an 325. art 2. which is nothing else but to presuppose the thing in question the title therefore is this To Syluester the most blessed Pope of old Rome Hosius Bishop of Corduba a Prouince in Spaine and Macarius Bishop of Constantinople and Victor and Vincentius Priests of Rome appointed or ordained by your direction Not to say that this Epistle with that which followeth are both noted in the verie acts of this Councell to be of little credit I aske onely Whether he will haue Macarius also to be one of the Popes Legats and whether that word Direction ought not to be restrained to Victor and Vincentius as Eusebius would haue it But the truth is Baron an 325. art 54. that Baronius when he alledgeth this title leaueth out Macarius to blind his reader and to saue himselfe from this absurditie Last of all if Hosius had been his Legat should not he also haue opened the Councell which yet he did not The Bishop Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. sayth Eusebius which sat vppermost vpon the right hand standing vp made a short speech to the Emperour and rehearsed a certaine hymne to giue thankes to Almightie God and this was Eustathius Bishop of Antioch because the Bishop of Alexandria stood now as a partie against Arrius Fiftly Baronius groweth verie cholericke to see the Bishop of Rome ordered by the sixt Canon of this Councell as the other Bishops of Alexandria Antioch and Ierusalem were he saith That these Canons are mangled and must be corrected by those of Chalcedon And if they were so yet might Baronius put all that he should gaine thereby in his eye and doe himselfe no harme as we haue alreadie shewed against Bellarmine Ruffinus of all the rest sticketh most in his stomacke for bounding the Popes jurisdiction with these words Ruffin l. 1. c. 6. Suburbicariarum Ecclesiarum curam gerat i. That he should take care of the Churches neere about the citie And Baronius telleth vs that Regiones Suburbicariae and Vrbicariae Baron an 324. art 54. in the Imperiall lawes of those times were all one And that Regiones Vrbicariae comprised besides Italie the isle of Sicilie Afrike Aegypt and many other countries Forgetting in his choler that the verie Canon it selfe now in question assigneth Aegypt to the Bishop of Alexandria and consequently not to him of Rome Author for this assertion he hath none nor reason more than this Lib. 14. Cod. Theodos l. 6. tit de Canon frumentar vrbis Roma that these Prouinces were called Vrbicariae which we denie not and the reason may be because they yeelded a yearely reuenew of corne Vrbi to the citie of Rome according to the
others all which were found in the Popes Librarie Now therefore let vs see what answere the Bishops of the East made to those letters of Pope Iulius They tooke sayth Socrates his reproofes in scorne Socrat. lib. 2. c. 11. edit lat Greca cap. 13. and calling a Synod at Antioch by common aduise and consent they returned his imputations backe vpon himselfe with all bitternesse telling him That he was no more to controll them if they thought fit to depriue anie man in their Churches than they intermedled at what time Nouatus was cast out of the Church at Rome Sozomene addeth Sozom. edit lat l. 3. c. 7. Graec. c. 8. That their answere was full of scoffes and threats For sayth he they attributed indeed verie much to the Church of Rome as the mother Citie and schole of pietie and of religion though so it were that their first instructors in Christian religion came vnto them out of the East yet for all this disdained they to be reckoned their inferiors as they who made it not their glorie to excell in pompe and riches but in vertue pietie Socrat. l. 2. edit lat c. 13. Graec. c. 17. and Christian resolution c. offering peace and communion vnto Iulius but still vpon condition that he should put out of his protection those Bishops of theirs which were fled vnto him This answere sayth Socrates much offended Iulius and it seemeth that it wrought vpon him for in his next letter he complaineth onely That they called him not to their Synod whereas before he pretended that they might not call a Councell without his authoritie he alledgeth now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Canon of the Church forbad to impose anie Law vpon the Churches without the aduise of the Bishop of Rome whereas before he pretended a right absolutely to dispose of all which was the thing which moued them to replie that they would not be ordered nor concluded by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By which it appeareth that that answere of Iulius to the Easterne Bishops which we find in the Councels is meerely counterfeit seeing he is there made to speake worse than in the former euen to alledge That in the Councell of Nice there is a Canon which forbiddeth to call a Councell or to condemne anie man without the aduice of the Bishop of Rome though there be there no such word to be found witnesse the Glosse vpon that verie Epistle where he confesseth that there is no such thing there said apertè sed reducibilitèr i. not in plaine tearmes but onely by collection And thus we see how vnder colour of protecting Athanasius the Pope made way to his owne ambition Neither is Baronius his cause anie jot furthered and aduanced all this while He brought in Syluester who good man as he was neuer dreamt of anie such gay clothes attyred like an Emperour as we saw before and now he telleth vs that his successor Marcus began first to giue the Pall to other Bishops Pallium We read sayth he in the life of Marcus Baron an 336. art 62. to 3. that he ordained that the Bishop of Ostia whose office it was to consecrate the Bishop of Rome should at the time of consecration vse a Pall whereupon sayth he non inficias imus we denie not that he gaue him the Pall. Had Baronius beleeued it himselfe he would no doubt haue spoken it more roundly But let that passe this I aske when he sayth That this is the first place where the Pall is mentioned doth he not thereby acknowledge it to be a noueltie When he giueth it to the Bishop of Ostia at Rome gates is it not an argument that he sent it not at that time to the Metropolitans and Archbishops of farther countries Neither indeed is there anie mention made of this weed in all this age nor in manie succeeding ages after neither in the East neither in the West nor yet in Italie it selfe and must we then stand vnto a Legend as to a sufficient proofe For whereas he would proue it out of Isidore Pelusiota Baron an 216. vol. 2. art 15. 16. Isidor Pelusio l. 1. ep 136. a scholer of Chrysostomes it maketh cleane against him for it is there said that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Baronius interpreteth to be Pallium was worne by euerie Bishop in time of celebration and consequently no priuiledge of Metropolitanes or prerogatiue of certaine Bishops much lesse a present to be receiued or a commoditie to be bought for readie money at the Bishop of Rome his warehouse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his words are these The garment which the Bishop weareth vpon his shoulders made of wooll and not of linnen signifieth vnto vs the skin of the lost sheepe which the Lord sought and hauing found him layed him vpon his shoulders For the Bishop bearing a type and figure of Christ must also performe his office So farre is he from deriuing it from the High Priests of the Iewes to appropriat it to the Pope and to such as he for a fauour is pleased to impart it We haue alreadie shewed what maine opposition was made against the attempts of Pope Iulius yet doth Baronius vpon that attempt onely without effect ground an absolute and soueraigne power of the Bishops of Rome in generall He called saith he a Councell at Rome Baron an 340. art 1. sequ requested thereunto by the Arrians themselues who being cast out of the East hoped to find reliefe and succour in the West For answer we say that this was no Generall but a Nationall Councell such as euery Metropolitan might and the Bishops of Alexandria Antioch Hierusalem and Constantinople often did call in their seuerall dioces such as did Athanasius himselfe in this verie cause of Arrius Athanas Apologes 2. But this we affirme that no one of the generall Councels was euer called by other than the Emperour himselfe though at the request of Bishops so oft as cause required An euident argument that there was not at that time anie one Bishop acknowledged as soueraigne ouer all the rest by occasion whereof they were forced to haue recourse to a supreme secular power whensoeuer there was cause for Metropolitans and Patriarchs for the Clergie of sundrie Prouinces for the Bishops of the East and West Churches to assemble and meet together for the ordering of matters in the Church whence also it came to passe that during the space of three hundred yeares vntill the reigne of Constantine we neuer read of any Generall Councell and but of few Nationall yet were there in all that time Bishops of Rome neither during that eclipse of Christian Emperours in the reigne of Iulian could anie Councell be assembled how great soeuer the necessitie of the Church at that time was and yet the Bishops of Rome were at that time growne to some jolitie and began to looke somewhat big vpon the matter and
to affect a soueraignetie ouer the Church of God But be it Iulius assembled a Synod at Rome at the request as well of Athanasius as of the Eusebians his Antagonists what then Was it to judge of the difference betweene them by way of Appeale or was it rather to compose matters betweene them as an indifferent friend The verie words of Athanasius are these The Eusebians sayth he write vnto Iulius and thinking to affray vs request him to call a Synod and himselfe to be Iudge if he would where the Latine Interpreter rendreth it Arbitrator and Baronius vseth the same word Now I would know whether men vse to speake in this manner of a soueraigne Iudge And indeed the Eusebians seeing Athanasius come to Rome drew backe and made Athanasius wait there a whole yeare and a halfe vntill in the end vpon their non apparance Iulius examined the cause of Athanasius and finding him innocent receiued him to the Communion of the Church Neither did Iulius himselfe in the carriage of this businesse vse anie of this absolute or as they tearme it of this coactiue power neither did his proceedings anie whit at all sauor either of the pretended authoritie of a Pope or of the lawfull power of a generall Councell his words are these Though sayth he I haue written alone yet is not this my opinion onely but of all the Italians and Bishops hereabout Whereby it appeareth that this was no generall Councell but onely a Synode within Italie and therefore hath Baronius no colour to conclude from hence a Power in the Pope to call generall Councels Moreouer in his letters to the Easterne Churches he pretendeth nothing but loue vnto them He that wrote vnto you out of loue sayth he should haue beene answered againe in loue But a little after when he attempted to restore the Bishops whom they had deposed they presently assembled in Synod at Antioch where being there present a farre greater number of Orthodox Fathers than of Arrians as Baronius himselfe confesseth by common voice and consent they reproued his insolencie scoffing at him and bidding him to meddle with what he had to doe Here againe Baronius as his manner is beginneth to juggle with vs Baron to 3. an 341. art 56. and to dazzle our eyes by telling vs that this Epistle was written by the Eusebians when as yet it appeareth to haue beene written and sent by the generall consent of all this being no point of faith and doctrine to distract them but onely of Church gouernment Socrates speaking of this Epistle Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. They wrote saith he all by common consent Now of ninetie Bishops there assembled there were not in all aboue thirtie six Eusebians or Arrians and they not willing to acknowledge that name neither So likewise speaketh Sozomen of this Epistle Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. the points whereof what they are alreadie hath beene declared But what saith Iulius to all this doth he alledge for himselfe that either by vertue of his succession to S. Peter or of the Nicene Councell they ought to appeale to Rome no such matter his words are onely these The Fathers of Nice ordained and that not without the counsell of God that the Acts of one Councell should be examined in another whereby there appeareth no greater power giuen to the Bishop of Rome ouer Alexandria than to the Bishop of Alexandria ouer Rome As for the grieuance whereof he complaineth it is onely this that contrarie to the custome they had not written first of all vnto him concerning the difference fallen out in Alexandria to haue his aduice for the composing thereof as being Bishop of the first See as also that manie Synods had beene held in the East concerning points of faith and doctrine without giuing him notice thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrarie to the Rule and Canon of the Church wherein is contained that none might impose anie law vpon the Churches without the aduice of the Bishop of Rome which was but reason considering the place he held But it followeth not therefore either that he alone might make Canons or that they his aduice once heard might not otherwise determine if they saw cause As for those Epistles of Iulius which we find inserted in the bodie of the Councels they speake in a higher straine nothing there but of Appeales to the See of Rome and of reseruations of all greater causes all founded vpon Scriptures Traditions and the Councell of Nice in all which no one word is to be found tending to that purpose But the verie date of Felicianus and Maximianus Consuls giueth them the lye there being no such Consuls names or anie like vnto them to be found in all that age no not in Onuphrius himselfe and which is the greater wonder Baronius himselfe our grand Annalist is ashamed of them Now come we to examine that famous Councell of Sardica which as Baronius and his fellowes thinke and not without some colour and shew of reason much aduanceth the cause of the Bishop of Rome Baron to 3. an 346. art 5. To begin therefore first I aske who called it That Iulius Bishop of Rome sayth Baronius was the first Author thereof appeareth partly by that which hath beene alreadie spoken and partly by Sozomene who seemeth plainely to insinuate as much But what is this to the purpose The question is Who called it and he for answere telleth vs That the Bishop of Rome was the first Author and aduiser of it whereas the one argueth an authoritie the other onely a care which had beene verie little if in that great combustion he would not haue sought some meanes of pacification But how doth Sozomene seeme to insinuate as much Sozom. l. 3. c. 10. his words are these It seemed good in the minds of the Emperours that the Bishops of either part should at a day appointed meet at Sardica a Citie in Illyria now called Triadizza These are the words of solemnitie and absolute authoritie of the Emperours And Socrates speaking of the same Councell sayth Socrat. l. 2. c. 16. Graec. edit c. 20. That the one Emperour requested it by his letters and the other readily accorded thereunto Also the Synodall Epistle of the Fathers there assembled reported by Theodoret speaketh in this manner The Emperours beloued of God haue assembled vs out of diuers prouinces and countries Theodoret. l. 2. c. 8. and haue giuen vs leaue to hold this holie Synod in this Citie of Sardica And Athanasius a man of all others most interessed in this Councell Athanas Apolog 2. Balsamon in praefat Synod Sardicens By the commaund sayth he of the most religious Emperours Constans and Constantius c. And Balsamon in his preface to this Councell By the commaundement sayth he of these two brothers were assembled 341 Bishops at Sardica And now tell me what are become of Baronius his ghesses Likewise Liberius himselfe successor vnto Iulius sent Lucifer a
and I will quickly make my selfe a Christian And that in Tertullians time also the Pagans were wont causlesly to blame the prodigalitie of the Christians You accuse saith Tertullian Tertul. Apoleget 39. our poore suppers of prodigalitie as if that saying of Diogenes might well fit vs The Megarenses feast to day as if they should dye to morrow And what of all this for were those Caenulae those little banquets which Tertullian speaketh of and these profuse feasts mentioned in Marcellinus all one And for whom were those suppers which Tertullian speaketh of prouided for euen poore and indigent people not for Consuls and Gouernours as Baronius reporteth And is not this falsely to alledge Authors But let vs see what Hierosme himselfe saith concerning these times OPPOSITION Hieron ad Marcell viduam Hierosme maketh Paula and Eustochium to write vnto Marcella in these words Read say they the Apocalyps of Saint Iohn and marke what is there said of the woman clothed in scarlet of blasphemies written in her forhead of the seuen mountaines c. There no doubt is the holie Church there are the trophies of the Apostles and Martyrs there is the confession of Iesus Christ But there is also saith he ambition and tyrannie which keepe men backe from doing good And in another place Luxurie of the bellie and of the throat seeke to ouerthrow the power of the Crosse And to the end that no man may say that he spake this of the Citie not of the Church of Rome in his Preface to that booke of Dydimus of the Holie Ghost hee expoundeth himselfe When I liued saith he in Babylon an inhabitant of that purple Whore liuing after the lawes and customes of the citizens of Rome I had a determination to write somewhat of the Holie Ghost and to dedicate the treatise to the Bishop of that Diocesse And behold that seething pot which Ieremie saw looking out of the North after the rod of the Almond tree began to boyle and the Senat of the Pharisies to crie out together neither was there so meane ascribe of that whole faction of ignorance who did not eagrely conspire against me As soone therefore as I was returned to Ierusalem as out of banishment and after that cottage of Romulus and those Lupercall sports saw againe that Inne of Marie and the caue of our Lord and Sauiour c. In these words therefore what doth he call Babel but the Clergie it selfe of Rome That Senat growne alreadie Pharasaicall and a verie faction and league of ignorance And now tell me whether he goeth not farther in this testimonie than Marcellinus doth As for the preheminence of Bishops according to the greatnesse of the cities If there be question saith he to Euagrius Orbis maior est vrbe Hieron in Epist ad Euagr. of authoritie the world is greater than the citie so called they Rome why doest thou then enthrall the whole Church to a few men And whence commeth this presumption For wheresoeuer there is a Bishop whether at Rome or at Eugubium whether at Constantinople or at Rhegium marke how he confoundeth the greater cities with the lesser he is of the same dignitie and Priesthood Riches and pouertie make not one lesse or greater than another for they are all successors of the Apostles And so are these words inserted into the decree And speaking in another place of Bishops in generall Hieron in Epist ad Heliodo to 1 It is no easie matter saith he to stand in the place of Paul and to maintaine the dignitie of Peter that is to be a Bishop reckoning all Bishops to be successors of Paul and Peter Basil Epist 55. speaking in the same sence in which Saint Basil spake when he said That Ambrose was called to the Apostolicall gouernement when hee was made Bishop of Milan And doe you thinke that this holie Father Basil can passe ouer with silence the pride of Rome or if he happily let flie some words shall we therefore condemne him as a Pagan So it was that in those lamentable combustions of the East he thought to haue found some comfort in the West but he quickly found himselfe in an errour For if the anger of God saith he continue still vpon vs what comfort will the pride of the West affoord vs who neither doe know neither yet will haue the patience to be rightly informed of the truth of things as lately appeared in the case of Marcellus being euer prepossessed with vaine surmises and idle iealousies For my owne part I was once minded to haue written a priuat letter to their Captaine meaning Damasus not concerning any Church affaires Coryphaeo Basil Epist 10. but onely to let him vnderstand That they neither rightly vnderstood the state of our cause nor tooke the course to bee duely informed of it In briefe That they ought not to bruise a broken reed nor oppresse those who were alreadie humbled by affliction nor yet reckon their pompe for honour seeing that that verie sinne is ynough alone to set a man at enmitie with God And this he wrot to that great personage Eusebius Samosatenus who carried on with an incredible zeale ran from countrey to countrey seeking to repaire the decayes and ruines of the Church whilest Athanasius and Basil trauelled in the East opposing themselues against the Arrians and praying in aid from the Churches of the West and from Damasus himselfe who hand in bosome lightly regarded them conceiting out of hare-brained humor which proceeded from his pride that Basil himselfe was an heretike and therefore would not forsooth vouchsafe him an answer Whereupon Basil and his fellowes sent letters to the Bishops of the West by name to those of Italie and France It being impossible say they Basil Epist 70. that they should be ignorant of our miserable estate so well knowne throughout the world and yet they receiued no comfort from them And farther they requested them not Damasus to joyne with them for the procuring of a lawfull and free Synod After this they redoubled their letters Idem Epist 78. coniuring them to informe the Emperour of these troubles in the East from whom and not from Damasus they hoped for redresse And by a third dispatch sent by Dorotheus a Priest Basil reproacheth them for their want of charitie in not daining to visit and to comfort them in their afflictions offering if any imputation lay vpon him to cleere himselfe when and wheresoeuer they should appoint him At last in a fourth letter he breaketh forth into these tearmes We haue saith he venerable brethren set our eyes vpon you Basil Epist in Addition Ep. 1. but our hope hath proued vaine so that we may now sing I haue looked for one that would sorrow with me but no man came vnto me for one to comfort me but I found none for our afflictions are such as that they which dwell euen in the vtmost borders of the West should in duetie ere this haue
which the Author himselfe attributeth vnto all The like care sayth he did Alexander the Bishop take in Antioch being the first which caused his name to be registred in the writings of the Church which is true But Baronius addeth that he did it at the instance and request of Innocentius hauing no other argument for this assertion but this that Innocent wrote a letter to him for as touching anie such matter Theodoret speaketh not a word 8. PROGRESSION Of the attempts of Innocentius and Syricius vpon the Churches of Spaine and Afrike THe Bishops of Rome finding no passage open to their intended Supremacie through the constancie of the Easterne Church bent their course backe vpon the West especially vpon Africke where they thought to meet with lesse opposition To. 1. Concil Damasus had alreadie broken the ice vnto them as appeareth by that Epistle of his written to Stephanus Bishop of Mauritania wherein hee qualifieth the Church of Rome with the title of the Firmament of all Bishops and Top of all other Churches emboldened no doubt thereunto by letters sent before that time vnto him from the said Stephanus who complained that certaine Bishops had bin deposed in Africke adding that this was so done notwithstanding they all knew well ynough Ibid. That censures of Bishops and all other Church causes of moment ought to be reserued to the audience of the Bishop of Rome whom he there tearmeth The Father of Fathers being of the verie brood and ofspring of those rebell Bishop of Africke of whom Saint Cyprian complained in his dayes who being reproued and censured for their faults would presently crosse the seas and run to Rome for Sanctuarie All which to be vnderstood with this condition If those decretall Epistles inserted among the Councels ought to haue any credit which as wee haue alreadie said the more learned sort reiect as counterfeit vntill the time of Pope Syricius who now entreth vpon the stage And indeed the old Roman Code leaueth them all out vntill the time of this Syricius This Syricius about the yeare 386 An. 386. in his first Epistle to Himerius Bishop of Arragon is verie quicke and saith That it is not lawfull for any Priest of the Lord to be ignorant of the decrees and statutes of the See Apostolike and therefore requesteth him to make knowne such ordinances and decrees as he shall send vnto him not onely to those of his owne Diocesse but also to those of Carthagena Andalusia Portugall Galeace and others that is in effect to all the Prouinces of Spaine Which could not saith he but hee glorious vnto him which was a Priest of so long continuance Pro antiquitate sacerdotij sui purposing to vse the ambitious humor of this Prelat onely to make himselfe and the authoritie of his See great in Spaine And in his fourth Epistle to the Bishops of Africke he goeth a step farther and telleth them That without the priuitie of the See Apostolike that is to say of the Primat none might presume to ordaine a Bishop And this word Primat some interpret for the Bishop of Rome in regard of the claime which was made vnto the Primacie not long before by Damasus and these late presumptions of Syricius himselfe in his first Epistle the rather because it is improbable that hee would impart this title of The See Apostolike to any saue onely to the See of Rome OPPOSITION Concil Carth. 2. ca. 12. The Africanes therefore assembled vpon this occasion a second Councell at Carthage in the time of this Syricius where they decreed in this manner It seemed good vnto all that without the leaue of the Primat of euerie Prouince no man hereafter presume in what place soeuer to ordaine any Bishop without any reference at all to the Bishop of Rome But say they if necessitie so require any three Bishops by order from the Primat may consecrate a Bishop And it is to be noted That in this verie Canon they call the chaire of the Metropolitan the First Chaire or Chiefe See and that Gratian inserting this Canon in his booke of Decrees Distinct 64. C. extra conscientiam 5. followed the intent of this Councell of Carthage and not of Syricius referring it to the Metropolitan Bishop not to the Apostolike See though he falsely report it vnder the name of Innocent And in the yeare 397 An. 397. the third Councell of Carthage went a little farther Syricius at that time also sitting Pope and decreed That the Bishop of the first See should not be called the Prince or Chiefe of Priests Concil Carthag 3. ca. 26. or High Priest or by any other such name but onely The Bishop of the first See As for the name of Vniuersall Bishop that the Bishop of Rome it selfe should not bee called by that name Which last words are also in Gratian though now Distinct 99. ca. primae sedis 3. through the good order which of later times hath beene taken in these matters they are no longer to be found in the Councell it selfe A thing not to be forgotten for it was fit that all these things should meet and march together Corruption of doctrine as well as of discipline and that Syricius should be the man who should first establish the forbiddance of Priests mariages though by generall consent reiected in the Councell of Nice and not receiued for six hundred yeares after in the West doe what his successors could doe Bringing in also the the commemoration of Saints into the Liturgie and daily seruice of the Church in imitation perhaps of that Carmen Saliare vsed heretofore among the Romans wherein the names of all their gods werewith much solemnitie rehearsed For that was the disease of that age to fashion themselues in all points after the rites and ceremonies of the Heathen 9. PROGRESSION Of the decree of Pope Innocent concerning Appeales to Rome IN the yeare 401 came Innocent who would not be so put backe he An. 401. Innocent Epist 2. ad Victric Rothomagens c. 3. in his second Epistle to Victricius Bishop of Roan published this generall decree That the greater causes after that they had beene censured by the Bishop should be referred to the See of Rome as the Synod saith he hath ordained and the laudable vse and custome of the Church requireth Yet haue we hitherto seene the contrarie both in the one and also in the other But he goeth on seeking to practise what he proiected Epist 7. ad Episc Maced vpon the Macedonians and persuading them that he did the like in all other places Let vs therefore now see whether he found any better successe in this his attempt than his predecessors had before him OPPOSITION The question then is as you see about great causes An. 402. In the yeare 402 was held the Mileuitan Councell and after that in the yere 413 another at Carthage An. 413. where no petie causes were in handling but the maine doctrine
of the Church the schisme of Donatus and the heresie of Pelagius where both were condemned and Pelagius concerning whose doctrine Pope Innocent thought fit to suspend his judgement was excommunicated And all this done without consulting the Bishop of Rome onely sentence being alreadie passed he was entreated to joyne his authoritie and voyce with theirs for so goe the words of those Fathers in a letter which they sent vnto him reported by S. Augustine We haue say they Concil Carth. ad Innocent to 1. pa. 469. August Epist 90 by common consent pronounced Pelagius and Caelestius to be excommunicated c. for the amendment if not of them yet of those whom they haue seduced Which done we haue thought good deere brother to signifie so much vnto thee to the end that vnto this ordinance of our mediocritie thou shouldest ioyne the authoritie of the See Apostolike So that here we see a sentence plainely and absolutely giuen and yet vnder these tearmes of humilitie there is no disparagement or inequalitie to be obserued In like sort the Fathers of the Mileuitan Councell Concil Mileuit in Epist ad Innocent to 1. Concil apud August Epist 92. Concil Mileuit c. 3. Seeing say they that the Lord of his speciall grace hath placed thee in that Apostolike See being such a one as that our negligence would be condemned if we should conceale anything from thee which maketh for the good of the Church rather than our feare excused as if we doubted of thy good acceptance we therefore entreat thee to vse thy Pastorall care and diligence in these so great perils and dangers of the members of Christ c. Their meaning was that hee should doe in these cases of heresie within the limits of his jurisdiction in the West as they had alreadie done in the East But when they saw that vpon their round dealing with them in the East he was the rather inclined to absolue them in the West they made short worke and passed this decree in full Synod Whosoeuer shall say that the grace of God in which we are iustified by Iesus Christ is auailable onely for the remission of sinnes past and that it is no helpe to vs against sinne hereafter let him bee Anathema And thereupon adde they farther This errour and impietie which hath euerie where so many followers and abettors ought also to be Anathematised and condemned by the See Apostolike As if they should haue said It is high time Innocent that now you shew your selfe and doe your duetie All which Innocent as one not willing to breake with them passed ouer and seemed not to vnderstand but as if they had fled to him as to their superiour frameth them an answer onely to futher his owne ambition Apud August Epist 90. to 1 Concil apud August Epist 91 You haue saith he well obserued the ordinances of the ancient Fathers and not troden vnder foot that which they not in humane wisedome but by diuine order haue established namely that whatsoeuer is done in places though neuer so remote should for finall conclusion be referred to the audience of the See of Rome And againe You haue Apud August Epist 92. saith he had due regard of the Apostolike honour I say of him which hath the charge and care of all other Churches in asking aduise of him in these perplexities and intricate causes Following herein the ancient Canon which you as well as my selfe know to haue beene obserued in all the world And where I pray you good Innocent and when was it so obserued for saw you not the contrarie in Afrike it selfe and in these two last Councels practised But let vs see whether they vse him any better in his matter of Appeales The Fathers of the Mileuitan Councell spake plainely Concil Mileuit Can. 22. It hath beene say they thought fit in the case of Priests Deacons and other inferiour Clergie men if in their causes they complaine of the wrongfull iudgement of the Bishop that then the next adioyning Bishops shall heare and end their cause by the consent of their owne Bishop And if they thinke fit to appeale from them also yet that they appeale not but onely to the Councels of Afrike or to the Primate of the Prouince But if any shall presume to appeale beyond the seas that no man presume to receiue that man to his communion And it is verie probable that the like decrees were made in other Churches of the West howsoeuer Gratian 2. q. 6. c. 35. to saue the Popes jurisdiction addeth these words Vnlesse saith he they appeale to the See of Rome whereas it was properly against that See that they raised this countermure and bulwarke of defence Bellarmine yet goeth more finely to worke and saith That this Canon concerneth only the inferior Orders But the Canon next precedent which properly prouideth for the cases of Bishops is linked with this as wel in reason as in order the conclusion is general Whosoeuer shall offer to appeale beyond the sea c. without any distinction betweene Priest and Bishop Concil Carthag apud Balsam Can. 31. ex Concil African and in the margent there is noted this diuers lection Aliàs That they appeale not beyond the sea but to the Primates of their Prouinces as it hath often beene ordained in case of Bishops and so are all sorts of Clergie men comprised And in like manner is this Canon read in the Greeke copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And to conclude this point we may not forget that Saint Augustine himselfe was present at this Councell All these things standing as they doe let vs now see what arguments Baronius hence draweth to the preiudice of the Churches of Spaine and Afrike in fauour of the Pope And first saith he in the third Councell of Carthage Baron to 5. an 497. art 55. can 48. it is decreed That concerning the baptisme of the Donatists Syricius Bishop of Rome and Simplicianus of Milan should be consulted The one saith he as head of the Church the other for the worthinesse of his person whereas the Fathers themselues make no such difference but say they we haue thought good to consult our brethren and fellow Priests Syricius and Simplicianus and no maruell seeing that Aurelius Bishop of Carthage wanting fit ministers to furnish his Churches wrot ioyntly to Anastasius Bishop of Rome and to Venerius Bishop of Milan to supplie his want calling them Holie Brethren Secondly Concil Carthag 3. ca. 26. Distinct 99. ca. primae sedis he taketh on because we alledge the Canon Primae sedis That the Bishop of the first See should not be called Prince or the Chiefe of Priests or High Priest or by any such like name And I would know whether these are not the verie words of the Canon it selfe or are they not so reported by Gratian in the Decrees Yea but he wil not that we should extend them to Rome especially
those last words viz. Baron an 397. to 5. art 48. That the Bishop of Rome himselfe shall not be called the Vniuersall Bishop For what likelihood saith he that Afrike would presume to prescribe titles to the Bishop of Rome adding farther That out of doubt they are Gratians owne words and that they are not found in the Canon it selfe which he alledgeth Nay rather say we seeing that they are in Gratian Concil Carthag prouincial 4 in Praesat Concil African who will warrant vs their honestie and that they themselues are not the men which haue torne it out of the Councels And why is it vnlikely that those poore Africans should vse those words more than these which they cannot denie That no man should appeale beyond the sea that is to Rome For though it be true Concil Carthag can 33. that these Africans could not as Baronius saith dispose of what was done at Rome yet might they wel take order against his vsurpation and encroaching vpon their Church and liberties at home and cause that no man there should attribute to him those titles of insolencie and ambition Thirdly because Aurelius Bishop of Carthage Baron to 5. an 401. art 9. at the opening of the Councell of Carthage caused a certaine letter of Anastasius to be there openly read wherein he forewarned them to beware of the cunning sleights of the Donatists he therefore concludeth That this Councell was assembled and held by order from Anastasius and that Aurelius acknowledgeth him for no lesse than a Father and consequently for a Head But why did he not rather obserue that he calleth him also Brother and fellow Priest must his aduise giuen be induced to proue his mastership The Synod of Afrike in the yeare 407 seeing a fell contention risen betweene Innocentius of Rome and Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria made a decree in manner following It seemeth good to vs Concil Afric 68. that as touching the dissention now fallen betweene the two Churches of Rome and Alexandria we write to the holie Father Innocentius to admonish him that either Church keepe that peace which the Lord commaunded Shall now this brotherlie admonition of theirs be interpreted to proceed from a right of jurisdiction or of soueraigne commaund Fourthly in the cause of the Priscillianists of Spaine Such as were fallen saith the Councell of Toledo if they come to penance shall not be receiued vnlesse the See Apostolike write in their behalfe And thereby saith he you may plainely perceiue Acta Concil 1. Tolet. Baron an 405. art 52. vol. 5. that no man might communicat with one which had fallen vnlesse the See of Rome had first approued of his reduction and communicated with him But why should he put vs to read the acts of this Councell seeing that he himselfe in other cases refuseth to admit of them They tell vs indeed That the Churches of Spaine much infested with this heresie sent to be aduised by Saint Ambrose and that they gouerned themselues by his directions which he denieth not but saith that Ambrose himselfe medled not but by expresse order from Syricius for saith he the words are We had great patience hoping that according to the letters of Saint Ambrose of blessed memorie if we condemned that which they had done amisse and observed the condition specified in his letters they would returne to peace Added hereunto what Syricius of blessed memorie had aduised vs to doe And must then this accessarie carrie with it the principal or this Parenthesis be interpreted for a Commission directed to S. Ambrose Let them rather take the paines and read a little farther where they shall find it said in this manner Concil Taurin can 5. We expect say they what the Pope and Simplician Bishop of Milan and other Bishops of the Churches will write in answer to our letters much after the manner of the Councell of Turin in the same cause Aut Romanae Ecclesiae Sacerdotis According say they to the letters of the venerable Bishop Ambrose or of the Priest of the Church of Rome What would or rather what would not Baronius say if he had the like aduantage 10. PROGRESSION Pope Zozimus seeketh to draw all causes to Rome by vertue of a Canon of the Nicene Councell BVt Zozimus successor vnto Innocent would not be so answered wherefore at the sixt Councell of Carthage An. 417. which was held the yeare 417 and where were assembled 227 Bishops of Afrike whereupon also Saint Augustine calleth it a full and a grand Councell Zozimus sent thither Faustus Bishop of Potentia Plenarium Concilium August Ep. 47. Ep. Concil African ad Bonifac. in to 1. Concil pa. 519. a. Faustin in Commonit ad Can. 1. Synod Carchag apud Balsam ex editio Herueti pag. 305. and Philippus and Asellus Priests of Rome qualified as Legats from him to require in precise tearmes That the Bishops of Afrike should appeale to the Bishop of Rome which matter they proposed to the Councell in these words Those who in the Nicene Synod gaue their sentence concerning the Appeales of Bishops said in this manner If a Bishop shall be accused and the Bishops of his owne Prouince shall therevpon condemne and degrade him and if he thinke fit to appeale and thereupon flie to the most holie Bishop of Rome and he be pleased to haue a new hearing and examination of the cause the said Bishop of Rome shall be pleased to write to certaine Bishops next adioyning to the end that they may informe themselues aright of the cause and then do as reason and equitie shall require Wherefore if any be desirous to haue his cause new heard and by way of request shall moue the Bishop of Rome to send his Legat à Latere that it be at his pleasure to doe what he will and as he in his iudgement shall thinke fittest to bee done OPPOSITION Ibid. This matter so proposed by the Legats Alyppius Bishop of Theagast protesting openly That he intended to hold himselfe in all poynts to the Nicene Councell began to make question of this pretended Canon We haue saith he alreadie promised to maintaine the Canons of the Nicene Councell but this is that which troubleth me that when we come to consult the Greeke copies I know not how it should come to passe but we find no such Canon there In Can. 135. sub fin And againe We haue seene diuers copies and yet could neuer find this Canon in any of them no not in the Roman copies neither yet in the Greeke copies sent vnto vs from the Apostolicall Sees Whereupon Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and President of that Councell notwithstanding that the Popes Legats were there present pronounced That they would forthwith dispatch messengers and letters to the Bishops of Constantinople Alexandria and Antioch with request That they would be pleased to transmit vnto them the acts of the Nicene Councell fast closed and sealed vp thereby to take
had long since aspired vnto a secular kind of soueraigntie and power where the Latine interpreter hath put in Quasi which word is not in the Greeke it selfe Adde hereunto That in those dayes all the Patriarchall Churches were equally called Apostolicall and not the Church of Rome alone Sozom. l. 1. c. 16. edit Graec. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Sozomene speaking of the first generall Councell of Nice In this Synod saith he were present for Apostolicall Sees Macarius Bishop of Ierusalem Eustachius of Antioch Alexander of Alexandria but Iulius Bishop of Rome was absent by reason of his age ranking Iulius in the same order and degree with the rest In which sence the Bishops of the East as Theodoret reporteth writing to Pope Damasus Theodoret. li. 5. ca. 9. call Antioch the most ancient and truely Apostolicall Church and that of Ierusalem they tearme the Mother of all Churches So likewise Ruffine Ruffin li. 2. c. 1. though himselfe a member of the Westerne Church as being a Priest in Aquileia In the citie of Rome saith he Syricius succeeding vnto Damasus and Timotheus in Alexandria vnto Peter and after Timotheus came Theophilus and Iohn in Ierusalem after Cyril restored the Apostolicall Churches And therefore this vsurpation of the Bishop of Rome proceedeth from the diuell and from none other Neither doe wee in all this age find any trace of that pretended donation of Constantine but rather we light vpon many arguments to proue the contrarie witnesse the verie production of the Instrument and the Vatican it selfe And for further proofe when by reason of the schisme between Boniface the first and Eulalius contending together for the Popedome Symmachus gouernour of the citie wrot vnto the Emperour Honorius he saith in this manner Baron vol. 5. an 418. art 81. sequent Absoluta iussione Idem an 419. art 2. 3. That since the knowledge of these matters belonged to him he thought fit to consult his Maiestie out of hand who thereupon rightly informed or not I will not say by his absolute command gaue order That Boniface should presently voyd the place and if hee obeyed not that forthwith he should be cast forth by force And when a little after for his more due information he had assembled a Synod out of diuers Prouinces To the end saith he that the cause being debated to the full in our presence Ib. art 10. sequent may receiue a finall and absolute decision And thereupon he sent for Paulinus Bishop of Nola a man at that time much respected for his sanctitie of life and wrot to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and sent for Italians French Africans and others Ib. art 15. and in the meane time prouided the Church of Rome of a Bishop namely Achillaeus Bishop of Spoleto to the end the people of Rome might not be vnprouided of a Bishop at the feast of Easter Commanding the Church of Lateran to be set open to him and to none other And when Eulalius offered contrary to the Emperors command to intrude himselfe into the citie the Emperour by the aduise of the Bishops there assembled gaue sentence in fauour of Boniface commanding Symmachus the Gouernor to receiue him into the citie which he did accordingly with these words Your Maiestie hath confirmed his Priesthood Statutis coelestibus per me publicatis edictis de more positis c. And when I published your Edict euerie man reioyced thereat And to conclude Boniface falling sicke to preuent the like inconuenience against hereafter wrot to Honorius to prouide by his authoritie that the Popedome might no more be carried by plots and canuasses The Epistle it selfe in the Councels bearing this Title Supplicatio Papae Bonifacij and being ful of these and the like clauses God hath giuen you the regiment of worldlie things and the Priesthood vnto me You haue the gouernment of worldlie matters and therefore wee were worthie to be blamed if what was heretofore obserued vnder Heathen Princes should not now be obserued vnder your glorie c. Vnder your raigne my people hath beene much encreased which now is yours Neither doth the Emperour put this from him as a thing not properly belonging to him But let the Clergie saith he know that if God shall otherwise dispose of you they must refraine all secret plots and practises and if it fall out through their factions that two be named let them likewise know that neither of them shall sit Bishop but he which in a new election shall be by generall consent chosen If therefore the Bishop of Rome had beene at that time Temporall Lord of that citie and territorie thereunto adioining would he haue vsed these kinds of language Neither was it farre from this time that Synesius Bishop of Ptolemais in his 57 Epistle Synes li. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To couple the ciuile power saith he with the Priesthood is to ioyne those things which will not hold together they busie themselues in worldlie causes whereas we were appointed onely for our prayers 11. PROGRESSION Of the Pretence which Pope Leo the first made vnto the Primacie An. 450. Leo. 1. in Anniuersar de Assumpt Serm. 2. 3. ABout the yeare 450 Leo the first would not giue ouer his pretence vnto the Primacie and therefore tooke for a ground those words of our Sauiour Tu es Petrus For saith he Peter is here called a stone or foundation c. and all his power was in his See there his authoritie was principally seene c. He is the Primat of all Bishops c. Whatsoeuer Christ bestowed on the rest he bestowed it by his meanes c. all which we read in those his sermons which he preached among the townesmen of Rome Idem Epist 8. ad Flauia Constantinop And farther he challengeth Flauian Bishop of Constantinople for that he had not first aduertised him of the state of Eutiches cause taking occasion therevpon to doubt of the lawfulnesse of his excommunication and would faine haue persuaded Flauian that he had done much wrong to him and to Eutyches both in not giuing way to the appeale which Eutyches had put in to the See of Rome Idem Epist 89. ad Episc per Viennens prouinc constitut This same Leo also complaineth to the Bishops of Viennois in France That one Hilarie Bishop of Arles tooke vpon him to install and to depose Bishops without his priuitie which he tearmeth to be no lesse than à Petri soliditate deficere to fall away from the soliditie of Peter whom saith he our Lord associated to himself in the indiuiduall vnitie and commaunded him to be called as himselfe was called And yet in the end he flattereth our Bishops of France willing them to remember that their auncestors oftentimes were pleased to consult the Seo Apostolike seeking by these sugred words to make them swallow the bitter pill of his tyrannous Supremacie and branding Hilarie with the name of a
would proue vnto vs that Leo disposed absolutely of all matters in France Baron an 445. art 9. vol. 6. For saith he vpon the difference which fell betweene the two Bishops of Vienna and Arles by petition made vnto Valentinian the Emperour he obtained that famous Rescript directed to Aetius Lieutenant Generall for the Emperour in Fraunce It is true and the Historie saith as much that the Emperours of that age growing weake in the reines vsed all meanes possible to hold in with the Bishops of Rome But what are the words themselues of that Rescript namely these Nouell Valentin post Codic Theodos tit 24. de Episco ordin That no man presume or attempt to doe anie vnlawfull act against the authoritie of this See Item that he shall be beleeued concerning this variance now in question Item that whatsoeuer the Pope of the eternall Citie of Rome shall decree in this case shall be taken reputed and held as a law I could wish that this man would but remember a saying of his owne so often reiterated by him and with so vehement exclamations O how dangerous a thing is it for Princes to meddle with matters of the Church Jdem an 448. art 47. for they wrest them to their owne purposes which words he vseth of this verie Emperour Valentinian But I wonder that he obserueth not in this verie Rescript that the Emperour there testifieth that these pretended successors of S. Peter held their prerogatiues from the dignitie of their Citie from the bountie and liberalitie of the Emperors from custome and not from anie ordinance of God where he saith That the worthinesse and deserts of S. Peter the glorie of the Citie and the authoritie of the Synod haue established this Primacie of the Popes Of what Synod saue onely as they made him to beleeue of that of Nice Now if the law of God ordained it what needed the honour and dignitie of the Citie But his words are plaine where he willeth them to obserue in all points what the Fathers haue granted to the Church of Rome But in doubts and questions of this nature I would know who is most to be credited Valentinian or Hilarie Hilarie I say who as Baronius confesseth was the first which subscribed to the Councell of Orange an inward companion of Prosper Gennad de Script Eccles c. 69. and the scourge of the Pelagians which were in France a man commended in the writings of Antiquitie for his zeale charitie and learning so much honoured by Prosper and one which deserued to haue his life written and published by S. Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles reckoned in the number of Saints Martyrolog Roma 5. Maij. euen in the Martyrologie of Rome it selfe and to conclude so much renowmed in the Histories of the Lumbards for opposing himselfe against this Leo which yet in all probabilitie so good a man would not haue done had not Leo passed those bounds which the lawes and customes of the Churches had prescribed to him Thirdly Baronius extendeth this omnipotencie of Leo as farre as Spaine for saith he he assembled there a Generall Councell of all those prouinces For the clearing whereof we must obserue that when Turibius a Bishop of Asturia who had in times past beene his Notarie consulted him concerning the Heresie of the Priscillianists which much infested the Churches in Spaine as the Popes wits euer serued them to take all occasions at the first bound if they made for their purpose Leo returned him an answere in all choise and select tearmes of aduantage which could be deuised interpreting this consultation of theirs for an argument of their subjection and in stead of counsell which the other requested layed his commaundements vpon him Leo. ep 93. c. 17. Let there be saith he a Synod of Bishops called amongst you which words may seeme to proceed onely from aduise and counsell but a little lower in that Epistle We haue written saith he to the Bishops of Arragon of Cartagena and of Portugall ijsque Concilium Synodi Generalis indiximus i. and haue commanded them or as Baronius rendreth it haue inioyned them to call a Synod although a Latinist would peraduenture say that it should be written Consilium Synodi and not Concilium as if he had giuen them aduice and counsell onely to call a Generall Synod for what can Concilium Synodi be seeing that these two words signifie one and the selfesame thing But this is not all for the first Councell of Bracara which he alledgeth as held vnder Honorius the first about some 180 yeares after teacheth vs that euen at that time the calling of Synods belonged to Kings Concil Baracaren ian praefat and not to Bishops We say they here assembled by the commaundement of King Aremirus who hath licenced vs by his royall commandement c. Shall we thinke that the Popes would in that meane time haue lost their priuiledge or may we not rather beleeue that it was onely a counsell and not a commaund for such requested and for such accepted by them Fourthly Flauian Bishop of Constantinople in a certaine Councell of Bishops of his jurisdiction degraded Eutyches from his Priesthood Epist Flauia ad Leon. post ep 8. and depriued him of his Church by occasion of his Heresie hauing so done he aduertised Leo thereof to the end that he should shun him in his Church This brotherlie office Baronius interpreteth for a seruitude Knowing well saith he that to this first See it appertained of right to take knowledge of such Heresies as should arise Baron vol. 6. an 448. art 53. whereas the words of Flauian shew sufficiently that that care was cared for alreadie Epist Flauia post epist 9. We haue giuen you to vnderstand saith he by our letters that we haue vnpriested him and haue giuen order that he be no more receiued in the Monasteries and haue excluded him from our Communion Which sheweth that the blow was alreadie giuen without expecting anie aduice from Rome To what purpose then may some man say serued his aduertisement his words declare That your Holinesse saith he knowing what hath beene done in his case may informe the rest of your Bishops of his impietie for feare least anie through ignorance of his opinion should communicate with him taking him to be Orthodox As if he should haue said We haue discouered his venome and do aduertise you thereof that you may take heed And who can say that this is to request ratification or rather to acknowledge it as due without contradiction as Baronius falsely seeketh to persuade vs Fifthly it is to be noted that Eutyches old fox as he was fell in first with Leo and knowing his humor told him That he had appealed vnto him but that Flauian would not giue way thereunto Whereupon Baronius inferreth that such Appeales were ordinarie and vsuall in those times and yet hitherto we find not one True it is that in the second Councell of Constantinople
which ensued shortly after Leo made instant suit for it and was earnest to see the Acts where he found it thus written Constantine a reuerend Deacon sayth Extant in Concil Chalced. Act. 1. Eutyches when his condemnation was read vnto him appealed to the Councell of the Bishops of Rome of Egypt and of Ierusalem and of Thessalonica I would aske now Whether this Appeale seemeth to haue beene made to the Bishop of Rome or to a Generall Councell and it followeth Florens said The assemblie being broken vp in the middest of the prease he told me in my eare that he appealed to the Councell of Rome of Egypt and of Ierusalem Basil Bishop of Seleucia addeth farther Eutyches the Abbot while the companie was yet sitting said That if the Fathers of Rome and of Alexandria should tell him that he ought to confesse that there were two natures in Christ inseperable though not confounded no not after the vnion then he will confesse it but he spake not these words by way of Appeale But this is it which I would know Whether by vertue of this surmised Appeale the Bishop of Alexandria might not also take as much vpon him and yet Leo himselfe as he confesseth in his Epistles was almost surprised by this stratageme Sixtly Theodosius the Emperour by occasion of this trouble in the Church assembled another Councell at Ephesus he called thither Leo Bishop of Rome Vol. 6. an 449. art 65 66 67 68. Knowing well saith Baronius that a Generall Councell could not be assembled without his authoritie a thing saith he deepely to be grauen in the readers memorie But now what proofe Leo saith he in the beginning of his Epistle to the Synod of Ephesus telleth them in this manner The religious Emperour hath yeelded this respect and reuerence to the diuine ordinances to vse the authoritie of the Apostolike See for the bringing of his holie intents and purposes to passe All which I confesse was fit and requisit to be done but is there no difference whether the Emperour call Leo to the Councell or Leo him or whether the Emperor by his authoritie call a Councell And he addeth these words As if the Emperor had beene desirous to have that now declared by Peter himselfe which was once so highly commended in his confession and thereupon he falleth to ruffling with his Tu es Petrus as if these words had beene spoken not by Leo but by the Emperor himselfe But see the frothinesse and vanitie of this man who neuer considereth that this verie Theodosius wrot in like manner to Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria and to all other Bishops threatning them That for default in appearance they should not be held excused either before God or him In Concil Chalced art 1. because no man could now absent himselfe but such as was wounded with a guiltie conscience Neither doth he regard that the Emperor was purposed to make Dioscorus himselfe President of that Councell We saith the Emperour according to the Canons of the holie Fathers do giue and grant vnto him the authoritie and Primacie c. The reason was because he thought as well he might that the Bishop of Rome would not be there in person no more than he had beene in the former Synods and held Flauian Bishop of Constantinople as a partie in this quarrell Wherein saith Baronius the Emperor vsurped the authoritie of the Pope seeing that Hosius presided in the Councell of Nice and Cyrill at Ephesus both of them as Legats from the Pope All which are meere surmises and as we call them demands of Principals Petitio principij taking those things for granted which are principally in question and most contradicted But where was shame when he aduentured thus to abuse vnto his owne purpose the graue and religious proceedings of the Emperor in this Councell Seuenthly in this Councell which was no doubt packed in fauour of Eutyches the Popes Legats were by Eutyches chalenged and refused as partakers with Flauian Bishop of Constantinople Whereby Leo first began to haue his eyes opened and to perceiue the tricke that Eutyches had put vpon him And Flauian himselfe was there condemned and degraded as a man set vpon by a companie of rogues and theeues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and therefore was this Councell afterward called an Assemblie of Theeues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this extremitie Flauian Appealed from them and this is the first place where we read this word vsed properly and as a tearme of law And hereupon Baronius groundeth himselfe Liberat. in Breuia c. 12. and saith That he Appealed to the Bishop of Rome and voucheth for his author Liberatus Archdeacon of Carthage who saith That hee Appealed in writing to the See Apostolike an author whose estimation Baronius himselfe hath cried downe in so many places Adde hereunto That the Councell of Chalcedon wherein the acts of this Synod are repeated reporteth That he said onely Appello à te i. I Appeale from thee without specifying to whom And Hilarie a Deacon of the Roman Church saith onely That vpon the sentence giuen contradicitur that is It was gainsaid meaning that he appealed from that roguish companie to a more lawful Synod which he entreated Leo to obtaine of the Emperour for the justifying both of his cause and person And to speake a troth there was none other now left to whom he might addresse himselfe the Bishops of Alexandria and Ierusalem being his professed enemies and he of Antioch deposed Now what became of this appeale no man can tell for as one mischiefe lightly commeth not without a fellow Flauian was outragiously beaten and shortly after partly of griefe partly of his wounds dyed And euen such was that Appeale also of Theodoret vnheard and yet condemned who in his Epistle to Leo vseth these words Helpe me saith he who do Appeale vnto your Holinesse and command me to appeare before you that I may yeeld an account of my faith vnto you Now whether he spake this properly and as a tearme of law or onely by a metaphor wee should better discerne if we had the Greeke though the Greeke word it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he not alwayes taken in this rigor For when the Fathers in the Councel of Aegypt vpon the banishment of Athanasius in their Synodal Epistle request all Bishops to receiue him vnto their communion they vse these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist Synod ad omnes Episcopos that is We Appeale you or call vpon you as reuengers of such iniustice In which sence this word is found in many other places Wherefore when it is said That he Appealed to Leo the meaning is that he had recourse vnto him hoping by his meanes to procure a more lawfull Synod And in effect the letters of Valentinian the Emperour Extant in Concil Chalced. act 1. who at that time resided at Rome and of Galla Placidia to her sonne Theodosius testifie the same In which
letters at the suit of Leo they request Theodosius That vpon this Appeale in writing he would be pleased that Leo in a Synod of Bishops assembled out of all quarters of the world in some place within Italie might take knowledge of this matter And Galla in her letters plainely sheweth that this was the drift and purpose of Flauian Who saith she hath alreadie sent his libell to the See Apostolike and to all the Bishops of these quarters by them whom the Bishop of Rome had sent to the Councell at Ephesus This Appeale therefore was put in as well to them as to the Bishop of Rome saue onely that he was the more eminent person and was to be heard and determined by them all in the Councell which was to be assembled as Galla in her Epistle concludeth That the matter saith she may be ended in a Councell and by the See Apostolike So that all this was no legall and formall Appeale nor made vnto the Pope otherwise than as to a promoter and furtherer of the calling of this Councell And it is worth the remembrance that in these verie Epistles which Baronius maketh so much account of Valentinian speaking of the Bishop of Rome saith as hath beene alreadie alledged That Antiquitie was it which gaue him the Primacie or chiefe place among the Priests And Galla in her Epistle It is fit saith she that we reserue in all poynts that respect which is due vnto this citie as to the Ladie of all other cities And like tearmes vseth she vnto Pulcheria whence it followeth An. 451. that this Primacie was taken as founded vpon the positiue law of man and that the claime from S. Peter commeth but as accessarie to the principall And that Flauian had no other purpose appeareth by the proceeding of this cause for the yeare following at the suit of Leo Martian the Emperour appointed a generall Councell to be held at Chalcedon wherein are to bee seene the traces of the former Synod and the whole cause opened in a second hearing to the confusion of Eutyches and shame of all his partakers and abettors and to the iustifying of Flauian and of his memoriall after him in the presence of the Popes Legats who there saw the Church of Constantinople before their face equalled with that of Rome by an expresse Canon made in confirmation of that other of Constantinople And let our aduersaries now shew vs any one Appeale after this made from Constantinople to Rome Eightly Baronius is faine to make the best of a bad cause He now telleth vs Baron vol. 6. an 451. art 149. that this Canon was made vnder the correction and good leaue of Leo Grant it were so and that the Synod in their Epistle required his confirmation and thereupon after his manner maketh a great flourish Seest thou O Reader saith he how these six hundred Fathers thought this Canon though resolued on in two general Councels yet to be of no force and vertue without the authoritie of Leo and indeed a man not acquainted with his trickes might haply suffer himselfe to be lead away with his discourses but the Canon it selfe is too plaine and the continuall practise of the Church sheweth that the validitie of that Canon neuer depended of his confirmation True it is that they were willing to draw Leo to some reason by faire words and remonstrances which they made vnto him and this was the drift and purpose of that Epistle But as we haue often said tearmes of courtesie and of honour vsed to the Pope were euer by them drawne to some farther tye of seruice And yet this verie Epistle determineth and decideth the question in many places though Baronius who commonly spareth for no paper to set downe things in the largest size concealeth one part thereof but thus run the words of the inscription The holie Oecumenicall Synod assembled by the grace of God and by the commaundement of the most religious Emperours at Chalcedon to Leo Archbishop of the Romans Whence it appeareth that this Synod was not called by his authoritie neither was he accompted for Vniuersall Bishop by that Synod as Baronius would make the world to beleeue Baron ib. Confirmauimus and as for the prerogatiue of the Church of Constantinople the words vsed in that Canon are precise and formall We haue say they confirmed the Canon of 150 Bishops meaning of the second generall Councell and therefore after this confirmation of 600 Bishops Baronius should a little blush to bring such cold coniectures And againe We haue so defined say they thereby to cut off all confusion and to establish the order of the Church And in the end they vse these tearmes Vouchsafe holie Father to imbrace this our decree as is fit and seemly for the loue that ought to be between vs. And what reason then hath Baronius of a sentence definitiue to make an interlocutorie especially seeing that they so often repeat the same thing We beleeue say they that the honour of the See of Constantinople was confirmed in a generall Councell we now intreat you to honour our iudgement by your Decree to giue your consent and to hold your selfe content with that which we haue done And the cause why they sent him the Acts was this That he might thereby perceiue that they were led in all their consultations by diuine instinct which they neuer expected to be sent from Rome neither did they looke to haue their doings reformed there Martianus apud Palladium We read indeed that the Emperor by whose commaundement they were there assembled confirmed their Acts The things saith he Per nostra precepta stabilita sunt agreed vpon in the Councell of Chalcedon are established by our authoritie neither shall they goe vnpunished who shall in any point contemne this law And indeed after this time matters passed according to the tenor of this decree doe Leo what hee could to the contrarie who yet did openly beare out the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria but in the Church men gouerne themselues by law not by example measuring their actions not after the long elne of one Bishops insolencie and pride but according to the true rule of order and discipline established in a lawful Synod Vol. 6. an 457. art 23. Ninthly and lastly Baronius saith That in the Epistle which the Clergie of Alexandria oppressed by Timotheus wrot to the Emperour Leo they request that his impieties might be made knowne to the Roman Pontife and to others But why doth he not speake plainely and say as indeed it is As to others for they make no distinction betweene him and others The words are these Vouchsafe we pray you to write to the Bishop of Rome also to the Bishops of Antioch of Ierusalem of Thessalonica of Ephesus and others as your Mightinesse shall thinke fit and they adde For our cause hath beene alreadie manifested to Anatolius Archbishop of this royall citie meaning Constantinople which they
pronounced him vnworthie of all holie function Concil vniuers quintum act 1. vbi ep Synod Agapeti and speaking of the placing of Mennas in his roome Though the Emperour saith he elected him yet the whole Clergie and people gaue also their consent so that he may well seeme to haue beene elected by all What therefore doe we find in all this to proue the Popes authoritie but onely a bare consecration which anie other Metropolitan or Bishop might haue done as well as he onely being present Baron vol. 7. an 536. art 59. he was pleased himselfe to grace him with that office Here Baronius alledgeth a certaine writing taken out of the Vatican as he sayth and which containeth the Acts of Agapete during his abode at Constantinople where he sayth simply That Agapete thrust Anthymus out of the Church and enioyned him his penance But to goe no farther he might as well haue obserued out of that Script which he alledgeth that he is there onely called Antistes prima sedis i. Priest or Bishop of the first See and not Vniuersall Pope as also that when Iustinian and he met it is not there said as in the Pontificall Booke That the Emperour adored him but onely thus The King and the Bishop kissed each other with a holie kisse Rex Pontifex sancta delibans oscula alter alterum veneratus and each did reuerence to the other naming the Emperour as first in order And againe he might haue obserued that the See of Constantinople is there called an Apostolike Throne as well as that other of Rome And of the ordination of Mennas it is there said That the Ministers of the Church to the great reioycing of the Catholike Emperour tooke counsell to preferre him to that place and recommended him to the Bishop Agapete Praefuli to ordaine him their Bishop That Mennas then deliuered his confession to Pope Agapete who meant to present it with his owne hands to S. Peter at Rome and that this being done he then obtained the vniuersall Bishopricke by the imposition of hands of the Prince of all Bishops Principe whom a little before he called only the Bishop of the first See Subiectarum sibi prouinciarum Which word of Vniuersalitie Baronius expoundeth as meant only of those Prouinces which belong to his iurisdiction And why then may not we make the like construction when any man letteth fall the same or the like word of the Pope of Rome But this is much after their ordinarie Grammar when by saying the Catholike Roman Church they make a particular Vniuersall And thus much for Agapete Baron vol. 7. an 540. art 6 7 8 9 Now followeth Vigilius whom Baronius immediatly after the murder of Syluerius of an Antichrist as he tearmed him before now maketh Christs Vicar and which is more a verie Saint He was no sooner set in his chaire but presently he became a new man Whereupon our Annalist crieth out What a myracle is this from God vpon this chaire which thus transformeth a bad man into a good And yet by all the particulars which himselfe deduceth at large in his election it should seeme that God had no finger in it All was of pure man the authoritie of the Empresse the force and violence of Belisarius gained before hand by money the feare of a present vprore in the citie if they had presumed to elect any other which made them in this election to leape ouer all Lawes and Canons of the Church for these are his verie words But let vs see whether there were any greater myracles wrought vpon him after his election Anastas in Vigilio Anastasius Bibliothecarius not a flatterer but a verie Idolater of the Popes in the life of Vigilius telleth vs That he was no sooner established in his See but the Romans presently accused him before the Emperour We make it knowne say they vnto your Maiestie that he dealeth ill with your seruants and people of Rome and that we here accuse him of murder He is growne so furious that he gaue his Notarie a blow on the eare which made him to fall downe dead at his feet Also he commaunded a nephew of his and his owne sisters sonne to be beaten vnto death And are these the myracles which this chaire worketh Now vpon these complaints the Empresse as it is there reported sent Anthemius the Scribe to apprehend him by maine force yea though he found him in the Church and to bring him by sea sure prisoner to Constantinople who following his commission seised on him in Saint Cecils Church and carried him away forthwith to ship him vpon the Tiber the people following him with cursings and casting stones at him and crying out Hunger and pestilence goe with thee Euill hast thou done vnto vs and euill mayest thou find where euer thou commest Baronius beleeueth nothing of all this which Anastasius reporteth his reason is because Procopius saith nothing of it Procop. de bello Gothico li. 3. And no maruell seeing that the scope of Procopius was to write the warres of the Gothes not the liues of the Popes Now whe he was brought to Constantinople the Empresse chalenged him of his promise Baron ib. an 552. art 11. which was to restore Anthymus Whereupon Baronius would faine canonize him for a Martyr and presumeth to affirme That in this man when he now sat in Saint Peters chaire Christ himselfe not onely as he was man but also as hee was God and man sat also with him Now whether this was the true cause or onely a colour I cannot say But Anastasius reporteth That they reproached him with the murder of Syluerius and of his owne Notarie and of his sisters sonne haling him along the streets with a rope about his necke Nicepherus addeth farther That he had excommunicated the Patriarch Mennas whom his predecessor Agapete had himselfe consecrated in the roome of Anthymus the Heretike who excommunicated him againe and could not forbeare his wonted violence So that in the end to stint these strifes Ib. an 553. there was a Councell called at Chalcedon Baronius here obserueth That Eutychius who was chosen in the roome of Mennas tendered the profession of his faith vnto Vigilius and we on the contrary haue already shewed that this was a thing vsually practised among the Bishops But he should rather haue obserued That in his letter he calleth him onely by the name of Brother and Companion of the Priesthood knowing as he there saith how much good proceedeth from the peace of God And that in the end of the letter hee subscribeth himselfe Eutychius by the grace of God Bishop of Constantinople without any reference to the Pope Where also Baronius obserueth That Eutychius requested Vigilius That the difference which yet remained betweene the Orthodox De Tribus Capitulis might be referred to a Councell in which your Beatitude may preside ouer vs and where the holie Gospels
haue receiued saith he his Synodall Epistle Epist 34. wherein he requireth vs not to trouble the peace of the Church and I haue likewise aduertised him of that superstitious and haughtie name of Vniuersall Bishop that he could haue no peace with vs vnlesse he did reforme the haughtinesse of this word c. otherwise saith he we corrupt the faith of the Vniuersall Church c. and not to speake of the wrong which he doth vnto vs Eleuationem if there be one called Vniuersall Bishop then must the Vniuersall Church goe to the ground if he which is Vniuersall happen to fall but neuer may such foolerie befall vs neuer may this weaknesse come vnto my eares But to Cyriacus himselfe he wrot requesting him at his first entrie to abolish that word of pride by which there was so great scandale giuen in the Church for whosoeuer saith he is desirous of honour contrarie to the honour of God shall neuer be accounted honourable by me tearming this title of Vniuersalitie a thing contrarie to God and to his honour And because Antichrist that enemie of the Almightie Epist 28. is now at hand my earnest desire saith he is that he may find nothing of his owne or anie waies appertaining to him either in the manners or in the names of the Priests And when the Emperour Maurice commanded that for a friuolous name there should no such scandale arise betweene them Consider saith he vnto the Emperour that when Antichrist shall call himselfe God the matter it selfe is but small and friuolous yet most pernitious if you looke to the qualitie of the word it consisteth only of two sillables but if you regard the weight of iniquitie which dependeth thereon you shall see an vniuersall enemie Wherefore I speake it boldly that whosoeuer calleth himselfe or desireth to be called by others the Vniuersall Priest or Bishop is in his elation of mind the forerunner of Antichrist because that in like pride he preferreth himselfe before others like I say for that as that wicked one would seeme as God aboue all men so will this man exalt himselfe aboue all Bishops And in like manner writeth he to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria Epist 30. And that no man may say That Gregorie went to take away that from another which he yet reserued as due vnto himselfe in his Epistle to the same Eulogius he thus writeth You haue beene carefull saith he to aduertise me That you forbeare now to write vnto any by those proud names which spring meerely from the root of vanitie and yet speaking to me you say Sicut iussistis i. As you commaunded Let me I pray you heare no more of this word Commaund for I know well ynough both what I am and what you are In degree you are my Brethren and in maners you are my Fathers Wherefore I commaunded you nothing onely I aduised you what I thought fittest to be done And yet I do not find that you haue perfectly obserued that which I desired to leaue deepest grauen in your best remembrance for I told you That you should not write in any such manner either to me or to any other and yet in the verie Preface of your Epistle you call me by that name of pride and vanitie Vniuersall Pope which I would intreat you to forbeare hereafter seeing that your selues lose whatsoeuer you giue vnduely to another For my owne part I seeke to encrease in vertue and not in vanitie of Titles That addeth nothing to my honour which I see taken from my brethren my honour is the honour of the Vniuersall Church and the sound vigour of my brethren Then am I truely honoured when my brethren haue euerie man his due For if you call me Vniuersall Pope you denie your selues to bee that which indeed you are in that you call me Vniuersall but God forbid let vs rather put farre from vs these words which puffe vs vp to pride and vanitie and woundeth charitie to the death Distinct 99. c. Ecce in praefatio 5. All which part of his Epistle is inserted in the Decret which Gregorie the thirteenth in his Reformation of the Canon Law knew not how to redresse but onely by giuing S. Gregorie the flat lye Now we may not for all this thinke that Gregorie would lose any thing of his owne or was carelesse to set foot and to encroach vpon another mans for it appeareth by his Epistles that he spread his wings as farre and farther than his neast would giue him leaue taking all occasions to gaine credit and to be dealing not onely in Italie but also in other more remote Prouinces of the West making himselfe sometimes arbitrator betweene parties and sometimes Iudge of controuersies betweene Church and Church and eftsoones a sanctuarie and refuge for those who had beene censured and cast out by their own Metropolitans whereof we haue but too many examples in his Epistles And if we will ground our opinion vpon certaine Epistles which goe commonly vnder his name he was the first which brought in the Pall of the Archbishops which was a certaine Mantle or Cloake which he sent vnto them in honour thereby to oblige them to the subiection of his See namely to Virgilius Bishop of Arles and by vertue thereof conferred vpon him his Vicarship ouer the Churches of king Childebert with power to watch ouer their doctrine and behauiours But it hath beene right well obserued that those Epistles are of another growth because the whole course of the Historie of Gregorie of Tours who liued in the same time with Gregorie the Great sufficiently teacheth vs That the authoritie of our Prelats and Archbishops depended not of the Popes neither did they euer heare talke of that Pall which is more than probable Greg. li. 4. Epist 51. 52. because that in so many changes of Bishops and Metropolitans as we read of we find no mention at all made thereof Wherefore those words Idem ad Interroga Augustin ca. 9. Quod iuxta antiquum morem Pallij vsum ac vices Apostolicae sedis postulasti And Cum priscam consuetudinem Fraternitas vestra repetat by which they say That Virgilius requested of Gregorie the vse of the Pall and the Vicarship of the Roman See according to the ancient custome were ill deuised And how vnlikely a thing is it that Childebert should intreat the Pope to commit the ouersight and charge of the Churches of his kingdome to the Bishop of Arles who was at that time subiect to king Gontran with whom hee might in time vpon occasion haue open warre Adde we hereunto That notwithstanding this pretended Pall Gregorie expresly forbad Augustine his Legat to exercise any jurisdiction ouer the Churches of France We saith he giue you no authoritie in the Churches of France c. Thou mayest not presume to iudge them by thine authoritie but onely by warning and speaking them faire and by making thy vertues to shine before them To
doe otherwise than this were to thrust thy sickle into another mans corne Wherefore what euer is to be done by authoritie leaue vnto the Bishop of Arles whose iurisdiction reacheth as far as to Lions The like may be said of that Pall which they say was sent to Siagrius Bishop of Authun and many such forgeries may we find in those Epistles as we may ghesse by the priuiledge there granted to S. Medard Bishop of Soissons bearing date the yeare 593 Indictione 2 whereunto Theodoric his hand is set as if he had beene then raigning in Soissons who yet was neuer there and was scarce of age to speake at what time that priuiledge beareth date neither did the Popes of that time date after the manner which is there expressed But this I say that Gregorie had that name of Vniuersal Bishop in such abhomination that as he condemned it in another so he would neuer accept thereof in himselfe being verily persuaded that whensoeuer it came to be accepted the morrow after Antichrist should set foot into the Church It remaineth now that we see what Baronius replieth to all this Baron vol. 8. an 595. art 27. Saint Gregorie saith he imitated our Sauiour who stroue not with Sathan in his diuine Maiestie but in the humble and low estate of his flesh A weake ward to beare off so great a blow for did Christ to ouerthrow Sathan play Sathan himselfe For what else did Gregorie when he called euerie man the forerunner of Antichrist and Sathan himselfe if in the meane time he reserued this high Title and prerogatiue to himselfe Secondly he saith That Gregorie would not indeed be called Vniuersall Ib. art 32 33 34 as Father of all the world because the other Bishops were not his children but his brethren But in another sence saith he he doth not refuse it namely that they remaining his brethren and fellow Bishops he might yet bee reputed and taken as superiour vnto all In which sence he calleth himselfe by that Title in his Epistle Of the Priuiledges of Saint Medard to all Bishops But I would learne where they can find a ground for this distinction in Saint Gregories owne words seeing that he so often repeateth these and the like words That none would euer be called by that name and taketh offence that his brethren the Patriarches call him so and reckoneth thereof as of a great wrong done vnto him Me thinke so great an Annalist should haue brought some better proofe than that priuiledge of S. Medard which who so doth but see it condemneth presently as a fable and which himselfe confesseth to be subscribed by those Bishops which were not at that time created Bishops namely by Augustine Bishop of Canterburie and Mellitus Bishop of London whereas they were not yet passed ouer into England And how came Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria to subscribe this priuiledge Neither did Theodoric at that time raigne in France as Baronius himselfe confesseth Ib. art 81. an 593. but Childebert and Gontran And who can warrant vs that there is more truth in the priuiledge it selfe than there is in the subscription or is not the falshood of the subscription ynough to ouerthrow the instrument it selfe And yet is he not ashamed of this false coyne clipt by himselfe and rounded at his pleasure but vseth this forged instrument not onely as a law to bind vs poore men withall but euen as a definitiue sentence against the liues and Crownes of Princes For saith hee Gregorie pronounceth That Sedes Roma speculationem suam toti orbi indicit i. The See of Rome enioyneth her speculation to all the world and sendeth out her new constitutions vnto all Perfect good Latine no doubt but he goeth on If any King Bishop or Iudge violate or infringe the Decrees of our Apostolike authoritie and of this our commaundement of what degree or estate soeuer he be let him be depriued of his honour and cut off from the communion of Christ that is saith Baronius Kings from their kingdomes for violating the priuiledge of one poore hospitall Greg. 7. li. 8. Epist 21. li. 4. Epist 2. 23. And so did Gregorie the seuenth vnderstand and extend these words And is it then possible that hauing himselfe cried downe this Epistle he will now so much enhaunce the price of this base coyne Thirdly saith he when Pelagius predecessor vnto Gregorie saith in his first Epistle That no Patriarch may presume to vse this prophane name his meaning was that none of the foure Patriarches of the East should vse it to the exclusion of him of Rome that is in effect to take it from them and to appropriat it to himselfe And for proofe he alledgeth a certaine Epistle of Gregorie to Natalis where indeed he speaketh of foure Patriarches Epist 37. li. 2. but not a word to this purpose But not to goe farther a man that readeth the text it selfe had need to blush for him which cannot blush for himselfe for these words follow immediatly vpon the former Pela 2. Epist 1. ad vniuers Epise If saith he the Soueraigne and chiefe Patriarch such as hee supposeth himselfe to be in all that Epistle be called Vniuersall then is the name of Patriarch taken from all others but farre be this from the thought of a Christian Which then of these two did he Did he giue the Title of Soueraigne Patriarch to any one of the Patriarches of the East or did he denie himselfe to be a Christian or when he forbiddeth them to giue this Title of Vniuersall to any man doth he exclude himselfe out of the number of men Fourthly he saith That this verie Iohn of Constantinople Baron vol. 8. an 565. art 34. who chalenged this Title yet still acknowledged Gregorie as Head or Chiefe aboue him as appeareth saith he in the case of Iohn of Chalcedon which stood condemned of Heresie and yet Iohn of Constantinople suffered him to carrie his cause by Appeale to Rome and for proofe hereof alledgeth the Epistles of Gregorie to Iohn of Constantinople Greg. Epist 52. 64. li. 2. and vnto Narses It is true that in the former of those Epistles he complaineth That whereas hee hauing written to him concerning certaine wrongs done to Iohn of Chalcedon and to other Monkes of Isauria he made him answer That he knew of no such matter Wherupon he stormed and wrot to him againe That if he had made him a more direct answer he would haue sent them backe to him againe without more adoe and would neuer haue spoken of that which of right belongeth to him by the Canons which also he repeated vnto Narses Now no man euer doubted of their protections But what is all this to an Appeale to Rome seeing that there is not so much as the name either of an Appeallant or of an Appeale to be found in all those Epistles And as for those 15 16 17 Epistles of Gregorie which he citeth out of his
all thankes therefore to the Almightie and daily to pray for the life of our most religious and Christian Lord the Emperour and of his gracious consort and of his courteous progenie in whose times the mouthes of the Heretikes are stopped for though their hearts boyle with peruerse and froward thoughts yet vnder a Catholike Emperor they dare not to vtter their mischieuous imaginations And in like maner writeth he to Isicius Bishop of Ierusalem Greg. li. 7. Epist 11. and to sundrie others But the conclusion of all was this That the law of Maurice stood still in force and Gregorie himselfe was faine to publish it by his letter directed to the Metropolitans and to the Bishops of the chiefe Sees in whiche he calleth him Most religious and most clement Emperour Baron to 8. an 593. art 22. 23. But yet Baronius like a man that would saile with euerie wind telleth vs That Gregorie corrected this law before the publication therof and that thereby he declared that his Apostolike power was aboue the Emperours law But who so shall take the paines to read this Epistle all along Baron ib. art 49 shall find that hee doth nothing therein but onely declare the intention of the Emperour to put it in execution and to justifie this law rather than to reproue it 22. PROGRESSION Of the murder of the Emperour Maurice by Phocas What flatterie Gregorie vsed vnto Phocas and that Boniface the third of Rome got to be called Vniuersall Bishop WE haue alreadie seene the controuersie which was betweene Gregorie of Rome and Iohn of Constantinople it remaineth that wee now come to the issue thereof The Emperour Maurice vnto whom Saint Gregorie had written so many letters Zonor li. 3. pa. 64 65. sequent came to fall into dislike and hatred of souldiers and one Phocas a Centurian made himselfe captaine of the mutiners and was afterwards for his paines by them proclaimed Emperour Maurice seeing that fled away with his wife and children and presently was Phocas crowned by the Patriarch and forthwith he pursued after Maurice and when he had ouertaken him Paul Aquileg 1. li. 17. slew his wife and children before his eyes not sparing the little one which hung at the breast and afterward caused his throat to be cut likewise Maurice had sent away his sonne Theodosius to reserue himselfe to better fortunes with Cosroë king of Persia but he was also taken brought backe and murdered so was the Empresse Constantina also with her three daughters And the Historians know not well which of the two they should most condemne in him his Treason or his Crueltie Phocas therefore was no sooner chosen Emperour but Gregorie presently wrot vnto him and that with abhominable adulation and flatterie He beginneth his Epistle with Gloria Deo in excelsis which is the song of the Angels at the Natiuity of our Sauior Greg. Epist 36. li. 11. Glorie be to God on high saith he which changeth the times and translateth kingdomes who some times in his iustice sendeth Princes to afflict his people and other times in his mercie those which shall lift them vp againe For which cause wee reioyce that thou art come vnto the Empire Let the heauens reioyce and let the earth leape for ioy and let all the people be glad thereof c. Epist 44. And to Leontia the Empresse he writeth in this manner What tongue can speake what heart can conceiue the thankes which we owe to God for the happinesse of your Empire Let the Angels giue glorie vnto God euen the Creator which is in heauen aboue and let all men giue thankes here in earth beneath c. But the conclusion of this Epistle is this That they would take the Church of Rome into their protection and alwayes continue mindfull of Tuâ—es Petrus assuring them that for their paines Saint Peter would not be vnmindfull of them nor faile to vndertake the protection of their Empires All tending no doubt to the establishing of his owne authoritie But he happening to dye shortly after and Sabinian his successor suruiuing but a little time An. 605. Boniface 3 in the yeare 605 who also liued not aboue eight monethes and some odde daies to effect that which his predecessors had proiected tooke his aduantage seeing the Emperour Phocas on the one side displeased with Cyriacus Patriarch of Constantinople because hee would not approue of such his murders and on the other jealous least the hatred of his dealings might haply cause Italie to reuolt from vnder him and thereupon he asked and by the profers which he made of his good seruice obtained of him That the Church of Rome should thence forward bee the Head of all other Churches and the Bishop of Rome should be called the Soueraigne and Vniuersall Bishop And thereupon he published that Imperious ordinance in a Synod at Rome consisting of 62 Bishops and from that time forward vsed euer in his Mandats these words Volumus iubemus i. We will and commaund and that in the Prouisions of Bishops whom though they were elected by consent of Clergie and people yet would he not suffer to be either called or accounted as Bishops but by vertue of his letters patents with that clause of Volumus iubemus in them and so saith Platina in plaine tearmes Which pretentions of his Platina in Bonifaciâ— though sometimes they found some crossings yet were they the beginning of that schisme betweene the Greeke Church and the Latine a schisme which continueth euen vnto these our dayes OPPOSITION Suppose we now that Gregorie himselfe had risen againe from the dead and seene his successor vsing that Title which hee before hand had so formally condemned in his Epistles how could he haue saued him from this so necessarie a conclusion drawne from the propositions of his owne words and so oftentimes by him repeated Whosoeuer will be called Vniuersall Bishop is the forerunner of Antichrist Boniface the third willeth and requireth and ordaineth himselfe to be so called therefore it followeth that he was the forerunner of Antichrist if not Antichrist himselfe Bellarmine here findeth out two creepeholes The one is concerning the fact Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 17. Non instituendo sed asserendo Lib. 4. de Gest Longobard c. 37. where he sayth That Phocas did not ordaine this by way of a new Institution but onely of declaration of a thing euer before acknowledged in the Church But let him read the Historie it selfe Paulus Diaconus who liued not farre off from these times speaketh after another manner Phocas sayth he at the suit of Pope Boniface ordained That the See of the Romane Apostolike Church should be the Head of all other Churches because the Church of Constantinople wrote her selfe The first of all other Churches And so testifie all the Historians which came after him namely Freculphus Rhegino Anastasius Hermannus Contractus Marianus Scotus Sabellicus Blondus Pomponius Laetus
his predecessors haue done before him Vita Ludouici Aimon l. 5. c. 14. why commeth he not vnto me all this while The Bishops said If he be come to excommunicate we will send him away excommunicated againe And Hincmar Archbishop of Rheimes writing to Pope Adrian the second Flodoard in Hist Rhemensi Jdem l. 5. c. 16. telleth him in plaine tearmes That Gregorie came into Fraunce with an euill intent and purposing to beare out the children against the father He came saith he into Fraunce and after his comming our peace continued not also he returned not with so good credit as was fit he should and as his predecessors were wont before him And the Chronicle of S. Denis The ministers of the diuell saith he preuailed so farre Chron. Dionys as to vnite all the sonnes against him and maliciously made the Apostolike of Rome to come into Fraunce vnder colour of pietie as it had beene to mediate a peace betweene the King and his children but the truth it selfe afterward appeared And of the Apostolike it was commonly said That his comming was onely to excommunicate the King and the Bishops if they supported the father and were not in euerie respect obedient to the sonnes but when the Bishops heard say this they protested That they would neuer obey him for feare of his excommunication for say they the authoritie of the auncient Canons is farre different from this course And when Lewis was fully reestablished in his kingdome not by the authoritie of Gregorie but as the Historian of the Church of Rheimes reporteth by the common consent of the Bishops Gregorie vnable to maintaine those Bishops whom he had drawne into this practise they were glad though vnder a most gracious Soueraigne yet to saue themselues in Italie from the rigor of the lawes the others were faine to confesse the action and plead guiltie acknowledging themselues vnworthie of the place they held and in effect to be deposed especially Hebo Archbishop of Rheimes and Agobard of Lions And this was in those dayes all the feare that the Bishops of Fraunce had of the Popes excommunications And in this time it was That Claud of Turin taught openly both by tongue and pen That he was not Apostolicall who sat in the Chaire of an Apostle but he that did the office of an Apostle And this reacheth vnto the death of Lewis An. 839. which fell in the yeare 839. Adde we hereunto that the Emperour Lewis treading the path of Charlemaigne and other his predecessors with the aduise and counsell of the Prelates and the rest of the learned of his kingdomes enacted lawes for the better ordering of the Churches of his dominions not onely concerning their policie and gouernment but also touching Faith without asking leaue or expecting a Mandamus from the Pope whatsoeuer Baronius and his Benedict the Leuite prate vnto vs as may appeare by the Articles of Lewis Capitularia and the Abbot Andegisus who collected those Lawes maketh no mention of the Pope in the Preface to them Also he assembled Councels within his owne Estates at Thionuille at Aix and Pauia where you shall euer find Extat ante Concil Paris To. 3. Concil By the commaund By the wholesome commaund of the glorious Prince By the grace or gift of God Emperour c. making bookes of this subject And in the Councell of Aix la Chapella the Bodie of the people speaketh of the Clergie in generall and sayth By them are we made Christians who hauing the keyes of the kingdome of heauen in their hands iudge in a sort before the day of iudgement and so had no need to be beholding to Rome for the keyes An. 828. But in the yeare 828 we find a particular Edict of Lewis whereby to appease the wrath of God incensed at that time against him and his people for the manie corruptions growne in among them he commaunded a fast to be held throughout his kingdomes And besides sundrie other Councels he called foure seuerall Synods for the reformation properly of the Church of Fraunce namely at Mence at Paris at Lions and at Tolousa there to handle discusse and find out things belonging to Christian Religion Concil Aquisgra 3. to Concil what the Prince what the people held either answerable or contrarie to the reuealed will of God what had beene retained what omitted either in part or in whole how the Clergie behaued themselues wherein they erred and departed away from the rule of holie Scripture And in all this no mention made of the Popes authoritie Baronius maketh much of certaine Epistles written about this time by a Monke of Greece named Theodorus with his complices in Idolatrie to the Pope of Rome Baron an 817. art 21 22. sequent by reason of the haut titles which he giueth him magnifying him aboue all other Bishops It were a verie sufficient answere to say That this was a Monke offended with his Patriarch of Constantinople for taking away his Images and therefore no matter what he sayth But yet examine we his letters Coaequandum Angelis First he calleth the Pope Equall to the Angels Will Baronius abet this flatterie seeing that the Apostle to the Hebrewes after the Psalmist speaking of our Lord and Sauior Christ saith Thou hast made him little lesser than the Angels How can he make the Pope equall to them but as he is more than a man as God himselfe as he that maketh himselfe God as S. Paule speaketh in the second of the Thessalonians chap. 2. Secondly he calleth him The Great Light Prince of Bishops and Apostolike Pope In that he calleth him Prince of Bishops it imports nothing but the Primacie of his See But you shall see how this same Monke wrote at the same time scarce changing a penne betweene to other Patriarchs for to him of Alexandria he wrote To the most holie Father of Fathers and Light of Lights Doe not these words weigh downe those other of Great Light And as he calleth the one Pope of Rome Apostolicum verticem so doth he the other Pope of Alexandria as he calleth him of Rome Apostolike so the other The crowne or top of all Apostolikes And what aduantage now hath Baronius gotten for the Pope Yes sayth he for the Pope of Rome is called The supreame Light and the other is called onely the Light of Lights First what faire play to turne a die And whereas but two pages before by his owne confession the Monke called him onely Magnum Lumen a Great Light now to make him say Supremam Lumen the Supreame Light Secondly who knoweth not that Light of Lights in all tongues especially in the language of the Scriptures implieth more than a Great Light Baronius his replie is That the Bishop of Alexandria was so called in regard that Cyrill his quondam predecessor was Legat à Latere for the Pope of Rome First that hath alreadie beene proued to be false Secondly
with him into hell yet is it lawfull for none to say vnto him what or why doest thou so doe most shamefully flatter him That those decrees are the words of the Popes themseues labouring to enlarge the fringes of their garment That those places also of Scripture Thou shalt be called Cephas c. I will giue vnto thee the keyes c. I haue prayed for thee c. Feed my sheepe c. Launch forth into the deepe and the like are induced against the true meaning of the holie Scripture which they proue both by forcible reasons and by good and well applied places of the Fathers That the Pope if he obey not the Church may be deposed by it seeing he is not the naturall head thereof but grafted in which may no lesse be cut off than the rest of the members if hee ill execute his charge if he be for the destruction or dammage thereof be cast into the fire if he bring not forth good fruit and be troden vnder foot in the street if he be vnprofitable Which is the opinion of S. Hierome interpreting the vnprofitable salt That the Prelat foolish and vnsauorie in preaching chiefely in Peters chaire is to be cast forth of doores that is to be deposed that he may be troden vnder feet of swine that is of Diuels which beare rule ouer the euill Prelat as ouer a beast of their flocke And this not onely for heresie but for whatsoeuer crime whereby the Church is scandalized And this so much the more truely for that the Pope to speake properly is not the Vicar of Christ but of the Church and the Lord and Master may by all right depose his Vicar or Lieutenant whose power ceaseth when the Master is in presence so likewise doth the power of the Pope when a Councell is gathered wherein remaineth fulnesse of power Here this doubt came in their way But the calling of a Councell doth it not belong to the Pope alone Yea saith he if that haue place who seeth not that the ruine of the Church is neere at hand and will presently ensue For who knoweth not that hee which will sinne will sinne without punishment And who wil beleeue that a Pope will assigne a Councell for to represse and reforme himselfe Neither doe I find saith he either by histories or by the Acts of the Apostles themselues that Popes alone haue assembled Councels The first of all Councells where Mathias is substituted in place of Iudas I find to be gathered not by the commaundement of Peter but of Christ who commaunded his Apostles that they should not depart from Hierusalem but should expect the promise of the Father The second for the election of Deacons was not assembled by Peter alone but by the twelue Apostles for it is written Then the twelue called the multitude together The third for the taking away of Circumcision and other legall rites was gathered by commune inspiration as it is written The Apostles and Elders came together The fourth for the permission of certaine legall things seemeth to be assembled by Iames the brother of the Lord. The same was also in the Primitiue Church and since by the authoritie of the Emperours yet so as that the Popes consent was requisit according to reason but on condition that the greater part carrie it away And much more the Councell being once assembled cannot be by the Pope reuoked seeing he himselfe is a part of it which ought to giue place to the greater and from it to depart maketh him guiltie of schisme And thus much for the first Truth whereon the second dependeth That the Pope cannot dissolue a Councell otherwise at the first word he should heare of correction he would bethinke himselfe of this remedie There remained the third Whether this of Catholike faith is so to be beleeued Which they shew affirmatiuely because we are held to beleeue whatsoeuer is in the Gospell now in it say they is dic Ecclesiae on which words the Councel of Constance hath grounded this Decree That the power of a Councell is aboue the Pope vnder paine of heresie And so these three first Conclusions rest most firme by consequence of which the others also are approued Now this decision was to be applied against Eugenius and part of them who had consented in these Truthes desired that the sentence should be deferred some hoping they should haue better of him others by reason that many Bishops yet stayed in the Parliament of Mentz famous men whose Suffrages might seeme to be expected And Panormitan tooke occasion thereupon to inferre That the Bishops ought to be stayed for and that inferiours haue not in Councell a Suffrage decisiue but onely consultatiue Vnto which added Ludouicus Romanus That argument is not to be taken out of the Acts of the Apostles whose examples were rather to be admired than imitated neither is it there manifest that the Apostles had called the Elders out of their duetie there is onely declared that they were present out of which nothing can be inferred Which speech all wondering at in so great a man crie out Blasphemie Then therefore Lewis Cardinall of Arles A man of all other most constant and borne to the gouernement of generall Councels taking vp the words of all the Orators that had spoken declareth That all these doubts were without cause That these Conclusions had beene maturely determined and weighed That the embassadours of all the Princes had giuen vpon these their sentence which were the chiefest men in the Church That the Bishops were in fault that they were not present That to such as were present greater reuerence was giuen than in any Councell before and indeed greater authoritie for so much as their prerogatiues are fully restored vnto them whom they placed in their former state and haue made them which were not Bishops but shadowes to be true Bishops That euen they which now do most draw back haue in their writings auouched the same Truthes meaning by those words of Panormitan and Ludouicus Romanus But saith hee the Presbiters are not so to be put downe who in the Councell of the Apostles had a decisiue voyce and in like sort also in the auncient Councels That in time past the Bishop and the Presbiter or Priest was but one and the same in so much that S. Augustine saith on these words I will giue vnto thee the keyes c. That our Lord gaue judiciariam potestatem iudiciarie power to Bishops and Priests especially seeing they haue more done their duetie in the Councell than the Bishops these fearing to lose their dignities and their delights those for so just a cause not dreading any losse nor yet death it selfe That the Councell hath now sat eight yeares so that there cannot be pretended any headlong proceeding nor any ignorance And moreouer the threats of some Princes are inferred beside the Purpose who are wiser than to attempt any thing in preiudice of the Councell and they themselues also being
the Churches Editio Parisien Epist 18. Pa. mel 55. but Cyprian complained thereof vnto Cornelius as of a wrong and in barre of such proceedings pleaded the lawes and constitutions of holie Church These fellowes saith he after all this presume to passe the sea c. For seeing sayth he that by vs all it hath beene alreadie ordained according to rules of equitie and iustice That euerie ones cause should be heard in the place of the fact committed and that to euerie Pastor should be allotted his proper portion of the flocke which he was to ouersee and for which he should stand answerable vnto God it is not fit that those ouer whom we are set should run from place to place to make the Bishops who are at vnitie among themselues to square and fall foule one of another for example Cornelius and Cyprian but that euerie one answere for himselfe in the place where the defendant may haue both accusers and witnesses face to face vnlesse perhaps these few desperate companions thinke the authoritie of the Bishops of Africa who haue condemned them to be lesse meaning lesse than that of Cornelius to whom they fled By all which it euidently appeares that it was the least part of Cyprians thought to acknowledge anie right of appeale to the See of Rome Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. lib. 2. cap. 33. Wherefore when Bellarmine sayth that the constitution alledged by S. Cyprian That euerie cause should be heard in the place of the fact committed is to be vnderstood onely of the first instance the words themselues and those which follow are too too cleere against him The cause sayth Cyprian hath beene heard sentence is passed it is not fit that a censure of Priests or Bishops should be retracted as rash and vnaduised And as friuolous is that which he sayth that the word lesse is not spoken in comparison of the Pope but of the cause for those words vnlesse they thinke the authoritie of the Bishops of Afrike to be Lesse must necessarily be vnderstood in comparison of them with other Bishops of those against whom they complained with him to whom they sayled that is vnto Cornelius And all this suiteth with the veine of Cyprian as also doth that in his Treatise of the vnitie of the Church The other Apostles sayth he were the same that S. Peter was of like honour of equall authoritie and power but the beginning proceedeth from vnitie to shew that the Church is one where yet to bolster out this pretended Primacie one or other hath corrupted the text in sundrie places contrarie to the truth of manuscripts acknowledged in the Paris edition by the learned Turnebus For betweene these words Pasce oues meas and Et quamuis either Pamelius or some other before him hath inserted these Super vnum illum aedificat ecclesiam suam illi pascendas mandat oues suas that is He hath built his Church vpon him alone i. S. Peter and him hath he commaunded to feed his sheepe And whereas Turnebus readeth Tamen vt vnitatem manifestaret vnitatis eiusdem originem ab vno incipientem sua authoritate disposuit i. yet that he meaning Christ might declare this vnitie he hath declared by his authoritie that this vnitie should take her beginning from one alone Pamelius with like honestie as before betweene these words manifestaret and vnius hath thrust in these Vnam Cathedram constituit i. he hath established one Chaire Likewise after those words before mentioned The Apostles were all the same that Peter was c. after the word proficiscite he addeth Primatus Petro datur The Primacie is giuen vnto Peter And againe vnto these words vt vna Christi ecclesia monstretur he addeth Cathedra vna i. and one Chaire And to conclude where S. Cyprian sayth Qui ecclesiae renititur resistit in ecclesia se esse confidit i. He which resisteth the Church can he hope that he is in the Church Pamelius betweene these words resistit and in ecclesia foisteth in these Qui Cathedram Petri super quam ecclesia fundata est deserit i. he which forsaketh the Chaire of Peter vpon which the Church is builded And the like doth he in manie other places of this Treatise which additions how incompatible are they with the sence and scope of the text it selfe where it is said The Lord hath giuen after his resurrection equall power to his Apostles and againe They were all the same that Peter was as also with that Nullitie pronounced elsewhere against appeales made ouer the sea Cyprian in Concil Carthagin siue de sentent Episcop 73. editio Parisiens Cyprian de Alâ—ator and diuers other places of the same Author None of vs sayth he hath made himselfe a Bishop of Bishops through feare and tyrannie to force his Collegues to his obedience The heauenlie goodnesse hath bestowed vpon vs the ordering of the Apostleship and hath by his heauenlie fauour dignified the Vicars seat of the Lord Christ said to all the Apostles and in them to all Bishops which should succeed them in their Vicariall ordination He which heareth you heareth me Idem ad Puppien Epist 66. editio Parisien so that sayth he one of vs may not iudge another but we attend he excepteth none the iudgement of our Lord Iesus who alone hath power Vnus solus to ordaine vs to the gouernment of his Church and to iudge our doings Thus farre Cyprian immediately vpon whose death the Church of Afrike to cut off all claime of this pretended jurisdiction decreed That the Bishop of the first See should not be called Prince of Priests or chiefe Bishop Idem in Concil Carthag siue de sentent Episcop epist 73. Concil Afric art 6. Capitu. Carol. Magn. li 7. c. 17. Bochell Decret Ecclesiae Gallic li. 5. tit 5. cap. 1. or by any other like name Which decree our French Church heretofore vnderstood expressely of the See of Rome And now let the indifferent Reader judge which edition that of Pamelius or this of Turnebus sorteth and suiteth better with these sayings of Cyprian and consequently whether these are not Harpyes clawes which thus defile the pure foord of the Fathers writings to our hands and what they haue done in this Epistle who can warrant vs that they haue not done in the other writings of the same Father and of all other Fathers But here may we see as in a glasse the audaciousnesse of Baronius Baron to 1. an 33. art 21 an 34. art 203. passim who would make vs beleeue that the meaning of S. Cyprian was cleane contrarie for first he sayth That S. Cyprian acknowledged S. Peters Chaire as supreme Iudge ouer all Churches in the world grounding himselfe vpon the Epistle before rehearsed and so notoriously corrupted which yet he is not ashamed so often to repeat as if it were as true as Gospell and who cannot make his owne cause seeme good if he may be
suffered to doe thus Secondly he sayth That in that decree against Iudgements giuen beyond the seas the Church of Rome was still excepted whereas indeed it was enacted directly against that Church and against no other but for proofe he alledgeth a certaine decretall Epistle of Fabianus In 1. vol. Concil Epist Decret Fabian ad Hilar. 3. Bishop of Rome written to Hilarius with these words Salua in omnibus Apostolica authoritate i. sauing alwayes the authoritie of the See Apostolike as if he had said sauing the case for which the Canon was principally made than which what can be more ridiculously absurd Now as touching all those Epistles which are inserted into the Councels vntill the time of Syricius it is agreed of on all hands that they are of no credit and though they were yet were it reason that Fabianus should be credited in his owne cause But besides the sottishnesse of the stile of this Epistle the verie date which it beareth Baron an 55. art 21. Africano Decio Coss bewrayeth the stampe for they can shew vs no such date either in their Fasti or in Onuphrius himselfe And it is noted in the margent of the first volume of the Councels vpon this Epistle that the greatest part thereof is found word for word in the decree of Sixtus the third which was but as yesterday to speake of a professed Annalist should not so doe Thirdly that notwithstanding all this yet Cyprian did aduow the authoritie of the Church of Rome For sayth he in that Epistle which he wrote to the Clergie of Rome vpon the death of Fabianus he tearmeth him Collegue in regard of his function but Praepositum in respect of his place and dignitie a meere tricke not fitting anie simple scholler much lesse a learned Diuine and Cardinall for what must Praepositus needs signifie a Pope Doth he not in the same Epistle call him a Bishop and doth he not tearme him Praepositus in regard of those to whom he wrote and not of himselfe Or doth he not giue the same style to other Bishops and to himselfe also when as in his seuenth Epistle to Rogatian his Deacon in the Church of Carthage Cyprian epist 7. ad Rogatian editio Pamel congratulating him for the firme and stedfast confession of his Clergie he vseth these words The glorie of the Church is the glorie Praepositi i. of him that is set ouer it meaning himselfe as Bishop as appeareth by the next precedent clause In this common ioy the portion of the Bishop is the greatest Idem epist 11. ad Marty confesso editio Pamel And in the eleuenth Epistle we read Praepositorum est i. It is the part of them which are set ouer the Church to instruct the hastie and ignorant that of Pastors they become not butchers of the flocke to wit in suffering them which had fainted in the confession of Christ to come ouer hastily to the Communion where he expoundeth this word Praepositos by Pastors so likewise in the 13 15 23 27 Epistles as Pamelius himselfe cannot denie But as you see a little stuffe will serue this Cardinall to make the Pope a coat Fourthly he sayth That all questions of heresie were referred to the judgement of the Bishops of Rome exclusiuely to all other at least that others came but onely to stand as cyphers alledging the example of Origen who when he was accused of heresie sent sayth he his confession first of all to Fabian Bishop of Rome as to the Bishop of all the Catholike Church and to this purpose citeth Eusebius but Eusebius joyneth Fabian with others He wrote sayth he to Fabian and to manie other Gouernours of the Church concerning his true profession and so runs the Latine translation and who doubts but that among them all such a man as Fabian Bishop of the imperiall Citie should be respected and written to with the first Fifthly and lastly he saith That Fabian being dead the Clergie of Rome he should haue said the Colledge of Cardinals tooke vpon them the care of all the Churches Baron an 245. ex Euseb lib. 6. c. 8. Grae. ad his proofes in this point are like the rest for sayth he The Clergie of Rome aduertised S. Cyprian of the death of Fabian as appeareth by his third Epistle and knowing that S. Cyprian had withdrawne himselfe from Carthage wrote vnto his Clergie exhorting them to take heed that none went astray Cyprian epist 3. edit Pamel And this they did sayth he Vice Pastoris i. doing as Fabian should haue done if he had liued sending vnto all Churches copies of the order taken at Rome in Lapsorum negotio i. touching their case which had fallen in persecution And what must these mutuall offices of care and loue this interchangeable aduising one another be taken for an argument of soueraigntie and power Cannot one Church consult another but with losse of her libertie nor take counsaile but with prejudice to her freedome or must counsaile serue the giuer for a claime of homage and the taker for a yoke of thrall and bondage Those golden Epistles of S. Cyprian written whether to the Pope or whether to the Clergie of Rome vpon so manie points of great importance wherein he instructs exhorts and sometimes sharpely reproues them shall they serue for so manie presidents to his successors in the Church of Carthage of superioritie and vsurpation ouer other Churches and ouer the Church of Rome it selfe See here Reader the course of their impostures and withall remember which Baronius wittingly suppresseth That this third Epistle of the Clergie of Rome to the Clergie of Carthage on which he grounds himselfe In notis ad epist 3. is not to be found either in the edition of Manutius or in anie manuscript as Pamelius himselfe acknowledgeth 3. PROGRESSION Of the variance which arose betweene S. Cyprian and Stephen Bishop of Rome touching those which had beene baptized by heretikes An. 258. ANother question arose not long after Whether those which had bin baptized by heretikes if afterward they returned to the true Church should be rebaptized or no Stephen held that no Cyprian that they should Stephens cause no doubt was the better had he carried the matter with discretion and sobrietie and had he stood as much vpon ground of argument and reason as he did vpon his authoritie for vnto a letter which was sent vnto him from a Councell consisting of 71 Bishops his answer for all was this Whatsoeuer the heresie be let the partie come to vs let nothing be innouated or changed onely as it hath beene deliuered to vs from hand to hand let them receiue imposition of hands in penance Seeking by authoritie to make the rest of the Churches dance after him and because they would not he excommunicated first the Churches of Africke and then all the Churches of the East which joyned with them OPPOSITION But neither Cyprian nor yet the Churches suffered themselues to
persecution began to flame out more violently than before Baronius in the meane time hunteth on vpon the old sent and not able to contradict the veritie of these proceedings will yet persuade vs that the Bishops of Rome commaunded absolutely in all the Churches and so did they I confesse and we haue alreadie seene but too much of their ambition but as carelesly were they obeyed as hath alreadie beene declared and more plainely hereafter shal appeare First therefore saith he when as Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria Baron vol. 2. an 263. art 30. sequent in oppugning the heresie of Sabellius was accused by those of Pentapolis vnto Dionysius Bishop of Rome as hauing spoken some things not so properly concerning the sonne of God hee purged himselfe to the Bishop of Rome by letters And what I pray you could this good Bishop doe lesse in a slaunder of such importance especially to those to whom he had beene defamed But what of this forwardnesse of his must wee needs erect a Consistorie in the Church or doth Athanasius report it as a suit at law These fellowes saith he without euer asking him how he would be vnderstood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 went to Rome and misreported of him He saith not That they accused him in forme of law but brandeth onely their pretended zeale with a marke of leuitie and rashnesse And as touching Dionysius Bishop of Rome he saith Athanas de Sententijs Dionysij That he sent him word what they had said of him and that thereupon the other wrot him backe presently his apologie And what I pray you is all this more than a brotherlie communication and entercourse of kindnesse betweene two good Bishops Secondly saith Baronius in the case of Samosatenus when he hatched his heresie in Antioch Baron an 265. art 10. sequent an 272. art 1. 2. Athanas lib. de Synod Euseb lib. 7. c. 29 30. Graec. c. 23. 24. Lat. they presently ran to the Bishop of Rome whereas yet Athanasius joyneth another with him in part of this praise and commendation Two Dionysius saith he the one of Rome the other of Alexandria ouerthrew Samosatenus What difference here betweene these two And Eusebius In a Synod saith he of verie many Bishops assembled in Antioch he was coÌ„demned of heresie cut off from all the Catholike Churches vnder heauen He saith not that these Bishops sent to Rome for a commission but wel he saith That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this was the proper word i. assembled together with one accord they wrot a letter directed to Dionysius Bishop of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to Maximus of Alexandria who lately had succeeded the other Dionysius in that See in particular and to the Bishops of all other Prouinces in generall to let them vnderstand what care they had taken in the quenching of this heresie And so goeth the verie inscription of this letter To Dionysius and to Maximus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to all other Bishops our fellow seruants throughout the world and to all the Vniuersall Church which is vnder heauen And what trace of that pretended Primacie find we in all this Thirdly Baron to 2. an 272. art 18. when as the heretike would not relinquish the Bishops house to Domnus elected in his roome by the Synod of the place he ran to Aurelian the Emperour not yet engaged in his persecutions against the Church And he saith Baronius as Eusebius reporteth Euseb li. 7 c. 24. Lat. c. 30 Graec. verie religiously ordained that liuerie of the house should be made and seisin giuen to whom the Bishops of this doctrine which were in Italie and in the citie of Rome should assigne it These are the words of Eusebius and thence concludeth he that Aurelian Pagan as he was yet acknowledged the power of the Bishop of Rome ouer all the world How so when as it appeareth that the other Bishops were joyned with him and consequently in this respect are made his equals this matter being referred by the Emperour to the Bishops that were neere adjoyning to Rome rather than to those of Alexandria because he answered this petition at Rome But the mysterie is this the Latine translation of Eusebius hath it thus To whom the Christians of Italie and the Bishops of Rome should assigne it Which Baronius to serue his purpose with this place hath voluntarily followed though knowing it to be corrupted because the originall in Greeke make the other Bishops of Italie to enter into concurrencie with him and in order of nomination to stand before them Fourthly what will you say if Baronius telleth vs That euen in those dayes it was the fashion to kisse the Popes feet for hee durst not say the pantofâ—e Baro. an 294. art 8. sequeÌ„t For proofe he telleth vs a tale out of a certaine old Legend of one Praepedigna wife vnto one Claudius who was conuerted to Christianitie by one Susanna his neece neere of kin to the Emperor Dioclesian and that Praepedigna for joy hereof because she her selfe was long since in heart a Christian ran to Caius Bishop of Rome cast her selfe at his feet and according as the custome was saith the Legend kissed them And hath Baronius no better authors than these which himselfe with others of like stuffe hath in so many places vtterly condemned Where can he shew vs that this Caius Bishop of Rome was nephew to the Emperour Dioclesian or that Susanna was his grand child a name not vsed among the Heathen But grant we all this to be true doth not he himselfe tell vs in that verie article That this same Claudius also kissed the feet of Gabinius the Priest If so what greater honour then hath the Pope than a simple Priest or if this be only an argument of zeale and affection in the one why should it be interpreted for adoration or fealtie in the other 4. PROGRESSION 1 That peace and plentie bred corruption in the Churches 2 Constantine his bountie and liberalitie to the Churches 3 Sundrie reasons summarily rehearsed to ouerthrow that pretended donation of Constantine vnto the Church of Rome 1 IT cannot be denied but that the Church whilest she had rest from persecution began euer to decline vnto corruption Cyprian obserued as much after the persecution of Decius Cyprian lib. de Lapsis and yeeldeth the reason namely Because euerie man stept in the couetous desires of his owne heart adding farther That it was high time for God to awake them with his rod speaking principally of the Pastors of the Church Non in Sacerdotibus deuota religio There was saith he no longer any deuotion left in the Priests no sincere faith in Ministers no mercie in their workes no gouernement in their manners c. The Bishops themselues who should haue serued for a spurre and patterne of well doing vnto others abandoning their holie functions dealt in matters of the world leauing their
to impeach or oppose against it And who now can haue any good opinion of the decrees of Gratian reformed in our dayes since Gregorie the thirteenth which vndertooke to reforme them was not ashamed to let stand for good I will not say this Palea or chaffe but this vnsauorie and filthie ordure And wee haue just cause to wonder at the impudencie of Baronius who trippeth ouer this matter as one would doe ouer fire lightly for feare of burning leauing it as a judged case no longer to be questioned Baron to 3. an 324. art 117. We saith he say nothing hereof because we can say nothing but what hath beene often said alreadie and it were bootlesse and troublesome to repeat it Whereas poore soule how many matters of farre lesse importance handled by infinit numbers of Authors doth he there repeat And the whole volumes of his Annales what are they else but heapes of idle and needlesse repetitions Well I wot that things were not at this time come vnto that height neither could they climbe so high but by degrees which we purpose to deduce euerie one of them in their order in the meane time this is cleere that together with their plentie came in corruption not onely in life and manners but also in religion which then began to degenerate by admistion of Heathenish superstitions Baron an 44. to 1. art 86. sequent Idem passim and this is that which Baronius meaneth where he saith That men at that time hallowed Heathenish rites and ceremonies by bringing them into the Christian Churches OPPOSITION This great aboundance and plenty of wealth falling by heaps vpon the Church caused many deuout and well disposed persons to forecast cruell things The Legend of Syluester saith Legenda B. Syluest That there was at that time a voice heard from heauen saying Hodiè effusum est venenum in Ecclesiā i. This day is there a poison powred forth vpon the Church But what euer the wealth of the Roman Church was this one thing is cleere as touching their authoritie That when there was question about Donatus who stood an heretike condemned by the Churches of Afrike Constantine left him not to be judged by Miltiades Bishop of Rome but appointed Delegats for the hearing of his cause namely Maternus Rheticus Marinus Bishops of Collen Optat. cont Parmen li. 1. August Epist 162. 166. Authun and Arles as Optatus Augustine report with whom he joyned afterwards in commission for the same cause the said Miltiades And when Donatus refused to stand vnto their judgement he assigned him the Councel of Arles which himselfe had formerly assembled to judge of his appeale and at last gaue sentence vpon him himselfe in person at Milan so that the Bishops of Rome of Authun and the rest were all equall in this commission without any colour of prioritie Neither needed Constantine any great intreatie vpon the difference and controuersie of Arrius himselfe to call the Nicene Councell Theodor. lib. 1. Histor Eccles cap. 7. and there to preside in person witnesse Eusebius Socrates Theodoret Sozomene Gelasius and the whole companie of Fathers assembled in that Councell by their Synodall Epistles which Fathers tooke vpon them to order the Bishop of Rome and did order him by speciall Canon which Canon because it is cauilled and contradicted by some deserueth more narrowly to be scanned and more particularly to be considered The sixt Canon therefore of the first Nicene Councell about the yeare 325 An. 325. concerning the ranking and ordering of Bishops euerie one in his place Canones Graec. Concil Nicen. 1. can 6. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is read in these words Let the auncient customes be obserued which are in Aegypt Lybia and Pentapolis so that the Bishop which is in Alexandria haue authoritie ouer all these because such also is the manner or custome of the Bishop of Rome where the Greeke word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a thing vsed by custome by which appeareth that it was a matter onely of custome not of law much lesse an ordinance or decree of God Likewise in Antioch and in other Prouinces let euerie Church retaine her due honour And in the seuenth Canon is like prouision made for the Church of Hierusalem and the same reason added Because such hath beene the custome and the ancient tradition to honour the Church of Aelia for so was Hierusalem called after that Adrian had rebuilt it in another place let her also haue her honour next after the other with reseruation alwayes of due honour to the Metropolitane Church And so is this Canon read in Gelasius Cyzicenus in the Acts of this Councell taken out of the Vatican Gelas Cyzicen in Act. Syno Nice 1. pag. 61. where we may obserue that this Councell foundeth them all alike vpon custome which it calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a manner wont or custome placing the Bishop of Rome betweene those of Alexandria and of Antioch vnto whom it assigneth their proper portions in euerie respect equall to him of Rome Of this custome we read in Epiphanius in expresse tearmes The custome sayth he is such Epiphan her 68. in princi that the Bishop of Alexandria hath ecclesiasticall cure and charge ouer all Aegypt Thebaida Mareotis Lybia Ammonia Mareotida and Pentapolis And Ruffinus Ruffin lib. 1. cap. 6. who liued in the same time with S. Ierome about 60. yeares after this Councell citeth the Canons thereof and among the rest this sixt Canon to the effect of the Canon before rehearsed In Alexandria sayth he and in the Citie of Rome let the ancient custome be obserued to wit that the one should take care of the Churches of Aegypt and the other suburbicariarum that is of the Churches neere vnto the Citie meaning Rome And the truth is that at this time doe he what he could he could not extend the limits of his jurisdiction so farre as vnto Milan or Rauenna whereof there is a type and figure remaining at this day at Rome which witnesseth as much wherein the Church of Lateran is expressed to be a Patriarchall Church vnto which there are seuen Bishops assigned to celebrate before the Pope vpon high daies or to assist the Pope if he pleased to celebrate himselfe Onuphri de Episcop titulis Diacon Cardinal to wit the Bishops as saith Onuphrius of the adioyning Cities namely Ostia Porto Sylua candida Sabini Praeneste Tusculum and Alba which Ruffin here seemeth to call Suburbicarias which yet perhaps comprised somewhat more as the countries of Marca and Tuscanie as we may collect out of the Theodosian Code True it is that Balsamon expounding the Greeke Canon extendeth the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome ouer all the West because that in his time which was about the yeare 800 he had stretched his wings a little farther Balsamon in Ca. Nice Synod cap. 6. 7. and Balsamon thought it ynough to exempt the
East from his authoritie not caring in the meane time what became of our Churches of the West But this one thing is euident that Gratian long since entred this Canon in his collection of decrees in the same sence which we alledge it and in more forcible tearmes than we doe cite them namely thus Distinct 65. Can. 6. Nichola in Ep. ad Michael Imperator Let the old custome continue in Egypt Lybia and Pentapolis since the Bishop of Rome hath the like custome For to interprete this Canon after Nicholas the first who liued fiue hundred yeares since that Councell as Gregorie the thirteenth and Bellarmine doe saying That the Councell of Nice knew well ynough that our Lord had giuen all to the Church of Rome and therefore could haue no meaning to order her but others by her example were first to make him judge in his owne cause and secondly to presuppose the thing in question which is an apparant fallax But Bellarmine hath yet one crochet farther of his owne braine he telleth vs That in the vulgar copies there are wanting in the beginning of this Canon these words The Church of Rome hath euer had the Primacie yet let the old custome stand c. But I wonder which are those which he calleth the vulgar copies or whence is it that he would haue these Canons taken if not out of the Greeke Councels out of Ruffin Balsamon Patriarch of Antioch out of Gratians decrees canonized by themselues or out of Cyzicenus who tooke them out of their owne Librarie and lastly if not out of the old Romane Code it selfe Codex canonem vetus ecclesiae Roman edit Paris An. 1609. where this Canon beginneth with these words Antiquae consuetudines seruentur c. Let old customes be kept hauing this summarie ouer head Of priuiledges belonging to certaine Cities joyning Rome as you see with other cities What copie can Bellarmine produce vnto vs more authenticall than these Concil Chalced. Can. 16. Peraduenture he will say the Councell of Chalcedon where it is so read as he alledgeth Action 16. But what if we reply that the Greeke copie of this Councell hath no such matter That Balsamon neuer heard thereof What will he rejoyne especially seeing that this Councell was held in the Greeke Church And put case it were not must we seeke the Canons of the Nicene Councell among those of Chalcedon rather than in the Nicene Councell it selfe Moreouer seeing that Bellarmine sticketh not to tell vs that it was Paschasin Legate of Pope Leo which proposed it in this manner in the Councell of Chalcedon what securitie will he giue vs that this Paschasin dealt more honestly now than did he which afterwards falsified this verie Canon in the open face of the Councell of Carthage But this is not all for Bellarmine himselfe corrupteth Paschasin for whereas he proposeth those words Quod ecclesia Romana c. as a title onely or summarie to the Canon Bellarmine alledgeth them as part of the text and decision it selfe saying Ecclesia Romana semper habuit Principatum inuerting quite the sence and meaning of the Fathers Moreouer true it is that Paschasin alledged those words in manner as we haue said but Bellarmine concealeth that when Aetius Archdeacon of Constantinople had deliuered the booke of Canons to Constantine Secretarie to the Synode Constantine read the sayd sixt Canon as we now doe beginning with those words Antiquae consuetudines seruentur Can. 3. and not with those other Quod ecclesia Romana c. And the decree of the Councell thereupon followed Can. 28. That the Bishop of Constantinople should hold the first place or primacie after the Bishop of Rome because she was new Rome Neither is it the quarrell betweene vs which of these two hath the prioritie but we say that it was so decreed Propter principalitatem vrbis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not by ordinance from Christ not by anie authoritie deriued from S. Peter neither yet by anie graunt from Constantine or act of the Nicene Councell but that it was here so ordered Propter primatum vrbis i. because Rome was the chiefe citie and so as that Constantinople which had none of these fond claimes to make ijsdem primatibus honoris ijsdem priuilegijs vtatur should enjoy the same primacie of honour and equall priuiledges for no other reason but because she was Nona Roma new Rome Now if those pretended priuiledges of the Church of Rome came from the Gospell or from the prerogatiue of S. Peter how could these be made equall with them And if these be equall then is it euident that those other came not from the Gospell or prerogatiue of S. Peter and why then should these men so abuse the name of the Gospell Truth it is that the morrow after Lucentius the Popes Legate protested against this decree requiring it to be retracted and an Act to be made of such his Protestation But his Protestation was rejected by the Emperours Delegates themselues who pronounced in this manner as is there expressed The honourable Iudges said what we haue pronounced all the Synod hath approued namely touching the Canon against which they protested So farre was it from that which Bellarmine would haue Bellarm. de Roman Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 13. That the Fathers of that Councell held themselues satisfied with the remonstrations of Paschasin and this is the truth and sinceritie which they euer vse in alledging Councels As for his finall answere to which he holds himselfe it is more than ridiculous The true exposition and meaning of that Canon sayth he is that the Bishop of Alexandria should gouerne those Prouinces because the Bishop of Rome was so wont to doe that is was wont before anie definition of the Councels to suffer the Bishop of Alexandria to gouerne them But let him tell me in conscience can these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Quia Romanus Episcopus ita consueuit alias Quia Romano Episcopo pardis mos est that is Because this is the manner or custome of the Bishop of Rome can I say these words be thus vnderstood without violencing and wresting all sort of languages Or can this exposition anie wayes suit with the opinion of Ruffinus Or can Bellarmine but blush at the remembrance of this euen in his secret chamber Adde we hereunto that in that celebrious and renowmed Councell of Nice the deputies of the Bishop of Rome presided not but contented themselues with the fourth roome So that Cardinall Cusanus hauing expounded this sixt Canon as we now doe had reason to say as he doth De concordant Cathol lib. 2. cap. 12. Hence we may see saith he how much the Bishop of Rome hath at this time gotten onely by vse and custome of subiectionall obedience beyond that which the old customes of the Church afforded him This then is the naked truth according to that which we find in Histories which yet Baronius would
faine disguise either beleeuing it himselfe or willing to put the gull vpon other men to make them beleeue that from the verie cradle and infancie of Christianitie there hath euer beene a Pope wrapt in such clouts as now we see him in and that Constantine because among others he gaue largely also to the Church of Rome therefore deuested himselfe of his imperiall robe and dignitie to clad him withall And obserue by what degrees he commeth to it First saith he To the end that the soueraigne Bishop of Christian religion should no longer dwell in a priuate house Baron to 3. an 312. art 80 81 82 83 84 85. he gaue vnto Miltiades for him and his successors after him one of his palaces to wit that of Lateran in Rome And whence had Baronius this report He is ashamed to alledge that Epistle of Isidore the Collector but whence had he it After much trash We haue it saith he from an approued Author Can. 12. q. 1. c. 15. § denique namely from Optatus Mileuitanus who telleth vs that Miltiades Bishop of Rome held the Councell of Rome in the house of Fausta in the Lateran he should haue added Optat. Mileuit aduers Parm. lib. 1. That he kept the Iubilie there also But what can he argue or proue out of these words That that was the Bishops house or if it were that it was giuen him by Constantine We read that not long after Syluester held another Councell Intra Thermas Domitianas was that house therefore his also or if that stately palace of Lateran was his before what needed he now to borrow another mans Yet this were a small matter if he stayed there but taking this as granted he wisely groundeth thereupon and inferreth That seeing the Emperour bestowed his Palace on him reason it selfe would that we beleeue that he gaue him his imperiall robes also which conjecture of his vanisheth like smoake so soone as it is denied Secondly he telleth vs Baron to 3. an 324. art 78. sequ that Constantine in the 24 yere of his reigne ordained That the Bishops of the Christian law should from that time forward haue the same priuiledges which the idolatrous Priests had and enioyed in times past not seeing at least not considering what prejudice he doth to his owne cause whilest he maketh it to appeare vnto vs that what euer they haue of this sort they haue it all from thence But yet what author hath he Baron an 311. an 315. art 10. None but the Acts of Pope Syluester in Latin which himselfe in so manie places vilifieth as being full of enormous falsities And yet from this sinke raketh he all those priuiledges of idoll Priests and Pontifes to settle them vpon the Christians They had sayth he as chiefe among them Rex Sacrificulus who in their solemne feast was wont to watch and haue an eye ouer all the rest They had also their soueraigne Pontife An. 324. art 79. Pontifex Maximus arbitrator of all questions arising about matters diuine or humane among them And who can thinke that Constantine would long endure that these should exceed the Christians in pompe and glorie the Christians I say to whom himselfe was contented to bow his necke Such are the proofes of this absolute authoritie and power of the Bishop of Rome yet may we learne from him those proud and pompous obseruances vsed by the Popes wherein if he erre somewhat in the times yet he maketh amends for it in the matter The Idoll Priests sayth he as Tacitus reporteth Tacit. lib. 12. had this priuiledge to enter the Capitoll in their Litter Plutarch q. 9. 10. Cic. ad Attic. lib. 2. ep 24. Prudent Hym. 10. so may you see the Pope alwayes carried through the Citie Whomsoeuer they met saith Plutarch they neuer vncouered vnto him no more doth the Pope at this day They were clad sayth Tullie with scarlet of the deepest dye so are the Pope and his Cardinals To conclude the High Priest as Prudentius reporteth at the time of his consecration had his labels and his crowne of gold O how much are we beholding to Baronius who presenteth vnto vs their Pope attyred from top to toe in habit of a Pagan But to say the truth the Popes were no such jollie fellowes in those dayes neither can anie proofe be made thereof As for the name of High Priest Pontifex Maximus it had beene no lesse than flat treason to haue vsurped it seeing that Histor lib. 4. as Zosimus reporteth as well Constantine himselfe as other Emperours after him by the space of one hundred yeares vntill the time of Gratian both retained the name and vsed the pontificall robes and ornaments presented vnto them by the Priests at the time of their coronation Which Baronius himselfe elsewhere not onely affirmeth Baron to 3. an 312. art 94. sequ but also proueth by sundrie old inscriptions which he produceth and giueth the reason thereof himselfe namely that therefore the High Priesthood was ioyned with the imperiall dignitie that the Senat and people of Rome those which were yet of the Heathenish faction might not so easily be drawne to conspire against the Christian Emperours as being of a foreine and different religion And who can then imagine that anie other durst vsurpe that name in Rome and in their presence Thirdly Baronius maintaineth That if the Pope had not perhaps the title yet he had in effect the power of a supreame Iudge in all causes of Religion and Heresie and that he was so commonly reputed and taken in the world much troubled in mind as it seemeth that Constantine himselfe tooke knowledge of the cause of the Donatists receiued their Appeale appointed Delegates and in the end sentenced and decided the cause himselfe in person whereof to doubt were to call all Historie into question The truth of the Historie is this The Donatists being moued by Anulinus the Proconsull by order from the Emperor to reconcile themselues to Caecilian Bishop of Carthage had thereupon recourse vnto the Emperour And because they held the Bishops of Afâ—ike as suspect preferred a petition vnto him That he would be pleased to appoint them Iudges out of Fraunce And Optatus sayth That the Emperour hereupon grew verie wroth and said You craue iudgement of me in my secular Courts Optat. Mileui cont Parm. lib. 1. which am my selfe to attend my doome from the hands of Christ as being justly incensed with the brawles and wranglings of these Bishops who in Christian dutie should haue fallen to an accord without an vmpire And yet as Optatus sayth at their suit Iudges were appointed namely Maternus Bishop of Cullen Rheticus of Authun and Marinus of Arles Here Baronius telleth vs Baron to 3. an 313. That Constantine was as yet a â—â—â—ce in the Faith not skilled in the courses and proceedings of the Church but that afterward he reformed this error being giuen to
vnderstand that this belonged onely to the Bishop of Rome which saith he the Emperour testifieth by that Epistle which he wrote vnto him thereupon by which letter at the solicitation of Anulinus he joyned him in commission with those other three for the hearing and determining of that cause in the Synod Seeing therefore that he groundeth the reformation of the Emperours judgement vpon this Epistle it shall not be amisse to examine the contents thereof First the title of it is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb lib. 10. cap. 5. A copie of the Emperour Constantine his letter by which he commaundeth to call a Synod at Rome for the vnitie and concord of the Churches The superscription this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. To Miltiades Bishop of Rome and to Marcus Where Baronius impatient to see a companion joyned with the Pope to make him all in all in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by what authoritie I know not nor what copie he hath to follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But graunt we that it is so what doth I pray you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie in all auncient Writers and euen in Dionysius himselfe whom they falsely surname the Areopagite but onely a Bishop that is a man hauing charge and ouersight of diuine Seruice But to the purpose it is farre more likely if we will stand vpon conjectures that that word Marcus was written short to stand for Maternus or Marinus with an abbreuiation in the end in this manner Materno or Marino c. a thing vsuall in those Patents which they called Formatas or Sacras when they were directed to manie at once of whom in the exemplifications they named onely some few of the first and then added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. and to the rest And such might that copie of Eusebius be But what sayth the Patent it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word vsuall in their solemne decrees that is It hath seemed good vnto me that Caecilian with ten other Bishops should repaire to Rome there to haue hearing before you and before Rheticus Maternus and Marinus your Collegues whom I haue commanded to hasten thither for this purpose according to that of S. Augustine where he sayth August in breu Collat. That then and thâ—â—e were read the letters of the Emperour before them by which he enioyned them to heare the cause of Caecilian Also I haue caused to be deliuered into their hands the copies sent vnto me by Anulinus the Proconsall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end that your Grauitie a great inciuilitie of the Emperour not to say your Holinesse may the better aduise of some course to be held in the proceedings and finall determination of this cause And now let the reader judge where the authoritie then rested and what omnipotencie the Pope then had But so eagre are they in this matter that of a simple voice and suffrage of the Pope they will needs make a definitiue sentence By the sentence of Miltiades sayth Baronius this cause was ended and controuersie decided Baron an eod art 26. hauing no colour for his assertion but onely this that Miltiades spake last whereas the Author speaketh onely in this manner Caecilian was pronounced innocent by all the aboue named Bishops and by the sentence of Miltiades himselfe with which the iudgement was concluded and reason good for he presided as was fit he should being Bishop of Rome in a Synod held at Rome Yet would not the Donatists here rest Optat. cont Parmen lib. 1. and Optatus thereupon sayth That Donatus thought fit to appeale from the Bishops he sayth not from Miltiades or from the Bishop of Rome and that Constantine grew highly offended with this course and cried out O the boldnesse of these mad fellowes they haue entred their appeale as the Gentiles vse to doe in their suites at law so distastfull and vnpleasing to him was this bangling of the Clergie Yet for all this though Baronius should burst for anger the Emperour in the end admitted of their appeale and gaue order that a Councell should be called at Arles for the oyer and terminer of this cause writing to sundrie Bishops and Metropolitanes to be present at it And we find in Eusebius a copie of his Letters Patents directed to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse the title whereof is as of that other to Miltiades by which he commaundeth a Councell to be called c. and the tenor as followeth Euseb lib. 10. cap. 5. edit Lat. Hauing declared the first judgement which was giuen in this cause by expresse order from himselfe by certaine Bishops of France and Afrike the Bishop of Rome also being there present he saith not President in the end Wee sayth he haue commaunded certaine Bishops to assemble in Synod vpon such a day at Arles giuing him likewise straitly in charge to be there in person to the end saith he that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. by thy Grauitie which qualitie and no other he vsed before vnto Miltiades and by the wisedome of the rest this controuersie may be composed Episto Constant ad Abla ab ipso Baron citat ex Biblioth Pet. Pyth. August ep 68. August cont Parmen lib. 1. cap. 5. To which purpose also he wrote vnto Ablauius Grand Master of the household willing him to follow this businesse and euer with these tearmes Preceperam venire iniungendum duxi facias nauigare and the like So that S. Augustine speaketh verie properly when he sayth Alterum Episcopale iudicium dedit habendum c. that is He appointed another hearing of this cause to be had by the Bishops at Arles leauing it a cleare case to whom it appertained of right to call a Councell And this Emperour caused at length as S. Augustine reporteth two hundred Bishops out of France Italie and Spaine to assemble at Arles himselfe also was there present Baron an 314. art 53. he presided and in the end gaue sentence himselfe in fauour of the Catholiques whereupon Baronius citeth that vnto vs which we find in Eusebius his first booke Euseb de vita Constant lib. 1. cap. 37 38. namely that Constantine taking a particular care of the Churches of God by reason of sundrie dissentions which he saw daily to arise betweene the Bishops himselfe in person as a generall Bishop appointed by God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. assembled Synods of the Ministers and consequently did that which the Pope now claimeth as properly belonging to himselfe Well saith Baronius yet at least this appeareth That the Fathers of this Councell wrote their Synodall Epistle to the Bishop of Rome entreating him thereby to ratifie and confirme their Acts and thence inferreth that the custome and manner of the Church at that time was whensoeuer anie decrees of Councels were agreed vpon and enacted to send them first to the Bishop of Rome as not to be published without his approbation
first had and obtained thereunto Let vs therefore briefely examine this Epistle also whether according as we find it in the Councels Baron an 314. art 67 68 69. or whether as he alledgeth it out of Pytheus The title it selfe in the first is worth the noting Domino fanctissimo fratri Syluestro Episcopo i. To our most holie brother Syluester Bishop The exordium followeth in this manner The things which we haue with one consent decreed we here make knowne charitati tuae to your charitie to the end that all may know what they ought to doe hereafter Now this word Decree importeth no suspension of authoritie in them nor yet implieth that they were to learne of him but rather that the Pope as well as all others should learne of them neither doth that other copie much differ in sence Communi copula charitatis c. We say they knit together in one and vnited by that common bond of loue and charitie and met together in this citie of Arles by the good pleasure of the most godlie Emperour greet thee most religious Father with all due reuerence Religiosissime Papa Would God beloued brother you had beene present with vs at the hearing of this cause so should a more seuere decree haue passed against the Donatists and we all finding your iudgement to concurre with ours should haue had the greater ioy And comming a little after to signifie vnto him what had passed in the Councell It seemed good vnto vs say they the holie Ghost and the Angels being present with vs c. I would know whether this be to craue confirmation or to fetch the holie Ghost from Rome in a budget or is it not rather to determine of the cause absolutely without the Pope And againe Placuit c. It seemed good to vs say they because you hold the greater Diocesse therefore not all as if all the world were but one Diocesse and that subiect to his jurisdiction to make knowne vnto all men what we haue done and principally by you And who seeth not that to make knowne is one thing and to craue confirmation is another To conclude the Donatists finding themselues to haue the worse appeale to Constantine in person who though all wearie of their contentions and debates yet assigned the parties a day to appeare before him at Milan and there confirmed he by his decree all the former sentences giuen against them witnesse Saint Augustine in many places The Emperour saith he being constrained to iudge this cause after the Bishops caused the parties to appeare before him and with all care August Epist 168. diligence and wisedome entring into the knowledge of the cause pronounced Cecilian innocent and his aduersaries a companie of vngodlie persons And againe Post Episcopalia Iudicia saith he i. After the iudgements of the Bishops c. meaning as well that at Rome as that at Arles what King or Emperour in these our dayes attempting to doe the like should not be excommunicated and cut off from the Church yet Syluester at that time neuer grudged or repined at it And thus they still abuse the world Fourthly he alledgeth the case of Arrius let vs see therefore whether his successe be like to proue better in this than in the former Arrius therefore hauing disgorged his poyson in Alexandria and afterwards by his ballad-like letters dispersed it into all corners of the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epâ—phan Haer. 69. Alexander Bishop of Alexandria opposed himselfe against him and sent likewise his Epistles general into all parts to the number of seuentie as Epiphanius reporteth Here Baronius without any authoritie or reason groweth verie peremptorie It is apparent saith he that Alexander before all others wrot first concerning this matter to Syluester Bishop of the first See But why should we take his bare word for proofe Proofe ynough Baron an 318. art 59. Epist Liber to 9 Biblioth Socrat. lib. 1. c. 3. sayth Baronius for haue we not a certaine Epistle of Liberius wherein it is thus written We haue euen at this day the letters of Alexander vnto Syluester And what of that for haue not we likewise euen at this day another of his Epistles generall in Socrates with this inscription To our most honored fellow Ministers throughout the Church wheresoeuer And haue not we another of the same in Theodoret written in particular to the B. of Constantinople Were we disposed to take such aduantage what might not we conclude out of this But we say farther That Alexander Bishop of Alexandria without attending any aduise from Rome Ibidem excommunicated Arrius and cut him off from the Church as appeareth by his owne letters and moreouer published an orthodoxall confession for an antidote against the poyson of his doctrine and raised both East and West against him in all which we heare no newes of Syluester Here againe Baronius runneth to his likelihoods Baron an 318. art 88.89 All other Bishops of the East saith he rising as it were in armes to ioyne with Alexander Haud par est credere we may not thinke that Syluester Bishop of Rome stood all the while idle But seeing it was heretofore said vnto him Feed my sheepe we may well imagine nay rather constantly affirme That he bestirred himselfe in the businesse as well as the best And hath Baronius indeed no better proofes than these Euseb de vita constantin l. 2. c. 63. Socrat. l. 1. c. 4. Sozom. l. 1. c. 15. Yes saith he for Syluester sent Hosius Bishop of Corduba his Legat into Aegypt This I confesse is somewhat to the purpose if it were true True it is that the Emperour to quench that fire dispatched his letters both to Alexander and Arrius by Hosius a man of note and one whom the Emperour honoured verie highly Euseb de vita Constant l. 2. c. 63. And Eusebius speaking of the same man saith That he was one much honoured among good men for his vertue and whom the Emperour had neere about him And the title of that chapter in Eusebius is Legatum de Pace componenda mittit i. He sendeth a Legate or Embassadour to make peace betweene them Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. Theodoret hath the like and withall a copie of that letter wherein the Emperour admonisheth them to handle such questions with discretion reuerence and good agreement As for Syluester or what hee did herein there is not in all these either word or sillable to be found And must Baronius his conjecture goe for currant That sure it was so but that Eusebius would not report it But to proceed This fire beginning now to flame out it was thought fit to assemble that first generall Councell in the citie of Nice But who then called it or by whose authoritie and commaund was it assembled All histories agree in one Euseb de vita Constant Edit Lat. c. 6. l. 3. Eusebius saith The Emperour Constantine assembled the generall
as for any confirmation sought for at Syluesters hands there is no mention at all made therein And farther that Epistle which we haue in the first tome of the Councels besides that it is most foolishly written is not Synodical but written as it is expressed in the title by Hosius Bishop of Corduba Macarius of Constantinople Vitus and Vincentius Priests of Rome whereas the Synodals carried alwayes the title Of the Sacred Councell and withall the names of some of the most famous Bishops and to what purpose the name of Macarius Bishop of Constantinople which was at that time scarce built Neither doth it mend the matter that Baronius in stead of Constantinople readeth Ierusalem Baron an 325. art 171. for why then should Hosias subscribe before him contrary to the order established in the Councell or why before Victor and Vincentius Lieutenants at that time for the Bishop of Rome and lastly why was not Eustathius Bishop of Antioch first named As for the confirmation it selfe of Syluester Baronius acknowledgeth that whole Epistle to be forged and proueth the falsitie thereof by the date Neither is there any greater reckoning to be made of the testimonie of Pope Felix as being a witnesse in his owne cause and liuing one hundred and sixtie yeares after this Councell and either abused himselfe or abusing others with that said counterfeit Epistle Euseb lib. 4. de vita Constant c. 41. Now there were sundrie nationall Synods held shortly after vnder the same Constantine for the confirmation of that first Nicene Councell as that of Tyre in the yeare 334 at Ierusalem An. 335 at Constantinople An. 336 Baronius quarels vs concerning the issues of them and of their confirmation But what can he say for the calling and assembling of them or can he shew that either Syluester or Marcus complained that the Emperour had done them wrong as encroaching vpon their liberties and medling with that which appertained not vnto him 5. PROGRESSION 1 That Marcus Bishop of Rome called himselfe the Vniuersall Bishop 2 That Iulius Bishop of Rome offered to restore certaine Bishops deposed by their Metropolitans 3 Of the Canon of the Councell of Sardica by which Bishops wrongfully deposed might flie to Iulius Bishop of Rome An. 337. 1 ABout the yeare 337 we haue in the first booke of the Councels an Epistle of Marcus Bishop of Rome successor vnto Syluester written to Athanasius and to the other Bishops of Aegypt wherein notwithstanding what hath beene alreadie said he taketh vpon him the name and title of Vniuersall Bishop Surely we may well imagine that this Epistle is of the same stampe with the rest There he furnisheth his cause with all the arguments which hee can deuise The Church of Rome hath alwayes continued immaculat and vndefiled by the prouidence of God and assistance of Saint Peter euer so to endure And againe The Lord in the Gospell spake vnto the Prince of his Apostles saying I haue prayed for thee that thy faith should not faile Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. Edit Lat. Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. 2 After which time we find in Socrates and Sozomene that Iulius successor vnto Marcus tooke vpon him by absolute authoritie to restore sundrie Bishops of the Easterne Churches deposed for diuers causes by their Synods Because saith he the care of all the Churches belonged to him by reason of his See therefore he wrot to the Bishops of the East telling them that they had done verie ill to determine and conclude any thing against those Bishops without his priuitie Where it is to bee noted that these last words without his priuitie are added in the Latine translation there being none such to be found in the originall it selfe And farther saith he Iulius commaunded them to send some of their companions to appeare before him vpon a day appoynted Epist Marci in 1. tomo Concil to giue a reason and to iustifie their proceedings against them And if this Epistle be all one with that which we find in the first to me of the Councels with this title In the behalfe of Athanasius and concerning certaine excesses against the Church of Rome then would he farther persuade them therein that the Fathers of the Nicene Councell decreed That no Bishop might bee judged but by his See no Synod called but by his authoritie and thence proceedeth to sharpe reproofes and reproachfull speeches concluding at last That whosoeuer shall attempt any thing against this doctrine is irreuocably damned and for euer deposed from his charge And farther That whosoeuer shall be deposed without his authoritie he will maintaine him in his place and addeth this reason For that euer since the times of the Apostles and lately by the decree of the Nicene Councell as much the one as the other all greater causes haue euer beene reserued to the hearing and finall determining of his See An. 347. 3 So likewise in the yeare 347 in the Councell of Sardica at the motion of Hosius there was a decree which passed to this purpose That Bishops deposed by their Metropolitans if they found themselues aggrieued might craue and haue a new hearing of their cause before Iulius Bishop of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which his successors since that time from a particular case haue extended to all sorts of causes and from the person of Iulius to all succeeding Popes and we now come to examine what Oppositions were made against these attempts OPPOSITION First therefore as touching the Epistle of Marc Athanas in Orat. Vnum esse Christum col 104. Athanasius himselfe might well haue answered him as he sometime spake in a treatise of his Thou art Peter and vpon this stone will I build my Church This is a faithfull saying and varieth not The Church is a thing inuincible And if perhaps Marc would haue gone to restraine this answere to himselfe and to his See Athanasius might haue replyed that though indeed he defended him yet his successor Liberius did openly condemne him namely when he wrote vnto the Bishops of the East in this manner Epist Liberij ad Oriental apud Hilar. in fragment I cast off Athanasius from our Communion not daining so much as to receiue his letters I maintaine peace with you embracing the confession of the Syrmian Councell which is all one in effect as if he had in expresse words renounced the Councell of Nice Wherefore S. Hilarie who liued at that time cryed out Ibid. This is an Arrian trecherie Anathema to thee O Liberius and to all thy companions Athanas in epist ad solitar vitam agentes col 470. Hiero. in Catal. in Fortunatian Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. li. 4. c. 9. Anathema againe and againe vnto thee thou false hearted double dealing Liberius And this is that accursed and wretched testimonie which Athanasius also and Ierome giue of him And Bellarmine himselfe acknowledgeth as much by reason of certaine letters which he wrote to Constantius the Emperour and
Bishop Hilarie a Priest and Pancrace a Deacon Epist Liberij ad Constantium to the Emperour Constans who as we hope sayth he shall easily obtaine of thy clemencie that a Councell may be called for the peace of the Churches Catholike meaning whether there should happily be occasion to assemble the Bishops of the East and West as in a Generall Councell or onely of sundrie prouinces as in that of Sardica of which Councell Athanasius speaking saith That there were there present from Iulius Athanas Apolog. 2. Archidamus and Philoxenus Priests whom Baronius would faine put into scarlet onely to make Legats of them And a maruell is it that because Hosius is there a chiefe speaker he maketh him not chiefe Legat also Baron to 3. an 347. art 10. But hauing no author for that After the Legats of Iulius sayth he Hosius Bishop of Corduba and Protogenes Bishop of Sardica tooke the chiefe place in this Synod as Sozomene reporteth How manie lyes is poore Baronius faine to coyne onely to colour one For Athanasius who was there present and had good cause to know reciteth their names which subscribed in order following Hosius of Spaine Iulius of Rome by Archidamus and Philoxenus Priests Protogenes of Sardica c. Neither is it probable that he would not haue named Hosius for a Legat if he had beene such but it is cleare that this prerogatiue was giuen him for the worthinesse of his person As for Sozomene whom he alledgeth he speaketh plaine in this manner Hosius and Protogenes who were the chiefe and principall of those which met at Sardica out of the West c. And therefore that reseruation of our Annalist Post Legatos i. after the Legats where is it to be found And farther if those Priests had beene receiued in this pretended qualitie should Hosius haue opened the Councell and proposed all matters as he did And if Hosius did this in what qualitie did he it if not in his owne priuat qualitie and in regard of that great sufficiencie which the world tooke notice to be in him Which made Athanasius and after him Theodoret to say Where is that Synod Theodor. l. 2. c. 15. ex Athanas wherein Hosius hath not presided and where is that Church which hath not the memorials of his presidencie Whence it is also that Theodoret himselfe calleth him The great and venerable Sire iustly called Hosius which is by interpretation Holie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and excellent aboue all other men Well sayth Baronius yet this is euident Baron an 341. art 18. That if anie found himselfe wrongfully condemned by the Bishops of his owne Prouince the partie grieued might appeale to Rome The words verily of the Canon are these Hosius the Bishop said Concil Sardic c. 3. 4. If any Bishop be condemned in anie cause if the partie condemned thinke he haue iust cause not to stand to the sentence if it please you let vs yeeld this honour to S. Peter let the matter be signified by letter to Iulius Bishop of Rome to the end that he with other Bishops of his dioces may enter againe into the knowledge of the cause And Balsamon vpon this place affirmeth That the like priuiledge was graunted to the Bishop of Constantinople But come we to the point And first it was Hosius which proposed it and he proposed it as a new and extraordinarie antidot against a poyson considering that the Bishops of the East were for the greatest part at that present infected with Arrianisme and his purpose was that if anie found himselfe oppressed and aggrieued by the Arrians he might by vertue of this Canon haue recourse to Rome and to the Bishops of Italie who continued at that time sound in the Orthodox profession restraining it to the person of Iulius and would no doubt haue done otherwise in the person of Liberius successor vnto Iulius and a professed Arrian notwithstanding that pretended chaire of S. Peter And secondly note these words If it please you let vs honour the memorie of S. Peter For had this beene an auncient right should he not rather haue said Let vs obserue the commaundement of the Lord or the auncient order of the Church or the Canon of the Nicene Councell whereby it is ordained That men might appeale to Rome In stead whereof he speaketh as of a new proposall extraordinarie and arbitrarie at their pleasures Thirdly is it reason that a Canon of a Nationall Councell should conclude and bind the Church in generall Or can Baronius reckon this for a Generall Councell without ouerthrowing all Histories and inuerting the whole order of the Councels as they are alreadie placed For if we number this for one where then shall those of Constantinople of Ephesus and of Chalcedon stand Or because Athanasius calleth it a Great Councell is it therefore a Generall one Is not the first Councell of Arles called a Great one because there met in it the Bishops of sundrie Prouinces which yet was neuer numbred among the Generall Councels And doth not the Decrete it selfe D. 16. can 10. 11. authorized by the Popes ranke it with the Nationals And to conclude seeing that his reasons whereon he groundeth his assertion namely because it was called by the Bishop of Rome and because his Legats were there present are found to be false what credit can the assertion it selfe deserue Fourthly this Canon so made vpon the present occasion was neuer practised and was afterwards in expresse tearmes reuoked Neither can it be denied but that at that instant and shortly after there were manie Bishops deposed in the East Churches as well as before But did euer anie claime the benefit of this Canon Or is it likely that they would haue omitted such a meane of their restitution if anie such had beene of force And reuoked it was as I haue said in expresse tearmes namely in the Councell of Constantinople Can. 3. and in that of Chalcedon Can. 28. both of them being Councels Generall as Baronius himselfe acknowledgeth and both of them graunting equall priuiledges to the two Churches of Constantinople and of Rome in all respects sauing alwaies to the Bishop of Rome his precedencie which could not haue beene had the Easterne Churches beene alwaies tyed to answer to appeales at Rome and we shall see hereafter how the Churches of Africa would neuer be drawne to yeeld thereunto Whence it appeareth that that Canon was neuer meant but onely in case of destitution or restitution of certaine Bishops then being who were by this Canon ordered to referre their differences to the Bishop of Rome who was not tainted with Arrianisme as some of the Easterne Bishops were And this is the first place in all Antiquitie where mention is made in proper tearmes of an Appeale 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word yet is vsed onely in the narratiue part of the Canon proposed by Hosius not in the decision of the Fathers in fauor of
Iulius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which onely permitteth him to take knowledge of the cause anew which in the fift Canon is qualified with this Particle as if say they the Bishop deposed As appealing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall flie for refuge to the Bishop of Rome and as the third Canon so this in the decision concludeth onely for a reuiew of the former sentence so little was this matter of formall Appeales meant or vnderstood in this Councell And this fellow which standeth so much vpon his knowledge of Antiquitie and hath written so manie volumes of it should in all reason haue produced some Canon of the Apostles some Constitution of Clement or of some precedent Councell or some example out of the Historie of the Church and not haue grounded himselfe wholly vpon a certaine Appeale made de facto by Martian Valentinian Fortunatus or some such like heretike and make that his onely title to claime by especially considering that the Councell of Nice setteth downe another order in expresse tearmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil Nicen. can 4. Concil Antioch can 4. sequ namely this that the power of ratifying for so doth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there vsed signifie in good Greeke should belong to the Metropolitan in euerie Prouince where there is no superiour appointed ouer the Metropolitan no not the Patriarch himselfe at that time and yet was the question at that time properly concerning the ordination of Bishops And the Councell of Antioch which was held but a little before that of Sardica giueth to a Bishop deposed by his own Synod no other remedie but onely a reuiew in another Synod And farther all Antiquitie forbiddeth euerie Bishop or Metropolitan to receiue anie Bishop or Priest deposed without those solemne letters certificatorie called Formatae from his owne Metropolitan or Bishop which absolute and generall Law were to little purpose if this Law of Appeales did stand in force And hence came the vse of those Formata which were of so great weight and moment and were neuer granted forth but vpon mature aduise and long deliberation Fifthly here may we see how Baronius abuseth a certaine place of Theodoret Theodor. l. 5. c. 9. where he sayth That Iulius hauing receiued letters from Eusebius the Arrian of Nicomedia who made him Iudge following the Law or Ordinance of the Church commaunded him to come to Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cited Athanasius to appeare there also that is saith Baronius a Canon of the Nicene Councell now lost whereby it was enacted that men might from all parts appeale to Rome so small a piece of ground will serue their turne to found the tyrannie of the Pope vpon for what likelyhood thereof doe they find in anie Historie Wherefore it is more probable to say that seeing this was before that Canon of the Councell of Sardica it was meant rather of the common practise of the Church in those dayes when one Bishop oppressed was wont to flie for reliefe to some other of greater dignitie to cleare himselfe before him who thereupon vsed to call his aduersarie and to heare the cause betweene them according to that vniuersall Bishopricke whereof as sayth S. Cyprian euerie one did administer his portion by himselfe yet so as that no man neglected the whole Bodie or any particular member thereof the Church being a Bodie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sozom. l. 8. c. 13. i. which liued but by one and the selfesame breath As appeareth in the example of Ammonius and Isidore who finding themselues wronged by Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria fled to Chrysostome who receiued them and examined their cause and finding them to haue a right and Orthodox opinion concerning the Deitie wrote to Theophilus to receiue them to Communion if not and that he would yet draw the cause to a farther hearing that then he should send some one or other to make himselfe a partie in it The like was in Athanasius flying to Pope Iulius And yet did not Chrysostome hereupon ground anie pretence either ouer Theophilus in person or ouer the dioces of Alexandria The like was also in Liberius whom the Churches of the East assembled in the Syrmian Councell recommended to Pope Felix and to the Clergie of Rome requiring them to admit him as Collegue in that See which also they obtained And thus you see what that pretended Appeale was Baron an 349. art 6. vnlesse yet perhaps some man may thinke that foolerie of Baronius worth the answering where he sayth that Athanasius calleth the Church of Rome The Church Athanas Apolog 2. idem ad solitarios by excellencie without addition The words of Athanasius are these The Emperour sayth he sent me letters hauing receiued them I went vp to Rome with purpose to visit the Bishop and Church there Who seeth not that this word Rome was omitted in this last place onely to auoid an vnnecessarie repetition of what was necessarily implied Now if we would vrge a saying of the same Father where he calleth Milan the Metropolis of all Italie what rejoinder would he make Nay we may say farther that this Councell had beene ill aduised to draw all to one mans authoritie seeing that Hosius the proposer of this Canon a while after fell away from the true and Orthodox doctrine and that Liberius next successor to Iulius fell vnto Arrianisme excommunicating Athanasius and being therefore himselfe without regard to his pretended supremacie excommunicated by our S. Hilarie Baron an 347. art 25. an 352. art 14. to 3. Baronius seeing the consequence which this Historie draweth with it would faine make it trauersable and sometimes flatly denieth it to be true and which is more enrolleth him in the Catalogue of Saints as he did afterwards the good Hildebrand called Gregorie the seuenth But leaue we him to debate this question with Athanasius and Hilarie with Liberius himselfe whose Epistles Nicholas Faber his trustie friend lately published with the fragments of Hilarie with Bellarmine who as hath beene alreadie shewed so clearely condemneth him and lastly with himselfe for as much as he vseth these fragments of Hilarie so farre forth as they serue his own turne for from thence taketh he a Synodicall Epistle Baron an 357. art 26. written to Iulius from the Councell of Sardica and therefore ought in reason to admit also of that Epistle of Liberius found in the same volume but we need no argument in a thing which himselfe affirmeth so plainely as he doth Baron vol. 4. an 365. art 1 2 3 4 5 sequent By all these things saith he taken partly out of histories partly out of the writing of the Fathers partly out of his owne letters it is impossible to free Liberius from that imputation of communicating with Arrius and of ratifying the sentence by them giuen against Athanasius And if saith he there were no other proofe his owne letters are sufficient to put
it out of question But shall wee therefore call him heretike minimè gentium And why not good sir since many a man hath beene so called vpon farre lesse occasion vnlesse a Pope holding opinion with Arrius by vertue of his Popedome be neither Arrian nor heretike An. 362. Now Athanasius in the yeare 362 held a verie famous Councell in Alexandria whither he inuited the Bishops out of all parts to helpe reestablish the true doctrine of the Church Our Annalist would needs persuade vs that hee did it by order from Liberius and that Liberius confirmed the acts of this Councell Which Baron to 4. an 362. art 208. saith he he plainely expresseth in his Epistle to Ruffinian But let who will read this Epistle and then say whether there be in it any one word tending to that purpose Nazianz. in Athanas At least Gregorie Nazianzene vnderstood it otherwise when as alluding to this Synod assembled by Athanasius he speaketh in this maner He prescribed lawes to all the world and drew euerie mans eyes vpon himselfe And vpon that question Whether and how farre forth such as had fallen were to bee restored he saith That the same courses were taken in all the Synods which had beene assembled In the presence saith he of the Bishops of all forreine Prouinces as also of Greece and of Spaine but of Italie or Rome no one word spoken Likewise in the yeare 364 Sozom. lib. 5. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there was another Synod held in Lampsacus where the Orthodoxe of Bythinia and Hellespont saith Sozomene sent Hypatianus Bishop of Heraclea to Valentinian the Emperour to intreat leaue to assemble themselues in councell The Emperour wearied with so many Councels called in the time of his predecessor Constans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to so little good purpose made answer That it was not lawfull for him being a lay man to meddle with the matters of the Church Whence Baronius concludeth That he thereby resigned all authoritie he had or could pretend in Church causes But the Emperour addeth farther Let the Church-men assemble themselues where they will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words they tooke for leaue and thereupon assembled themselues And in the end that fell out which the Emperour foresaw which was that being ouerborne by the aduerse faction they could not hold themselues to the Nicene Creed Here againe Baronius taketh aduantage because they sent three Legats to Liberius Bishop of Rome with a Synodall Epistle True but these Legats comming to him salute him onely by the name of Collegue and brother and to begin withall tell him That they had brought letters to his Benignitie and to all the other Bishops of Italie and of all the regions of the West Who consequently were associated with him in the same letter And what I pray you hath Baronius now gotten Last of all and for an vpshot let vs not forget a good saying of Baronius who Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmen to shew the pride of Donatus alledgeth a saying of Optatus Seeing saith he that there is none aboue the Emperour but God which made him hee therein passed the state of men esteeming himselfe now no longer a man but a God Which was onely for that he refused to accept the almes and offerings of the Emperour with whom he held not communion Let Baronius lay his hand vpon his heart and tell me truely what Optatus would haue said of our Pope of Rome now adayes seeing that he so much lifteth himselfe vp aboue the Emperour both in his decrees and in his actions but onely this That of a trueth he is that man of sinne foretold vnto vs which lifteth himselfe vp aboue God and causeth himselfe to be adored in the Temple of God 6. PROGRESSION What ambition was vsed in aspiring to the Popedome and what was the cause thereof IN the yeare 366 in the election of Damasus successor to Liberius An. 366. appeared plainely with what ambition and violence men aspired to the See of Rome The booke of the Popes saith That Damasus got it by hauing the stronger faction And Ruffin who liued at that time saith That about the choyce arose so great a tumult Liber Pontificalis quia fortior plurima multitudo erat Ruffin l. 1. c. 10. Marcellin l. 27 or rather an open warre whiles some maintained Damasus and others Vrsicin that the houses of prayer that is the churches floated with mans bloud But Ammianus Marcellinus telleth vs both the historie it selfe and also the cause thereof Damasus saith he and Vrsicin enraged with a desire of that Episcopall See drew the people into factions who thereupon grew first to blowes and afterward to murders So that Viuentius finding himselfe too weake either to represse or to appease them withdrew himselfe out of the citie in which conflict Damasus had the vpper hand and it is certaine that in the Church of Sicininus where the Christians vsed to meet at seruice there were left in one day 137 dead bodies and a hard matter it was for a long time after to assuage this enraged populace And thence it was that Ruffin called it an open warre And Marcellinus adding the cause For my owne part saith he I doe not wonder considering the brauerie of that citie if men ambitious of that place set vp their rest for the purchasing thereof for hauing once aspired thereunto they are sure to be enriched with the offerings of gentlewomen and ladies and to be carried in their coaches sumptuously attired and so magnificent in their feasts as passeth any kings table Whereas they might indeed bee truely happie if not regarding the greatnesse of the citie they would order their liues after the manner of other meaner Bishops who approue themselues to the immortall God and to his true worshippers by puritie of life by modestie of behauiour by temperance in meat and drinke poore apparell and lowlie eyes Whence the reader may perceiue and judge wherein consisted the difference betweene the Pope and other Bishops in those dayes yet Baronius glorieth in this pompe and pride of the Popes and taketh great pleasure in these feasts as one delighting to hold his nose ouer the pot Baron to 4. an 367. art 8. 9. Rex Sacrificulus Marcellinus saith he was a Heathen and therefore enuied to see our Soueraigne Pontife to surpasse their High Priest in pompe and glorie But he should haue remembred That this is a question not yet decided among the learned Whether he were a Pagan or a Christian and by his words it should seeme that he was a Christian Hieron Epist 61 The modester sort of Bishops saith he approue themselues to the immortal God and his true worshippers c. What now saith Baronius to all this Hierosme saith he in a certaine Epistle of his telleth vs of one Protextatus then Consull designed who was wont to say vnto Damasus Make thou me Bishop of Rome
last Will and Testament Which Law Ambrose caused shortly after to bee somewhat mitigated Such a doe they had euen in those dayes to intrench and fortifie themselues against their greedie auarice 7. PROGRESSION Of the vsurpations of Pope Damasus vpon seuerall Churches DAmasus if we will stand to the Epistles which goe vnder his name though a man commended for some good parts and qualities which were in him yet treading the path of his predecessors sought to establish a Primacie in his owne person especially in that Epistle which hee wrot to Stephanus Archbishop of Mauritania wherein he pretendeth that all the greater sort of causes ought to be referred vnto his hearing and that they could not be decided but by his authoritie as also that the prouision of Bishops belonged to him And Isidorus Mercator would yet farther persuade vs that Aurelius Bishop of Carthage sent to entreat of him the decrees of the Roman Church to gouerne his owne thereby Baron vol. 4. an 314. art 10. But Baronius himselfe blusheth at this for that in all the time of Damasus this Aurelius was onely a simple Deacon OPPOSITION But the practise of the Church was cleere against the vsurpation of Damasus seeing that all the greater offices and dignities of the Church haue in all times and places beene bestowed by those which were of the same place without asking the Popes aduise or leaue therein And seeing that the Fathers assembled at Constantinople openly declared vnto him Theodor. l. 5. c. 9 That there was an ancient law and decision of the Nicene Councell that the Bishops of euerie Prouince with those which dwelt neere vnto them should ordaine their owne ministers That by vertue of this decision Nectarius was ordained at Constantinople Flauianus at Antioch and Cyril at Ierusalem which they there tearme the mother of all other Churches Requesting him to reioyce for companie as for a thing rightly and canonically done And that he would not suffer any humane affection to carrie him beyond the bounds of reason Neither doe they addresse their letters to him alone but also to Ambrose to Britto to Valerian to Acholius and others assembled in the Synod of Rome And seeing also that Ambrose himselfe was elected Bishop of Milan by the suffrages of the people and that the Emperour Valentinian immediatly vpon the newes receiued Ruffin l. 2. c. 11. gaue order for his installation without sending to Rome And which is more about the yeare 381 Damasus then sitting Pope An. 381. Socrat. lib. 4. c. 24. 25. this second generall Councell of Constantinople was held and two yeares after was receiued and acknowledged by the Synod of Rome which Councell Theodosius the elder called and Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople ordered Onuphr in Fast without any Legat from the Bishop of Rome and there also these Fathers trod the path of the Nicene Councell diuiding the Prouinces for the auoidance of confusion in such sort That the Bishops of one Diocesse should not offer to goe vnrequested into the Diocesse of another there to giue orders vnto any which yet saith Socrates was in former times tolerated in the Church because of persecutions Concil Constant can 5. 7. can Graec. 3. And that if in anie Prouince a matter of difference happened to arise it should be decided by the Synod of the same Prouince As for the Bishop of Constantinople it was ordained that he should haue his prerogatiue of Precedencie next to the Bishop of Rome all which to stand for good if the Emperor were so pleased without anie reference at all vnto the Pope And both Socrates and Sozomen giue the reason of this equallising of them Socrat. Histor Eccles l. 5. c. 8. Sozom. l. 7. c. 9. because that Constantinople had not onely the name of Rome with like Senat and other magistrats but bare also the same Armes and held all other Rights and Honors which belonged to old Rome which reason is apparantly grounded vpon a ciuile respect and policie not vpon any precept of the Gospell Bellarm. in Recognit p. 46. Yet must Bellarmine needs tell vs that these Fathers writing to Damasus acknowledged that they were assembled by his appointment intimated to them by the Emperor and he citeth to this purpose Theodoret lib. 5. cap. 9. where the words themselues make cleane against him shewing That they had bin formerly inuited to come to Rome by the Emperor and were after that called to Constantinople by letters which the Synod of Rome after that of Aquileia sent to Theodosius not that Damasus gaue forth anie summons for their assembling And Bellarmine himselfe in his Recognitions acknowledgeth That this Epistle was neuer written by the Fathers of Constantinople and so it maketh not to the question now in hand But yet he addeth farther Bellarm. de Roman Pontif. l. 2. c. 13. That they acknowledged the Pope for their Head and themselues as members of that Head Here againe is a bundle of manifest vntruths for first the letter was not directed to Damasus neither yet to the Church of Rome but to the Synod of the Bishops of the West assembled that time at Rome to whom they vse indeed these words following You haue inuited vs thither as members of your Bodie shewing thereby your brotherlie affection whereby they acknowledge not anie Head but onely declare that all Christian Congregations are each others members and therefore hauing signified vnto them That according to the ancient Canons especially that of the Nicene Councell they had prouided their own Churches they conclude in maner following Wherefore we thus agreeing and being established in one faith and mutuall loue will now no longer vse that saying condemned by the Apostle I am of Paule I am of Apollo and I am of Peter but knowing that we are all of Christ who is not diuided in vs will by the grace of God keepe that Bodie of the Church vnrent and so appeare with confidence before the Iudgement seat of Christ not to say that it is found written in some copies at the foot of this Epistle Reuerend sonnes we pray God to preserue you In these dayes who durst speake so vnto the Pope In the meane time Pope Leo the Great Leo. ep 55. Theodor. l. 5. c. 10. a strong maintainer of this Primacie quarrelleth the authoritie of this Councell making the world to beleeue that he would hold himselfe wholly to the Councell of Nice which as we haue alreadie proued maketh as little for his purpose as the other But he cannot denie that his predecessor Damasus rested satisfied therewith and wrot backe vnto the Fathers in that Councell his kind and louing letters without euer calling the authoritie thereof into question though yet to retaine a respect and reuerence to his owne person or happily to crie quittance with them he also calleth them in his letter His much honored sonnes and telleth them in the verie beginning of his letters that indeed they had
of thy venerable Father meaning the Bishop There is but one faith and consent of all we may not oppose against thy Father our Collegue and fellow Minister Bellarmine yet instanceth againe in the case of Felix and Fortunatus a couple of schismatikes of Afrike who would haue had their cause new hammered before Cornelius Bishop of Rome But we haue alreadie declared what was the opinion of S. Cyprian thereupon Cyprian edit Pamel epist 55. 68. protesting that if such courses taken may be allowed all discipline would come to naught And Stephen who succeeded Cornelius when he attempted to vndertake the patronage of Basilides and Martialis Basil in Epist ad Occident whom the Churches of Spaine had deposed from their Chaires preuailed as little as his predecessor had done before him As for Liberius his bad hap was to take vpon him the protection of that hypocrit Eustathius Bishop of Sebasta Nazian in ep ad Caledon and Damasus of Vitalis a Bishop of the East whom afterwards vpon better aduise he excommunicated neither doth Baronius denie but that Syricius himselfe Baron to 5. an 397. art 17. sequ an 399. had he not beene forewarned by Marcella had beene as almost he was ouertaken by the Origenists so easie a matter was it by faire words and low crouchings to come ouer these men blinded with ambition and with desire of soueraigne authoritie But to come to this age and matter now in hand we read that Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria assembled a Synod and therein absolutely condemned the Origenists wherein he neuer expected either authoritie or aduice from Rome nay Rome her selfe was content to follow his example namely Anastasius the yere following Hieron ep 78. ad Pammach Marcell witnesse S. Hierosme who writing of this subject sayth Him whom Demetrius chased out of Alexandria Theophilus vanquished ouer all the world c. He boldly proclaimed Origen for an heretike Let the Chaire of S. Peter by her preaching confirme what the Chaire of Marc the Euangelist hath taught adding afterwards That indeed Anastasius had now condemned in the West what formerly had been condemned in the East not that Theophilus had need of confirmation from him for his sentence was absolute and carried execution with it But as Hierosme saith They both did it with the same zeale as led by the same spirit because they had both drunke out of the same fountaine of the Scriptures But there arose at this time a certaine difference betweene Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople and this Theophilus of Alexandria whereof they would sucke no small aduantage the case was this Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople being dead question arose about the choice of a successor The Bishops of the prouince assembled in Synod by common consent of Clergie and People elected Chrysostome Socrat. l. 6. c. 2. Sozom. l. 8. c. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and called him from Antioch to be their Bishop Here Baronius groundeth his argument for sayth he it is euident that Theophilus opposed himselfe against his election and would haue brought in one Isidorus a Priest of his dioces if therefore sayth he that Canon of the Councell of Constantinople had bin of force Baron to 5. an 397. art 63. which equalleth Constantinople with Rome how could Theophilus haue medled in this election and thence concludeth that it is a forged Canon in despight of all Histories whatsoeuer But let this Annalist read the Historie once more To giue the greater credit and lustre to this election sayth Socrates there were also manie other Bishops there assembled by order from the Emperour and among the rest Theophilus of Alexandria who did what he could to staine the credit and reputation of Chrysostome Whence it appeareth that he was not there but by speciall order from the Emperor Arcadius and therefore his argument concludeth not And here began the quarrell betweene these two Theophilus a man of an implacable spirit tooke the other to taske the reason was for that Theophilus had not long before excommunicated certaine Origenists who presently fled to Chrysostome whom yet Chrysostome would not receiue to his Communion vntill he might heare the reasons of Theophilus either by himselfe or by some others from him concerning their excommunication Theophilus also had this aduantage ouer him that through his libertie of speech in pulpit he had drawne the hatred of the great ones of the Court and of the Emperour himselfe but aboue all of the Empresse vpon his head Wherefore Theophilus was sent for to sit vpon him who comming to Constantinople assembled a Synod but for feare of the people held it without the citie the Synod consisting for the most part of those Bishops whom Chrysostome for their demerits had formerly deposed Pallad in vita Chrysost an 403 Thither he cited Chrysostome to appeare before him and them who had to the open view of all men combined themselues against him Chrysostome on the contrarie held another Synod within the walls whither he also cited Theophilus to appeare before him and farther by three Bishops and two Priests admonished him and his adherents not to peruert or trouble the orders of the Church especially not to violate the Canon of Nice by medling in other mens iurisdictions Pallad in vita Chrysost Socrat. l. 2. c. 4. Sozom. l. 8. c. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he in his Synod had the greater number of Bishops and assembled out of diuers Prouinces that yet he refused not to put himselfe vpon the triall of him and of his Synod prouided that his professed enemies were first remoued if not that then he appealed to a Generall Councell These are the words of Palladius in the life of Chrysostome likewise of Socrates and Sozomene in their Histories And why then did he not appeale to Rome or can they shew anie such authoritie as this for the maintenance of Appeales to the See of Rome Which notwithstanding they proceeded to his deposition and cast him into exile hauing no other cause against him but that he refused to appeare before them But why then sayth Baronius had not be rather relieued himselfe vpon that third Canon of Constantinople if anie such had beene in force I answere because the Canon of the Nicene Councell was more proper for his purpose the question not being properly of jurisdiction but of the integritie of his person By which Canon of Nice Theophilus who was set ouer the Churches of Egypt had nothing to doe with the Churches of Thracia But hereupon the people began to repine and mutinie till in the end Chrysostome was restored to his Chaire Shortly after he drew more anger vpon him by like Pulpit libertie as before and his aduersaries taking hold of this occasion condemned him a second time alledging that he had returned to his Chaire without restitution first had and obtained from them And thereupon the displeasure of the Empresse joyned with the implacable hatred of
Theophilus they cast him into banishment more grieuous than before which while some of his friends sought to mitigate they made it worse till in the end he died in exile through griefe of heart True it is that in this second conflict he tryed all his friends whereupon Baronius is bold Baron to 5. an 404. art 20. seq and sayth That he had recourse by way of Appeale to the Church of Rome as vnto her which was onely able to correct all other Churches and that he appealed to Innocent Bishop of Rome in person Which he reporteth with that confidence as a man would thinke himselfe almost bound in conscience to beleeue him adding farther That all this fell out by the wonderful prouidence of God to shew men how they ought vpon like occasions to flie to the Pope of Rome But let vs see what proofes for our part we are content to stand to his owne allegations and namely to that Epistle of Chrysostome vnto Innocent which Epistle by his leaue is not directed to Innocent alone but jointly to all the Bishops of the West as appeareth in that the whole Epistle runneth in tearmes of the plurall number neither in six whole pages which that Epistle taketh vp is the word of Appeale so much as once named but we find there manie other things which make against them as first that he declareth vnto them the cause of his exile to haue beene onely that he would haue appealed to a Councell meaning a Generall Councell as we said before and consequently not to the Bishop of Rome Secondly that he prayeth their charitie to awake and to helpe to put some end to these his miseries and therefore not their pretended omnipotencie Thirdly I humbly beseech you sayth he my most reuerend Lords to preuent this ruine and therefore not Innocent or his See alone and what ruine was it For if saith he this custome take place and it may be lawfull for one to enterprise vpon anothers Prouince all is lost His meaning was that they should helpe to order this matter by a Councell in execution of that Canon of Nice and therefore he entreateth them to retract and to disannull all that which had beene practised or attempted against him so farre was he from requesting Innocent who dwelt farther off than the other to interpose his authoritie in the cause Fourthly in that he telleth them That he had written the same things to Venerius Bishop of Milan and to Chromatius Bishop of Aquileia and so indeed had he also written to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage By which appeareth that he wrote to sundrie other Bishops which then were of esteeme and authoritie in the Church as well as to Innocentius whom he could not omit in regard that he was Bishop of the first See but he appealed not to one more than to another The like also may appeare by the resolution which Innocentius tooke in this businesse for hauing receiued the letters and heard the embassages of both parties in good discretion he admitted them both to his Communion thereby declaring that the sentence which was giuen against Chrysostome was vnjust Theodor. Romā apud Pallad in Dialog adding farther That it was fit in this case to call a sincere Synod as well of the Easterne as of the Westerne Bishops where neither opposites nor partisans of either of them should be present and there giue iudgement according to the Canons of Nice which was nothing else in effect but only to giue way to the Appeale which Chrysostome had from the beginning put in to a Generall Councell which he requested Innocentius and others according to the practise of the Church in those times to procure from the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius especially from Arcadius who being offended with Chrysostome would neuer haue graunted it but at their intreatie Which plainely appeareth in Sozomene by the letters of Innocent sent to the Clergie of Constantinople Sozom. l. 8. c. 28. It is needfull sayth he that a Synod haue the hearing of this matter for it onely is able to represse these troubles and in the meane time it is meet to referre the cure of this maladie to the will of God and of Iesus Christ our Lord. And a little after We are verie carefull saith he to find the meanes to assemble a Generall Councell which he needed not to haue beene had things beene in his owne disposition Now that which ensued hereupon was that the yere following which was the yere 405 An. 405. there was assembled a Synod of the Westerne Bishops at Rome where they entreated the Emperor Honorius to write to his brother Arcadius requesting him that he would cause a Synod to be assembled at Thessalonica to the end that the Bishops both of the East and also of the West might there meet as in a more conuenient place for the finall hearing and sentencing of this cause Whereupon Honorius sent vnto him and the more to shew him the good opinion which the Bishops of the West had of Chrysostome of manie letters which he had in his hands to that effect he sent him principally two the one of Innocentius Bishop of Rome the other of Chromatius Bishop of Aquileia And the author himselfe noteth that the embassadors sent vnto Arcadius from his brother Honorius deliuered him letters from the Emperour his brother from Innocentius of Rome from Chromatius of Aquileia from Venerius of Milan and from sundrie others all which joyned in this embassage the end whereof was to reestablish Chrysostome in his place for the present vntill a Generall Councell might be assembled In the meane time Chrysostome died in banishment and the rest of this Historie concerneth not this matter What reason therefore hath Baronius so confidently to report that Chrysostome did appeale to Rome For when a Prince oppressed by one neighbour flyeth for helpe and succour to another doth he thereby make him his Lord and himselfe his vassall To flie to his courtesie or fauour is it to be interpreted for an acknowledgement of his jurisdiction or that he confesseth himselfe his tributarie One lye more of Baronius and so an end of this discourse This grand Annalist telleth vs Baron to 5. an 407. art 20. an 408. art 33. Theodor. l. 5. c. 33. 34. that Innocent would neuer communicat with the Easterne Churches no not after the death of Chrysostome till his name was restored to the catalogue of the Bishops of that See and thereupon voucheth Theodoret lib. 5. cap. 33. Whosoeuer will take the paine to read that place shall find no mention there made of Innocentius It is said there I confesse that the Doctor of this Vniuerse being dead the Bishops of the West would not communicat with the Bishops of the East of Egypt and of Thrace vntill they had enrolled him among the Bishops deceased of Constantinople not vouchsafing so much as to congratulat his successor Arsacius Why then should he appropriat that to one
which fled vnto them for protection And this is that which the Fathers call Typhum seculi in Ecclesiam Christi inducere Typho isto to bring in worldlie pride and arrogancie into the Church of Christ which they doubted not to speake vnto Boniface himselfe saying We beleeue that seeing thou sittest in the Romane Church we shall no longer be oppressed with this vaine pride calling him alwaies Domine frater For whereas they triumph in this word Sanctitati vestrae i. your Holinesse they must vnderstand that the Popes themselues vsed the same stile and gaue the same title to them and to all other Bishops as Zozimus writing to these verie Africans We are persuaded sayth he that your Holinesse hath beene informed touching the proofe and triall which we haue made of Caelestius his absolute and sound faith and so likewise to others Against this maine wall of truth and veritie Baronius opposeth the brittle glasse of his owne fancie seeking to darken this cleare light with the smoake of his vaine discourse howbeit like a bird in a net the more he striueth the more he is intangled and the reader may easily obserue that he spendeth himselfe in vaine talke and sophistrie And first it much offendeth his patience that we say that those three Popes produced the Canon of Sardica vnder the name of the Councell of Nice for if it were done by error where is their infallibilitie if of malice where is then their sanctitie But saith he it may be that the text was corrupted Baron vol. 5. an 419. art 70. sequ and this word Nicene put for Sardican and I am forced to beleeue that these acts are not reported truly and as they ought to be Tell me reader whosoeuer thou art will such a shift serue in a matter of this importance Idem ib. art 87. Secondly saith he what aduantage was there to be gotten in alledging the one for the other for was not the Sardican Councell as good as the Nicene or are they not both Generall Councels and we haue alreadie proued that the Sardican Synod was neuer reckoned among the Generall neither did Innocent euer plead for himselfe other than the Canon of Nice vnder colour of this glorious name to dazzle the eyes of men and to abuse the world Thirdly saith he what likelihood that the Africans would withstand these Appeales seeing they had beene vsed from all antiquitie the onely thing which they misliked was the forme What need of answere to this argument more than the bare recitall of the argument it selfe and who doubteth of their presumption and arrogancie Or who knoweth not that euill manners giue commonly occasion of good lawes that vsurpations cause orderings and that if injustice were not we should not need the knowledge of the lawes Thou tellest vs that Celestius a companion and an abettor of the heretike Pelagius was condemned in Afrike August contra duas Pelagij ep l. 2. c. 3. Epistola Zosim ad Aurel. Carthag episcop that he appealed from this sentence to Zozimus Bishop of Rome that he admitted of the appeale and that this was but the yeare before true and Baronius you may perceiue that this proceeded of that Papall humor to admit of all plaintifes suffering themselues with flatterie and faire words to be abused oft times by the most dangerous heretikes But say I pray you what followeth Is it not that the Africanes complained of these wrongs that Zozimus carried it not farre that he was regulated and ordered the next yere following Augustin epist 261. edit Plantin Yea but saith he Doe you not see so and so manie examples of these Appeales mentioned in S. Augustine and thereupon alledgeth his 261 Epistle all at large Annalist would be as he is Doth he not see that all these examples were before the law was made and that they were the proper occasion and cause of this Decree and doe men in Commonwealths matters ground themselues vpon abuses or rather vpon Lawes vpon that which de facto is done or rather vpon that which of right ought to be done The truth of the cause is this Anthonie Bishop of Foussall in Afrike being deposed by the Bishops of his owne Prouince got letters of commendation from the Primat of Nicomedia to Zozimus Bishop of Rome by meanes whereof he found accesse to Zozimus and after him to his successor Celestin who bad man as he was went about to restore him by force of armes Whereupon S. Augustine who was present at his condemnation wrote to Celestin in this manner We are threatened saith he with a Posse comitatus and force of armes to put the sentence of the Apostolike See in execution and so shall we poore Christians stand in greater feare of a Catholike Bishop than the heretikes themselues doe of a Catholike Emperour Let not these things so be I doe coniure thee by the blood of Christ and by the memorie of the Apostle S. Peter who warneth those which are set ouer the Christian assemblies not to dominiere with violence ouer their brethren What could this holie Bishop doe more to stay the course of his rage and madnesse but in that great Synod of Carthage he with a multitude of other worthie persons layed the axe to the verie root of his pretended soueraignetie by their sentence there pronounced against him Now tell me whereas Baronius in this cause of Antonie Bishop of Foussall crieth out O admirabilem Dei prouidentiam c. O the wonderfull prouidence of God Ib. art 76. in matters concerning the Catholike Church at that verie time when controuersie was betweene the Fathers of Afrike concerning the Canon of Nice God would haue it that a cause should fall out by occasion whereof Saint Augustine himselfe who was present at that Councell was euen compelled to record vnto posteritie so manie examples of those who had recourse and did appeale to the Church of Rome Tell me I say whether we haue not farre greater cause to prayse his goodnesse in that out of these enormities and abuses he was pleased to direct this Councell to set downe a rule and a certaine order by which the Churches of Afrike might from that time forward for euer be directed Baron vol. 5. an 419. art 92. Fourthly will you see saith he how much they attribute and yeeld to the Church of Rome When they went about to set downe a certaine Canon of the Bible they consulted Boniface thereupon requesting him to confirme it and what likelyhood that they would not vse the like submission in the rest of their Canons But the verie reading of that Canon is a refuting of this assertion Concil Carthag Can. 47. It seemeth good vnto vs say the Fathers in that Canon that nothing be read in the Churches but onely the holie Scriptures which are these Genesis Exodus Leuiticus c. Wherefore their resolution and decree was absolute without anie reseruation both that the Scriptures onely should
be read and also which bookes they are which ought to be accounted for Canonicall onely for correspondencies sake they adde farther in these words We will also that this be signified to our companion in Priesthood Bonifacius and others to the end that they may confirme it for so haue we receiued from the Fathers that these onely ought to be read in Churches Now if the Popes authoritie alone had beene necessarie to the validitie of this Canon what needed they to signifie it vnto others This therefore was nought else but a testimonie of their mutuall loue and charitie Baronius here stormeth because we say That by occasion of that forenamed Canon the whole Church of Afrike was cut off from the Communion of the Church of Rome because it thence followeth that S. Augustine and such a multitude of other holie Fathers died out of the Communion of the Church of Rome and excommunicated by the Pope and thereupon seeketh by all meanes to discredit that Epistle of Bonifacius the second which testifieth that they were not reunited till a full hundred yeares after I confesse that whereas it is there said Vnder the reigne of Iustin the mistake was easier of Iustin for Iustinian than that of Nicene for Sardican and the inconuenience thence arising is verie great for what then shall become of so manie Martyrs put to death during those hundred yeares vnder the persecution and tyrannie of the Vandales But they themselues must looke to that Sure I am that this is none of their greatest cares witnesse the poore Grecians in these dayes who haue now lyen groning vnder the yoke of the Turks so manie yeares And if this Epistle was not written by Bonifacius they may thanke themselues who haue inserted it in the bodie of the Councels Bellarm. de Bontif Rom. l. 2. c. 24. Let the reader now judge what reason Bellarmine had to say that those Fathers neuer intended to forbid their Bishops to appeale to Rome seeing they name Bishops in expresse tearmes and ordaine that all causes should be determined within the same Prouince Or what conscience when he saith that S. Augustine vnderstood that Councell otherwise in his 262 Epistle August ep 262. because he there saith that Caecilian needed not to care for the conspiracie of his aduersaries seeing himselfe ioyned in Communion with the Church of Rome and with all other countries whence the Gospell first came into Afrike where he would be alwayes readie to plead his cause if his aduersaries should seeke to alienate those Churches from him For what can he gather from thence but onely this that it was no hard matter for him to purge himselfe vnto those Churches in case he had been traduced for if he thence conclude That therefore he might appeale to Rome as much may be said and concluded of all other places But he was wise not to quote the place for there is nothing and he knew it well ynough which maketh for his purpose And farther here obserue that S. Augustine was present at this Councell as appeareth by his 207 Epistle Also we read An. 431. that about the yeare 431 the Generall Councell of Ephesus was assembled against Nestorius where we find not this pretended Primacie in anie sort acknowledged For as touching the calling thereof Socrat. l. 7. c. 3. the Bishops saith Socrates assembled themselues together out of all quarters vnto Ephesus by order from the Emperour And Euagrius and Nicephorus say Euagr. l. 1. c. 3. Nicephor l. 14. c. 34. that they were assembled by the letters of the Emperour directed to the Bishops of all places And the Synod it selfe in more than twentie seuerall places vseth these words By the will of the most religious Kings meaning Theodosius and Valentinian Acta Concil Ephesin in 1. to Concil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 1. to 2. cap. 17 18 19. passim Ib. pa. 99. 177. 201 202. Bellarm. l. 1. de Concil c. 19. Acta Concil Ephes c. 17. And the Acts all along speake in this and the like manner Whom your Maiesties commaunded to come to Ephesus c. and Their letters commanded vs so c. and By vertue of the Edict of the most religious Emperors c. And so likewise wrote Theodosius vnto Cyrill that he had appointed the Bishops to assemble at Ephesus out of all parts at Easter And Caelestin Bishop of Rome writing to Theodosius Wee yeeld saith he our presence in the Synod which you haue commaunded by those whom we haue sent As for the Presidencie in that Synod it is a matter questionlesse and not denied by our aduersaries That Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria presided onely they say that he was Vicegerent to Pope Caelestin hauing no other colour for their assertion but this That the Pope requested him to execute his sentence giuen in the Synod at Rome against Nestorius But the Synodall Epistle to the Emperour euidently sheweth that that was done long before this Counsell at Ephesus was called And the truth is that the Popes Legats there present were neuer called to preside which yet they should haue beene had they beene collegues with Cyrill but at a pinch a forgerie must helpe A certaine moderne Writer in his abridgement of the Councels sayth That in this Councell presided the blessed Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria Isidor Decret Paris impres an 1524. pa. 79. To. 1. Concil in Concil Ephes Colon. an 1551. Which sentence he tooke out of Isidore but he addeth of his owne head these words In the place of Pope Calestin which are not to be found in Isidore and Bellarmine himselfe is more than halfe ashamed of it Now let vs see what aduantages Baronius here taketh and first Nestor epist ad Caelestin ex Co. Anto. August apud Baron to 5. an 430. art 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist Cyrilli ad Calest in Act. Graec. pa. 141. Baron vol. 5. an 430. art 11. When Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople had broached his heresie against the vnion of two natures in Christ Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria tooke him to taske and then they went each of them to make his partie the strongest and to haue a Bishop of Rome on his side was thought no small aduantage therefore they both wrote vnto him Nestorius was the first Fraternas nobis inuicem debemus colloquutiones c. We owe saith he each to other brotherlie communications and Cyrill much after the same manner The auncient customes of the Church aduise and counsell vs to take instruction one of another c. And hence it is that Baronius concludeth That no matter of Faith could be questioned without the Bishop of Rome yet how manie heretikes haue we alreadie seene condemned sometimes without him and sometimes in despight of him Secondly Caelestin vpon this alarme giuen him by Cyrill called a Synod at Rome and from thence wrot a long Epistle to Nestorius willing him to hold fast the faith of the Church of Rome of
turbulent Bishop and one who ordered Church matters by force and violence Last of all this Leo writing to the Emperours Idem in Epist 12. ad Theodos ad Pulcher. assumed the title sometimes of Pope of the Catholike Church of the citie of Rome and sometimes of the Roman Catholike Church and in the end of Vniuersall Bishop And because by vertue of the second generall Councell of Constantinople the Bishop of that citie tooke vpon him some authoritie in the East he caused his Legats to be present at the generall Councell of Chalcedon giuing them expresse charge to oppose against it by vertue of the Canon of the Nicene Councell to which saith he no man may presume to adde Idem Ep. 55. ad Pulcher. August falsly grounding his pretence vpon this Councell as his predecessors had done before him But now commeth the question to be decided How farre forth the Fathers of Chalcedon gaue way to his demaunds and chalenges OPPOSITION First therefore Leo himselfe tempereth his stile in many places with sober language Vpon this rocke will I build my Church that is saith he Leo. serm 2. in Natali Apostolor Petri Pauli Vpon the sound foundation of this faith my Church shall raise and exalt it selfe and the gates of hell shall not preuaile against this confession and the bands of death shall not restraine it Which confession surely was proper to no one man but common to all the Apostles and all the Orthodox Churches And would God he had staied here and not suffered himselfe to be carried downe the streame of his owne ambitious humors in claiming his pretended priuiledge Secondly vpon the complaint which hee made to Flauian Bishop of Constantinople Flauian gaue him the reasons of his proceedings and why he could doe no lesse than excommunicat Eutyches for his heresie But saith he this I doe to the end that your Holinesse hauing knowledge what hath passed in this matter might be pleased to signifie as much to your inferiour Bishops that they by letters or otherwise ignorantly admit of no communion with him Which was nothing else in effect but to request him to execute his sentence for him within the limits of his jurisdiction as in the like case he would haue done for him And we must farther vnderstand that Eutyches seeing himselfe condemned had presently recourse by way of supplication vnto Leo wherein he gaue him to vnderstand That he had appealed from Flauian and from the rest of the Bishops of the East vnto him requesting him to take his cause into his own hands which made Leo to demurre vpon the cause And thereupon Flauian shewed him that as in other things so also in this Eutyches had abused him with a tale Flauian apud Leon. Epist 9. giuing him thereby to vnderstand that in his countrey men scarce knew what these appeals meant and therefore saith he as it becommeth thy Priesthood and as thy maner is so make the common cause thine owne and confirme euen by thy writings his condemnation so canonically pronounced against him Wherefore though we should grant that Eutyches did appeale yet it appeareth that Flauian neuer gaue way thereunto no more than the Fathers of the African Councel did before in the case of the Pelagians Thirdly though we haue nothing concerning this Hilarius but what we haue from his opposite and aduersarie Leo yet is it euident that he bent himselfe against this pretended Primacie For saith Leo this man cannot endure to be subiect to Saint Peter Leo. Epist 89. ad Episc per Viennens prouinc constitut and why because saith he he presumeth to ordaine Bishops in France And againe He derogateth saith he from the reuerence of Saint Peter c. whose Primacie whosoeuer shall denie that man is filled with the spirit of pride and hath plunged himselfe into the pit of hell Whereas indeed the question as it appeareth was touching the Primacie either of the Pope in generall or of Leo in his particular not at all of the dignitie of Saint Peter And these demaunds were euer made at the solicitation of certaine Bishops which complained to him of the censures of their owne Prouinces which they requested might be reuoked at Rome as appeareth by the Epistle of Leo himselfe who yet euer vseth this protestation that he thereby pretended no right in himselfe to ordaine Bishops in their Prouinces as Hilarie would persuade them but onely sought to maintaine them in their owne against nouelties and vsurpations of others and that such a presumptuous fellow might no longer continue to breake and violate saith he our priuiledges Which he sought vnder the name of Saint Peter to extend to all causes whatsoeuer yet this I find that all his plottings had not much preuailed here in France about the elections of our Bishops in the yeare 478 An. 478. Sidon Apollin in Concion quae sequitur Epist 9. for we find in Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne that the choise of the Metropolitan of Bourges being by common consent of the Bishops of that Prouince after the death of Eubodius referred vnto him he nominated absolutely Simplicius to succeed in his roome hauing first made a verie solemne oration to the Bishops in these words In the name of the Father and of the Sonne and of the holie Ghost Simplicius is the man whom I nominat to be Metropolitan of our Prouince Summum Sacerdotem and High Priest of your citie and therefore was not Simplicius to hold his See in fee from the Bishop of Rome or to doe homage for it And it is pretie to obserue how this canting of Rome was not vnderstood in those daies in France seeing that he himselfe writing to Lupus Bishop of Troies in Champagne calleth him our Lord the Pope directing his letter Domino Papae Lupo this title being at that time common to all Bishops not proper to any one and which is more he calleth him Father of Fathers and Bishop of Bishops which watcheth ouer all the members and parts of Gods Church What wonder then if we find that Stephen a simple Archdeacon wrot so to Damasus or Isidore to Hormisda Bishop of Rome Fourthly this question concerning the Primacie was cleerely decided by occasion of the claime which Leo made thereunto in the generall Councell of Chalcedon where he thought to haue set the Bishop of Constantinople cleane beside the cushion and these are the verie words of the Canon taken out of the Greeke copies of that Councell Concil Chalced. can 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 28. The decree of the maior part of voyces of that holie Synod made concerning the prerogatiues and degree of the See of the most religious Church of Constantinople Following in all poynts the decrees of the holie Fathers and acknowledging the Canon of 120 religious Bishops now read in our hearing We here assembled vnder Theodosius of holie memorie late Emperour of this royall citie of Canstantine called new
Rome doe ordaine by common consent and assent for the honour degree and prerogatiue of that most holie Church of Constantinople called new Rome in all things as in the said Canon is contained For those Fathers did well to grant those honours and prerogatiues to the See of old Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was the royall or imperiall citie and not in regard of Saint Peters chaire And likewise those other hundred and fiftie Fathers moued with the same reason and consideration did heretofore impart like priuiledges and honours to the See of new Rome thinking it fit in their discretions that the citie which they saw honoured with the name of the Imperiall seat and presence of the Senat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and equalled in euerie poynt of ciuile honour to the old Rome should likewise in matters of the Church be equally aduanced as being next vnto her By which wee see no prerogatiue belonging to Rome by vertue of Saint Peters chaire and Constantinople equalled in all things to her saue onely in precedencie which being a matter which respecteth onely place and order is no barre to her paritie in power and jurisdiction Yet Gratian to gratifie the Pope hath corrupted this Canon and where the Fathers say Dictinct 21. c. Renouantes In matters likewise of the Church he hath shamelesly altered the words and saith Non tamen in rebus Ecclesiasticis i. But not in matters of the Church turning vpside downe by the change of one word the whole drift and purpose of the Councell yet he citeth this Canon out of the sixt general Councell because it is there againe repeated But see I pray you the bounds and limits which this Canon prescribeth to him So that saith that Canon the Metropolitans onely of the Diocesse of Pontus Asia and Thrace together with the Bishops which are among the barbarous nations shall be ordained by the most holie See of the Church of Constantinople and the Metropolitan of euerie the said Diocesse according to the Canons shall haue power to ordaine the Bishops of his owne Prouince So that as you see the Bishops are to be ordained by the Metropolitans and the Metropolitans onely by the Archbishop of Constantinople and consequently the Bishop of Rome is likewise restrained in his jurisdiction which is limited to him no lesse than to the other This decree pleased Leo but a little though agreed vpon by the common aduise and consent of 630 Bishops Neither is that true which Gregorie the Great affirmeth That this Councell of Chalcedon in honour of Saint Peter Gregor in Registro Epist 32. 38. lib. 4. offered to the Bishop of Rome the title of Vniuersall Bishop but that none would accept of so inconsiderat a name And that none may say That howsoeuer the Greeke copie hath it yet it is otherwise read in the Latine it is apparent that this 28 Canon is expressed in Latine in the same words Aequa antiquae Romae priuilegia tribuerunt i. Aequis antiquae Romae priuilegijs frui c. i. They gaue equall priuiledges with those of old Rome Now the Popes Legats there present opposed against the passing of this Canon for Lucentius one of the Legats seeing them all subscribe stood vp and said They haue subscribed before the Canons are written meaning before all the acts of that Councell were written The Bishops thereupon made answer Concil Chalced. Act. 16. pa. 930. That no man was compelled thereunto Lucentius replied That they stood vpon the Canons which were made scarce 80 yeres agone by 150 Bishops meaning the second Councel of Constantinople which yet as we haue shewed was confirmed and ratified by Pope Damasus and went from the decrees of 318 Bishops meaning the Councell of Nice Whereupon the Iudges there present who represented the person of the Emperour to maintaine peace betweene them commaunded each partie to alledge the Canon for himselfe and then did Paschasin another of the Legats alledge that forged fift Canon of the Nicene Councell with this Preface Pa. 938. Quod Romana Ecclesia semper habuit Primatum But Constantine Secretarie to the Councell taking the booke which was deliuered to him by Aetius a Deacon of Constantinople recited it as it was indeed beginning that Canon with these words Antiquae consuetudines teneant c. i. Let old customes stand where there is nothing to be found for the Popes aduantage Whereupon the Iudges tooke againe the voyces of those which had subscribed who all and euerie of them answered That before God they had subscribed of their owne accord and according to the true intent and meaning of those Fathers especially Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum Euagr. de Euseb Doryl li. 2. c. 2. a principall agent in procuring this Councell to be called against Eutyches I haue said he subscribed willingly and of mine owne accord because I my selfe did read this verie Canon to the Pope in presence of the Clerkes of Constantinople and the Pope then acknowledged and receiued it Where by the way there is this marginall note set Either be lyeth or for the present he deceiued Saint Leo. But the Iudges thereupon pronounced according to the Canon before rehearsed in fauour of the Bishop of Constantinople all the Bishops applauding their judgement and crying out This is a iust sentence we all say the same thing it is the opinion of vs all we all will bide by this onely Lucentius the Legat protested That the Apostolike See which had sent him thither could not giue way to such proceedings requiring that Canon to bee retracted if not at least his protestation to be admitted and entred in the acts to the end saith he that we may haue what to answer to the Apostolike man Pope of the Vniuersall Church and that he may thereupon aduise vpon the iniurie now done vnto his See and of the meanes to redresse this wrong and to reuerse this Canon And when the Bishop of Sebasta had said to the Iudges We all referre our selues to the verdict of your Magnificence euerie man approuing of the motion by his silence the Iudges spake againe and said What we haue pronounced the whole Synod hath approued And this was the resolution of that Councell of Chalcedon These things standing as they doe Baron vol. 6. an 451. art 136 137. tell me Reader in thy conscience what reason hath Baronius to affirme that this Canon was clandestine and carried by secret practises But it should seeme that there were good wits at Rome heretofore as well as now For this whole Action of the Councell was long since expunged out of the old Romane Code contrarie to the truth and credit of all other copies in the world And where is the honestie of Bellarmine and Baronius both together Bellar. l. 2. de Pontif. Rom. c. 13. while they affirme that when Paschasin had alledged for himselfe the said fifth Canon of Nice according to his copie the Iudges held
themselues content and satisfied therewithall Seeing that the verie words of the Acts are cleare against them and seeing that Liberatus the Archdeacon affirmeth That the opposition made by the Popes Legats was not regarded neither by the Bishops Liberat. in Breuia c. 13. nor yet by the Iudges And although saith he that the Apostolike See excepteth against that Canon euen to this day being supported by the Emperour yet the decree of the Synod continueth still for firme and good and seeing also that we haue the Epistles of Pope Leo himselfe to Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople written after this Councell was concluded wherein he debateth this point with all eagrenesse and vpon this occasion rejecteth that second Councell of Constantinople Leo epist 53. ad Anatol. Item ep 54 55 ad Martian Pulcher. Et epist 62. ad Maximum Antiochenum calling it a rotten ruinous Councell from the beginning and that it was now too late to set it vp againe and drawing the Bishop of Antioch into the quarrell complaineth sometimes to Martian the Emperour sometimes to Pulcheria the Empresse not knowing to what Saint first to turne himselfe and all this partly vnder colour of these words Tu es Petrus though to me it seemeth a strange matter that those 630 Bishops should not be able to reach vnto the mysterie of these words and partly vpon a false supposition of that Canon of the Nicene Councell which he protesteth that he will euer hold as sacred and inuiolable and which he will neuer suffer to be infringed whereas yet there is no one word to be found in all that Councell which maketh for his pretended Primacie It remaineth now the better to vnderstand what degree of authoritie and power the Bishop of Rome had at this time aspired to for Leo by his good will would not loose one ynch of his heigth that we consider who it was which called this Councell and who presided in it Concerning the former of these two the first action of this Councell telleth vs. Concil Chalced. Act. 1. That it was called by the commandement of the most religious and Christian Emperors Valentinian and Martian And Martian himselfe in a certaine Constitution of his Martian l. 3. Co. de sum Trinit saith it was called by his commaundement And the Fathers themselues when all things were now ended asked leaue of the Emperors to returne euerie man to his owne home But perhaps it were best to heare what Leo himselfe saith concerning this matter Leo therefore vpon the first bud of the Eutychian heresie wrote to the Emperour Theodosius in this manner Leo. ep 9. ad Theodos Iubeatis If your pietie saith he will vouchsafe to yeeld so much to our petition commaund we beseech you that a Councell of Bishops be assembled in Italie Where you see that euen in Italie where himselfe was all in all he requested that a Councell might be called by order from the Emperor And not long after vnderstanding that Theodosius had assigned it to be held at Ephesus Idem ep 12. 17. Constituit Since so it is saith he that your pietie hath appointed a Councell to be held at Ephesus I haue therefore sent thither my brethren Iulian a Bishop Reinold a Priest and my sonne Hilarie a Deacon to supplie my roome And afterward Vicem praesentiae meae when he was pressed to be present in person at the Councell which Theodosius commaunded to be held he verie mannerly excused himselfe vpon the shortnesse of the time and the troubled estate of Italie And againe You haue commaunded it saith he to be held at Ephesus and hauing shewed the inconueniences of holding it at that place Commaund saith he I pray you Leo epist 13. ad Pulcher. Augustam Idem ep 23 24 34 49 50 51. that it be held in Italie Which request he therefore so often made that he might thereby justifie the Appeale which Eutyches had formerly put in to the See of Rome as he affirmed and which Flauian Bishop of Constantinople had remonstrated to be false And in the 49 Epistle to the Emperour Martian he vseth the like stile as before We hoped saith he that your clemencie would haue yeelded so much to our entreatie as to haue appointed this Synod at a more conuenient time but since out of the zeale which you beare to the Catholike faith you are pleased that a Synod should be at this time assembled I therefore send my brother Paschasin to supplie my roome And euen like tearmes and phrase of speech doth he vse in his 50 and 51 Epistles And we farther obserue that all these his Epistles beare date according to the Consuls as the vse and custome of those times was as an euident marke and argument that the Pope at that time acknowledged their authoritie without claiming to himselfe the dominion and seigniorie of Rome Neither may we giue credit to Bellarmine when he affirmeth that Dioscorus was thrust out of this Councell for presuming to call a Synod without the authoritie of the Pope quoting these words as out of the Councell which was neuer lawfull to be done nor neuer was done before for so is he pleased to abuse his reader for these are the words of Lucentius one of the Popes Legats and not of the Fathers of the Councell To be short Epist Synod ad Leon. in Concil Chalced. Baron vol. 6. an 450. art 7 8 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Epistle of the Synod vnto Leo would not suffer him to doubt who they were whom they acknowledged as Authors of that their assemblie namely the Grace of God and the most religious Emperours and so speaketh that Epistle throughout and Baronius himselfe doth not denie it As for the Presidencie which we distinguish from the Precedencie or Preseancie for we denie not but that in regard of the honour of that Citie he held the first place Leo telleth the Emperours Leo. ep 12. 49. that he sent his Legats to supplie his roome or presence And in his Epistle to the Synod he speaketh yet more aduantagiously for himselfe saying Idem ep 47. That in the person of his Legats or Vicegerents they should imagine that he himselfe was there to preside among them whether he meant properly of the Presidencie or else of the Preseancie I know not but this is certaine that in the Acts of this Councell we find no certaine order obserued Which disorder grew from hence because that Leo had drawne Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople into suspition and Dioscorus of Alexandria was alreadie attainted for not to enuenome their minds which were alreadie but too much exasperated towards each other their order in speaking was manie times of set purpose altered and sometime the Iudges who represented the person of the Emperor were faine to order the proceedings to propose matters to take the voices to pronounce judgement as we haue shewed before And we haue yet farther a more
did by vertue of that Canon of Chalcedon Extat inter Epist Illustr Concil Chalced. And the truth is that this Anatolius in the Epistle which hee wrot to the Emperour Leo vpon this occasion brandeth Pope Leo with the marke of an heretike and censureth him to be vnworthie of the Priesthood 12. PROGRESSION Of sundrie variances which fell out betweene the Churches of Rome and Constantinople by occasion of the Canon of Chalcedon AFter this Canon of Chalcedon there was euer debate continuing betweene the two Churches of Rome and Constantinople the one refusing a superiour the other not admitting of an equall the one seeking to stretch the wings of his authoritie and jurisdiction ouer the East the other ouer all And this was the cause why the Bishops of Antioch and of Alexandria seeking to crosse the attempts of the Bishop of Constantinople who was lately start vp to this authoritie and was therefore the more obnoxious to hate and enuie had recourse oftentimes to him of Rome and as it had beene in despight of the one subiected themselues to the tyrannie of the other Baron vol. 6. an 482. art 1. Whence the Pope himselfe and Baronius his champion for him take no small aduantage for if we will beleeue them Simplicius hereupon gaue confirmation to Calendinus Bishop of Antioch Simplicius Epist 14. hauing no other proofe or ground than this That Simplicius in a certaine Epistle of his to Acatius Bishop of Constantinople saith That he had receiued vnder the wing of the See Apostolike Euagrius li. 3. c. 10. the Priesthood of Calendius But Euagrius an Historian of that time saith simply without any reference vnto any That Calendius vndertooke the sterne of that See and persuaded all which came vnto him to pronounce Anathema against Timotheus as against one which troubled the Church of Alexandria and whose predecessor Stephen was notoriously installed by Acatius as Baronius himselfe affirmeth but he addeth farther That Simplicius had made Acatius his Vicar generall in the East His reason is for that Simplicius vpon the troubles of the Church of Alexandria Simplic Epist 17 Delegatum tibi munus attendes sensus tuos prudenter attolle complaineth to him That he had not aduertised him therof willing him to behaue himselfe wisely in the charge which was delegated vnto him Committed then it was but by whom must we needs vnderstand that by him and why not as well either by the Church or by the people seeing nothing is expressed And farther these are Simplicius his own words And if he did delegate such a charge vnto him yet where shal we find that the other accepted of it as from him Acatius in Epist ad Simplic And I would know whether in his Epistle to Simplicius he euer calleth him by any higher Title than the Archbishop of Rome and in the cause of Timotheus he professeth That as for his so great a dignitie he held it onely from Christ the Prince of Priests And a man may easily perceiue by the complaint which Simplicius made vnto him Simplic Epist 1. that if euer he did make him offer of such an office hee made but little reckoning of his kindnesse And the like may be said when he offered to make Zeno Bishop of Seuile his Vicar in those parts Simplicius also in his Epistle to Acatius speaking of one Iohn who was elected in the roome of the said Timotheus It remained only saith he that after our thanksgiuing vnto God he should by the assent of the See Apostolike receiue his desired confirmation Whereupon Baronius setteth his marke in the margent Baron an 482. vol. 6. art 14. with these words It belongeth to the Bishop of Rome to confirme the Patriarches and doest thou see O Reader saith he that the ancient custome was that the election neither of the Bishop of Alexandria neither yet of Antioch was held for good without the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome and yet he produceth no one Canon to this purpose or any one case wherein it was so practised Nay we find that when Acatius made light of his commaund and when he was willed by the Emperour Zeno to beare out Petrus Moggus against Iohn who was an Orthodox Bishop he qualified his stile with faire words and reasons It was reason saith he that one condemned by publike decree meaning this Petrus Moggus should also be acquited in a common assemblie Where was then this omnipotencie of the Pope when he spake in this manner Yea but in the end saith Baronius when this Iohn was deposed be appealed to the Bishop of Rome as Athanasius had done before him and for proofe hereof voucheth Liberatus the Archdeacon Liberatus in Breuia c. 18. who dwelt too farre off to be a good witnesse in this cause But if his appeale was no other than was that of Athanasius we are at an accord for we haue alreadie proued that Athanasius did not appeale in forme of law as we commonly call Appeales but had onely recourse vnto him and so Euagrius expoundeth it vnto vs Iohn saith he as Zacharie reporteth Euagr. Histor Eccle. c. 12. 15 hauing giuen a summe of money contrarie to his oath taken to the Emperour was chosen Bishop of Alexandria whence the Emperour commaunded him to be banished who flying thence went vnto old Rome where he made much trouble saying that for obseruing the decrees of Leo and the Canons of Chalcedon he had beene deposed from his See Where you see there is no mention of any appeale or of judiciall proceeding For saith he Simplicius moued with these words wrot vnto Zeno thereupon who sent him word againe That he was deposed indeed but that it was for periurie And shortly after Simplicius died and Iohn withdrew himselfe into Italie where the Bishopricke of Nola was conferred vpon him And Liberatus also saith That Acatius by his letters required the See of Rome That if any of his Clergie fled vnto him Ad eundem confugerint he would be pleased not to receiue them which are the proper tearms vsed in these and the like cases OPPOSITION All these contentions about jurisdiction proceeded from that Canon of Chalcedon An. 472. to which the Popes would by no meanes stand and yet they neuer talke vnto vs but of Councels especially of those foure first generall Synods which they vse commonly to paralell with the holie Scriptures But in the meane time came forth a certaine Edict from Leo the Emperor Leo Imperat. li. 16. c. de Saâ—ros Eccles in this maner We decree and ordain That the holie Church of this most religious citie Mother of our pietie and of all Christians whatsoeuer of the Orthodox religion and the most holie See of this royall citie meaning Constantinople in regard that she is the royall citie shall haue all priuiledges and honours concerning the creation of Bishops and taking of place before all others and all other poynts whatsoeuer which they now
Church to that of Rome or rather to make them equall each to other For whereas the Countie Iustinian tearmeth the Bishop of Rome Arch Pontife which importeth no more as Baronius himselfe confesseth than Archbishop this argueth not any superioritie but onely a Primacie of this See Neither doe those words in the letters of Pompeius Archbishop of the Vniuersall Church make any thing at all for Baronius his cause as if the Popes had at that time beene taken for Vniuersall Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is in the Greeke onely of the Catholike Church a Title long before giuen as alreadie hath bin declared vnto Basil and to Athanasius and to sundrie other Bishops Because as Saint Cyprian saith the Church is but one of which euerie Bishop gouerneth his part or portion alone without a consorts and the Bishop of Rome had at that time a great part vnder him For I would know when Pope Agepete consecrated Mennas by the name of Vniuersall Bishop whether he purposed to make him Pope or no and Dorotheus Bishop of Thessalonica though inferiour in degree to the Patriarches yet calleth he the Bishop of Rome Father and fellow Minister and Companion in seruice Fourthly wee shall best judge of the cause by casting our eye vpon the effects It sell out therefore that one of Horâ—isda his Legats had been foulely outraged at Thessalonica Dorotheus which had euer much fauoured them before was accused as author of that outrage Whereupon Hormisda sent vnto his Legats That they should be instant with the Emperour that Dorotheus might be deposed and banished into some farre countrey or otherwise sent to Rome vnder sure and sufficient gard and withall that one Aristides who was supposed to haue had a finger in that businesse should not succeed him The Emperour his answer was That there was no reason why he should be sent to Rome to be heard there where they might easily acquit themselves for want of an accuser And so all his punishment was to be sent for a few dayes to Heraclea and then was he restored to his See againe How farre are these proceedings from that power which the Pope pretendeth And yet haue we no more of all this matter than we find in an Epistle of one of those Legats to Hormisda Here Baronius Baron vol. 7. an â—19 art 140. as his manner is crieth out Is it possible that Iustice vnder an Emperor who taketh his name from Iustice should be thus forestalled through money in the cause of the holie Father for that was the imputation which Iohn one of the Legats laied vpon the Emperour But if somewhat staieth Baronius his stomacke that the Emperour shortly after consulted the Pope vpon certaine points of faith And what of that for his place considered what more vsuall or what would he inferre thereupon Moreouer he pleaseth himselfe much in a certaine sentences taken out of a certaine letter which he wrot vnto Hormisda which sentence hee causeth to bee printed in great letters Ib. art 98. We beleeue and hold for Catholike that which was intimated to vs by your religious answer O how dangerous a thing it is to deale fairely with this kind of people And what shall we oppose this faire dealing against all those proceedings formerly by vs declared And yet he cutteth off this sentence with an c. whereas commonly he is no niggard in reciting whole Epistles and therefore we haue reason to suspect that something followeth which if it were knowne would maâ—e his cause especially considering that these Epistles are taken out of the Vatican and the greater part of them as yet remaine vnprinted Fiftly and lastly he maketh much of one Possessor a Bishop of Afrike who sent a certaine commentarie which he had composed vpon the Epistles of Saint Paul vnto Hormisda and complaineth that he could receiue no answer The reason was saith he Ib. an 52â— art 12 13 14. because hee well knew that the Catholike Church admitteth of no interpretation of holie Scriptures but onely such as were first approued by the Apostolike See And where I pray you can he shew vs that Saint Cyprian Hilarie Ambrose Augustine Ierome Chrysostome and others euer sent their bookes to him for his approbation or what should they haue done to haue gotten their bookes approued when Pope Marcellinus sacrificed vnto Idols and when Liberius became an Arrian and when many of the rest turned Heretikes To what purpose therefore serueth all this discourse of Baronius but onely to busie and to abuse mens thoughts with childish vanities 16. PROGRESSION That Iohn Bishop of Rome was sent embassador from Theodoric to the Emperour Iustine and what honour the Emperour there did vnto him An. 524. ABout the yeare 524 when Iustine the Emperour had depriued the Arrians of those Churches which they had in Constantinople Theodoric then king of Italie and a professed Arrian tooke offence thereat and sent Iohn Bishop of Rome his embassadour vnto him The Popes now vse to send kings in their errands assisted with certaine Senators to intreat him to restore them to their Churches if not to tell him That he purposed to serue the Catholikes throughout Italie with the same sauce Liber Pontif. in Iohan. 1. And the Pontificall booke saith That they entreated the Emperour with many salt teares and that in the end they obtained their request Which he repeateth two seuerall times howsoeuer Baronius would faine disguise the matter And Nicephorus reporteth That when Iohn Bishop of Rome was brought to an equall seat where Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople was to sit side by side with him for he neuer contested with him for the precedencie he was not therewith content but required to bee placed vp aboue Epiphanius in a throne by himselfe which perhaps was granted vnto him in regard of his qualitie of embassadour And Marcellinus speaking hereof saith That dexter dextero Ecclesiae assedit solio â—eaning that Epiphanius gaue him the right hand which if we will credit Baronius in many places of his booke is the lesse honourable place But the Pontificall booke maketh sure worke and saith That the Emperour Iustine in honour vnto God prostrated himselfe before the Pope and adored him OPPOSITION Theodoric though an Arrian yet much commended for his great moderation whether it was because he could not endure this pride or whether he had beene informed that he had suffered himselfe to be led away by those extraordinarie honours which Iustine had done vnto him immediatly vpon his returne to Rauenna chipt him vp in prison where he continued to his dying day Which made the Popes for a while after not to carrie themselues so briâ—kly as before Yet persuaded they the common people Paul Diac. l. 25. that a certaine good man had seene the soule of Theodorie caried betweene this Iohn and Symmachus the chiefe Senator whose head he had taken off into the isle of Lipara by Sicilie there to be cast headlong into
pleasure is Cassio lib. 9. variar epist ep 16. that this our Ordinance be intimated to the Senat and people by the gouernour of the Citie to the end that all may know that we are desirous to find out those who run a course so contrarie and repugnant to the Maiestie of God and you also saith he shall intimate the same to all Bishops which by the grace of God are vnder your commaund and gouernment Which words are plainely directed to the person of Iohn but in that which he wrote to the gouernour of the Citie he addeth farther and sayth To the end that this benefit of ours may continue firme and stedfast in time to come we ordaine That as well this our Ordinance as the said Decree of the Senat be deepely grauen in tables of Marble and set vp as a publike testimonie before the Porch of S. Peters Church A great honour no doubt vnto the Prince himselfe but an euerlasting blemish and reproach to the Clergie of tha◠time L. 8. Co. de summa Trinit But in the vsages of Iustinian the Emperour towards Iohn the second Baronius imagineth that he findeth much for the Popes aduantage It is certaine and we haue often said as much that the Emperours being now retyred into the East had need to hold intelligence with the Popes of Rome by their meanes to find alwaies a dore open into Italie Wherefore this Emperour being newly come vnto his Crowne sent an honourable embassage vnto him to assure him of his true faith and Orthodox religion And Baronius obserueth in his Epistle that he sayth in this manner We are all carefull to aduertise your Holinesse of all such things as concerne the estate of the Church with those other words following To submit and to vnite to your Holinesse all the Bishops of the East c. Your Holinesse which is the Head of all the holie Churches And thence he concludeth that the Emperour acknowledged this full and absolute authoritie of the Pope and consequently that all the Churches of the East did the like not caring how manie pages he filleth with this argument But to let passe that the most learned Ciuilians of our time hold this Constitution as neither lawfull nor legitimate it would trouble his conscience to haue all this Epistle construed according to the letter For first the inscription is onely this To the holie Iohn Archbishop of Rome and Patriarch as the Emperour Iustin his predecessor had stiled him before Doth this title I would know import an vniuersall charge and authoritie ouer all But what then shall we say when we see this verie Emperour writing to Epiphanius Bishops of Constantinople to vse these tearmes following L. 7. 8. Co. de summ Trinit To the most holie Archbishop of this royall Citie and Oecumenicall that is to say Vniuersall Patriarch What would Baronius haue said had the Emperour so written to the Bishop of Rome And farther doth he not vse the same tearmes vnto him which he doth vnto the other We will sayth he that your Holinesse know all matters which belong to the State Ecclesiasticall and we haue written to the same effect to the Pope of old Rome And all this we read in an Epistle which Baronius himselfe acknowledgeth to haue passed in nature of a publike Edict Wherefore Baronius hath nothing to stand vpon but this that the Emperour saith We endeuour to submit and to vnite vnto your Holinesse all the Bishops of the East Which words Pope Iohn layed hold on with both his hands in his answer to this letter where he telleth him that among other his vertues this was most eminent that he subiected all things to the See of Rome And tell me I pray you when he expoundeth this word subijcere by that other word vnire doth he not sufficiently explaine his meaning which was to reduce them not vnder the same dioces but vnder the vnion of the same faith and true doctrine which the Church of Rome had kept and such is the drift of this whole Epistle Yea but he calleth it the Head of all the holie Churches true but so doth he likewise and that not by letter onely but by an expresse law pronounce the Church of Constantinople the Head of all other Churches and Zeno the Emperour doth the like Caput l. 16. Co. de sacros eccles l. 24. ibid. Baron vol. 7. an 534. art 36. But had either of these therefore anie purpose to subject the Church of Rome to that of Constantinople And if Baronius replie that their meaning was of all the Churches of the East Why may not I as well say that the other was likewise meant of all the Churches in the West And because he will needs interpret this place by the 131 Nouell I would know what he can thence gather more than this Nouel 131. that the Bishop of old Rome should hold the first place and he of Constantinople the second which we denie not but it followeth not that therefore the one is subject to the other But both of them stand vpon equall ground by the Canons of Constantinople and of Chalcedon to the which the Emperour from the beginning promised to hold himselfe For whereas he farther alledgeth the ninth Nouell directed to Iohn the second wherein he graunteth this priuiledge to the Church of Rome that she shall not be prescribed but by an hundred yeares calling that Citie the Foundation of Lawes and Fountaine of the Priesthood not to say Nouel 10. in ed. Holoan that this Nouell is not found in the Greeke he should rather haue obserued that he is there called onely The Patriarch of the Citie of Rome that he distinguisheth in expresse tearmes betweene the Churches of the East and of the West and graunteth the same priuiledge to them both and had graunted into the Church of Constantinople seuen yeares before the other Likewise that which he enforceth out of the 42 Nouell directed to Mennas Patriarch of Constantinople Nouel 42. which he here alledgeth before the time That Pope Agapete had deposed the Patriarch Antymus because he agreed not with the Church of Rome is not truly alledged and therefore it is that he doth not alledge the text it selfe The truth is that Agapete being then at Constantinople presided in the Councell wherein Antymus was deposed And this is that which the Emperour meaneth when he saith That he was put from his See by Agapete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who then held the first See in the old Rome But how was he deposed it is there said By the common suffrage of him and of the Synod there assembled And the reason is also added for that he vsurped the place contrarie to the holie Canon and had departed away from the sound doctrines of the holie Councels And this deposition of him was also authorized by the Emperour in his 42 Nouell directed to the said Mennas who is there againe qualified with the name
may lye open before vs. Well then saith Baronius by this it appeareth that he acknowledged his Presidencie Which poynt deserueth to be handled somewhat more at large And first we must see who called it Baronius runneth to his old shifts and saith That the Emperour decreed it to be called by the Pope Vigilius his aduise Ib. art 20 21 22 23 24. Euagr. li. 2. c. 37 being loath to speake plainely and to confesse that he called it and thereupon he citeth Euagrius where he saith That Vigilius consented by his letters to the Councell which he sent from Chalcedon whither he had withdrawne himselfe at that present but himselfe would not be at it And why then will he not as well beleeue him when he saith That Iustinian called the fift Councell or if Vigilius had called it while hee was present at the place why did he afterward refuse to be present at it The best is that the Histories make this matter cleere ynough Nicephorus saith Nicephor li. 17. ca. 27. That the Emperour Iustinian called the fifth generall Councell and summoned the Bishops out of all quarters And the Emperour himselfe vnto the Fathers of the Councell Wee haue saith he assembled you in this regall citie And the Fathers themselues We say they here assembled according to the commaundement of the deuout Iustinian And Baronius in that writing which he alledgeth vnto vs out of the Vatican teacheth vs That Vigilius did what lay in him to haue this Councell held in Sicilie as a more in different place for the Bishops of the East and West to meet in and yet he could not obtaine it As for the Presidencie it is euident that at the first Mennas Bishop of Constantinople presided in it and there gaue sentence against Anthymus and other Heretikes which sentence is yet to be seene in the bodie of the Councels And after Mennas his death Bellarmine cannot denie Synod Constant quin. vniuersa actio 4. Bellar. li. ◠de Concil ca. 19. but that Eutychius who succeeded him in the See succeeded likewise in the Presidencie and the whole course of the Acts shew as much But saith he Vigilius might haue presided if it had pleased him It should seeme by his leaue that Nicephorus was of another opinion when he saith When Eutychius was by the Emperour put in the roome of Mennas late deceased Vigilius though agreeing with him in poynts of doctrine yet refused to sit by him which was no doubt because he affected a higher seat and thereupon though he was at that time in the citie yet would he not stay at the Councell pretending that there was but a small number of the Westerne Bishops there whereas the true cause was because hee saw his predominant omnipotencie neglected Bellarmine replieth out of Zonaras Zonar to 3. pa. 55. 74. That Vigilius was chiefe of this Synod How chiefe if he were not there at all But that place of Zonaras answereth for it selfe There were saith hee 165 Fathers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quorum princeps fuit saith the Latine translation that is of whom was chiefe Vigilius Pope of Rome and Eutychius and Apollinaris of Alexandria where we see that this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to all three as Heads of these three Patriarchall Churches So likewise he speaketh in another place of the sixt generall Councell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. of which were chiefe or Captaines and Leaders the Vicars of Agatho Pope of Rome George of Constantinople and Theophanes of Antioch where the translator rendreth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Principes fuere and so are they vsually tearmed as well the one as the other Explanatio Sanctor venerabil Conciliorum c. an 1553. There is a booke intitled The Explanation of the Holie Councels taken out of the kings Librarie this booke speaking of the Councell of Nice In that Councell saith he were Heads and Presidents Syluester Bishop of Rome Alexander of Alexandria and Macarius of Ierusalem And againe speaking of the second generall Councell The Presidents there were Damasus Bishop of Rome Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople Timothie of Alexandria Cyril of Ierusalem Miletius of Antioch all which were Patriarches But he addeth afterwards Great Gregorie the Diuine Gregorie of Nissa and Amphilochius of Iconium by reason of their great learning Zonar to 3. pa. 30. where Zonaras vseth a higher straine and saith That among all these Gregorie the Great and Gregorie of Nissa and the sacred Amphilochius in all encounters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. were chiefe and principall which word vsed in the singular number by the Author is by the Interpreter referred to all three as was also that other word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 referred to Vigilius Eutychius and Apollinaris And this same booke speaking of the Councell of Ephesus saith in like manner In this Councell presided Calestin Bishop of Rome Cyril of Alexandria Iuvenal of Ierusalem Memnon of Ephesus And so likewise of other generall Councels of Chalcedon Constantinople the second Nicene and the rest where the Greek words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine Interpreter rendreth it Huic Concillo praefuerunt i. They were chiefe in this Councell naming alwayes the Pope for companie among the rest and that most commonly when himselfe was not there in person and sometimes no man for him as namely in the Councell which we now speake of Bellarmine yet vrgeth out of that Epistle which Baronius alledgeth That Eutychius Bishop of Constantinople writing to Vigilius saith vnto him We desire to treat and to confer of these poynts together Praesidente nobis vestra beatitudinè that is Vnder your blessed Presidencie But this is to grate too farre vpon the plaine speaking of these letters contrarie to all course of historie And it is not improbable which a learned man hath obserued that this place is corrupted Iuni. Controuers 4. pa. 186. and Praesidente written in stead of Residente that is While you are here abiding with vs as we find this word vsed vpon like occasion in many other Councels Concil Matisco 2. passim Residentibus Prisco Euantio Praetextato c. that is Assisting in the Councell For at the first sitting of this Synod Vigilius was in the citie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if we should read Praesidente yet there is a large difference betweene Preseancie which importeth onely a prioritie of place and Presidencie which implieth a superioritie But more than this a great part of that action is spent only in requesting him to be present at the Synod and in the end they protest against him Concil Canstant 5. art 5. and openly reproach him That he is an offence and scandall both to the Emperour and also to the Churches as one which nought regarded the curse pronounced by our Sauiour against those who offend euen little ones Yet he stirred not onely he sent them word
seat of the Exarchat or Lieutenantship of Italie planted at Rauenna the Citie of Rome besieged by the Lumbards and consequently the Bishop of that Citie brought to a low ebbe insomuch that Pelagius the second who was elected during the siege after the death of Benedict the first could not send to the Emperor for his approbation and when the siege afterward broke vp by reason of the wet Gregorie who was at that time but a simple Deacon was faine to take a journey to Constantinople to pacifie the Emperor Plat. in Pelag 2. because saith Platina his election made by the Clergie was of no validitie and force without the good liking of the Emperour first had and obtained thereunto And this attempt of the Bishop of Constantinople we haue thought fit to reckon among the proceedings of the Papall Tyrannie because the succeeding Popes of Rome vsed this vsurpation of the other and made it serue to their owne aduantage and furtherance of their long intended Tyrannie OPPOSITION This Pelagius therefore so soone as the siege was broken vp tooke heart and wrote his letters 2. To. Concil in decret Pelag. 2. directed To all the Bishops who by the vnlawfull calling of Iohn the Patriarch for so he speaketh of him were assembled in Synod at Constantinople wherein hauing flourished a while with his Tu es Petrus at length he telleth them That they ought not to assemble themselues without the authoritie of this See That their present assemblie without him was no Councell but a verie Conuenticle That therefore they should presently breake vp that meeting vnlesse they would be excommunicated by the See Apostolike to conclude That they ought not to acknowledge Iohn as Vniuersall Bishop vnlesse they purposed to depart away from the Communion of all other Bishops And let no Patriarch saith he vse so prophane a title for if the chiefe Patriarch meaning himselfe should be called Vniuersall the name of a Patriarch should thereby be taken from all others But God forbid that it should euer fall into the heart of a Christian to assume anie thing vnto himselfe whereby the honour of his brethren may be debased For this cause I in my Epistles neuer call anie by that name for feare least by giuing him more than is his due I might seeme to take away euen that which of right belongeth to him Which clause is word for word inserted by Gratian into his Decrees saue only that in stead of Sâ—â—inus Patriarcha that is Chiefe Patriarch as it is in the Epistle he hath Vnus D. 99. c. Nullin 4. And yet the summarie of that verie chapter euen in the late edition of Gregorie the thirteenth is this That the Bishop of Rome himselfe may not be called Vniuersall But Pelagius goeth on and giueth the reason of that his saying For saith he the diuell our aduersarie goeth about like a roaring Lion exercising his rage vpon the humble and meeke hearted and seeking to deuoure not now the Sheepcoats but the verie principall members of the Church c. And Consider my brethren what is like to ensue c. For he commeth neere vnto him of whom it is written This is he which is King ouer all the children of pride which words I spake with griefe of mind seeing our brother and fellow Bishop Iohn in despight of the commaundement of our Sauior the precepts of the Apostles and Canons of the Church by this haughtie name to make himselfe his forerunner that is of Antichrist alluding manifestly to that place of the Apostle in his Epistle to the Thessalonians where he calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Lifted vp or which lifteth himselfe vp aboue all that is called God or Deitie And farther he addeth a second reason which our best disguisers cannot put off which is Vniuersa omnia quae soli vni capiti cohaerent videlicet Christo That hereby Iohn went about to attribute to himselfe all those things which belong properly to the Head himselfe that is Christ and by the vsurpation of this pompous title to bring vnder his subiection all the members of Christ which as he saith proceeded from the Tempter who tempted our first father by casting vnto him the like bait of pride And now tell me whether all that which the Bishops of Rome haue since that time attempted in like manner can proceed from anie other spirit But he goeth on willing them to take heed least the poyson of this word proue fatall in the end to the poore members of Christ for that if this title be once graunted to him there are no longer anie Patriarchs left in the Church and so it might come to passe that if Iohn himselfe should happen to die in this his error there should not be left a Bishop in the Church persisting in state of truth c. That they must beware that this tentation of Sathan preuaile not ouer them to conclude that they neither giue nor take his title of Vniuersall Bishop And yet euer by the way he putteth them in mind of the Canons of Nice in fauour of the Primacie of his owne See to which all matters of importance saith he ought to be referred and yet as we haue alreadie declared no such matter And Gregorie at that time his Deacon Gregor li. 4. ep 38. l. 7. ep 69. and afterwards his successor in the Popedome in his Epistle which he wrote to Iohn vpon this verie argument Thou saith he which acknowledgest thy selfe vnworthie to haue beene made a Bishop doest thou in disdaine of thy brethren make thy selfe sale Bishop in the Church Intimating thereby that there is no difference whether we call him Sole or else Vniuersall Bishop And concerning the Councell held at Constantinople in the case of Gregorie Bishop of Antioch Propter nefandum elationis vocabulum Pelagius saith he disannulled the Acts of that Synod because of this execrable name of pride and forbad the Archdeacon which according to the custome he sent Ad vestigia Dominorum i. to the feet of the Lords i. the Emperours let the Reader obserue these words to celebrate the solemne seruice of Masses with thee And in like manner wrote he also to the Bishop of Thessalonica And this is that which passed in those daies betweene the two Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople Where we obserue that Pelagius absolutely condemneth both the name and office of an Vniuersall Bishop which none offereth to vsurpe and take vnto himselfe but onely he which is the forerunner of Antichrist as being an honour due to Christ to whom onely and properly it doth appertaine An. 580. Moreouer we may obserue that about this time when Chilperic King of France had assembled a Synod of Bishops at Paris to judge of the cause of Praetextatus Bishop of Rouen whom he had formerly exiled vntill the next Synod which should be called he declared openly vnto them that he had cause ynough to condemne him
for the enormitie of his crimes that yet he brought him forth there to be heard and judged by them that he might not seeme to doe anie thing contrarie to the Canons Antiquit. de Fauchet to 1. fol. 212. 218. And then Gregorie Bishop of Cahors though fauouring the person of Praetextatus stood vp and said If anie of vs offend it is in thy power O King to punish vs. Whereupon notwithstanding the ernest suit that was made for him they proceeded against him vpon his confession condemned him and cast him into banishment So likewise King Gontran commaunded a Synod to be called at Chaalons Gregor Turon l. 5. c. 18. Aimon Monach l. 3. c. 26 27 28. vpon the riuer of Saosne or as Gregorie of Tours reporteth at Lions against Salonin Bishop of Ambrum and Sagittarius of Gap where there were manie crimes of high nature layed vnto their charge for which they were degraded and deposed from their charges in which Synod Nicetius Bishop of Lions presided whom Gregorie of Tours calleth by the name of a Patriarch It fell out after a time that these complained of injustice and wrong done vnto them and thereupon became petitioners to the King That the Bishop of Rome might review their cause which he graunted and to that effect at the instance of their friends in Court wrot vnto him yet not as of a matter of right belonging to his jurisdiction but as Constantine long before wrote vnto Miltiades Bishop of Rome and others in the case of the Donatists The words of Gregorie of Tours are these They knowing that the King was fauourably inclined towards them asked leaue to goe to the Pope of the Citie of Rome which by his letters he permitted them to doe Baron vol. 7. an 570. art 23. 24. An. 589. Now vpon this example Baronius inferreth that it was belonging to the Popes ordinarie jurisdiction to appeale from the Synods in France to Rome but had it beene so they would no doubt immediatly vpon sentence giuen haue put in their Appeale to Rome and not haue gone by way of request vnto the Prince And as for authoritie of calling Nationall Councels we find another Synod called about the same time at Valentia in the 24 yeare of the reigne of Gontran wherein the Fathers speake in this manner We say they here assembled in the Citie of Valentia Ex imperio by the commaundement of the glorious and renowmed King Gontran And the Bishops of those other Synods of Mascon and Chaalons speake in like manner Ex iussu saying That they were assembled by the commaundement of Prince Gontran And Gregorie of Tours speaketh of them after the same fashion And in the third Synod of Toledo When as say they the renowmed King Recared had commaunded all the Pontifes or Bishops to assemble themselues c. And Recared himselfe in his letter to them We sayth he haue commaunded you to assemble in this Synod But because this Councell is famous by reason of the conuersion both of the King and also of the people of the Gothes which was there wrought Baronius chalengeth this honour as due vnto Pelagius the second For this Generall Councell sayth he was not held without the priuitie consent and authoritie of Pelagius And farther he addeth That Leander Bishop of Seuille was there in qualitie of Legat from the Pope But when as the Fathers of that Councell and when Leander himselfe saith The king hath commaunded vs what hath he to replie Seeing also that we find no mention made of Leander in anie such qualitie nor yet of the Pope himselfe and seeing that Leander himselfe in that Oration which he made with thanksgiuing vnto God for the conversion of the King and of his nation carrieth himselfe in no such qualitie and that the king himselfe was the first which signed the Councell and then follow the Metropolitans of Merida in Portugall and of Toledo namely Mausonius and Euphemius and Leander in the third place with the addition onely of Metropolitan of the Prouince of Betica And I would but know of Baronius whether this be a meet place for a Popes Legat to stand in or no moreouer in some copies there is no mention at all made of his subscription and lastly Isidore neither in his Chronicle nor yet in the life of Leander speaketh aught of his Legatship so that a man may well say that Baronius here speaketh more like a dreamer than an Annalist The like is of that Councell which the same Recared caused to be held at Narbone a Citie at that time of his dominions which Councell Baronius produceth for himselfe and yet there the Fathers say that they were assembled per ordinationem by the ordinance of the most renowmed Recared Neither may we forget a certaine Canon which was made in that Councell namely Baron vol. 8. an 598. art 30. extra locum That no Clergie man might weare Scarlet it being a colour more properly belonging to worldlie pompe and ostentation than to anie dignitie of Religion whose inward deuotion ought to shew it selfe by the outward habit of the bodie and because the Scarlet Robe belongeth rather to lay men which are in authoritie than to professors of Religion And there also is a certaine punishment inflicted vpon the transgressors of this Canon Baronius to justifie the vse of Scarlet in his Clergie alledgeth the example of the High Priests of the Iewes which went sometimes clothed with Scarlet as if he meant to bring vs backe againe to Iudaisme But to returne to our former matter the quarrell of the Bishops of Istria and Venetia who would acknowledge no subjection to the Bishop of Rome continued as before Pelag. ep 1. ad Episcopos Istria and it appeareth out of the Epistles of Pelagius the second though we haue not theirs that they questioned and debated his Title seeing that he in his Epistles complaineth that they had sent him an answere in nature of a definitiue sentence and seeing also that he paineth himselfe so much in telling them That Leo neuer ratified the Councell of Chalcedon but onely for points of faith and that he retracted and disannulled all the rest meaning especially that Canon wherein Bishops as well himselfe as others are taught to know their places But all his eloquence would not serue him whereupon he was faine to practise with Smaragdus the Exarch to force them to obedience Smaragdus saith Paulus Diaconus comming from Rauenna to Grado Pau. Diaco l. 3. de gestis Longobard c. 27. drew Seuerus with his owne hand out of the Temple and carried him by force to Rauenna with three other Bishops of Istria Iohn Parencius Seuerus and Vindemius whom he constrained through feare of banishment and other violence to communicate with Iohn Bishop of Rauenna But Paulus Diaconus addeth farther That when at the yeres end they were returned from Rauenna to Grado hauing I warrant you first giuen full contentment to the
fift booke they proue nothing but this That Iohn vpon the wrong which was done vnto him had recourse to Gregorie who made his cause to be reuiewed in a Synod and his confession being there found Orthodox Gregorie requested the Patriarch of Constantinople to receiue him againe with fauour as one which had beene abused and wronged by such as he had put in trust with the examination of his cause and intreated the Emperour to assist him therein all which sauoureth not of the nature of an Appeale but onely of that ancient recourse which the oppressed vsed to make to the chiefe Sees and which the Bishop of Rome vsed commonly to draw to a consequence of Soueraigntie and Dominion The like is to be said of the case of Adrian Bishop of Thebes whose processe as hee saith Gregorie read ouer for the Appeale there spoken of vpon the accusation which was mixt and partly Ciuile partly Ecclesiasticall belonged properly to the Ciuile Court in the point for which the Emperour in the first instance committed it to Iohn Bishop of Iustineana Prima and secondarily to the Ecclesiasticall Court in that which concerned his deposition And Gregorie there speaketh in verie proper tearmes when he saith That Adrian being wronged by his brethren and fellow Bishop as by his enemies fled to the citie of Rome And againe He is saith he Confugit come to Rome to complaine with teares And in like sort doth Baronius abuse the other examples which he alledgeth Fiftly he saith That Gregorie dealt about his Palls amongst the Archbishops of the East also making vs beleeue that this custome is as ancient as Christianitie is old And wheresoeuer the Bishop of Rome writing to any Bishop saith vnto him Vices tibi meas committo i. I make you my Vicar he inferreth presently That he sent him the Mantle or Pall withall which he bringeth in as if it had now suddenly sprung out of the ground it being a thing which former ages neuer heard of But let vs see vpon what credit though wee now come to enter into an age which was wholly set vpon new fangles and deuises For proofe hereof therefore hee citeth the 55 Epistle of Gregorie lib. 4. whence he collecteth That he bestowed this Mantle or Pall vpon Iohn Bishop of Corinth whereas yet his words are onely these You know saith he that heretofore this Pall was giuen for money but we haue taken a strict order in a Synod Pallium pro Commodo that neither this or any other order shall hereafter be disposed of either by money or by fauour And I see no reason but that by the same argument he might haue said That hee sent him his Orders also True it is that the two Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople pulled who could pull hardest to get all jurisdiction into their hands as if the Church had beene a prey betweene them two and this was the cause that Gregories letters slew so thicke as they did into Greece And so much bee said of the power which he chalenged ouer the Church As for the Emperour Maurice Baronius taketh pepper in nose against him a man otherwise well reported of and much commended by Historians His grieuance is onely this That according to the law of his predecessors he tooke vpon him to confirme Gregorie in his Popedome and is scarce friends with Gregorie himselfe for suffering it In the end he saith That the Emperour was a Tyran Baron vol. 8. an 590. art 2 3 4 sequent and Gregorie forced to doe what he did and that it was of this Maurice that he meant when vpon the fift Penitentiall Psalme he vsed these words That he is no King who maketh the Church a Chamber-maid whom God appointed to be free and Mistresse of the house if so then was Gregorie a notorious hypocrite neither is there any trusting of him seeing that he said one thing and meant another in all the dealings which he had with Maurice For doe but read the Epistle which he wrot vnto Maurice concerning that law which he had made to this effect That no souldier vntill he were dismissed no accomptant without his discharge first had and obtained should take the Frocke vpon him and enter into religion and then tell me whether it be possible for a man to vse greater submission than he there vseth He is answerable saith he for it before Almightie God whosoeuer is either in word or deed found faultie against his gracious Lords And so were I your most vnworthie seruant if in this case I should hold my peace c. Greg. li. 2. Epist 62. 65. Thou wert my good Lord before such time as thou wert Lord of all c. And when I thus presume to speake vnto my Lords what am I but dust and a verie worme of the earth c. Power is giuen from heauen vnto my Lords ouer all men c. and Christ shall one day speake vnto thee saying To thee haue I committed my Priests or Bishops c. And in the end I haue saith hee Meos Sacerdotes now in euerie poynt fulfilled my duetie seeing that I haue yeelded my obedience to the Emperour and haue not kept silence in that which was of my knowledge Who can read this and thinke him a Pope which wrot it And in like manner speaketh he to Theodore the Emperors Physitian My tongue saith he is vnable to expresse the good which I haue receiued of the Almightie and of my Lord the Emperour and what shall I giue againe for all this good but onely this Vestigia pure amare i. To loue the ground he goeth on in the same sence in which he elsewhere often saith Greg. li. 2. Epist 64. ad Dominorum vestigia transmisi i. I haue sent it to the feet of my Lords And at the foot of that Epistle he saith God hath not giuen him power to rule ouer souldiers onely Idem Epist 52. but also ouer Bishops where hee vseth the word Sacerdotibus meaning thereby All men of the Church And shall then Baronius his plea be admitted Baron an 593. art 15. when he saith That Gregorie spake as one which liued vnder a Nero or a Dioclesian especially when he maketh such open protestation That he speaketh the truth wholly without all reseruation and thereupon is so bold in the same Epistle as to say vnto him What wilt thou answer before the iudgement seat of God when he shall say vnto thee at that day Of Notarie I made thee Captaine of the gard of the Captaine of the gard Caesar of Caesar Emperour Was it feare or duetie which drew these words from him But if you will take a true view of the judgement which this man had of the Emperour then read the Epistle which he wrot without all passion to Anastasius Bishop of Antioch Whereas saith he men which are Orthodox in the faith are daily preferred to holie Orders wee haue great cause to render
Platina the Chronologicall Compilation Otto Frisinghens l. 5. c. 8. Chron. Otho Frisinghensis and others All which affirme That Boniface requested and obtained of Phocas that the Church of Rome should be called the Head of all other Churches Ipsius authoritate and that as some doe adde By his authoritie As for Sigonius he denieth not but that Boniface sent an embassadour to Phocas by whose negotiation he purchased a Decree That the Church of Rome should be the first of all other Churches Where also he addeth According as it was decreed by the auncient Canons Now if Sigonius meane onely for the Preseancie we denie not but if of superioritie and jurisdiction there we differ and we haue alreadie proued the contrarie Bellarmine for his purpose objecteth an Epistle of Saint Gregorie to the Bishop of Syracusa where it is said Who doubteth but that the Church of Constantinople is subiect to this Apostolike See as our most religious Emperour and our brother Eusebius Bishop of that Citie daily doe acknowledge And this Epistle saith Bellarmine was written fiue yeares before Phocas his reigne began But how should Gregorie father this Epistle seeing that he himselfe so often complaineth that Maurice did beare the other out in his vnjust demaunds Or where will he find an Eusebius who was Bishop of Constantinople at that time Or where will he place him when he hath found him seeing that Onuphrius himselfe nameth for Bishops in all this time onely Iohn surnamed the Faster Cyriacus and Thomas Sacellarius And Gregorie who runneth them ouer so often as he doth had he euer lost either his wits or his memorie when he should haue thought and spoken of Eusebius Who seeth not therefore that this is an Epistle written long after and hammered vpon the same anuill on which manie others are Bellarmine argueth yet farther and saith That long before that time Justin l. in ep ad Johan 2. Iustinian called the Church of Rome The Head of all the Churches True but still in that sence in which he calleth also that other of Constantinople by the same name Jdem Co. de sacros eccles l. 24. saying that she is The Head of all other Churches Neither of these sayings being true in strict construction but onely in a large signification and as they were Patriarchall Sees and consequently Head and Chiefe of those Churches which were vnder them The other creepehole of Bellarmine is this That Gregorie indeed condemneth this title of Vniuersall as Iohn meant it that is that by vertue thereof all other Bishops should be nothing but his Vicars Whence it followeth say we that he pronounced Anathema against the Councell of Trent which so manie yeares after made all Bishops nothing but his Commissaries or Officials But not saith he if this word Vniuersall be vnderstood onely to signifie a generall care of the Church by meanes whereof the other Bishops haue neuerthelesse a particular care euerie of them in his peculiar Church But for answere hereunto I would entreat the Reader onely to peruse the places themselues of Gregorie and then say whether they can admit of anie such interpretation Well saith Bellarmine I am sure that the Pope was called Vniuersall Bishop before Phocas his time and that therefore it cannot be said that this title dependeth of his Constitution And we say againe That so were the other Patriarchs as well as he being according to the fashion of those times appointed as so manie fellow or joint Curators of the Vniuersall Church but that Phocas was he who appropriated that title to the Bishop of Rome neither can he deriue this title from anie higher Justin Co. de summa Trinit l. 7. Co. de episcop audientia L. Certissimè Nouel 3 5 7. Jdem Nouel 2. seq Concil Chalced. act 1. passim Concil Nice 2. Act. 2. for so Instiman called Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople sometimes Oecumenicall and sometimes which is all one Vniuersall Patriarch so doth he Anthemius and Menna in his Nouels So likewise doth the Emperour Leo call Stephen And the Chalcedon Councell it selfe in sundrie places calleth Menna by the name of Oecumenicall Patriarch So Adrian the first Bishop of Rome in the second Councell of Nice calleth Tharasius the Generall Patriarch Lastly so are the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch often called being indeed all and euerie of them an Vniuersall Bishop in as much as the whole charge of the Vniuersall Church was jointly committed vnto them and a particular in regard of the seuerall Churches committed to their tuitions Wherefore as it hath beene alreadie said the appropriating of this title to the Bishop of Rome was from Phocas and from thence came that seperation and rent betweene the Churches of the East and West which dureth vnto this day and serueth for a remarkable period in the Church for that S. Gregorie so often doth inculcate it in his writings That this was the time when Antichrist began to set foot into the world And it is farther to be obserued that in this meane while sundrie abuses crept into the Church as prayer for the dead vsed in the publike Liturgie or Seruice of the Church brought in by the Decree of Pelugiase the inuocation of Saints inserted in the common Letanies by Gregorie and by him the whole Bodie of the Liturgie altered by borrowing part from the Heathenish and part from the Iewish ceremonies and the language it selfe by reason of that medley of the Northerne nations came by little and little to be cleane altered so that no man now vnderstood what was said or done in the Seruice of the Church all which we haue elsewhere declared more at large But now come we to Baronius to see what he saith to all this First therefore he extenuateth that wicked parricide and those other butcheries of Phocas the more to defame the Emperour Maurice But what may not be said of a Prince in so tickle a State as he liued in or what on the contrarie can be added to those praises and commendations which Historians haue giuen of him Or who can but tremble when he readeth what S. Gregorie in cold bloud writeth of that murther Phocas saith he and Leontia his wife were crowned in the Palace called Secundianas Gregor epist 7. indict 6. and the Emperor Maurice murthered with all his make children daâ—â—ely Theodosius who was alreadie crowned and Theodosius Tiberius Paulus and Iustinian also Peter who was brother vnto Maurice with other great personages which â—left vnto him as Constantine a chiefe Senator and Placidius and George who was 〈◊〉 him and all this done in pure treason as could be deuised Secondly he relleth vs that Phocas was a good Catholike Baron vol. 8. an 603. art 3. for saith he it is verie likely that he sent his confession to Gregorie out of hand But if that be not this is certaine that he sent his owne and his wiues Images vnto him which he caused presently to be
with manie others by which the cognisance of such causes is committed to the Ciuile magistrat And now what maketh all this for that absolute authoritie of the Pope Moreouer the Councell of Toledo which was held vnder King Gondemar in the time of Pope Boniface the third and that after that Decree of Phocas declareth that of Toledo to be the first See Concil Tolet. sub Rege Gondemaro not so much by vertue of anie new graunt as by the Synodall Decree of the auncient Fathers commanding all Bishops to vaile bonnet vnto him vnder paine of Anathema Which Decree of the Synod was also confirmed by the King Gondemar As for the Pope in all that long Epistle we find no one word spoken of him Baron an 610. art 14. and yet Baronius is not ashamed to auerre That the Church of Toledo had this priuiledge from Rome when as yet the Pope was not absolute Monarch in Italie itselfe for the Bishops of Istria and Venetia vnder their Patriarchs stood oâ—â— against them so also did the Bishops of Lumbardie as appeareth by that Epistle of Gregorie to Constantius Bishop of Milan Brixia ep 37. lib. 3. whom a certaine Bishop of Bresse would not acknowledge because it seemed that he as well as the Bishop of Rome derogated from the authoritie of the Chalcedon Councell But vnder his successor Sabinian the matter went a little farther Baron an 605. art 2 3 4. For we may learne out of a certaine Councell held at Mantua for which we are beholding to Baronius his Librarie That when as there was question about the choice of a new Patriarch of Aquileia and Agilulphaâ— the King of the Lumbards had caused one Iohn to be elected the Exarch of Rauenna to gratifie the Pope set vp against him one Candidian at Grado and so were there for a long time two Patriarchs of which he which sat at Aquileia would neuer acknowledge the Popes authoritie 23. PROGRESSION Of the attempt of Honorius against the Bishops beyond the Po. THe Lumbards at that time lying heauie vpon Italie on the one side and the Exarchs of Rauenna for the Emperour on the other caused the Popes to pull in their hornes and to make little vse or shew of their new title purchased from Phocas though in the meane time their ambitious humor and desire of soueraignetie and power neuer ceased to put forth vpon all occasions Honorius therefore Bishop of Rome about the yeare 623 tooke his aduantage vpon a lamentable and wretched accident The Bishops of Istria Venetia and Lumbardie as we haue alreadie said held no good correspondencie with the Bishop of Rome and it came to passe that Adelwaldus fift King of Lumbards fell somewhat distracted in mind whether by force of a poyson which is said to haue beene giuen him by Eusebius the Emperours embassador Sigonius de Reg. Ital. lib. 2. at his comming out of the Bath or otherwise it is a thing hard to say but in this case he made away twelue of the most principall men of charge in the kingdome and grew dangerous to the rest The Lumbards to preuent a mischiefe called a Councell and deposed him placing Adoaldus his brother in law in his roome yet was the kingdome hereupon drawne into factions some holding for the old King some for the new and among others they beyond the Po held for the new election as well clerkes as lay men Which Honorius perceiuing tooke presently part with the aduerse faction and dealt with the Exarch to reestablish Adelwaldus but aboue all to apprehend those Bishops and to send them safe to Rome to answere there for their offences to the end saith he that this their wickednesse may not escape vnpunished But the worst was that the Exarch was too weake a partie and not able to performe what he vndertooke and thereupon those Bishops persisted in their former resolution being now more incensed against him than before OPPOSITION If that Decree of Phocas made in fauour of Boniface the third found such opposition at home we may easily conceiue what light regard was had thereof in more remote Prouinces and Churches especially in that point which Boniface so much enforced That no prouision of a Bishop was good in law without his authoritie for the fourth and sixt Councels of Toledo at also the first and second of Bracara which were all held vnder Honorius make open shew thereof seeing that the Bishops assembled in these Councels openly professe that they were assembled by the care and industrie of Sisinandus their King Eius imperijs et iussia commoniti Chintillae salutaribus hortamentis who roused them vp by his commands to the due handling of matters concerning the discipline of the Church as likewise speake the fift and sixt By the wholesome exhortations of King Chintilla and the first of Bracara By the commaundement of King Arimire Moreouer we find the Chapter of the Greeke Synods translated by Martin Bishop of Bracara as we find them in the second Tome of the Councels authorised in that Synod for the Bishops are there prouided in full Synod by their Metropolitan who yet did nothing without the aduice of the other Bishops As for running to Rome for Buls or Pals not a word there to be found if the Pope sent it to anie it was his kindnesse but no man was bound of necessitie to accept it and if it happened vpon the accusation of anie Bishop that the Synod could not agree they neuer sent to Rome for a resolution but for a finall definition say they of this dissention this holie Synod hath thought fit that another Metropolitan of some bordering Prouince should be sent for to confirme and ratifie that opinion which he should thinke most agreeable to the Canons But here is to be noted that not long after this ordinance of Phocas made in fauour of the See of Rome the Church might plainely see in the person of this Honorius whom we now speake of how dangerous a thing it was that she should depend of one man Which Gregorie well foresaw when he said That if there should be one Vniuersall Bishop and he should happen to fall the whole Church must needs vnto the ground For the heresie of the Monothelites then rising in the Church Honorius with the first fell into it and was conuicted thereof by his owne hand writing which he had sent to Sergius Bishop of Constantinople neither was this a small heresie or of anie meane consequence for that not to acknowledge two wils in Christ is consequently to denie two natures in him also His letters were produced in the sixt Generall Councell Action 12. 13. 2. To. Concil Act. 12. 13. Concil Vniuers 6. and were there by generall consent condemned to the fire the summe of them was this That neither Gospell nor Epistle neither yet the Synods did euer teach vs these two faculties or powers in Christ That these were words inuented by some
to famble with children but ought not to be drawne in consequence of doctrine in the Church That in such matters euerie one might abound in his owne sence and to conclude That he was just of opinion with Sergius that is to say a pure Monothelite Yet Bellarmine Onuphrius and others of that whet seeke to justifie him but alas they cannot vnlesse they will first condemne this Councell If they say that the copies were corrupted by the Greekes we answere that we take them as we find them in the Latine where we farther find that the copies of his letter were compared with the Originall it selfe taken out of the Librarie of Constantinople and the sentence passed vpon that letter saith That it swarued from the doctrines of the Apostles and holie Synods and that they contained hereticall positions and as such are worthie of execration That they execrated and accursed the authors of all such doctrines and cast their names out of the Church and for that cause they there pronounce Anathema against Honorius as following in euerie point the drifts and purposes of Sergius Cyrus and other complices in this Heresie all which is to be seene more at large in the Bodie of that Councell But which is more Honorius for this verie Heresie was afterward againe excommunicated in the seuenth Generall Councell and last Action Synod Nicen. 2. act vlt. 3. Synod Constant 8. Vniuers act 7. 3. 6. Beda de sex aetatib Liber Pontific in vita Leonis Psellus de septem Synodis and in the eight by Pope Adrian the second himselfe and by diuers others And of this Beda and the Pontificall Booke for the Westerne Churches and for those of the East Psellus and for these later times Melchier Canus though our aduersarie beareth record and is all this so easily puffed off by saying That the Greekes perhaps did corrupt the copies or that I know not who hath thrust these words into Beda Had Pope Agatho known the contrarie or had the least doubt therof what conscience had he had to hold his peace Is it ynough to say that he did it to auoid farther brable Or should not the zeale of his See rather haue moued him to speake For whereas they tell vs a tale of one Maximus out of the Popes Librarie we answere That such a domesticke witnesse ought not to be admitted without better caution for his honestie no more may Nicholas the first who liued two whole ages after this time and is a Pope produced for a Pope neither yet Emanuel Galleca who liued no lesse than 500 yeares after And by the way it is to be obserued That the Legats of Pope Agatho assisted at the condemnation of Honorius with 289 other Bishops Concil Tolet. 4. Can. 16. as also that at this verie time the fourth Councell of Toledo decreed That the Apocalyps should be read in time of Masse that is of full seruice betweene Easter and Whitsunday with Anathema to him which should faile herein as wel perceiuing that the time now approached when all men had need to arme themselues against that Antichrist who is in that booke plainly foretold and by many circumstances most graphically described which gaue life to the Beast which was dead that is to the Roman Empire in that downfall of the temporall Estate as S. Gregorie himselfe had mentioned An. 633. 680. art 17. Here Baronius grindeth his teeth contesting violently That Honorius was not an Heretike he turneth and windeth new casteth and mouldeth the words to saue him thereby from this imputation For what likelihood saith he seeing that the Councels held vnder Martin at Rome make no such mention and seeing that Pope Agatho himselfe pronounceth so peremptorily That it was neuer knowne that the See of Rome did erre c. But what shall we hearken to those forced interpretations which Baronius maketh of his words rather than to those which two generall Councels made of them when all matters were either present to their view or at least fresh in memorie vnto them or because the Pope said That they neuer erred must we therefore needs beleeue them contrarie to the authoritie of generall Councels and contrarie also to some of themselues And when Pope Agatho by his Legats condemned him and his memorial after him in the sixt generall Councell shall it be ynough for them to say That the Greekes added this parcell and the two Sessions following and thus to put off whatsoeuer they are not able to defend or may not we rather thinke and say That those other passed it ouer with silence because they had not what to say in excuse thereof Giue way to this and what Councell can stand for good In the end he telleth vs That one Theodorus Bishop of Constantinople Ib. art 17. an 680. being himselfe an Heretike and one of those which should haue beene condemned in the same sentence giuen by the Synod caused Honorius his name to be put into the scedule in stead of his owne Base shift for where doth he find Theodorus so much as named in all that Session or must so many authorities so many pregnant proofes giue place to his bare coniecture what printed author what manuscript doth he alledge But the truth is Gratulabor mihi tibique this man desireth not to be releeued but vpon almes Reader saith he if thou wilt accept of this I shall be glad that I haue not lost my paines if not neuerthelesse Honorius shall be still a good Catholike And this is all the fruit of 50 pages which he had spent vpon this argument Now after Honorius succeeded Seuerin the first At that time saith Blondus the manner was Blond li. 9. Deca 1. That the Pope elected was not crowned till the Exarch would come from Rauenna to confirme him And Isaac who was Exarch at that time deferred his comming to Rome one whole yeare and a halfe Platina in Seuerino and so also saith Platina Here Beronius obserueth That the decree of Phocas was obserued in certaine places And we denie not that this Mysterie had his proceedings for one Sergius Archbishop of Cyprus writing vnto Pope Theodore inscribeth his letter To Theodorus the Vniuersall Pope and so much the rather because he was at variance with the Bishop of Constantinople Summo omnium Praesulum Pontifici So likewise a genernll Synod of Afrike writing to Pope Martin inscribeth their Epistle To the Soueraigne Pontife ouer all Bishops though they might peraduenture meane it onely as to the chiefe Patriarch and consequently a Contutor in the gouernement of the Vniuersall Church as wee haue said before But Victor Bishop of Carthage a man much renowmed in that Synod when vpon his election he sent his confession to Theodorus kept the old stile and wrot onely To the most blessed Lord and our honourable holie brother Pope Theodore beginning his Epistle with these words The good workes of your holie Fraternitie c. and so
all along giuing him fairely to vnderstand That all the Apostles were endowed with equall authoritie and certifying him onely An. 649. That he was consecrated Bishop of Carthage without euer asking confirmation at his hands only he requesteth him to recommend him in his prayers vnto God that he might wel discharge his office After this came Martin who taking occasion vpon the fame and suspition that was of the Patriarches of the East that they were Monothelites sent thither certaine Bishops and made some of those which yet remained Orthodox in the East his Vicars This was a faire attempt but the Emperour Constans hindered him in his walke for the yeare following he sent and caused him to be apprehended in Rome and to be brought prisoner to Constantinople where he died a banished man hauing beene accused for conspiring with the Sarasens against the Emperour as appeareth by his letters written to Theodorus Martinus in Epist ad Theodor 14. Sanctuâ— Audoenus in vita Sancti Eligij Sacerdotalem Concilium This Martin was a man of a hautie mind and a great vndertaker yet could not he maintaine his pretended authoritie no not in the West For when a certaine Heretike had crept into the Bishopricke of Authun the Bishop of Noion who was then in Court solicited the king and obtained of him saith Saint Ouin That by his commaundement a Councell of Priests or Bishops should be called at Orleans where the Heretike was condemned and banished the realme of France without expecting any higher authoritie So likewise vnder Pope Eugenius his next successor there was a Councell held at Chaalons vpon the riuer of Saosne which as appeareth in the verie front thereof Ex euocatione ordinatione Domini Clodouaei Regis Synod Epist ad Theodo Arelat was assembled by the conuocation and ordinance of king Clouis as also in the Synodall Epistle to Theodore Archbishop of Arles wherein they presume to declare vnto him by the authoritie of that Synod That considering the time of his penance was not yet expired he might not offer to meddle with his Bishopricke nor with the good belonging thereunto Ordaining farther Ib. can 10. That vpon a vacancie no successor might be chosen but by the Clergie and people of that Prouince that otherwise the election should be held as voyd and of none effect where you shall find no exception or reseruation at all to the Pope of Rome And in Spaine there were held at that time the 7 8 9 and 10 Councels of Toledo all which acknowledge their assembling to haue proceeded onely from their owne care and from the authoritie of the Prince namely the seuenth By our deuotion say they and by the care of king Chindasuinda the eighth By the commaund of the king Reccesuinda and the tenth By his most holie desire Sanctissimâ— Vote without any mention of the Pope at all though in those Synods the highest points of our religion were in question as namely in the eight whose Synodall Epistle hath yet onely this inscription The Decree of the Vniuersall Councell published in the name of the Prince And againe A law published in the same Councell Imperante Principe glorioso by the commandement of the renowmed Prince In all which besides those high poynts of Christian religion order was also taken against intrusions extortions and other abuses of Bishops proceeding to the punishment of some and finall deposition of others insomuch that in the tenth Synod one Pontamius Bishop of Bracara a thing neuer before heard of accused himselfe and was thereupon deposed by the Synod and Fructuosus Bishop of Duna chosen in his place with these words We doe here constitute and appoint by a common election Fructuosus to be Gouernour of the Church of Bracara to take vpon him as Metropolitan the care of all the Prouince of Galleece and of all Congregations and Bishops of that countrey Patrum sententia And this was done by the Decree of the Fathers annexed to his letters of Ordination without binding him to take a journey to Vitalian at Rome for confirmation who sat not in that pride which Popes now vse to sit in For as Anastasius reporteth when the Emperour Constans came to Rome he with all his Clergie went to meet him six miles off and there receiued they him with all tokens of submission and reuerence though he was a sacrilegious and bloudie Emperour and one which had confined Pope Martin the first to a certaine place in banishment as Baronius reporteth 24. PROGRESSION Wherein the religion of this age principally consisted and what was the purpose of the Popes when they sent Preachers into forreine Countries THe good Bishops of the Primitiue Church heeded onely the building and reedifying of the spirituall Temple of God in gathering together liuing stones but from hence forward shall you find the Histories stuffed onely with relations of materiall Edifices Oratories Images Marbles Incrustations Ouerlayings with gold and such like which the worser sort of men were euer most spendfull in thereby to shadow and obscure the memorie of their euill acts And those princes which all histories leaue vnto vs stained with dishonor recouer fame and good report of vertue pietie and religion by either building or beautifying some Church or other after their example Beda l. 1. c. 20. 26. 29. Histor Eccl. l. 4. c. 1. 2. 16. 19. Galfri Monumet l. 8. c. 4. And if any Bishops of Rome did send to make a conquest of some farre countrey as Gregorie the Great into England and after him Honorius Vitalis and others it was not principally to preach the Gospell but to broach their owne ceremonies their Singings their Seruice in Latine Houres Organs Altars Tapers Anelings and such other nifles stirring vp Princes to inforce their subiects to the vse practise of them who would faine haue kept themselues to the first institution of the Church in the puritie of the Gospell Malmesbu de gest Anglo li. 1. c. 50. And the more to win vnto themselues credit in forreine parts where euer they saw any ambitious spirit thirsting after some preheminence ouer the rest of his brethren presently their fashion was to send him their Pall either as a bare token of honour or as a liuerie of their Vicarship and to vse meanes to draw all causes vnto them yet found they not credit in all places alike but as they caried it away cleere in some places so in others they met with a balke especially in those Churches which being well planted at the first grew vp and prospered in puritie of doctrine OPPOSITION Wherefore doe they what they could yet the Churches of the East euer reiected that Decree of Phocas 2. To. Concil Epist Vitalian 2 3 4. Sigo de Reg. Italiae l. 2. Blond Deca 1. li. 9. An. 680. neither would Paule Archbishop of Candia suffer Iohn Bishop of Lampeon when he had beene condemned by his owne Synod to appeale to Rome as
especially out of the letters of the Emperour to Domnus and Agatho Bishops of Rome as also to George Bishop of Constantinople to whom he wrot to the same effect with the like respect honour and Title as to the other saue onely that he called the one Vniuersall Patriarch and the other Vniuersall Pope Likewise out of the Synodicall Suggestion for so is it called which Pope Agatho sent vnto the Emperours where we find this superscription Agatho Bishop Seruant of the Seruants of God with all the Synods which are vnder the Councell of the See Apostolike as also out of that Epistle which he wrot to the Emperors vpon the receit of their Patent where he repeateth againe the Mandat of the Emperour vnto him De familiari Cler◠for the sending of deputies to the Synod assigned as well of the Synod which was held not far off from the Apostolike See as of his own particular Clergie And yet we find none subscribed but Italians and Agatho himselfe signeth in these tearmes Act. 4. With the generalitie of the Councell of all the Apostolike See that is of all his jurisdiction Act. 17. And in the subscription of the seuenteenth Action the Legats of Pope Agatho and of the Bishops of Alexandria Antioch and Ierusalem stile themselues Lieutenants of the Apostolike See meaning euery one of his own Church And Abundantius and Iohn both Bishops subscribe in particular by the name of Legats of the whole Councel of the holie Apostolike See of Rome This Councel therefore represented his See and his See was according to his owne definition bounded within the precincts of Italie And in like tearms doth the Emperor Constantine make answer to Agatho and to his Synod in the 18 Action Thirdly Act. 18. in all the Actions of this Synod things are generally noted to haue beene done Praesidente Constantino c. where also all the Nobilitie and Senators who assisted are euer named before the Popes Legats who are there said sometimes to Reside and sometimes to Preside as in the sixt and seuenth Actions And in the Emperours absence those said Senators Presided in the Councell gathered the voyces and gaue direction concerning the Action then in hand as may appeare by those words which we find in the 12 13 15 16 and 17 Actions Proposito venerando sessu pijssimi Imperatoris c. Ex persona ipsius secundum iussionem eius praesidentibus audientibus Wherby we see Lib. Pontif. in Agatho that the Pontificall went about to abuse the Reader through the likenesse of the word when he saith in the life of Pope Agatho That his Legats were receiued Rsidente sub Regali cultu Imperatori not daring to say Praesidente with like honestie as before where he maketh the Bishop of Constantinople writing to Vigilius in stead of Residente nobiscum to say Praesidente nobis vestra Beatitudine thereby to get an authoritie for the Presidencie of the Pope the word Residere being frequently vsed in this sence and to this purpose as we may find more than once in one leafe of the life of Pope Agatho Residere praecepti vna cum nostris c. Residente Synodo cum eius pietate Residente vna cum principe and so throughout in this whole Councell By which we may perceiue with what face Bellarmine affirmeth That Agatho his Legats presided alledging for proofe Zonaras whereas yet he saith in expresse tearmes That the Legats of Agatho 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Gregorie of Constantinople and Theophilus of Antioch were chiefe Leaders in this Councell where as you see he joyneth them all together Fourthly the Synod contrarie to that which Agatho had formerly boasted of concerning the infallabilitie of his See condemned Honorius one of his predecessors of Heresie and that in the face and presence of his Legats hauing first seene and compared the copies of his letters with the originall it selfe and declared him to haue beene Fautorem concursorem Action 12. 13. 17. 18. confirmatorem A fauourer a concurrent and an abettor of the Heresie and impietie of the Monothelites and consequently an instrument of Satan to whom with sundrie others they deliuer him ouer and damne the memoriall of him for euer Which sentence was first published in full Councell and afterwards ratified by expresse letters sent from Leo the second his successor Epist Leo. in 6. Synod vniuers D. 19. c. Sicut omnes Which ouerthroweth that goodlie Canon of Pope Agatho Sicut omnes which saith That all the Decrees of the Bishops of Rome ought to be kept and obeyed as the voyce of Saint Peter himselfe And as for the ranke and place of the Pope they bring him backe againe to the ancient Canons of the second Councell of Constantinople and of Chalcedon ordaining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil Constant vniuers 6. in Trullo Can. 56. C. Habeo librum C. Placuit D. 16. Concil Nicae 2. vniuers 7. Action 2. 4. That the See of Constantinople should haue equall priuiledges with that of Rome and in all Church matters should be honoured as much as the other as being next in order after her Neither is it ynough to replie That this Councell made no Canons and that therefore this is false for it hath beene elsewhere sufficiently declared and Gratian himselfe affirmeth as much That this Synod was assembled at two seuerall times and that at the second assembling they enacted an hundred and three Canons as Onuphrius himselfe acknowledgeth which were afterwards authorised by the second Councell of Nice being the seuenth Vniuersall Synod Act. 14. in the presence of Pope Adrian his Legats the said Canons being by the Fathers at their second meeting vnder Iustinian the second after that he had quieted the troubles of the Empire taken out of the Records of the first meeting As for the temporall Estate Agatho before acknowledged That Rome was the seruile Citie of the Emperour Lib. Pontifical in Agatho and as a great and high fauour obtained of him a Release or discharge of a certaine summe of money which the Bishop of Rome was wont to pay into the Emperours coffers for his ordination yet with condition still D. 63. c. Agath 21. That his election should neuer passe vnto ordination without the Emperours priuitie and expresse commaund as the auncient manner was And this Law hath Gratian himselfe inserted in the Decrete So that it is no great wonder if their power reached not altogether so farre as their desire in the ordination of others which we haue heretofore obserued in the Councell of Chaalons held here in France and in the 7 8 9 and 10 Councels of Toledo as also we may now obserue in the 12 of Toledo Concil Tolet. 12. Ca. 6. which was held in the time of this Agatho of whom we speake where we find that the Prince appointed those for Bishops which were elected by the Prouince and if they happened to let the
See lye void too long the Archbishop of Toledo furnished the Church yet so that he that was elected within a certaine time might present himselfe to the Metropolitan of the Prouince Baron vol. 8. an 681. art 47 48. Yet Baronius will not be satisfied but saith first That they which were condemned in this Councell appealed to Rome and secondly that the Fathers of this Councell requested confirmation of Agatho but how may we beleeue him seeing that no man besides himselfe euer spake of anie Appeale in this case For the Epistle of the Emperour to Agatho speaketh in this manner They were thrust out of their Priesthood by the generall voice of the Synod Actio 17. sub finem Anast in Agatho and left to the approuement of the holie Pope meaning onely that he should judge of their heartie repentance afterwards according to their behauiors And Anastasius maketh this cleere when he sayth That they were banished to the Citie of Rome True saith Baronius but yet Constantine in his Epistle to Leo the second saith They haue petitioned to our Grace that we would send them to your blessed presence which we haue graunted and haue sent them vnto you referring them and their cause vnto your iudgement I graunt but how can this be taken for an Appeale which proceedeth from the tolleration only or rather from the Commission of the Emperor Neither is his second assertion as touching confirmation built vpon anie better ground than is the former he produceth a certaine new found Epistle Baron ib. art 49. wherein as he saith it is thus written We haue clearely preached vnto you the cleare light of the Orthodox faith which we entreat your brotherlie Holinesse to confirme by your honourable rescripts or answers Which words implie not anie suit for ratification but onely a request for consent For it is cleare that the Fathers neuer dreamed that their sentence stood suspended for want of his confirmation for say they we haue driuen them by Anathemaes out of the Courts of the Lord c. And againe God moued and God crowned this assemblie And againe All of vs with one heart and tongue and hand haue pronounced this definitiue sentence void of error certaine and infallible by the assistance of the holie Spirit Is this spoken as if they either expected the Popes pleasure or attended his leisure But because they tell him that he by his letters had somewhat holpen them in this businesse therefore they inferre That without him they did and could do nothing By which reason we may as well say when Leo sent the Acts of his Synod into Spaine requesting them to receiue and put them in execution that he requested confirmation of them making them verier Popes than the Pope himselfe For the 14 Councell of Toledo speaking in more prejudiciall tearmes Leo the Pope of old Rome say they entreated vs by his letters Concil Tolet. 14. c. 2. An. 683. that the Acts which he sent vnto vs might stand good borne vp by the force of our authoritie and thereupon they made this answere We say they not able at this present to assemble our selues in a Generall Councell by reason of the times haue met at seuerall times and places and haue read them approuing what is there ordained touching the doctrine of two natures in Christ c. And we haue thought good to confirme these Acts thereby to satisfie the Bishop of Rome and to declare our consent of faith in plaine and open words And Baronius himselfe calleth it a Confirmation of the Acts of this Synod And for a farwell to the time of Agatho we may remember An. 681. that in his time was held the 11 Councell of Toledo by the commaundement of King Eringus wherein were handled matters of great importance 26. PROGRESSION That the free election of the Popes was restored to the Clergie and people of Rome and how they abused this freedome LEo the second successor vnto Agatho in the yeare 683 An. 683. vpon the letters of the Emperour Constantine receiued the Councell of Constantinople written in Greeke Lib. Pontific in Leo. 2. and as we haue alreadie declared condemned and excommunicated those whom the Synod had excommunicated and among the rest Pope Honorius himselfe And Constantine to gratifie him againe ordained That the Archbishop of Rauenna elect should come and take his ordination at Rome but so that he should not pay anie thing for his Pall whereby appeareth that this corruption notwithstanding the constitution of S. Gregorie continued still at Rome But Benedict the second successor vnto Leo went a step farther and obtained the Emperours Patents directed to the Clergie people and armie of Rome for the garrison within the Citie made a partie also in these elections containing That he who in a lawfull assemblie and by common consent should be elected without expectance of consent either of Emperour or Exarch should presently be consecrated and taken as Bishop of Rome which was neuer seene before since the time of Iustinian the first But soone appeared how necessarie a tie that was to be layed vpon them for Benedict happening to die within the yeare and his successor Iohn sitting but a little longer when they came to the choice of a successor Sigon de Reg. Ital. l. 2. The Citie saith Sigâ—niâ—s seeing her selfe at her old libertie fell likewise to her old diuisions The Clergie chose Peter the Armie Theodore and after a while let both those fall and by a generall consent consecrated Conon for their Bishop who happening likewise to die at the end of eleuen moneths the like diuision fell among them as before which continued for the space of two moneths and vpward Lib. Pontific Sigon de Reg. Jtal. l. 2. For during the time of his sicknesse one Paschal an Archdeacon had written to Iohn Exarch of Rauenna promising him a great masse of money which Conon who then lay on his death bed had bequeathed to the Clergie and religious houses Iohn thereupon made his partie good within the Citie Wherefore Conon had no sooner his eyes shut but the Citie was diuided some standing for Theodore the Archpriest Illat. in Leo. 2. Benedict 2. Johan 5. Conone Sergio others for Paschal the Archdeacon the one part making head within the Patriarchaâ— for so called they the Palace of Lateran the other without either partie being readie to come to blowes when vpon the suddaine the chiefe of the Armie Clergie and people to preuent this mischiefe tooke one Sergius a poore Priest out of the middest of the companie and proclaimed him Pope and presently all euen the two competitors themselues saluted him as Pope Sigonius addeth That they adored him but this is spoken after the manner of these times Anastasius saith That they humbled themselues Blondus Dec. 1. l. 9. or bowed downe before him so great was the pride of that See such corruption was there vsed to aspire vnto it The Exarch being
we thinke in this so great an alteration both in the doctrine and also in the gouernment of the Church that euerie man held his peace for the doctrine we haue elsewhere declared how euerie article and when it came to be corrupted as also what opposition was alwaies made against it so that we shall not need to rehearse it here farther than as it was vsed by the Popes to the corruption of the policie and gouernment of the Church The Popes as we haue said thrust the Emperors out of Italie the colour was because they rejected the adoration of Images it being therefore cleare that the three seuerall Councels of Constantinople the one held in the yeare 713 the other in the yeare 729 and the third called the seuenth vniuersall Councell An. 713. An. 729. An. 755. consisting of 338 Bishops in the yeare 755 all held in the times of Constantine Gregorie the second and Stephen the third who were those that did abuse this article of Images to thrust the Emperours out of Italie it being I say cleare that all these condemned the adoration of Images Is it not manifest what they judged of the Popes proceedings against the Emperours seeing they condemned the ground of their proceedings And we may easily imagine what the Churches of Fraunce thought of those Popes whom they saw to trouble the world vnder a colour of Images seeing themselues neither at that present nor in long time after vsed them or at least vsed no religious honour towards them no not those who yet condemned the Greekes for breaking and defacing them Anastas Biblioth in ep ad Joh. 8. Baron in Annal. an 794. art 40. witnesse Anastasius a Writer of that verie time and Baronius of this present and seeing that a Councell held at Gentilli others say at Saumur in Fraunce vnder Pepin himselfe not daring to speake more plainely for feare of the Pope yet counsailed the Emperours of Greece to hold them to the ancient vsage of the Church seeing also that another Councell of the Westerne Churches held vnder Charlemaigne at Francford composed as sayth Sigonius of a great multitude of Bishops of Fraunce Germanie and Italie present there the Legats of the Pope condemned openly and shamefully that second Councell of Nice and consequently censured all those Councels which were held at Rome in the yeare 713 716 742 768 vnder Constantine Gregorie the second Zacharie and Stephen the third for the support of Images Moreouer they published a booke against that second Councell of Nice declaring it to haue beene a false Synod and no Councell at all against Pope Adrian who had approued it and who can doubt but that Pepin and Charlemaigne themselues would haue condemned it but that they could not meddle with the point of state without quarrelling the Pope vpon a matter of the Church But to come vnto the Historie of those times Zacharie had holpen Pepin in his vsurpation of the Crowne of France and Pepin in thankfulnesse came to assist him in his exaltation ouer the Emperors and Lumbards in Italie Carloman his owne brother which was entred into a Monasterie at Mount Cassin in Italie tooke a journey of purpose into France to dissuade the enterprise Annon lib. 4. c. 62. and with great earnestnesse in open Parliament pleaded the cause of the Lumbard King which how could he doe without condemning the Popes ambition Some say he did it not of his owne will Sigon l. 3. de Reg. Jtal. Anastas in Stephan 3. but by the commandement of his Abbot but was not the good of the Church if he had so thought it more to haue beene regarded Or what could an Abbot haue done to so great a Prince as he was In the end Charles came to an end of his conquests in Italie then was he moued to ratifie to Adrian the pretended donation of Pepin at what time Charles let him to vnderstand well ynough that he held not his Crowne from the Pope but that the Pope held both his dignitie and Rome it selfe in fee from him and homage to his Empire for there it was by generall consent of Bishops and Abbots ordained That Charles should be Prince of the Senat in which verie point Adrian encroached vpon the prerogatiue of the Emperour to whom onely it appertained to giue that title and that he should haue power to inuest the Archbishops and Bishops of all Prouinces meaning of Italie with prouiso That if they were not allowed and inuested by him they could not be consecrated by anie moreouer that he should elect the Pope and dispose of the See Apostolike all which we find in Gratian in the Decrete standing yet after the correction of Gregorie the thirteenth So likewise Sigebert Abbot of Gemblons D. 63. C. Hadrianus 22. Sigon de Reg. Ital. l. 4. Dignitatem Principatus Sigibert in Chron. Charles saith he held a Councell at Rome with Pope Adrian with 150 other Bishops and Abbots to whom the Pope with the whole Synod gaue authoritie to elect the Pope and to prouide the See Apostolike and gaue him also the title of Prince ordaining farther that the Archbishops and Bishops throughout the Prouinces should receiue inuestiture from him and that a Bishop not approued and inuested by him should not be consecrated by anie and that such as should be refractarie to this decree should be Anathema and if they repented not their goods should be confiscated Which Gratian expresseth in these words Whosoeuer shall doe contrarie to this decree the Synod layeth the band of Anathema vpon him and ordaineth that his goods shall be confiscated if he repent not So also saith Sigonius adding farther that this Rite of Inuestiture was so called because it was giuen them by a Ring and a staffe in regard no doubt of those lands which they euen then possessed This Rite of confirming the Popes continued as we haue alreadie shewed in the Emperors hands vntill the time of Constantine Pogonatus who about 100 yeares past had released it to Pope Benedict the second and so it continued vntill now when Charlemaigne tooke it into his hands againe Sigonius graunteth all this to be true but he addeth that Charlemaigne out of his good nature released it againe but there is no author for it and the practise long after was to the contrarie Baronius here setteth vpon poore Sigibert Baron vol. 9. an 774. art 10 11 seq and crieth out ô scelus ô imposture ô fraus laying to his charge that he was of the Emperor Henrie his faction and that in fauour of him he inuented this fable and that the Historians of Charles say no such matter But what was Gratian were all the rest of later times schismatikes for reporting the same thing after the same manner Was Gregorie the 13 a schismatike who hath in his late correction left that Canon standing and vncontrolled yea but Gratian had it from Sigibert and gaue too light credence to him It is true that Gratian hath
are plucked vp the other of good which are planted by the word of God as also those other of pulling downe and setting vp of the efficacie of the spirit of his mouth Yea but the glorie of the second Temple should be greater than the glorie of the first What second Temple caitife diuine as he is but the Temple of Ierusalem And what was that greater glorie according to all interpreters both Iewes and Christians old and moderne but the redemption of mankind by Christ crucified for our sinnes vnder the second Temple Or if by the second Temple he will needs vnderstand the Church of Rome what followeth thereof but this That the Bishop of Rome be either Caiphas or Herod or because he chalengeth both jurisdictions Caiphas and Herod all in one And what is meant by that glorie of the ministrie of the Gospell which the Apostle speaketh of 2. Cor. 3. but Christ raigning powerfully in vs by his spirit Which the Apostle also in that same place tearmeth the ministerie of the Spirit not of the letters opposing that Law grauen in stones vnto condemnation against the faith of Christ written in out hearts vnto saluation And what fellowship I would know hath this ministerie with the others pretended magisterie This ministyer I say of the spirit with that magisterie which is simply carnall and worldly breathing out ambition and conspiring nought but tyrannie Saint Chrysostome vpon this place The glorie saith he In 2. Corinth c. 3. Hamil 7. of Moses was outward to the sence for they saw it with their eyes but the glorie of the New Testament is not to be discerned but by the eyes of the Spirit Wherefore they that seeke for glorie in temporall and carnall things doe not they renounce this other glorie And againe He hath opposed saith he the stone to the heart and the letter to the spirit and the New Testament gaue not onely life but also spirit from whence proceedeth life How farre is this construction from that of Baronius which sauoureth naught but flesh and bloud Saint Ambrose also vpon this place Ambros It is manifest saith he that the grace of the Law of Faith is greater than that of the Law of Moses This holie Father expoundeth this glorie to consist in grace in stead of Baronius his tyrannie and oppression And againe The gift of the righteousnesse of God by the faith of Christ is greater than the gift of the old Law And now see how these men alwayes follow the interpretation of the Fathers Too much alreadie said I confesse but the Reader will pardon me in a case of such absurd positions which yet to denie or doubt of is no lesse with them than open heresie Fourthly Baronius affirmeth Baron to 9. an 806. art 26. Arbitrio Romani Pontificis electiuum That Charlemaine when hee parted his kingdomes amongst his children disposed not of the Empire as knowing saith he that it depended of the election of the Pope But the verie Testament which he produceth for his proofe gaine saith his assertion which yet is an vncertaine writing in the judgement of Peter Pytheus from whom he had it for in the verie instep thereof it is thus written We desire saith hee with the good pleasure of God Regnivel Imperij nostri to leaue our children heires of this our Realme or Empire And againe Such partages wee haue thought fit to make of our Realme or Empire And indeed hee diuided among them his whole Estate namely Italie euen vnto Rome on the right hand and on the left saue only that which we call at this day the kingdome of Naples which was yet possessed by the Emperours of Greece The cause why he made none of his sons Emperour was to leaue no occasion of discord among the brethren meaning that each of them should hold his part without prerogatiue of the one aboue the other For hauing parted his whole Estate among his children if he had left the Title of the Empire to be disposed of at the Popes pleasure what had the Pope but so much smoke to giue in case he would haue placed it vpon a stranger 28. PROGRESSION How the Popes encroached vpon Lewis the sonne of Charlemaine and of his pretended Donation CHarlemaine kept his temporall power safe ynough from the intrusion of the Popes leauing sometimes the spirituall as a prey vnto them for by his law it was that the Bishops of France finding themselues agrieued with the judgements of their Metropolitans or comprouinciall Bishops were permitted to run to Rome Yet his words are carefully to be noted When a Bishop saith he hath had sentence against him it shall be lawfull for him to demaund a reuiew and if need be to goe freely to the Bishop of Rome where this word liceat as also in another place placuit import a nouell grace and fauour granted by the Prince not that the Churches of France were anciently tied to any such obseruation And yet is it set also with an alternatiue Let him saith he be iudged either by the Bishop of the Diocesse or by the Bishop of Rome And this was tearmed a Proclamation or an Appellation the source of so many debates and quarels which ensued between the Popes and the Bishops of France Charles had treated with the Emperour of the East An. 816. and particularly agreed about the partage of Italie betweene them two each of them retaining the Title of Emperor the one of the East the other of the West Which he did the rather to set himselfe safe from that raging ambition of the Popes But when Charles was dead though he vsed his power with such moderation as they in discretion had no reason to complaine yet they presently set themselues to worke on the good nature of Lewis sonne and successor vnto Charls After Leo succeeded Stephen the fift Electus ordinatus contrarie to the law being after his election presently consecrated without expecting the Emperours commaund as saith Aimonius Aimoni. lib. 4. c. 103. Thega de gestis Ludoui c. 16 17 18. Yet to daube this fault committed he commaunded saith Theganus all the people of Rome to take the oath of fealtie vnto Lewis and came himselfe in post hast into France sending two embassadours before him as it were to demaund consecration at the Emperors hands all which was nothing but to trie his patience and after a while when he had crowned him he returned home laden with rich gifts and presents Yet it should seeme that he was taught his dutie while he was in France for we find an ordinance of his in the Decrete C. Quia sancta in these words For as much as the holie Church of Rome ouer which D. 53. c. 28. Deo autore by the will of God we are now placed vpon the death of the Pope manie times suffereth violence because the election and consecration of the Popes are made without the aduise and knowledge of the
in the presence of manie Bishops and had taken the murderers into his protection as belonging to the familie of S. Peter pronouncing those that were slaine guiltie of treason Aimoni. de familia S. Petri. and consequently their murder iustified So that Sigonius himselfe let fall this word That the embassadours of Lewis could not search out the veritie of this fact nor so much as begin to take knowledge of it This was about the yeare 823. But when Lotharius came the yeare following after the death of Pascal An. 823. Iusticias facere into Italie to see iustice done in those parts he found the cause of these mischiefes to proceed from the misdemeanors of the Popes and conniuencie of the Iudges by meanes whereof manie mens goods had beene confiscated all which he caused to be restored to the right owners Aimoni. lib. 4. c. 112. reuiuing withall an ancient custome of sending some certaine personages à Latere with speciall commission from the Emperour to doe iustice betweene man and man indifferently Author vitae Ludoui without respect of persons as often as the Emperour should thinke fit All which was done with the consent of the new Pope Eugenius say the Historians and to the contentment of Lewis when he vnderstood thereof Sigonius also produceth a certaine ordinance which he left behind him for the ordering and composing of matters within the Citie of Rome wherein is contained That none should intrude himselfe into the election of the Popes but such as are called thereunto by the Canons vnder paine of banishment which article tended to preuent all canuassing for the Popedome also therein was contained That all those who were to exercise anie place of judicature in Rome should first come into his presence that he might informe himselfe both of their number and of their names and put them in mind of their seuerall duties Item that the King himselfe or in his absence others in his roome should assist at the consecration of the Popes And so saith he was it for certaine yeres after obserued and last of all established by a new Constitution In the yeare 824 came there embassadors from Michael and Theophilus Emperours of Greece to Lewis and Lotharius to craue their aduise and the aduise of the French Church concerning the vse of Images and withall to entreat them to be a meanes to the Pope that he would graciously accept the embassage which they purposed to send vnto him vpon the same question whereupon there assembled a Nationall Councell of the French Bishops to giue their aduise jointly vnto the Emperors Synod Paris sub Ludoui Lothar an 824. where they openly declared vnto them as well the euill practises of Adrian in the carriage of the Councell as also the pestilent contagious error and abhominable superstition which vnder Images he had brought into the Church But aboue all they plainely shew that the position concerning the Popes not erring was no article of their learning or beleefe when they say That the Pope suffered himselfe to be carried downe the streame of this error partly by ignorance partly by wicked custome That it was pitie to see those who were placed in chiefe authoritie to direct others themselues to forsake the high way and to run astray into paths of error And in their Epistle to Eugenius they sticke not to write plainely That the matter of this miserable rent and distraction was a thing without which through faith hope and charitie the Church might be saued as well in this world as in the world to come And that the Empresse Irene and her sonne in the passing of that Edict concerning the adoration of Images were abused by a pestilent illusion of the diuell And the booke which thereupon they wrote to the Emperours Lewis and Lotharius is so well grounded both vpon the authoritie of the Scriptures and interpretations of the Fathers that it may easily appeare that the diuinitie of Italie was no way comparable to that of the French Clergie As for the Pope when the Emperors requested to heare some proofes for the adoration of Images out of the word of God he neuer put himselfe to the paine to giue them satisfaction but answered all in a word saying Simoneta c. 5. That they were arrogant fellowes that made such questions Adde we here one obseruation of the manner of speaking which that Synod so frequently vsed We say they hold the place of S. Peter to whom Christ said Whatsoeuer thou shalt bind c. All the Bishops then holding themselues as the Vicars of S. Peter saying farther of the simple Priests That they were the porters to whom were committed the keyes of the kingdome of Heauen And what can the Pope chalenge more In the yeare 827 vpon the death of Valentine was elected Gregorie the fourth Sigon lib. 4. de Reg. Jtal. with due obseruation of the Law which Lotharius had left behind him For the Lieutenant of the King happening at that present to be away Gregorie could not be consecrated vntill he was returned and had fully informed himselfe of the proceedings in that election And the Annalist sayth in expresse tearmes That his consecration was deferred till the Emperours pleasure was knowne thereupon Author vitae Ludouici An. 833. Certaine yeares after about the yeare 833 his children made a conspiracie against him This Gregorie to oblige Lotharius to himselfe tooke his part and came into Fraunce in shew to mediate a reconciliation betweene the father and the sonnes but indeed as Aimonius reporteth to set them farther out Aimoni. lib. 3. c. 14. and to giue countenance to a certaine Synod which the sonnes assembled at Compiene to depose their father This attempt as say the Authors of those times proceeding meerely from the working of the diuell Thega de gest Ludoui Chronichon Dionysian which wrought by his ministers in the hearts of the children against the Emperour The Bishops of Fraunce tooke part some with the father others with the sonnes on the sonnes side was chiefe Hebo Archbishop of Rheims a slaue by birth and a man of lewd conditions against whom the Historian cryeth out saying Miserable wretch how hast thou recompenced thy masters kindnesse Purpura vestiuit te pallio he made thee free for noble he could not clothing thee with the Pall and Scarlet and thou makest him to put on hairecloth How hast thou despised those precepts of the Apostle Be ye subiect to euerie higher power Feare God Honour the King Who persuaded thee hereunto but he who is onely King ouer the children of pride who said to his Creator All these things will I giue vnto thee if thou wilt fall downe and worship me For the father stood principally Drogo or Dreux Bishop of Mets a great man in his time with manie others all which perceiued plainely that this Gregorie was a part taker in this conspiracie The Emperour said If he be come into Fraunce as
had beene faultie and negligent sometime to amend their manners confessing that sermons had been a long time omitted Sigon de Reg. Ital. lib. 5. through the negligence partly of the Prelats partly of the people who by hauing priuat chappels adioyning to their houses neglected the frequentation of the publike Churches with many other matters of like nature all which he tooke order to redresse as to him seemed best sitting in his palace and by the aduise of his priuie Counsel And whereas there was one Gratian a Master of the campe and a man of great credit and authoritie who sought to sow discord betweene the Temporall Estate and the Clergie practising vnder hand to translate the whole Empire backe vnto Greece againe Lotharius hearing hereof sent to his sonne Lewis to march immediatly vnto Rome and there to preuent such inconuenience And Platina reporteth That Leo the Pope was accused as partie in this conspiracie But in the end Lewis hauing hanged one Daniel who had falsely accused him Pope Leo wrot to Lotharius That he did and euer would obserue the behests and commaundements of his progenitors Requesting him withall That the Roman law might still take place as now and heretofore And we haue the extract of that letter in the Decret of Gratian in these words De Capitulis vel praeceptis imperialibus vestris D. 10. c. 19. vestrorumque Pontificum praedecessorum irrefragabilitèr custodiendis quantum valuimus valemus Christo propitio nunc in aeuum modis omnibus nos conseruaturos profitemur Et si fortasse quilibet vobis alitèr dixerit vel dicturus fuerit scias eum pro certò mendacem Where Baronius after Isidore in stead of vestrorumque Pontificum readeth nostrorumque Baron an 853. art 17. contrarie to the credit of all copies and glosses onely to auoid Leo his tying himselfe to the obseruation of such Edicts and Iniunctions as our kings shall make in the assemblies of their Bishops in their dominions Capitularibus And how farre kings of those dayes proceeded in matters of this nature we can learne no whence better than from the Decrees and ordinances of Charles and Lewis Capitulos and those which we haue also of the Synod of Soissons alledged by Baronius himselfe and called Capitula Charoli Calui The Iniunctions of Charles the Bauld which concerned the whole policie and discipline of the Church And the same Leo in another Epistle speaketh to the Emperour as humbly as in the former In the proceedings of this cause saith he we haue done some things incompetently not obseruing in your subiects causes the ordinarie course of law we are readie to reforme what euer is amisse as you and your Commissioners shall thinke fit c. Wherefore we earnestly intreat your clemencie and greatnesse That you would send some such into these parts to take knowledge of these matters c. and of all matters great or small which any man hath informed you of concerning vs c. By which we may easily perceiue what hand the Emperor in those dayes bare ouer the Bishops of Rome Yet Baronius contesteth That Leo withstood Lotharius and Lewis the Emperors in the claime which they made to their right of confirmation vpon the election of Popes and that hee preuailed so farre that the election from that time should be made according to the Canons meaning that Canon by which they pretend That Lewis the first Emperor renounced all right in the election But for proofe he alledgeth naught but a Palea of the Decret which is vnable to stand against the current of all Histories besides And yet the words of that Palea import but this That betweene the Emperours and the Pope it was accorded That the election and consecration of the Bishop of Rome in time to come should not be made but iustly and canonically which no Logicke can wrest to proue what he intendeth And these words are noted for a Palea in the verie edition of Gregorie the thirteenth Hincmar Epist ad Charol Caâ—n de Episc Syluanectensi Idem ad populuÌ„ Bellouacensem Liberam Regularem Electionem This Leo as he could not keepe himselfe from encroaching so met hee sometimes with rubs in his way Charles the Bauld raigned at that time in France The order was when a Bishopricke fell void that the Clergie and people joyned in petition to the king to grant them leaue to make a free and a regular election and that he would send thither according to the holie Canons a Visitor to assist at the election And thereupon did the king signifie to the Metropolitan which of his Bishops he would haue to assist as Visitor to see the election in all points canonically made yet so as without any preiudice of his owne Canons By which it was ordained That in euerie such election the consent of Clergie and people should concurre it being the principall cause why the Prince would haue a Visitor to assist to see his Canons duely and carefully obserued All which we may learne out of sundrie Epistles of Hincmar Archbishop of Reims but especially out of that which he wrot to Charles the Bauld touching the vacancie of the Bishopricke of Senlis himselfe being chosen Archbishop in a Synod held at Beauuais in the place of Hebo which rebelled against the Emperor Lewis And though there be one which writeth That at the entreatie of Lotharius he receiued the Pall at Leo his hands to weare euerie day a priuiledge which the Pope said he would neuer grant to any other yet Hincmar himselfe holding this Pal for a badge of honour Idem ad Cler. pleb Cameracensem Idem ad Laudunenses c. 6. rather than for a marke of subiection spareth not to say openly That it was not lawfull for the inferiour Bishops vpon any publike or generall occasion to consult the Pope vnlesse they had first aduised thereof with their owne Archbishops and yet the question was onely of consulting That it was needlesse for Archbishops to expect resolutions from the See of Rome concerning such things as were alreadie sentenced in the holie Scriptures in the Councels in Canons and Decrees of the Church And thereupon inhibiteth his nephew Hincmar Bishop of Laon to Appeale to Rome declaring the letters monitorie Ib. c. 34. by which the Pope warned him to appeare before him to be void and of none effect forbidding him to obey his summons and expounding these words Tues Petrus c. in this manner Vpon this sure and solide confession of faith which thou hast made will I build my Church And as touching the power of binding and loossing he spareth not to write to the Pope himselfe Idem in Epist ad Hadrian 2. telling him out of the writings of Leo the first That that power was passed and deriued from Saint Peter and from the rest of the Apostles to all the chiefe Heads of the Church meaning to all Bishops and consequently to
thing which euerie man almost affirmeth but let vs erre for once with the multitude though it is certaine that this is one of those things which are both credible and possible so much it troubled him to carrie an euen hand in this matter And we must now enter the lists of this question because this Historie which euer heretofore passed for currant without contradiction findeth in these daies some opposition especially Onuphrius vpon Platina thinketh himselfe sufficiently armed with reasons to euict this report as fabulous Onuphrius ad Plat. in vitae Johan 8. First therfore he sayth That Anastasius who liued at this time saith no such matter for answer we say Rainulphus l. 5. c. 32. That to argue ab authoritate negatiue proueth nothing But Rainulphus in his Polychronicon giueth a reason why the Historians of that time omitted it which was Propter turpitudinem Rei for the beastlinesse of the matter as they did many other things of like nature But if some in reuerence to the Popes haue thought good to smother it yet others in their loue to the truth would not conceale it Neither may Onuphrius take on in such eagre sort against Martinus Polonus as the first noiser of this report to whom in regard he was penitentiarie to Nicholas the third and afterwards Archbishop of Cosensa they should in good manners owe a little more respect but manie others and his betters had long before reported the same Onuphrius himselfe testifieth That he had seene certaine Commentaries of Damasus and Pandulfe of Pisa written in that verie time where in the margent betweene Leo the fourth and Benedict the third this womans name is inserted but saith he written with another inke so or not so I leaue vnto his conscience But not to stand anie longer vpon this Marian. Scotus l. 3. Chron. An. 854. Marianus Scotus a Monke of the Abbey of Fulden of the order of the Benedictins and a great Chronicler and one by whom themselues haue dained to gouerne themselues in the dating of their Councels sayth That in the yeare 854 Leo the fourth died the first of May and after him succeeded Iohannes Mulier Ione the woman for the space of two yeares fiue moneths and foure daies And it is to be noted that he had it from those which were before him for he was brought vp in the said Abbey of Fulden where this Ione also her selfe had sometime liued They would ward this blow by saying That they haue copies of Marianus his booke wherein no such words are to be found but our copie was taken out of the Librarie of the Colledge of S. Bartholomew in the Citie of Francford by the commandement of the Bishop of Mentz Baronius to make this pill swallow the better readeth these words of Marianus with an vt asseritur i. as it is reported but without author or manuscript for his proofe And this Marianus died according to Trithemius in the yeare 1080. Sigibert in Chron. an 853. And Sigibert Abbot of Gemblons who liued about the yeare 1100 The fame saith he is that this Iohn was a woman who companied with one onely seruant of hers by whom she was begot with child and deliuered being Pope Papa existens and for this cause is he neither named nor numbred among the Popes And here againe they say first that he was a schismatike secondly that in some copies there are no such words but we list not beleeue them at their word After these came Martin of Polonia about the yeare 1270 whom Platina followeth almost word for word saue onely where the one sayth vt asseritur Martinus Polonus the other hath vt aiunt There was another Martin of the Order of the Minor Friers who in his Chronicle intituled Flores Temporum reporteth Chron. Martin Minorit vlt. impress an 1486. That when this Iohn went to conjure the diuell out of a man which was possessed asking the diuell when he would goe out of him the diuell answered in a Distich Papa pater patrum Papissae pandito partum Et tibi tunc edam de corpore quando recedam Tell thou me when thou wilt be deliuered of a child and I will tell thee when I will goe forth of this bodie This Martin liued about the yeare 1370. Petrarch in Chron. Petrarch was one who could well discerne betweene a historie and a tale and was for the most part trained vp in the Popes Court he in his Chronicle affirmeth it as certaine and as Martin so he calleth her Iohannem Anglicum i. Iohn English who sayth he was a woman and therefore not entred in the Catalogue of the Popes adding farther That he was promoted to the highest honour of Priesthood by a generall consent Boc in lib. de claris mulieribus c. 99. Anton. tit 16. c. 1. § 7. Otho Frisingh l. 7. Annales Augustani Raph. Volaterran in commenta vrba Sabellicus Aenead 9. Phil. Bergo in supplem Matth. Palmer continuator Euseb Prosperij Trithem Naucler General Albert. Crant in Metrop in Catal. Pontif. Cael Rhodo. l. 14. Antiq. Lectio Continuat John Lucid. in Chron. Baptist Mantu l. 3. Alphons Suffrid Leonar in Notis in Mart. Polon in Ed. Antuerp an 1573. And this Petrarch liued when the forenamed Martin did Bocace also in his booke of illustrious or famous women describeth her and representeth in picture her trauaile the Cardinals and Bishops standing about her in stead of midwiues and to this day saith he to continue the memorie of this vilanie the Popes when they celebrate the Rogations with their Clergie and people shun the place where she was deliuered which is in the middle of their way and turne aside to goe by narrow lanes These were men too wise to stuffe their bookes with such relations had they had no other author but Martin though he a man not altogether to be neglected And Antonin the Archbishop addeth farther That there was there placed an effigies of Marble to continue the memorie thereof and thereupon crieth out with S. Paule O the height of the wisdome of God how incomprehensible are thy iudgements and thy wayes past finding out c. As for that which Raimundus bableth concerning the virgine Marie it is too weake and foolish to auoid the authoritie of such an author as Antoninus is Likewise Otho Frisinghensis in his seuenth booke where he setteth downe the Catalogue of the Popes he nameth Iohannem VII foeminam placing her in the roome of Iohn the seuenth not of the eight by the common error of Chroniclers in the number of those who haue borne this name To let passe the Chronicles of Ausbourg Raphael Volaterranus Sabellicus Philip of Bergamo Matthaeus Palmerius Trithemius in the life of Luithprand Iohannes Stella in the liues of 230 Popes Nauclerus Chancelor in the Vniuersitie of Tubinge Albert Crantius Deane of Hambourg the Fasciculus Temporum alias Carthusianus Caelius Rhodoginus the supplement of Iohannes Lucidus with sundrie others the
most of these whom I haue named being Churchmen and of great place in their times I will onely content my selfe with these three verses of Baptista Mantuan a Carmelite who placeth her at the verie entrie into hell Hic pendebat adhuc sexum mentita virilem Foemina cui triplici Phrygiam diademate mitram Extollebat apex pontificalis adulter And shall all this be rejected by saying onely that Martin said it But let vs see what more Onuphrius the Iesuites and Baronius himselfe can say concerning this point Their maine argument is That we can find no space betweene Leo the fourth and Benedict the third to place Iohn the eight there And we answere let them subtract from the next precedent Popes the time which they haue added to them ouer and aboue the account of Marianus Scotus and other auncient Chroniclers and she will not want a place to stand in For Onuphrius giueth to Sergiâ—s the second two moneths more than Marianus doth to Nicholas the first he giueth nine yeares six moneths twentie dayes whom Marianus maketh to sit but eight yeare nine dayes to Adrian the second he giueth foure yeares and eleuen moneths whereas Marianus affoordeth him onely but two yeares And so may Onuphrius easily cast vp his account and we find the totall of ours So likewise Hermannus Contractus to leaue no roome for this Ione casteth three yeares vpon Sergius and nine vpon Leo the fourth and so doe the rest which are alledged by Onuphrius Secondly they say That vnto the time of Pope Formosus that is for the space of nine hundred yeares complete there was neuer anie Pope chosen who had not beene brought vp from a child in the Church of Rome and risen by degrees of Priesthood or Deaconrie We answere let them reforme then the generall current of Histories which report That Constantine brother to the Duke of Nepete was chosen Pope in the yeare 767 which was neither Priest nor Deacon nor Clerke but tooke all his degrees in a day and was consecrated by the Bishops of Praeneste Alba and Port and sat one yeare and one moneth since which time they cannot denie but that meere lay men haue beene elected Popes Thirdly they come to scan the words of the Historie of Martin Anglicus natione Moguntinus an Englishman borne at Mence What greater absurditie saith he But the absurditie is their owne and not the Authors for English was her surname not the name of her nation and themselues obserue that in the better manuscripts it is written Anglicus not Anglus Neither did anie euer vnderstand it otherwise no not Fasciculus Temporum where he writeth in this manner Some men saith he report that they neuer make Popes of Germanes which is false Besides that Polonus sayth a Margantine or Mangantine by nation and by consequent no Englishman Fourthly they say That Martin maketh her a student of Athens whereas at that time there was no learning there but barbarisme prouing it by Synesius who so reporteth of it in his time Synes in postrema epist ad fratrem We answere that Synesius sayth not there was no learning there but not so much as he expected and it was no small matter that could adde to the learning of Synesius but it is apparent that in Greece there were Vniuersities continuing manie yeares after at Athens at Thessalonica Constantinople and a famous one in the Isle of Chio since that inundation of the Turkes and in this verie time of which we speake Zonaras telleth vs that Michael Bardas the Emperour restored learning there and therefore as learning was not then in her heat at Athens so was it not likewise cleane extinguished And whereas they say that at this time there were no Lectures of Diuinitie at Rome a goodlie commendation for the See of the pretended Head of the Church we answere them that this great scarcitie bred her the greater admiration Fiftly they examine the circumstances Martin saith it was done as she went from Saint Peters to the Latran and the Popes say they at that time dwelt not in the Vatican But we aske whether then and a long time before S. Peters Church was not built that so the Pope might goe from the one to the other in procession And then they say it is strange that in all those nine moneths no bodie should perceiue it We answere that there is nothing more common but should they not rather admire the judgement of God in proclaiming their abhomination by this mysterie Sixtly not being able to denie that the Popes vse to turne out of this way they alledge a wrong cause of their so doing saying That if they went the right way the streets would be too narrow for the prease of people We answere that they who haue seene the place know the contrarie But Platina affirmeth it in those words De primo non abnuerim For the first I will not denie it and the effigies erected vpon the place as Antonine reporteth auerreth as much which the Iesuites themselues cannot denie But willing to seeme more vnderstanding than he they would faine persuade vs that this is the pourtrait of a Priest going to say Masse with the Clerke at his heeles A man may well say that this is Rasura in loco suspecto for what should such an Image make in that place Seuenthly for the close stoole they passe it ouer in a word That this is an idle tale of the people others say by way of Allegorie that this is to shew the new elected that God raiseth the poore out of the dung Erigit è stercore pauperem Antiquit. de Fauchet vol. 2. But for the matter it selfe can they denie but that the stoole is yet to be seene in the gallerie of the Palace of Latran as they goe to the Chappell called Sancta Sanctorum where the Conclaue was wont to be held while the Popes dwelt there And as for the cause if it were such as they say why then is there a hole in it And why should not we beleeue so manie Authors And the verses of Iohannes Pannonius long before this controuersie was risen doe they not testifie as much Non poterat quisquam reserantes aethera claues Non exploratis sumere testiculis Cur igitur nostro mos hic nunc tempore cessat Ante probat quod se quilibet esse marem Meaning that now Popes vse before hand to trie their manhood by their wenching and begetting of bastards Eightly they say That Zonaras Nicetas Cedrenus and others speake not of it We answere that these Authors liued long after and speake principally of the affaires of Greece and but sleightly of them neither And I would know if in a matter of the Latine Church we should alledge a Greeke Author whether they would not presently call vs to the Histories of the Latines And what wonder if these idolatrous Monkes shaking hands with the beastlinesse of the Romane Church were willing to conceale this shame But Laonicus a
the other there reuersed their sentence declaring them to be degraded of all their Ecclesiasticall preferments tearmed the Synod of Metz An Assemblie of Theeues and Bauds Latrocinium prostibulum This done in the yeare 866 he sent Arsenius his Legat vnto Francford An. 866. to will Lotharius to abandon Waldrada and to receiue Thietberga to his bed againe and in case of default declareth him and all that followed him Excommunicat in so much that Lotharius durst not stand against him This was the first act of Excommunication and Interdiction that euer the Popes exercised vpon our kings animated thereunto partly by continuall jarres in the linage of Charlemaigne partly by their faults for which they stand registred in so many of the Popes Decrees especially this Lotharius D. 63. c. Relatum est 2. qu. 1. c. Qua Lotharius where he presumeth writing to the Bishops of Italie France and Germanie to vse these words The King Lotharius if he may be rightly tearmed a King And in the Canons Praecipuè Ita Corporis 11. q. 3. 24. q. 3. An non districta directed to his owne person Yet may we see that this Nicholas was moued to doe what he did in zeale of policie rather than of religion who at that verie instant tooke into his protection at Rome Baldwin Earle of Flanders which had rauished and carried away Iudith daughter to Charles king of France writing to the king himselfe Nicol. Epist 30. 32. and to Hincmar Archbishop of Reimes and to the Synod of Senlis in his behalfe vntill in the end hee got the mariage to be ratified the parties to be receiued vnto fauor not blushing to say That a predecessor of his had done as much in the time of Lotharius the Emperour and that a king must not thinke much to remit a small debt to his fellow seruant who hath peraduenture himselfe need that that Master of Masters should acquit him of ten thousand talents It so pleasing him to shew his omnipotencie in his ouer-rigorous proceeding against the one and his too great indulgencie towards the other By these defaults of our Kings and Princes the Popes grew bold vpon our Bishops admitting of all Appeals made from them so that if any one had beene legally condemned by his Metropolitan in a Prouinciall Synod if he Appealed to Rome made his Metropolitan a partie to the suit he was sure to be heard and his cause to be reuiewed and his Metropolitan to be Interdicted if he appeared not to the summons And seldome should you find the sentence of a Metropolitan not reuersed in fauour of the Appellant One example for all of Rothard Bishop of Soissons which Appealed from the sentence of Hincmar Archbishop of Reimes 2. q. 6. c. Arguta who would not giue way to the Appeale Whereupon Nicholas wrote vnto him That hee should not haue beene so vnmindfull of the priuiledges of the Apostolike See to whom the venerable Canons giue power to iudge of the censures of the whole Church Which Canons yet he could hardly haue found if he had beene put to seeke them With like presumption wrot he to the Archbishops and Bishops of France D. 19. c. si Romanor De Consecr D. 1. in Eccles 17 q. 4. e. Nemini 25. q. 2. si quis 6. q. 5. c. Quod bene That it belonged to his See to iudge of the writings of all Authors and that what he reiected or approved that also ought generally to be reiected or approued of all Likewise to the Clergie of Vienna That a new Church could not be built without his speciall leaue and licence had thereunto And to all Bishops in generall That no man in regard of his Primacie might offer to iudge of him or to retract a sentence which he had giuen vnder paine of excommunication And in a letter which he wrot to Charles the Bauld king of France he saith That what is once well decreed may not afterward be called into question with this limitation vnlesse it be in presence of a greater power Innuendo that this greater power was his own This is bad ynough but that which followeth is more horrible Baron vol. 10. an 865. art 13. 14. And Baronius himselfe deserueth to be commended for a steadie countenance in not blushing when he reporteth it For in an Epistle of his written to our Bishops of France wherein he argueth against those who wold not admit of all the Decretal Epistles which he produced meaning against Hincmar Archbishop of Reimes and others who for their defence alledged That they were not to be found in the Code of the Canons he is not ashamed to ranke them with the Old and New Testaments making these to depend of the same authoritie with the Decretals or rather indeed to be subordinat to them A matter worthie the Readers obseruation For what saith he shal wee stand any longer to dispute whether it ought to be done or no meaning whether no Decretals ought to be receiued but such as were in the Code of Canons For by the same reason we should not receiue the Old and New Testament for neither the one nor yet the other is found in the Code of the Church Canons As if those Testaments tooke not their authoritie from the holie Ghost who inspired them from the Sonne who vsed them against the false Doctors and Sathan himselfe and from the Father who hath so liuely and so deepely imprinted his marke vpon them But if saith he they shall replie for he maketh them as honest men and as learned in Diuinitie as himselfe That among the Canons there is one of Innocentius his making A nobis vtrūque testamētum iam esse recipiendū by which it is ordained That the two Testaments from this time forward ought to be receiued though in the first Canons neither of them be receiued I answer saith he That if the Old and New Testaments are to be receiued not for that they are in the Code of Canons but because Innocent hath decreed that they ought to be receiued It therefore followeth That the Decretall Epistles of the Popes ought also to be receiued though not inserted in the Code of the Canons because it is manifest that among other Canons there is one of Pope Leo wherein it is commaunded to obserue all the Decretall ordinances of the Apostolike See So that if any man shall attempt any thing against them he must know that there is no hope of pardon left for him First then I aske Had the Old and New Testament no authoritie in Christs Church but by vertue and since the date of that Decree of Innocent Was the Church foure hundred yeares and those the best because the first without knowledge of the Scriptures Secondly Whether Leo in those verie words of his which Nicholas alledgeth speaketh not onely De Ecclesiasticis ordinibus Canonum disciplinis i. Of Church discipline and policie We see then
haue in the Decrete sayth That he tooke knowledge of this cause of Lotharius which gaue occasion to all these stirres as an arbitrator by consent of parties and consequently not as a judge founded in right of law or nature And Lotharius himselfe in his letters to Pope Adrian who succeeded Nicholas saith That he committed this cause to him Ad tempus in parte and therefore not to vse his absolute authoritie herein but onely such as was committed by way of delegacie vnto him As for the attempts which Pope Nicholas made vpon our Bishops in restoring so farre as he could Rothard Bishop of Soissons deposed before by his Metropolitanes in the presence and with the assent of his fellow Bishops Hincmar Archbishop of Rheimes telleth him his owne Ep. Hincmari Archiepiscopi Rhemen ad Nicolaum apud Flodoardum Whereas sayth he your Benignitie hath willed me to assemble the whole companie of our brethren and there according to the tenor of your letters to reintegrate Rothard Bishop of Soissons in his former place your Paternitie must know that I could not so doe for manie sundrie reasons namely because he cannot be replaced but by the consent of those by whom he was deposed of which a great part say they will not meddle with his restitution because they find not in him either life or learning or zeale fit for that ministration and that whereas it was expected that at least he should haue beene somewhat ashamed of his deposing he was on the contrarie growne more refractarie against the holie constitutions the regall dignitie and the priuiledges of the Metropolitans and liuing now more scandalously than before meaning since he had felt the support and tasted the ayre of Rome And whereas Nicholas alledged to him the Canon of Sardica he remonstrated vnto him That by vertue of that verie Canon the Bishop of the first See ought not to restore a Bishop of another Prouince deposed if he came vnto him to haue his cause reuiewed but that he should send him backe againe to his owne Prouince to haue his cause reuiewed there if the cause so required for that as in the Councell of Carthage was contained the matter can no where be so well examined as in the place where the crimes objected were said to haue beene committed That if anie other course than this should be held in the restoring of Rothard the censures of Bishops would be vilified and contemned both by the Clergie and by the people who alreadie begin to speake hardly of the Popes authoritie and in a word that he could not doe this thing without wrong not onely to the priuiledge of Metropolitanes but also of all Ecclesiasticall constitutions Neither was there anie stronger beleefe in Germanie of the Popes not erring than you haue heard in France as appeared when he went about to establish his Decree of Single life For hauing directed it to Vldaric Bishop of Ausbourg with charge to put it in execution not to rehearse what he said of the question it selfe which we haue elsewhere set downe more at large he telleth him in plaine tearmes That he was deuoid of reason vniust and insupportable That hardly could the members of the bodie continue sound seeing the Head was so ill affected so farre estranged from true discretion contrarie to the Euangelicall Institution contrarie to the foretelling of the holie Spirit to the examples of manie holie men and the common aduise of the wiser sort exhorting him to remoue this Pharisaicall scandalous and pestilent doctrine from the flocke of Christ and the verie stile it selfe of this Epistle is a sufficient warrant against all forgerie to those who know what belongeth to it This Pope Nicholas went yet farther for Michael Bardas vncle to the Emperour Michael succeeding in the Empire had diuorced his wife and was married to his daughter in law Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople cut him off for this sinne from the vnion of the Church Bardas offended herewith assembled a Synod deposed Ignatius and put one Photius in his place whereupon arose a mutinie in Constantinople some holding for Photius others for Ignatius The Emperour to stint this strife requested the Pope to send his Legats thither who presently dispatched away Rodoald Bishop of Port and Zacharie of Anagnia giuing them instructions withall to set vp Images againe and aboue all to get in if they could his old patrimonie of Sicile and Calabria These Legats contrarie to his imagination woon as it should seeme by the Emperour ratified the deposition of Ignatius and installation of Photius Nicholas frustrate of his desire which was vpon this occasion to oblige Ignatius to himselfe disauowed his Legats and for exceeding the bounds of their commission degraded them Now in the declaration of this matter we are especially to obserue the answere which he made vnto the Emperour who in his letters to him had sufficiently made knowne vnto him That he desired not his helpe as to judge of a cause alreadie sentenced but onely for the more easie execution of the sentence giuen and for the more speedie pacifying of the troubles ensuing thereupon and it is great pitie that we haue not his letter at large but must be content with so much of it as the Pope is pleased to alledge vnto vs. But we may by Nicholas his answeres easily perceiue that Bardas spake mainely against his Primacie because he is so earnest in the defence thereof For saith he if they which sit in Moses chaire ought to be heard Nicol. ep ad Michael Imperator to 2. Concilior how much more they who sit in the chaire of S. Peter and will not see that a man may denie him the ground on which his argument is founded And againe he telleth him That neuer anie Bishop of Constantinople was deposed without the consent of the Pope How hard a matter had it beene for him to haue proued this assertion For what consent was euer required of them other than as they were deposed in Councels where peraduenture the Popes Legats had their place as other Bishops had Or should he not rather haue shewed that at least some one Archbishop of Constantinople had beene ordained by them Thirdly he alledgeth the Councell of Chalcedon where it is said saith he in this manner If a Clergie man hath a controuersie either against his owne Bishop or against anie other let the cause be heard in a Prouinciall Synod if a Bishop or a Clerke complaine against a Metropolitan of the same Prouince let him repaire to the Primat of the Dioces or to the See of Constantinople Who would haue thought that the Pope had had such Logicke in store to proue by these words that men ought to appeale from Constantinople to Rome Yet he concludeth What could the Synod saith he meane by the Primat of the Dioces but the Vicar of the chiefe Apostle Now the Canon which he meaneth is the ninth Canon of this Councell where it is said
to arise concerning the Church of Rome the Church her selfe should be reuerently consulted thereupon That they should receiue her answere and doe accordingly without passing anie bold sentence or decree in preiudice of the soueraigne Pontifes of old Rome and this is the 21 Canon And further note that this is the first Generall Councell wherein the Popes Legats presided which they mention almost in euerie line so great need had this wretched Emperour to seeke their fauour And these you see were the meanes they vsed to set forward their authoritie in the East neither were those anie better which they vsed in the West namely in our Fraunce where besides the continuall jarres which they alwaies maintained in the race of Charlemaigne they euer cherished those Bishops who were most engaged in them namely the Archbishop of Bourges vpon the controuersie which he had with Hincmar and which was debated in the Synod at Troies in Champaine alluring him by the profer of a Pall and Actard though not yet prouided of anie Bishopricke to make them sure on his side against Hincmar the defendor of the Liberties of the French Churches whom himselfe in his letters commendeth for his sanctitie of life The renowme of thy sanctitie saith he is neuer without commendation and againe Persuade your selfe sayth he that we beare as great loue vnto you as if we had conferred together a thousand times c. and yet ceased not to persecute him with all extremitie and violence OPPOSITION But to returne to this falsely so called the eight Generall Councell notwithstanding that Basilius were verie desirous to oblige Adrian to him yet would he not forgoe his right in calling the Councell for in the Preface thereunto he vseth these words To. 4. part 11. editio Venet. apud Binnium part 2. to 3. pag. 886 892 900. The diuine bountie saith he hauing committed vnto vs the sterne of the vniuersall ship meaning thereby the Church we haue speciall care aboue all other things to breake the tempests of the Clergie Neither was this anie controuersed point betweene them for the Bishops themselues there assembled in the sixt Action say That the Emperour crowned of God hath called this holie Generall Councell And in the seuenth He hath vsed all diligence say they to summon thither the Legats of the other Patriarchaâ—s and hath so farre preuailed as to make it a Generall Councell And Pope Stephen himselfe in his letter to Basilius Wherein sayth he hath the Church of Rome offended Hath not she according to the auncient custome of the Synods of Constantinople Te imperante at thy commaund sent thither her Legats And thus much for the calling of it As for the manner of proceeding Anastasius telleth vs That the Bishops hauing committed that grosse fault in setting their hands vnaduisedly to the Articles came weeping to the Emperour and told him That by their subscription they had put the Church of Constantinople in subjection vnder the Church of Rome That all the Decrees of this Councell ought to be reuised that they would take out their bookes againe that otherwise it was impossible to recouer their lost libertie So that they got some part of their bookes againe notwithstanding the anger of Basilius who stood wholly for the Church of Rome But the mischiefe was that the Popes Legats forecasting this inconuenience had gotten into their hands the papers of the most principall among the Bishops wherein they vsed the helping hand of one Sypon the archminister and of Anastasius himselfe And hence it is that the Grecians no waies hold this Councell as Generall saying That all things therein were carried by oppression and violence Jouerius in vâ—litati de octa Synodo and therefore they call the Councell of Florence held fiue hundred yeares after the eight vniuersall Councell and that other a Prouinciall onely and called not vpon anie question of faith but onely to bring in the authoritie of the Pope for the deposing of Photius in fauour of the Emperour And our Aimonius speaking of this Councell according to the judgement no doubt which men had of it in Fraunce in those daies speaketh in this wise Hauing sayth he assembled a Councell which they that were at it called the eight vniuersall Councell they tooke away the schisme concerning the deposition of Ignatius and the election of Photius restoring Ignatius and pronouncing Anathema against his competitor In this Synod they decreed concerning the adoration of Images otherwise than the Orthodox Fathers had aunciently defined Aimoni. Monachus l. 4. c. 28. besides some thing which they there decreed in fauour of the Pope in regard that he had concurred with them in the adoration of Images some things also did they ordaine contrarie to the auncient Canons and some things contrarie to their owne Synod as he shall easily perceiue that will but take the paines to read this Councell yet was he a Monke that spake these words Baron vol. 10. an 869. art 59 62 63. And shall Baronius be admitted to say that this was one of those old doting Frenchmen which could not away with Images yet can none of all these things be found now in the Tomes of the Councels And Bartholmew Caranza a Iacobin sayth That he found the Latine copies of this Councell so false that he knew not which to chuse and that he could not find anie Greeke copie to correct them by so that the case thus standing they may put anie thing vpon vs. Baronius to proue vnto vs that this is one of the Generall Councels telleth vs That the Popes were wont at their election to take an oath for the obseruance of the Generall Councels amongst which this is reckoned the eight in order But who seeth not that they did so for their owne proper interest and yet can he not pardon the Cardinall Iulian who presided in the Councell of Florence as Legat to the Pope for that vpon the reasons vsed by Marc Bishop of Ephesus he consented to haue this Councell discarded I will free you saith he speaking to the Greeke Bishops of this feare there shall no one word of this Councell be recited c. And againe We care not for this Councell whereas saith Baronius to goe from this Councell were to cast away both sword and buckler of the Church of Rome In which Councell yet there were but 101 Bishops and all corrupted by Adrian and Basilius Now in stead of repressing the impietie of this Emperour they made good vse of it for to make it yet more euidently to appeare that they aimed at no other marke but onely at the greatnesse of the Clergie in the 14 Canon it is thus ordained That Bishops should not goe forth to meet Princes and that when they happened to meet with them they should not alight from their Mules or Horses That Princes and Emperors should hold them as fellowes and equall to themselues If anie Bishop shall liue base and meanely or rustically after
that Hincmar of Laon appeare before our clemencie and that his accuser appeare also with him c. a stile not vsed heretofore by our predecessors when they wrot to ours And although we perceiue that you goe about to bring into the Church of God instead of the cleere light of simplicitie and humilitie the thicke mist of the pride of this world yet will we haue a better opinion of your will and meaning considering that a man as a man may doe that in hast which vpon better consideration â—â— would wish vndone againe But where doth your Secretarie find That the Apostolike See may commaund a king who by his office is a correcter of the faultie a chastiser of offenders and by all law both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall a reuenger of crimes committed to send an offendor to Rome condemned alreadie by due course of law and according to the Canons for his disorders and one who before his depriuing was conuicted before three seuerall Synods to haue endeuoured the disturbance of the common peace and tranquilitie and since his depriuing hath persisted in his obstinacie by himselfe and others c. Know therefore saith he as we haue alreadie written vnto you That we Kings of France and of royall ofspring Non Vicedomini sed terrae domini are not to be reckoned as Vidames and Vicegerents of Bishops but Lords of the Earth And so goeth hee on to proue by the testimonies of holie Scriptures out of the mouth of our Sauiour and his Apostles and by the sayings of Augustine Leo and of the Synod of Rome it selfe what is due from all men and from Bishops themselues to the royall dignitie And saith he if you search your offices you shall find that our auncestors neuer receiued any such commaunds from your predecessors not Theodoric and Theodobert from Saint Gregorie when he wrot for Vrcism of Turin But if saith he it be true to wit that he was deposed contrarie to the Canons we intreat you that of your owne accord in reuerence of the Church and regard of equitie you would be pleased to grant our request Neither vsed he any other stile when he wrot to the Exâ—rch who yet was inferiour to our ranke in the cause of Blondus Bishop of Ortona whom the Exâ—rch held prisoner at Rauenna We cannot beleeue saith he that your Excellencie holdeth him there without some probable cause and therefore it is fit his cause should be heard in a Synod to see whether his fault be such as may deserue depriuation to the end we may put another in place Thus spake he of Bishops not yet deposed for their crimes and therefore iudge Whether in the case of one which hath beene legallie and orderlie depriued for his enormities by the iudgement of a Synod he would haue commaunded vs as you haue done Vt eum nostra fretum potentia RomaÌ„ mittamus That by our power we should send him to Rome Saint Augustine saith vnto Ianuarius All these things which are not contained in the holie Scriptures nor ordained in the Councels of Bishops nor confirmed by generall custome I thinke fit they should be taken away Where then did your Scribe find this law which neither the Lord hath written with his owne finger nor inspired to bee written which he neuer ordained in the hand of a Mediator which no Painim euer commaunded no Christian euer proposed nor any Church-man hath decreed by which he commaundeth me to be a fauourer of a man condemned and excommunicated by the Church Me I say a King established by God girt with a two-edged sword a reuenger of the wicked and defender of the good when he bids me send Hincmar to Rome one that hath broken the lawes disgraced the Priesthood and wronged the Royall Dignitie a troubler of the State a periured person a mutiner a scourge of his Church sacrilegious scandalous to the countrey wherein he liueth not caring to crosse one of his deeds with another nor to doe contrarie to his owne hand writing and who seeth not that this law was vomited out of the bottome of hell it selfe c. But the holie Scriptures chalke vs out the way which we must walke against such lawes Christ the power and wisedome of God saith By me Kings raigne and by me Princes decree iust things The holie Councels also shew what is to bee done namely that of Afrike c. Likewise the Emperours Valens Gratian Valentinian Iustinian and others Which lawes ought to be obserued not onely by other Bishops but also by the Popes themselues Which Leo the Pope writing to Leo the Emperour well acknowledged so did Gelasius to Anastasius as by their words may and doth appeare And therefore saith he we hold vs to that for the Lord telleth vs by his Prophet That the lips of the Priest shall preserue knowledge and men shall seeke the law at his mouth And therefore you may not suffer any man in your name to write that to vs which is not contained either in the holie Scriptures indited by the wisedome of God or at least in the holie Canons published by his spirit For the Prophet saith to the Priest which commandeth Thou shalt declare to them that which thou hast heard of me Of me saith he not of thy selfe and they are blamed who speake of their owne mind because he that speaketh of himselfe seeketh his owne glorie Let no man in your name write vnto vs visions threats of excommunications contrarie to the beaten way of the Scriptures the writings of the Fathers the sacred Lawes and holie Canons For you know and so doe we that whatsoeuer is repugnant to this is void and of none effect It was said to S. Peter saith S. Leo To thee will I giue the keyes c. The right of this power passed to all the Apostles and this decree to all the chiefe of the Church c. and consequently this prerogatiue of Saint Peter is common to euerie one which iudgeth according to the equitie of Saint Peter For when it is said Vbicunque as no place it excepted so likewise is no Bishop which iudgeth according to the equitie of Saint Peter As on the contrarie no Bishop is commended which iudgeth contrarie to the same He should haue said no not the Bishops themselues of Rome And whereas the Pope gaue order That together with Hincmar should come a competent accuser to haue the whole cause reuiewed in his presence Although saith he this be grounded vpon no reason yet if you thinke Hincmar to be lawlesse and if your Emperour my nephew will be content that I shall passe through Italie to Rome I will not faile to be there so soone as by the grace of God I shall be able to set my realme in some good order against the Painims And because my selfe accused him in open Synod I will be there in person a competent accuser against him in many causes and we will bring so many and so great accusers of all sorts
advantage of the present necessitie of Charles and performed this ceremonie in farre different tearmes as well in a Synod at Rome as afterward at Paris where hauing commended Charles the Bald and spoken as much honour of him as Adrian the second had villanie and wrong and told the people that this was formerly reuealed from heauen to Nicholas the first trencheth smooth And for this cause sayth he haue we in the presence and by the suffrage of all our brethren and fellow Bishops and of all the Senat and people of Rome chosen him and approued of him c. and according to the auncient custome haue with all solemnitie aduanced him to the scepter of the Romane Empire c. and at his vnction abused the words which the Prophet had once vsed vpon our Sauiour Christ We annoint him saith he with oyle without to signifie thereby the vertue and force of the inward vnction of the holie spirit with which the Lord God hath annointed this his Christ aboue his fellowes in imitation of the true King Christ our Lord so that what he hath by nature this purchaseth by grace It came to passe that Charles was no sooner returned into France but presently the Earles of Tusculana chiefe of whom was Marquesse Albert confederated themselues against this Iohn assisted by Formosus Bishop of Port and others So that the yeare following 877 he was faine to send the Bishops of Fossembrona and Senogallia vnto him to entreat him to repasse with a power into Italie as well against the Earles of Tusculana as against the Sarasins and for his greater encouragement assembled a Synod at Rome where he cursed all those who in deed or word should oppose against the election or consecration of Charles to the Empire But the mischiefe was that passing the Alpes he fell sicke of a feauer for which he tooke a certaine pouder of Sedechias a Iew his physition whereof he died It is worth the remembrance which Rhegino reporteth of this Iohn Rhegino in Chron. Adalgisus had kept the Emperour Lewis the second prisoner at Beneuento whence he could not get free but vnder deepe oaths This Lewis saith he came to Rome and there calling an assemblie in the presence of the Pope complained of the tyrannie and wrong vsed vpon him by Adalgisus whereupon the Senat proclaimed him a Tyran and enemie to the State and grew to open hostilitie and defiance with him Yet remained there a scruple in the Emperors conscience by reason of his oath Iohn vndertooke to remoue it and his successors since that time haue often followed his example Pope Iohn saith he by the authoritie of God and of S. Peter absolued the Emperour from the oath with which he stood obliged assuring him that what euer he did or said to saue his life needed not to trouble him and that it might not be called an oath which he tooke though with neuer so manie curses vpon himselfe if it were contrarie to the weale publike O how should the verie Heathen haue made him blush in the like case By these and the like remonstrances saith he the Emperour was encouraged to make fresh warres vpon him yet fearing least his subiects more religious than the Pope should reckon him a forsworne and periured Prince he went not himselfe in person but sent the Queene against him These were euen in those dayes the deuises of the Court of Rome We haue manie times alreadie spoken of that goodlie donation of Constantine and it should seeme that it was forged at this time during the canuassing for the Empire betweene the two Charles the Bald and the Grosse the vncle and the nephew when the vncle pursued so hotly the fauour and furtherance of the Pope and we haue a great Author for it For not to speake of the stile which sauoreth wholly of this age Otho the third Emperour in that Patent which we find taken out of the Treasurie of the Popes Charters in a certaine chamber of the Cordeliers of Assisa before mentioned speaking of this donation These are sayth he meere inuentions forged by the Popes themselues by whose direction Deacon Iohn Johannes Digitorum surnamed Long-fingers wrote a graunt in letters of gold and in the name of Constantine the Great hath published a packe of lies as if they had beene graunts of great antiquitie Now if you will know when this Long-fingers liued Trithemius telleth you that it was in the time of Charles the Bald and Iohn the seuenth and he wrote the life of Gregorie the first in foure volumes and Platina himselfe sayth that he was afterward created Pope vnder the name of Iohn the ninth So that it is no great wonder if Baronius in his third Tome to qualifie the hainousnesse of this deed sayth That this donation because it was translated by Deacon Iohn out of a corrupt Greeke copie is therefore doubtfull rather than to be approued but in his twelfth Tome he flatly calleth it a forged bastard and counterfeit deed And the same Otho speaking againe of this donation sayth That they are lies when they affirme that anie Charles euer gaue that to S. Peter which belonged to the Emperour For we answere saith he That this Charles meaning the Bald could not lawfully dispose of anie thing by way of gift seeing that before such graunt made he was alreadie routed in the field and put from the Empire by a better Charles meaning the Grosse wherefore he gaue what was none of his owne to giue but that which he possessed by violence for the present and had no hope long to keepe And of this routing of Charles you may read farther in a French Chronicle now lately published by Pithaeus And farther this good Prelat Iohn learnedly setteth downe the admirable vertue of the Pall or Mantle when he sent him to Wilibert Bishop of Colen hoping by his commendation to raise the market Johan ep ad Willibardum episc Coloniens The vse of this Pall or Mantle saith he among other rare qualities hath this speciall vertue that so soone as it is bestowed vpon anie man presently it taketh away all imputation of faults formerly committed not that the mantle doth purifie from sinnes but because the care of him which bestoweth it ought to be such that he will not bestow it but vpon one that is cleare from them alreadie and therefore he from whom this gift is taken away i. to whom it is denied is but an imperfect man and perfect can he not be on whom this holie aid is not bestowed for a confortatiue But seeing that it is now indifferently bestowed vpon all where is that care and consequently that vertue which is pretended OPPOSITION Charles enjoyed but a while this benefit of the Pope in which time yet he made a great breach in the imperiall authoritie Aimoni. lib. 5. c. 32 33. We read in Aimonius That he appointed a Synod at Pontigon by the aduise and counsell of Iohn Bishop of Tuscanie and
Iohn Bishop of Arezzo the Legats of Pope Iohn and Ansegisus of Sienna by the authoritie Apostolike and his owne ordinance Thus they began contrarie to the auncient custome to joyne the Emperour and the Pope together In this Synod Charles by vertue of a Decretall Epistle of Iohn went about to constitute and appoint Ansegisus Primat with this authoritie which followeth That so often as the profit of the Church should require whether for the calling of a Synod or for the dispatch of other Ecclesiasticall affaires in France and Germanie he should present the Popes person and should acquaint the Bishops with the decrees of the See Apostolike and should report vnto the Pope what had beene done or not by vertue of them and vpon great and important causes should consult the said See Our Bishops requested that since the letter was directed vnto them they might haue a sight of it which the Emperour refused to graunt being such perhaps as he was ashamed to shew it he vrged them only to say what answere they made to these Apostolike commaunds and their answere was That they willingly obeyed thereunto prouided that no Metropolitan be thereby preiudiced in his rights contrarie to the Canons and the decrees of the Popes themselues aunciently pronounced according to the Canons And though the Emperour and the other Legats pressed them verie earnestly for the primacie of Ansegisus yet could they get no other answer from them only one Frotharius Bishop of Bordeaux who had skipt from Bordeaux to Poictiers and from Poictiers to Bourges through the meere fauour of the Prince made such answer as he thought would best please the Emperour who much offended with the answer of the others said That the Pope had committed his place in the Synod vnto him and that he would make them vaile bonnet to him And thereupon taking the Popes Epistle folded vp as it was together with the Legats deliuered it to Ansegisus and presently caused a rich chaire to be set before all the Bishops on this side the Mounts next vnto Iohn of Tuscanie which sat next aboue him on the right hand and bad him sit there aboue the other Bishops though his ancients the Archbishop of Rheims protesting openly that this was contrarie to the Canons But the Emperour persisted in his purpose and when the Bishops a second time requested a sight or a copie of the Epistle they could not obtaine it Our Bishops not long after met againe without the Emperour where were great debates betweene them because of certaine Priests who out of sundrie parishes had recourse to the Popes Legats and so this meeting broke vp likewise A third time also they assembled in the same place whither the Emperor sent vnto them the Popes Legats newly come ouer which brought from the Pope vnto the Emperour a scepter and a staffe of gold and to the Empresse gownes and bracelets all set with pearle These when they came rebuked the Bishops for not appearing the day before but they holding them alwaies to the Canons in their answeres made them giue off hot words yet the Legats still vrged them to accept of Ansegisus for their Primat they answered in generall termes That they would obey the Popes decrees as their predecessors had done the decrees of his predecessors So that the Emperour came thither in person and in great state clothed after the Greeke fashion with a crowne vpon his head accompanied with the Legats all attired after the Romane fashion and there made Iohn Bishop of Arezzo openly to read Quandam scedulam ratione authoritate carentem A certaine paper without authoritie or reason which done there were certaine Articles dictated and set downe in writing without consent of the Synod each crossing the other of them without profit reason or warrantie and therefore saith the Author we haue thought fit to omit them and at last after manie complaints as well of the Emperour as of the Legats concerning the Primacie of Ansegisus he went away hauing done as much at the end of the Synod as he had at the beginning So much was this Prince ouertaken with this fatall Cup more dangerous to him than was that other of Sedechias of which he died so obdurate was he against his owne good hauing his eyes dazeled with vaine shewes and colourable illusions for the present on the contrarie so cleare-sighted were our Bishops of France in these affaires descrying a farre off how great a ruine would one day ensue of this small-seeming breach made vpon the liberties of their Church 35. PROGRESSION That Pope Iohn was the first which graunted Indulgences for the dead AFter the death of Charles An. 878. the Earles of Tusculana got the vpper hand in Rome and in the yeare 878 clapt Pope Iohn vp in prison for excommunicating them but Iohn by the helpe of his faction found meanes to escape and came by sea into Prouence whence he was conducted to Lewis surnamed the Stammerer sonne to Charles the Bald who then lay at Troy Balbus where he assembled a Synod of French Bishops and made them to confirme and ratifie the excommunication which he had hurled out before against his enemies and there also was Formosus in person depriued of all Church dignities and oath taken of him neuer to returne to Rome or to his Bishopricke but aboue all they two bound themselues the Emperour to assist the Pope against his opposites the Pope to crowne him Emperour which he did in Fraunce with great solemnitie and so they parted Iohn at his returne found the Sarasens at Rome gates and shortly after had tidings of Lewis his death so that now he was faine to cast about againe and to take a new course which was to cast the Empire vpon Charles the Grosse King of Germanie who was the first that entred Italie with his armie and this was the third whom he had crowned Emperour vpon promise That he should protect the Church from all her enemies especially from the Sarasens but vnder the generalitie of enemies were principally comprehended the Earles of Tusculana And not long after in the yeare 882 died Pope Iohn An. 882. who besides that which hath beene alreadie said left other goodlie examples behind him for we learne by a certaine Epistle of his to Charles the Grosse Iohan. epist 9. That he adopted for his sonne Prince Bason to ease him of his worldlie cares that he might the more freely attend vpon the seruice of God Whereas S. Peter in the execution of his charge neuer needed a Prince for his coadjutor much lesse a swaggering captaine Also he was the first that euer presumed to graunt Indulgences to those which were alreadie dead or hereafter should die in battaile against Painims and Infidels his words are these Being demaunded by our Bishops of Fraunce Whether those which were alreadie or hereafter should die in defence of the Church might haue indulgence and pardon of their sinnes Iohan. ep 144. we
the Popish Histories doe witnesse That the Clergie of Rome were growne to that passe and so ambitious in those dayes that they made no conscience to obtaine the Popedome by fraud by force or by corruption it being an ordinarie practise for the successor to reuerse the Acts of his predecessor thereby reuenging the delay of his owne aduancement Platina in Stephan 6. whereof we need no other author but Platina himselfe But what thinke we did the Christian world then say when they saw one Pope dig another out of his graue degrade those Bishops which another had consecrated the Acts which one made by another disallowed all ordinances vocations missions and the whole administration reuoked and vtterly abolished and one Synod to contradict and ouerthrow another and yet both the one and the other boldly and peremptorily vsing these words Per sancti Spiritus iudicium edicimus interdicimus c. We say and vnsay commaund and forbid by the sentence of the holie Ghost The Spirt of God then if you beleeue them must be contrarie to it selfe and so must the truth And neuerthelesse they sticke not boldly to affirme D. 19. c. Enim vero Luitprand l. 1. c. 8. That whatsoeuer the Church of Rome doth appoint or ordaine must be for euer and irreuocably obserued of all Luitprand being greatly offended with the fact of Formosus ingeniously acknowledgeth the errour of Stephen Most holie Father saith he hereby you may know how wickedly he dealt that is to say to abrogat all those ordinances that were made by Formosus because they that receiued the Apostolicall benediction of Iudas before his treason were not after it depriued thereof except it were by their owne sinnes for that benediction that is giuen by the Ministers is not infused by that Priest that is seene but by him that is inuisible Iesus Christ our Lord. Bellarmine goes about to salue the matter saying That he degraded not those that were ordained by Formosus by a formall decree but that onely de facto he made them to be reordered A commaund saith he Bellarm. l. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 12. that did not proceed of ignorance but of hatred against Formosus But yet wee find by their owne Authors that this was done by the authoritie of a Synod celebrated at Rome and by an expresse Decree But if such tergiuersations may serue turne what wickednesse is there that cannot be defended This Heresie of Stephen yea of the Councell of Rome was it but small when Stephen in his Synod declared Formosus neither to be nor to haue beene Pope who I say made himselfe the Head of the Church being deceiued in his knowledge of the Head of the Church let any man looke into his conscience and his knowledge whether he fell into a light Heresie or no. But here he will follow Sigebert for his Author An. 902. Sigebertus in Chron. That notwithstanding the contradiction of the greater part Stephen the sixt degraded those that had been ordained by Formosus And is he not therefore so much the more an Heretike by how much the more obstinat he was to be ordered by the counsell of his brethren But Sigebert in the yeare 902 peremptorily affirmeth That all his ordinances were to be made void and did other things against him horrible to be spoken This then was a decree An. 903. and in the yere 903 speaking of the Synod held by Pope Iohn at Rauenna the Archbishops of France being present Before them saith he was the Synod burnt which Stephen had made for the condemnation of Formosus This decree was concluded in the next full Synod and in the yeare 900 he affirmed That by this occasion this question had beene for manie yeares disputed in the Church not without great scandale the one part iudging the consecration of those that Formosus had ordained to be nothing the other by a more holie counsell iudging them to be of force This was a question of law not of fact and consequently the solution of Bellarmine altogether void Baron to 10. an 897. art 4. an 900. art 2 3 4. Truly Baronius speaking of these times is strucken with a kind of horror and cals them infelicissima luctuocissima ecclesiae Romanae tempora The most vnfortunat and lamentable times of the Church of Rome worse than the persecutions of the Pagan Emperours Heretikes Schismatikes But he layed the fault vpon the Tusculan princes then powerfull in Rome as if the other part had yeelded Popes more holie and as if both the one and the other had not entred by theft and consequently come in at the window and not at the dore When sayth he the Church of Rome suffered the Princes of Tuscane to beare rule whether by money or by armes ouer the people and Clergie of Rome they thrust into the Chaire of Peter the throne of Christ men monstrous and infamous in their liues dissolute in their manners and wicked and villanous in all things and then the Queene of Nations so he calleth the Church of Rome being robbed of the garments of her glorie and ioy sits in heauinesse mourning and lamenting Let the Reader here note what helpe they giue vs to argue against the perpetuitie of their pretended succession when by his owne confession he here spake of ten Popes that did immediatly succeed one another but he addes that God would haue it so to giue the world to vnderstand that the Church as a Commonwealth dependeth not vpon the wisdome or vertue of those which gouerned but from the efficacie of the promise of God which makes it firme and constant for euer Why then should it seeme strange that there should be anie interruption in this personall succession For hath he euer seene families continued by monsters And when they happen in the Church as he acknowledgeth is not the mercie of God to be acknowledged therein which euen of stones raiseth seed vnto Abraham and beateth downe Antichrists sitting in the seat of Christ with the breath of his mouth Jbid. art 6. Moreouer Baronius acknowledgeth that whilest Stephen digged vp the carkas of Formosus the Church of Latran the chiefe seat of the Pope by the diuell was vtterly ouerthrowne to the ground from the Altar to the gates euen that saith he in which Pope Stephen kept his residence Which is an argument vnto vs that we are admonished by this destroying Angell that we are hereafter to seeke here the rubbish of the Church Neither let vs forget that Stephen for his wickednesse was strangled in prison and neuerthelesse Iohn the tenth his successor cals him Stephen of happie memorie in the acts of the Councell of Rauenna which saith Baronius was done in reuerence of his predecessor Baron vol 10. an 904. art 4. We may rather say because all impietie was with them pietie that vertue and vice were with them onely measured by commoditie But at this time Theophilact the Archbishop of the Bulgarians
especially Leo the eight neither doe we greatly labour therein for whether of them are to be preferred it matters not greatly Iohn whom he tearmeth a monster is the onely lawfull Pope But he could in no wise dissemble the cause for that constitution of Leo in fauour of Otho and his successors Dist 63. which we haue formerly alledged D. 63 vext him euen at the heart whereof he fretteth and fumeth against Gratian These things saith he he handled too vnaduisedly this Synod was a counterfeit Synod and this Leo the eight a false adulterous Pope And to speake a truth where shall we find a true and a lawfull one Besides what necessitie was it in him saith he to pronounce him King and Patricius when Iohn the twelfth had consecrated him Emperour Verily because he did not thinke he could be well consecrated by such a monster And who did euer see saith he that the constitutions of Popes had commination of punishment and yet what more frequent Baron an 964. art 23. Was it not decreed in that worthie Councell of Constance that the execution should be left to the politike Magistrat but he should haue rested himselfe vpon Gregorie the thirteenth who approued this Constitution in a reformed decree by his silence with notes added thereunto But see what he elsewhere sayth as a thing verie authentike to proue the right that the Emperors haue by the Popes permission to chuse a successor Baron an 996. art 41. To great Otho saith he this right was first graunted by the Bishop of Rome These are his owne words how then without shame dares he call it into doubt 38. PROGRESSION Of the troubles that arose in Fraunce through the faction of Hugh surnamed Capet and Charles Duke of Lorraine with the treason and treacheries of Arnulphus Canon of Laon. HEre let vs now recite what past in these times in our France which vpon the declination of the race of Charles the Great was diuersly vexed vntill the progenie of Capet either through others negligence or their owne policie had gotten the vpper hand whereupon the kingdome of Fraunce by the consent of all the States was translated to Hugh surnamed Capet whose posteritie by the prouidence of God doth yet flourish In the meane time Charles Duke of Lorraine entred into Fraunce to dispute his right by force of armes and first worketh with Arnulphus Canon of Laon base sonne of King Lothaire father of the last Lewis by whose meanes he possessed the Citie and taketh Adalbero Bishop thereof and putteth him into prison who soone after escaped and came to King Hugh Gerbert in ep ad Othonem ad Wilderodonem Episcop Argentinensem Synod Rhemens c. 26. which was not done without slaughter and spoyle as appeareth by an Epistle of Gerbert to the Emperor Otho He tooke prisoner saith he his owne Bishop circumuented by fraud and with him the Citie of Laon after much bloudshed and manie outrages committed And writing to the Synod at Rheims He became saith he a famous Apostate and held a long time the place of the traitor Iudas in the Church c. Neuerthelesse Hugh sought all meanes to draw him into his faction hoping to benefit himselfe thereby and Adalbero Archbishop of Rheims chauncing to die appointing for his successor Gerbert who was afterward Pope Syluester the second he made him Archbishop taking of him an authentike promise of fidelitie written with his hand sworne with his mouth and subscribed of all the people and nobilitie of that diocesse Synod Rhemens c. 25. Gerbert in epistola ad Othonem ad Wilderodonem Ep. Argentinens Acceptis ab eo saith the Synod terribilibus sacramentis which the same Gerbert witnesseth His intelligence neuerthelesse for all that continued with Charles of Lorraine so that six moneths after he marching with his armie before Rhemes was receiued into the Citie through the treason of the said Arnulph who neuerthelesse played his part by a Priest of his named Adalgare and the better to hide his villanie was carried prisoner to Laon with other French Lords that were then within the Citie And of this second periurie saith Gerbert He betrayed the Citie he polluted the Sanctuarie of God ransackt all and caused the people to be carried away captiue And presently after saith he excommunicated his owne proper thefts and commaunded the Bishops of France to doe the same In the meane time so farre forth did he persist in his dissimulation that for the space of eighteene monethes being carefully admonished by the Bishops of France to purge himselfe of so great a crime at length being forsaken of his chiefest consorts was not ashamed to submit himselfe to the Kings fauour and tooke a new oath more strict than the former and so was admitted to his table and notwithstanding returned soone after to the part of the said Charles Hugh therefore as yet scarce seated in the kingdome thinking to deale mildly with him repaireth to Iohn the sixteenth and both by letters and embassages complaineth of the injuries done vnto him and at the first was gently accepted But the Synod sayth Synod Rhemens c. 27. As the Legats of the Countie Herbert arriued and had deliuered their presents vnto him this man as Platina tels vs who prodigally bestowed vpon his kindred all things both diuine and humane that belonged to the seruice of God altered his mind insomuch that being wearied in waiting at the gates of his palace the space of three dayes they returned not doing anie thing not onely not admitted but forced to depart But Hugh who in the meane time had taken in the Cities of Rheims and Laon and by the same meane got Arnulph into his power caused a Nationall Councell to be held at Rheims in the yeare 991 An. 991. Wherein Arnulph by his owne proper confession being found guiltie was in a solemne manner deposed and Gerbert who was afterward Syluester the second put by the King in his place who had the charge to put in writing the Acts of this Councell which also are now read by vs. The Pope then being inwardly moued not so much for the judgement of Arnulphus as offended at the lawfull libertie of the French Fathers excommunicated those that had subscribed to the conclusion of this Councell and straitly forbad Gerbert his Archiepiscopall function in a Synod held at Moson and threatened the Kings themselues with curses and excommunications Insomuch that it is a wonder that these men infamous in Italie for so much wickednesse should so impudently abuse our patience and so boldly mocke vs with their Bulls in Fraunce vnder the confidence without doubt of this our new and yet but feeble Empire But Gregorie the fift proceeded in the same course insomuch that Gerbert was constrained to forsake that part and to liue vnder the protection of the Emperour Otho the third But with what constancie neuerthelesse the French Bishops did entertaine the arrogancie of the Popes it is now time
to consider OPPOSITION There assembled therefore in the yeare 991 at Rheims vnder Hugh and Robert his sonne the most famous Bishops of all the Prouinces recited by name in this Synod Synod Rhemens c. 1 2. the Acts whereof were elegantly set downe by Gerbert who was afterwards Siluester the second And first of all they appointed for President Siguin the Archbishop of Sens but the Custos and interpreter of all that was done Arnulph Bishop of Orleance because amongst all the Bishops of France he was most famous for his wisdome and eloquence First therefore he proposeth vnto them how much it concerned them Synod Rhemens c. 2 3. truly and strictly to examine the fact of Arnulph Bishop of Rheims his offence being such as came within the compasse of high treason least saith he for one mans cause we should be accused of perfidious infidelitie and men may iustly say If the Bishops vsed iust lawes and were faithfull to their Kings why punish they not with their lawes so impure and corrupt a man Doubtlesse the reason is this They are willing to conceale the wickednesse of others that they themselues might be bold to sinne without punishment Whereunto Siguin Archbishop of Sens answered That he would neuer endure that this pretended offence of treason should be discussed except a promise were made if he should be conuicted of pardon for which he alledged the 31 Canon of the Councell of Toledo whereunto the Bishops replied That if that should take place it is to be feared that the secular people would not from henceforward attend spirituall iudgements owing all iustice and obedience to their King Secondly there was produced the oath of Arnulph to the Kings Hugh and Robert in expresse words vsing that imprecation against himselfe which the Prophet did against the traitor Iudas Psalm 109 Fiant dies mei pauci Episcopatum meum accipiat alter c. Let my daies be few and let another take my Bishopricke or my Charge c. beseeching withall his brethren and sonnes that is his Diocesans not to be backward in approuing the same vnder their hands and seales Thirdly the Priest Adalger was sent for by whom he played that traiterous part at Rheimes who confessed the whole fact and declared Arnulph the captaine and author thereof yeelding himselfe to put his hand to the fire and protesting that he was strucken with horror and feare of that curse which was pronounced against Arnulph and his followers which is there recited in the selfesame words And it is worthie the noting that this was done not by the authoritie of S. Peter or the See of Rome but by the authoritie say they and power giuen to the Apostles and left vnto vs and in like manner that which was pronounced vpon the fact of Laon set downe in the selfesame stile Siguin asked Whether Arnulph from thenceforward abstained from the companie of those that were excommunicated to which he answered That he did quite contrarie accounting them worthie of the communion of the faithfull Cap. 11.12 13. 14. And hereupon were read the fourth Canon of the Synod of Antioch the nine and twentieth and thirtieth of the Councell of Carthage which doe manifestly condemne it But yet neuerthelesse Arnulph Bishop of Orleans the moderator of this businesse requesteth That it might be lawfull for anie man to defend him for his Clergie for his Abbots yea they are commaunded vnder paine of the great Curse with all fidelitie and libertie to speake in defence of his innocencie which in the name and by the consent of all the rest was pronounced by Siguin Whereupon there came presently forth Iohn a scholler of Auxerre Romulfe Abbot of Sens Abbo Rector of Florat Cap. 17.18.19 20. furnished with bookes and confessing themselues to be vrged thereunto by the force of that curse that was layed vpon them if they should omit anie thing that might make for his defence Fourthly to auoid the judgement of the Synod they alledged a certain pretended Epistle of Stephen Archbishop of Mauricania to Damasus Bishop of Rome and another of Damasus to Stephen whereby they proue That the causes of Bishops and other great affaires ought alwaies to be referred to the Bishop of Rome They likewise alledged certaine articles out of the Epistles Decretals by vs formerly confuted whereby they would seeme to euict That Arnulph aboue all things ought to be restored and that without the knowledge and consent of the Pope nothing might be done in his businesse who in all cases whatsoeuer was to be judged by him and none other The Synod answereth and determineth out of the tenth Canon of the African Councell That if anie Clerke shall neglect the purgation of his owne cause for the space of one whole yeare together that he is neuer afterward to be heard or to be restored againe to his place Whereupon there were alledged manie examples namely that of Hildeman Bishop of Beauvais Hebo Archbishop of Rheims Crescon de Villarege and others Letters were there read sent both from Kings and Bishops Cap. 23.24 whereby Iohn the Pope had beene aduertised of the whole matter and entreated to pronounce sentence against this man honoured with so great a dignitie by King Hugh and that freely and yet conuicted of such heinous offences and who being called to the Palace refused to come being inuited by the Archbishops and Bishops answering that he owed them no such dutie and at the last was not onely intreated but charged to doe that which was fit to be done concerning this other Iudas to the end that by his occasion the name of God might be no more blasphemed and he from hence forward might not pretend cause of ignorance our Bishops adding thereunto these words To the end we may know and vnderstand why amongst all others we are to preferre your Apostleship iudging him consequently to be or not to be the successor of Saint Peter as he should confirme or disallow their sentence pronounced according to the Canons which they thought was by no meanes to be called in doubt But all this notwithstanding he made little account of these letters and a white horse giuen by Cont Herbert preuailed more than their Legation who for the better dispatch of certaine maledicta in reos demaunded ten crownes which he ought not to haue done if they were not iust for a thousand And in the end they had no other answer but this That he for whose cause he had beene taken should order this businesse as it seemed good vnto himselfe It was not therefore without cause that the Councell of Carthage where were assistants 227 Bishops and among the rest Saint Augustine ordained for a perpetuall memorie What we are to hold concerning the power of the Bishop of Rome Which being all there read they gathered from thence this conclusion That all businesse were to be determined in those places where they had their beginning and that there was no Appeale to be
they teach that which they neuer learned And so examining all the Canons and Decrees alledged by the defendants he sheweth them That nothing hath bin done in prejudice of them setting before their eyes many examples of the same case of one Aegidius Archbishop of Reimes deposed in the citie of Metz by the Bishops of France and being confined to Strasbourge Romulph was made his successor because contrary to his faith giuen to king Childebert he had joyned in friendship with Chilperie And yet neuerthelesse saith he Gregorie the Great an earnest defender of the priuiledges of the Roman Church neuer spake word for or against these The same he affirmeth of Hebbo Archbishop of Reimes deposed for treason by the BB. of France at Thionuille c. What then saith he if our passage to Rome should by the swords of Barbarians be intercepted or that Rome it selfe seruing a Barbarian his couetousnesse and ambition mouing him thereunto in aliquod regnum efferatur note efferatur should be raised against any Realme shall there be in the meane time either no Councels or shall the Bishops of the whole world to the hurt or ouerthrow of their owne kings seeke for counsell and the calling of generall Councels at the hands of their enemies especially seeing the Nicene Canon which the Church of Rome acknowledgeth to be aboue all Councels and Decrees hath ordained That two Councels must be held euerie yeare and withall forbiddeth any respect to be had to the authoritie of the Bishop of Rome And to proue that the Churches were now in that state that they needed not any more to haue recourse to Rome To speake more plainely saith he and to confesse openly the truth After the fall of the Empire this citie hath vndone the Church of Alexandria and lost that of Antioch and to say nothing of Africa and Asia Europe it selfe is departed discedit For the Church of Constantinople is retired and the inward parts of Spaine know not her iudgements There is made therefore a departure as the Apostle speaketh not onely of nations but of Churches because the ministers of Antichrist who is now at hand haue alreadie possessed France and with all their force begin to presse vs too And as the same Apostle saith now the Mysterie of Iniquitie worketh onely that he that now holdeth may stil hold vntill he be taken away to the end that the sonne of perdition might be reuealed the man of sinne who opposeth himselfe and is exalted aboue the name of God and his seruice which now begins to be discouered in that the Roman powers are shaken religion ouerthrowne the name of God with oathes and blasphemies troden vnder foot and that without punishment and religion it selfe and the seruice of God contemned by the chiefe Priests themselues and that which is more Rome it selfe now almost left alone is departed from her selfe By this his speech giuing them plainly to vnderstand That then there was no respect had nor is now to be had of the Church of Rome but as it shall be seene to flourish with men of worth and learning at whose hands they were to seeke for counsell and if such be wanting then to seeke it elsewhere in Flanders Germanie or the vtmost parts of the world being tied to no particular place in the world A matter formerly concluded by many other Churches and therefore to be the rather executed by them because they felt more neerely the tyrannie of Rome now no more the seat of Peter whose memorie they did honour but of Antichrist himselfe Intreating them for a conclusion That since Rome had beene consulted by them but yet no forme of iudgement from thence had beene pronounced Cap. 29. 30. that they would aske counsell of the Canons By how many Bishops a Bishop conuicted of a crime may be heard and what sentence he is to receiue who refuseth to appeare to defend his owne cause Hereupon were read the tenth and seuenth Canons of the Councell of Carthage to which the defendants of the partie accused yeelding themselues the Bishop is sent for and commaunded by the Synod to take his place he presently either denying all or endeuouring to couer it Arnulph Bishop of Orleans made him presently to blush conuicteth him with his owne words confronted him with his owne domesticall seruants who were readie to go through fire water to make good their testimonie It was requested by some of the Abbots That he might haue libertie giuen him by the Synod to make choyce of whomsoeuer he liked best to be aduised by which was granted Whereupon he maketh choice of Siguin Bishop of Sens Arnulph of Orleans Cap. 30. 31.32.33.34.35.36.37.38.39.40.41.42.43.44.45.46.47.48.49 Bruno of Langres Godzman of Amiens in whose absence many Canons were read that concerned this question In the end being pressed after many tergiuersations partly by the force of such proofes as were brought against him partly by the pricke of his owne conscience Arnulph of Reimes breaketh out into an open confession of his sinnes with teares and gronings confessing much more than they knew and acknowledging himselfe vnworthie of his Priesthood Whereupon the Bishops of the Synod were sent for that being his owne witnesse and his owne judge he might before the multitude relate his owne cause Wherefore by his owne consent nay himselfe desiring it he was depriued of his Bishopricke Cap. 49. 50. onely there was a question of the forme for which they searched the auncient Councels And whilest diuers thought diuersly thereof some pitying him for his race some for his youth and the Bishops themselues moued with the ruine of their brother and that scandall that hereby fell vpon the Priestly dignitie in came the Kings and Peeres of France who putting themselues into that holy assemblie thanked the Bishops for their justice and that zeale and care they had shewed in this their Councell for the good and safetie of their Princes and withall desired to be further satisfied touching the whole course of their proceedings which presently was performed by Arnulph Bishop of Orleans And then the better to discharge the Synod of enuie and partialitie the partie accused was brought in to pronounce his owne condemnation with his owne mouth which he did in expresse words requiring neuerthelesse Arnulph of Orleans because shame stopped his owne mouth to relate the whole matter at large which hauing performed he asked him Whether he would confesse that which he had hitherto spoken of him which he affirming to be true the Bishop of Orleans willed him to cast himselfe downe before his Lords and Kings whom he had so hainously offended and confessing his fault to beg his life at their hands who being bent to mercie Let him liue say they for the loue of you and remaine vnder your custodie fearing neither yrons nor bands vpon condition that he offer not to saue himselfe by flight Whereupon that heigth of honours that by degrees he had attained vnto
by degrees he put off and resigning to the king that which he had receiued from him and deliuering the ensignes of his Priestly dignitie into the hands of the Bishops he recited with his owne mouth the forme of the deposition in the middest of this assemblie according to the example of his predecessor Hebo which was there read word by word and by all the Bishops that were present subscribed all of them saying vnto him Cap. 54.55 according to thy profession and subscription cease from thine office Which being done they discharged the Clergie and people from their oath they had made vnto him that it might be free for euerie man to subiect himself to the authoritie of any other man And here the Synod ended which we haue thought good to repeat the more at large that it might appeare with what grauitie wisedome moderation circumspection our Fathers of France haue proceeded in this businesse all of them with one accord speaking by the mouth of Arnulph Bishop of Orleans and withall what they thought and judged of Rome and the Bishop thereof Sixtly Pope Iohn hereupon waxeth angrie and full of discontent in so much that he threateneth his excommunications against the Kings But Hugh least his competitors should thereby take aduantage sendeth him the whole course of proceeding in writing and withall sends him letters to this effect We know we haue done nothing against your Apostolike See and if you vouchsafe not to giue credit to vs that are absent being present your selfe learne the truth of those that are present Grenoble is a citie situat vpon the confines of Italie and France where the Bishops of Rome were wont to meet the Kings of France If it shall so please you you may doe the like or if it shall content you better to visit vs and ours we will receiue you at the foot of the Alpes with all honour and follow you with all due obseruances both staying here and returning backe This we speake from the bottome of our hearts that you may know and vnderstand that neither we nor any of ours wil refuse your iudgemēt But Iohn resolued rather to send Legats And in the meane time whilest these things were thus delayed Gerbert afterwards Pope Siluester the second writ an Epistle to Siguin Archbishop of Sens who to the Pope seemed to fauour Arnulph the man accused and now condemned Which Epistle was read at the end of this Synod Gerbertus in Epist ad Siguinum Senomens Your wisedome saith he should haue auoided the wilie subtilties of craftie men and haue hearkened to the voyce of the Lord which saith If they shall say vnto you Here is Christ and there is Christ follow them not It is said that he is at Rome who iustifieth that which you condemne and condemnes that which you take to be iust and we say that it is God and not man that condemnes those things that seeme iust and to iustifie that which seemeth euill c. God saith If thy brother haue sinned against thee goe and reproue him c. How then doe these that emulate vs say That in the deposing of Arnulph we were to expect the iudgement of the Bishop of Rome Can they teach vs that the iudgement of the Bishop of Rome is greater than the iudgement of God when the first Bishop of Rome and the Prince of the Apostles tels vs that we must rather obey God than men yea the great Doctor of the world Saint Paul telleth vs That if any man shall preach vnto you any other doctrine than that ye haue receiued though he be an Angell from heauen let him be accursed Thinke you that because Pope Marcelline burnt incens to Idols therefore all the Bishops must doe so too I dare boldly say that if the Bishop of Rome shall sinne against his brother and being often admonished shall refuse to heare the Church this Bishop of Rome I say by the commaundement of God is to be accounted as a Heathen or Publican For by how much higher his degree is by so much greater is his fall And if he shall therefore account vs vnworthie his communion or fellowship because none of vs consent vnto him against the Gospell yet he cannot therefore seperat vs from the Communion of Christ A Priest if by his owne confession or otherwise he be not conuicted cannot be put from his office especially since the Apostle himselfe saith Who shal seperat vs from the loue of Christ Iesus And againe Sure I am that neither life nor death c. The priuiledge then of S. Peter saith Leo the great is not in force wheresoeuer iudgement is not executed according to equitie And therefore we are not to giue occasion to those that emulate vs to thinke that Priesthood that is euerie where one as the Catholike Church is in all places one should in such sort be subiect to one onely man though he be corrupted with money fauour feare or ignorance none may be a Bishop but only he that is commended for such or the like vertues Let the Canon Law of the Catholike Church the Apostles the Prophets the Canons ordained by the spirit of God and consecrated with the reuerence of the whole world the Decrees of the Apostolike See not disagreeing from them c. Fare ye well and depend not vpon holie mysteries But Pope Iohn in the meane time hardly enduring these things appointed a Synod sometimes at Rome sometimes at Aix where our Bishops pretending that they were not bound to goe forth of the realme would not be found at the last at Mouson vpon the borders of France where onely Gerbert whom Hugh had nominated Archbishop of Rheimes appeared and in the presence of Leo Abbot of S. Boniface the Popes Legat many of the Bishops of Germanie and Italie assisting he defended the cause of the Fathers of France in such sort that the Legat durst not proceed any farther before he had consulted with the Pope and therefore referred the determination thereof vnto another Synod at Rheimes but yet in the meane time he forbad Gerbert to vse his Episcopall function who not fearing to answer him to his face told him That it was not in the power of any Bishop Patriarch or Pope to remoue from the communion any of the faithfull who hath not been conuicted or of his owne accord confessed the fact or hath not refused to come vnto the Councell but of all these three was none that might hinder him since he had neither confessed nor was conuicted and had onely amongst all the Bishops of France appeared at this Councell But in the meane time Gerbert went into Germanie to the Emperour Otho the third with whom he had been formerly brought vp who shortly after made him Archbishop of Rauenna perceiuing wel that our kings not yet setled in their new kingdomes nor approued by all did much feare to offend the Pope and indeed he saw that whatsoeuer our Bishops could alledge to the contrarie in the
second Synod at Rheimes that foresaid Arnulph was restored to his Bishopricke which it is likely Leo the Popes Legat obtained because Iohn had confirmed the mariage of king Robert as appeareth in a letter that Gerbert sent to queene Adeleide Gerbertus in Epist ad Adelaidam Reginam Adde hereunto That Gerbert would not hold the Bishopricke vpon such conditions as were proposed vnto him But it seemeth by an Epistle of Hughes which is read among the Epistles of Gerbert that this mariage was that of king Robert with Bertha the sister of Rodolph king of Burgonie which afterward was dissolued by reason of a spiritual kindred joyned to that of their bloud It falling out many times that circumstances ouerthrow the substance This Gerbert could not bridle himselfe but that he must needs write an Apologie of the Church of France in an Epistle to Wildered Bishop of Strasbourge wherein he proueth out of the auncient Canons of the Church the just proceedings of our Bishops in these words Gerbertus in Epist ad Wilderodonem Episc Argentinensem The silence of the Pope or his dissimulation or his new constitutions are preiudiciall to the lawes established but this is but a cauill of wicked men c. Thou sayest that Arnulph practising seditions treasons captiuities the vtter ouerthrow of his kings the betraying of his countrey contemning all lawes both diuine and humane is neither to be depriued of the communion nor by the power of his Prince to be cast out without the commaund of the Bishop of Rome And the Apostle sayth That the Prince carrieth not the sword in vaine but for the punishment of the wicked and the preseruation of the good Fauour me all ye that haue promised faith and loyaltie to your Kings and haue a purpose to keepe it who haue not betrayed nor purpose to betray the Clergie and people committed to your charge you I say who haue abhorred and detested such wickednesse fauor those that obey God commaunding that the sinner listening not to the Church should bee held for a Heathen or a Publican who crieth vengeance vpon you Scribes and Pharises which transgresse the commaundement of God to establish your tradition c. To the end that no man here charge vs of enuie derogating from the priuiledges of the Church of Rome S. Hierome the Roman Priest telleth thee If it be a question of authoritie Orbis major est vrbe the world is greater than a citie and if one Priest be not sufficient then let great Pope Leo come The priuiledge saith he of S. Peter holds not good where a man iudgeth not according to the equitie of S. Peter c. To what end are matters iudged and determined if matters to be iudged are not thereby informed Those 318 Fathers of the Councell of Nice how made they eternall lawes if it be in the power of one onely man to abrogate them at his pleasure Apiarius the Priest is condemned by the Africans and restored againe to the communion by the Romans The Bishops of Africke writ to Pope Celestine That this was contrarie to the Councell of Nice Our false accusers after the same manner say That Arnulph a chiefe Bishop ought not to be iudged but by the Soueraigne Bishop of Rome And Saint Augustine saith of Cecilian the Metropolitan Bishop of all Africke That if his accusers could ouercome or vanquish him after his death of that which they could not proue during his life that after his death without retractation they would pronounce him accursed Surely then it hath beene lawfull for vs to pronounce against Arnulph liuing confessing conuicted as against a Heathen and Publican it hath beene I say lawfull for vs to follow the Gospell the Apostles the holie Councels the Decrees of Apostolike men so we disagree not from these foure c. Truely the Church of France is wholly opprest with tyrannie and by those of whom a man should hope for helpe But thou art O Christ the onely comfort of man This Rome that was heretofore held for the mother of all Churches is said now to banne the good and blesse the wicked to communicat with those to whom a man ought not to say God speed and to condemne the worshippers of thy law abusing that power to bind and vnbind which it hath receiued of thee This Gerbert in the meane while a Monke of the Abbie of Fleurack not verie happie as he saith for his race nor his plentie of wealth yet esteemed for his wisedome and capacitie of men of greatest worth and nobilitie An. 1000. And here we come to the thousand yeare But least any man should thinke that we or such Authors as we haue alledged should speake of the Church of Rome out of passion or discontent it shal not be amisse to insert the judgement of Cardinall Baronius himselfe touching these times who in the tenth tome of his Annales hath these words Baron Annal. to 10. An. 912. art 5. What was then the face saith he of the Roman Church How foule was it when strumpets no lesse powerfull than vncleane and impudent bare rule at Rome At the will and pleasure of whom the Sees were changed Bishoprickes giuen and that which was horrible and detestable to heare their louers false Popes were thrust into the Seat of Peter who were put into the Catalogue of the Popes of Rome to no other end but to make vp the number and lengthen the time For who can say that they were lawfull Popes of Rome that by such strumpets were thrust in without law There is no mention any where made of any Clergie chusing them or consenting to their choyce The Canons were silent the Decrees of Popes forgotten auncient traditions and old customes in the election of the Pope quite banished holy rites and ceremonies extinct Thus had lust and couetousnesse drawne all vnto it selfe emboldened by the secular power and carried by a furious desire of bearing rule Then as it appeared Christ Iesus slept in the ship a profound sleep when with the blasts of winds so violent it was ouerwhelmed with waues he slept I say not seeming to see these things and suffering them to be done in that no man rose vp to reuenge them And that which seemed worst of all there wanted Disciples to awaken our Lord with their cries thus sleeping yea quite contrarie all lay snorting in a dead sleepe What maner of Cardinals Priests Deacons thinke you were chosen by these monsters since there is nothing so naturall as for euerie thing to ingender his like And who in the meane time can doubt that they consented in all things to those by whom they were chosen who will not easily beleeue that they followed their steps and who knowes not that they endeuoured nothing more but that our Lord should still sleepe and neuer rise vp to judgement neuer awaken himselfe to know and to punish their wickednesse Now from this onely place let the Reader judge by what law that
which without wrong done vnto his Authors he could not conceale For Hermannus a Chronicler of those times and Leo Bishop of Ostia had witnessed before That the Romans being wearied with the wickednesse of Benedict expelled him and substituted though not without money Siluester in his place And that some few monethes after Benedict with the helpe of his kindred and friends recouered it againe who that he might with more libertie betake himselfe to his owne pleasures he substituted Iohn the Archpriest Herman in Chron. Leo l. 2. c. 80. Otho Frisingensis supra who was accounted almost the more religious he would haue said the more hypocrite And of all three Otho Frisingensis recounteth before vnto vs the pitifull estate that Rome was then in I my selfe saith he haue heard it in the city from the Romans themselues To conclude Baronius calls those three false Popes tricipitem Bestiam a Beast with a triple head rising from the gates of hell Where is then that See against which the gates of hell cannot preuaile Now Cerberus himselfe as that which the Poet speakes of is choked with a ball of pitch And where is that euer-running spring of the spirit of God or in whom did it now reside This ball of pitch saith he a certaine good man and a zealous called Gratian made for them Baron an 1045 1044. and see how he did it He went to the aforesaid men and persuaded them with money to forsake the See and to Benedict he left the reuenues of England because he seemed to be a man of greatest power and authoritie The Romans in recompence thereof as to the purchaser of their freedome made him Pope who was Gregorie the sixt I aske now Whether this transaction may bee borne with amongst the Canonists or whether all this may redownd to his profit without simonie And to say the truth for this either cause or pretence of cause hee was afterwards in the Councell of Sutri by the authoritie of Henrie the Emperour and the consent of the Romans expelled his See and the Bishop of Bamberge who was Clement the second installed in his place chosen from amongst strangers because alas therefore there were none capable thereof at Rome But Baronius is much grieued with these words Leo Ostiens l. 2. c. 80. who calls this election a detestable presumption of the Emperour Henrie and doth vehemently endeuour to proue that therefore the Popedome of Clement could not be lawfull But in all this time when will he find vs any Pope and how will he fill vp that gulfe of pretended succession which they so much boast of Except he meane to supplie it with the abhominations of Benedict the ninth who yet continuing euen after the death of Clement thrust himselfe thrice into the chaire We must not forget that you may vnderstand that the libertie of the Churches was not yet wholly taken away that Henrie the King of Germanie in the yeare 1006 held a Synod at Frankford whereof Dithmar thus speaketh Dithmar l. 6. The generall Councell is appointed at Frankford by the King and was visited by all those that are on this side the Alpes Which was done to make Bamberge a Bishopricke and being done Eberard was nominated Bishop by the Emperour and consecrated by Willegisus the President of the Synod and all this without the knowledge or consent of Rome Henrie his sonne likewise called another Councell in the yeare 1047 An. 1047. wherein he sharply repressed all simoniacal persons Glaber saith Glaber l. 5. c. 5. Coadunare fecit He assembled as well the Archbishops as the Bishops c. And for a conclusion after he had pronounced a curse against all those that had committed simonie he protesteth and saith As God hath giuen me of his meere mercie the Crowne so will I freely giue that which belongs to his religion Here is no mention made of Rome But Baronius wittily after his manner saith That he thinkes that Clement the second was at this Synod though without any Author for saith he the Emperour ought in duetie to giue his helping hand vnto him by this his Edict which he likewise performed in fact But suppose that Pope Clement were present thereat and in all these proceedings not remembred doth it not hurt his cause the more So likewise in Spaine in the yeare 1012 there was a Councell held at Leon Baron vol. 11. an 1012. ex script Anto. August art 16. Glaber l. 3. c. 8. in which thus spake the Fathers We say they are met together at Leon and by the commaundement of King Alphonsus the fift we haue made these Decrees which are intituled The Decrees of the King Alphonsus and Geloira the Queene And in France in the yeare 1017 a Councell was called by King Robert touching the cause of Heresie notwithstanding that he by the testimonie of all the writers of those times was commended for his pietie and deuotion 40. PROGRESSION Of the wicked inuentions of Hildebrand and the Popes of this time to enlarge their power and authoritie Of the doctrine of the redemption of penitentiaries by whom and when it came in Of the fained myracles of Alexander the second to deceiue the people Of the troubles that arose in Milan through the Popes intrusions there Of the Peter pence that were granted at this time by diuers Princes to the Pope Damianus Bishop of Ostia exclaimeth against the lasciuious life of the Roman Clergie THe thirtie yeares that follow vnder diuers Popes vsing rather the magistracie than ministrie of Hildebrand who especially swayed in those times gaue occasion vnto them to vsurpe againe that which the Emperour Henrie the second had taken from them by restoring that auncient law which was made in a solemne Synod betwixt Hadrian the first and Charles the Great and was in force vnder the gouernment of his whole race and afterwards confirmed vnder the Othoes and other Kings of Germanie This Hildebrand was by nation a Tuscan by profession a Monke of Clugnie He obtained that dignitie by bad meanes as Cardinal Benno and the Roman Archpriest doe witnesse The minoritie of Henrie the third the sonne of the Emperour Henrie the second being a child of fiue yeares of age and brought vp vnder the tuition of Agnis his mother as the minoritie of Princes produce many times weake counsellors was a great occasion why Hildebrand abusing his youth did dare to enterprise so much But the diuell especially by his messengers thrust himselfe into the businesse whilest they that they might the more easily obtaine that they desired abused the people vnder the name of two pretended Heresies the one was Simonie the sale for siluer or other thing equiuolent thereunto of Ecclesiastical charges though at that time there was nothing at Rome more cōmon where the Popedome it selfe was set to sale to whomsoeuer would giue most where the Popes sold all Ecclesiastical dignities and themselues to the diuell as we haue often seene
to the Apostolike See and are or shall be in my power I will so agree with the Pope that I will neuer incurre the danger of sacriledge and the perditition of my owne soule and to God and Saint Peter by the assistance of Christ I will doe all worthie honour and seruice and the first day that I shall see him that is Gregorie I will plight my faith with my hands to be a faithfull souldier of S. Peter and his for euer But Henrie in the meane time gaue him no leaue to doe what pleased him for hauing by his victories and prosperous successe appeased the tumults of Germanie he takes his journey with his armie into Italie And this was the last act of Hildebrands tragedie Henrie therefore who in the Synod held at Brixen had caused Gilbert of Corrigia Archbishop of Rauenna to be named Pope who was called Clement the third was absolued by him and so passed the Alpes and remouing all obstacles that stood in his way or did any way detract from his Empire pitching his tents as the manner is in the Neronian fields he determined to besiege the citie of Rome but being encountred at the first with strange difficulties by reason it was Winter he retired himselfe to Rauenna and there wintered But the yeare following 1082 An. 1082. in the beginning of the Spring he sets forward in the same steps as before An. 1083. and assailes the Vatican and in the yeare 1083 after a long siege he tooke the citie and entring into the Capitoll there fortified himselfe William of Malmesburie and others that writ the historie of Godfrey of Bulloine say That he was the first who with a ladder scaled the citie entred into Rome for which seruice the Emperour granted vnto him the inuestiture of the Duchie of Lorain There remained the fort of Crescentius otherwise called the castle S. Angelo into which Gregorie with some of his deerest friends was fled These wearied by Henrie resolued with themselues to offer twentie hostages and to take day vpon certaine conditions to deliuer the citie But Gregorie vnwilling to fall into his hands whom he had so much offended made choyce rather to hazard the bringing of Robert with his Normans to Rome though it were a course full of danger This Robert therefore being at an appointed time let in by the gate Flaminia by some of Gregories friends tooke the Pope out of the castle and caried him to Cassin Sigebert in Chron. Math. Paris in Histor Angl. and from thence to Salerne Whereupon Henrie returned into the citie by whose authoritie Gregorie was againe condemned and Clement confirmed who crowned and annoynted the Emperour with Bertha his wife But Henrie returning into Germanie to appease some tumults that were newly risen Gregorie making benefit of the occasion though he were absent stirreth vp his followers at Rome to rebellion but in the moneth of May being suddenly taken with a disease An. 1085. he died in the yeare 1085 but yet not without aduice giuen to the Cardinals to chuse either Desiderius Abbot of Cassin or if he refused it Hugh Bishop of Lyons or Otho of Ostia that it might be said That the ambitious enterprises of Gregorie outliued himselfe But Sigebert Abbot of Gembloux a writer of those times saith in expresse words That he called one of the twelue Cardinals whom he loued aboue the rest and confessed himselfe vnto him That by the suggestirn of the diuell he had stirred vp that anger and hatred against mankind hauing neuerthelesse published his Decree throughut the whole world vnder a colour of the encrease of Christianitie Whereupon he sent the aforesaid Confessor to the Emperour and to the whole Church receiuing both him and all Christian people that stood excommunicated into the Church both dead and liuing Clergie and Laitie desiring them and the whole Church to pray for the remission of his sinnes It is now of some importance to know what manner of man this Hildebrand was because the judgement of him throughout all Christendome was diuers some imputing all this to his ambition more than humane some to his zeale of the glorie of God Touching his priuat life therefore Lambert of Schaffnabourg Abbot of Hirtzaw a graue writer speaking of the Countesse Mathilda his good friend saith That she her husband Goselon Duke of Loraine yet liuing pretended a kind of widowhood farre from her husband she refusing to follow her husband to Lorain out of her natiue countrey and he employed about the affaires that belonged to his dukedome tooke no care for the space of three or foure yeares to visit his Marquisat in Italie after whose death she seldome or neuer parted from the Popes side following him with a strange affection And for as much as a great part of Italie obeyed her and she abounded aboue all other Princes with whatsoeuer men most esteemed of whensoeuer the Pope had need of her helpe she was presently at hand and was euer duetifull to doe any office vnto him as to her Father and Lord Whereupon she could not escape the suspition of an incestuous loue the Kings fauourers euerie where reporting and especially the Clergie whom he had forbidden lawfull mariage against their Canons That night and day the Pope did impudently sleepe in her bosome and she preoccupated with the stolne loue of the Pope after the losse of her husband refused to marie againe Others adde That she hauing maried Azo Marquesse of Este the Pope impatient therewith the yeare following dissolued the matrimonie Sigon l. 9. de regno Italiae vnder a pretence of kindred in the fourth degree of consanguinitie Whereby that suspition of adulterie that was before did more appeare to be a manifest truth and deseruedly too nothing in those dayes being more common than dispensations in an equall degree of kindred and neerer And if he loued her not but in the way of honestie what reason had he but to dispence with Mathilda too There is therefore one that speakes yet more freely Tractatus de vnit Eccl. conseruanda By this their frequent and familiar conuersation he ingendred a cruell suspition of dishonestie whilest he obserued not more carefully that diuine precept of Pope Lucius That a Bishop ought not at any time to be without the companie of two Priests and three Deacons as witnesses of his conuersation Which he should so much the more carefully haue obserued by how much the more seuerely he proceeded against lawfull matrimonie In this all Authors consent That Mathilda ruled both Pope and Popedome and by her the goods of the Church were administred Whereupon saith Benno Benno Cardin. in vita Hildeb Rome hath seene and heard how he liues with what persons day and night he conuerseth how he hath remoued the Cardinals from him who should be witnesses of his life and doctrine Neither was Sigonius ashamed to write Sigon l. 9. de regno Ital. Annales Godefrid Monachi That he appoynted
they are all sheepe That whom God hath made a ruler ouer things Celestiall he hath made him much more ouer things terrestrial and therefore the Pope had power ouer all Hereupon they alledge or rather abuse the examples of some Princes that haue beene censured by the Pastors of the Church Such as tooke part with Henrie on the other side replied that Chilperick was deposed by the common consent of the States of the Realme and not by the Pope that it is the office of a Pastor to feed not to kill to instruct not to destroy that the examples that were alledged by them were either false or impertinent That Henrie refused not to doe any thing nay had performed whatsoeuer belonged to his place That Gregorie on the other side carried himselfe as an actor not as a Iudge That God onely ruleth Kings and Kingdomes and those subiects that God hath giuen them no man can absolue of their oath allegiance This they confirmed by places of Scripture and the testimonies of the Fathers wherupon they conclude Gregorie to be Antechrist who taking vpon him the name of Christ did vtterly ouerthrow the Lawe of Christ and his doctrine But this is nothing among the rest they strongly maintained that the Catholike Church is not with him that destroyes the Church and that the title of Catholike belongs not to him or his followers who speake and hold against the holie Scriptures against the Gospell of the sonne of God But rather according to S. Iohn he and his societie are Antichrists qui Iesum soluunt betray Christ offer him violence whilest they violently wrest the Scriptures And it is well noted of a learned Historiographer of our time Vignier in Hist Ecclesiast that in this whole controuersie there is no mention made by the Gregorians either for the donation of Constantine or the renunciation of Lewis A manifest proofe vnto vs that there was no such thing as yet found out But there is none that better layeth open vnto vs the mysteries of the iniquitie of Hildebrand then Cardinall Benno the Roman Arch-priest As touching his Magick all writers display him to be skillfull in this art as likewise that truely diabolicall Oracle wherewith he deceiued Rodolph and was himselfe deceiued by the diuell for which qualitie also he was condemned in many Synods by innumerable Bishops of France Germanie Italie in the Councels of Wormes Pauia Brixen and Rome where in the sentence it selfe in verie significant words he is called a Magitian a Diuiner a Southsayer possessed with a Pithonicall spirit a Negromancer And if this had not beene apparent ynough they had spoken doubtlesse much more there wanting not matter to obiect against him But Benno who penetrated into the hidden secrets of Gregorie sets downe all circumstances That he had learnt Magick of Theophilact who was Pope Benedict the ninth of Laurence his companion and of Iohn the Archpriest of S. Iohn Port Latin afterwards Gregorie the sixt who by his commerse with diuels and the singing and flying of birds told of those things that were done in farre countries of the euent of warres and the death of Princes That he whilest they liued yea euen in the Popedome was the chiefe instrument and companion of all their wickednesse yea the heire of Gregorie the sixt not onely of his money but his perfidious treacherie That he enforced Pope Nicholas by fearing him with strange apprehensions of death and presenting before him horrible visions to make him Archdeacon That none of the Cardinals subscribed to his election all forsaking him but he was created by the open force of the souldiers That comming one day from Alba to Rome he had forgot a certaine booke of Negromancie without which he seldome or neuer went which he in his journey remembring at the entrance of Portlateran he hastily called vnto him two of his familiar friends and faithfull ministers of his wickednesse commanded them with all speed to fetch that booke vnto him and withall terribly threatned them not to presume to open the booke vpon the way but by how much the more they were prohibited by so much the more were they kindled with a curious desire to prie into the secrets of that book In their returne therefore vnclasping the booke and curiously reading the precepts of that Diabolicall art there appeared presently before them certaine of the diuels angels whose multitude and horror so frighted these young men that they were almost beside themselues Benno Cardin. in vita Hildeb c. And these are the verie words of Benno That it was a common thing with him to shake sparkles of fire out of his sleeue and with these and the like myracles to blind the eyes of the simple as if they were signes of sanctitie That he sent two Cardinals Alto and Cuno to S. Anastasia to performe a fast of three dayes euery one euery day to sing a Psalter and Masses to the end that God might shew a signe which of the two thought more truely of the bodie of our Lord the Church of Rome or Berengarius which neuerthelesse came not to passe That he consulted the Sacrament it selfe as it had beeene an Oracle against the Emperour and the Cardinals withstanding him cast it into the fire That he had layed a trap for the Emperour in the Church of S. Maries in Mount Auentine and obseruing the place wherein he commonly stood or kneeled he commaunded a great stone to be laid vpon the beames of the Church ouer his head that being let fall vpon his head whilest he was praying might dash out his braines But the stone with the weight thereof bare downe with it the instrument of this villanie who by the just judgement of God was bruised to peeces vpon the pauement and for as much as this succeeded not wel he suborned murderers to kill him In the meane time whilest he deposed the Emperour vnder a pretence of Simonie he had no sooner depriued those Bishops of whom he complained of their authoritie but he restored it to them againe thereby binding them vnto him and against the Emperour In honour of Pope Liberius who was an Arrian he ordained a Feast and committed many outrages besides against all law and equitie murders oppressions violences which it would be too long to relate For which cause saith he the bloud of the Church crieth out against him c. I could wish the Reader would read the booke But here we must answer to the obiections of Bellarmine who striues to affirme that this booke is not to be beleeued First because it is likely to be suborned by some Lutheran or other R. If he had said of some malicious person it might haue beene borne with but I referre it to the judgement of any Reader that can discerne the stile weigh the circumstances consider of the phrase and I thinke there is none to be found that will take it to be suborned Secondly some man perhaps faith he in
attempts his fortitude in the middest of dangers his incredible courage patience in labours counsell answerable to his magnanimitie and his diligence as farre forth as his age is capable in militarie affaires his knowledge of diuine and humane lawes an euerlasting desire of peace care of religion bountie towards the poore clemencie towards the vanquished benignitie towards his friends beneuolence towards souldiers in all which he hath excelled all the German and Roman Princes that euer were And if he had beene a wicked tyran yet it had beene our dueties to haue obeyed him not to rebell against him and all humane lawes and the decrees of our forefathers doe forbid a mans aduersaries his enemies to be his accusers witnesses and Iudges The Emperour made peace with Hildebrand in Italie whilest by the perfidious treacherie of a few Saxonie fell from him A traiterous tyran who receiued due punishment for his treacherie contemning all oathes and promises and all affinitie and kindred inuaded him At the last he concludeth No man may proceed or pronounce sentence against a man that is depriued vntill he be restored to his former estate See the booke and read the law and so he deliuered it to Wesilus Archbishop of Mence Guebhard Bishop of Saltzbourge being for his age eloquence and learning chosen Prolocutor by the Bishops that tooke part with Hildebrand was mute and answered not a word From that time forward many of the Bishops and Princes of Saxonie abiure the sect of Hildebrand that name they retained in the time of Vrban and repenting themselues of what they had done came to the Emperour Onely foureteene persist obstinat therein who being assigned to appeare the moneth following at Mence at their day of appearance came not There the rest of the Bishops of Germanie being present with the Legats of the Bishops of France and Italie by the common consent of all the sect of Hildebrand is judged to be contrarie to Christian pietie Otho called Vrban being conuicted of sacriledge and irreligion was excommunicated and those foureteene being condemned of rebellion periurie murder were deposed Moreouer Historiographers doe obserue that in one yeare all the Bishops and Princes died that had kindled those ciuile warres wherewith the whole Empire for the space of seuenteene yeares had beene set on fire and they recite them by name which was in the yeare 1090. An. 1090. Waltram in Epist ad Ludouic Comitem It was at this time that Waltram Bishop of Magdeburge writ an Epistle to the Earle Lodowick whom hee calls a glorious Prince wherein he proues out of the Scriptures that obedience is due to lawfull Kings and Princes to the end he might arme him against the imposters of that age who to women and the vulgar sort of people preached contrary doctrines setting likewise before his eyes the judgements of God vpon Rodolph Hildebrand the Marquesse Egbert and diuers other Princes who bare armes for the Pope against the Emperour Sigebert in Chron. At which time likewise Sigebert speaking of Vrban chosen against Clement and of those things that followed thereupon From hence saith he grew scandalls in the Church and diuisions in the State the one disagreeing from the other the Kingdom from the Priesthood one excommunicating another the one contemning the excommunications of the other either out of a preiudicat opinion of the cause or the person and whilest the one abuseth the authoritie of excommunicating against the other by doing it rather according to his owne lusts than with any respect of iustice he that gaue the power of binding and loossing is altogether contemned Doubtlesse this noueltie that I may not say heresie did not till now appeare in the world That his Priests who causeth the hypocrite to raigne for the sinnes of the people should teach the people That they owe no subiection to wicked Kings and though by oath they bind themselues vnto him yet they owe him no fidelitie neither are they to be accounted periured persons who resist the King but rather to be accounted an excommunicat person that obeyes the King and that man to be absolued from all iniustice and periurie that opposeth himselfe against him Others speake more confidently Then did there arise false Prophets Apostles Priests who deceiued the people with a false religion doing great signes and wonders and of some he makes instance who began to sit in the Temple of God and to be extolled aboue all that is worshipped and whilest they goe about to establish their owne power they extinguish all charitie and Christian simplicitie c. As if the decree of the immortall God kept not alwayes one course That no periured persons shall inherit the kingdome of heauen The most part of the best sort of men such as were iust and honest and ingenuous and simple haue left in writing That at that time they foresaw the Empire of Antichrist to be beginning and those things to come to passe that our Sauiour Christ Iesus had long before foretold Sigebert and Auentine after diuers others doe note Auent l. 5. That the prodigious wonders that were obserued in those times did astonish the minds of most men The heauens saith he seene many times to burne the Sunne and Moone to lose their light the starres to fall from heauen to the earth burning torches fierie darts flying through the ayre new starres neuer seene before Sigebert in Chron. Auent l. 5. pitched pauillions and armies in the ayre encountring one another and innumerable the like whereby the people were confirmed in their opininion But especially when they saw the sonne to conspire against the state and life of his father Conrade against Henrie who had appointed him to be his successor An. 1095. and that by the persuasion compulsion and approbation of Pope Vrban instigated or rather bewitched by the cunning of Mathilda his father in the meane time leauing nothing vndone that might regaine him to his duetie obedience who preuailing nothing by his just gentle exhortations was enforced in the Councels and solemne assemblies of the Empire to beg vengeance from heauen and earth euen with teares in his eyes All this in the meane time was couered vnder a pretence of that sacred and plausible expedition to Hierusalem the mysterie whereof William of Malmesburie opened before vnto vs That by that meanes Vrban might recouer his authoritie at Rome or rather diuert the minds of men imployed about remote affaires from those more necessarie businesses that touched them more neerely at home That whilest they bended all their endeuors abroad to persecute the Infidels they might neglect Antichrist freely wasting all at home in the Church Neither wanted he in that impure and darke world a bait whereby to win and allure the simple people to that war which was an absolute absolution from all their sinnes without any penance What greater encitement could there be to men who were to inuade a countrey wherein all things were left to the
lust of the souldier to commit all manner of wickednesse whatsoeuer For we learne sufficiently out of histories what manner of men for the most part they returned from thence being all polluted with the abhominations of the Cananites To the same remedies they had euer recourse consecrating their children if they had any to the selfesame warres and giuing such goods as they had to expiat their sinnes On the otherside euerie vnskilfull souldier carried with a feruent desire of this warre fell vpon the Iewes against whom they had libertie as they thought to offer any violence and if they did not presently turne Christians to massacre them at their owne pleasures to the great scandall of Christian Religion as if there had beene no other meane to conuert them to the Faith of Christ And therefore in many Prouinces the souldiers preparing themselues to depart fell vpon the miserable people making their ruine to beare the charge of their voyage Insomuch that we read of tenne or twelue thousand slayne in one place an euident argument of that false and adulterat zeale wherewith they were carried and a manifest presage of an vnfortunat end We are not to forget by the way amongst other things that that Godfrey of Buloin that was the first who by assault entred Hierusalem was the selfesame who before vnder the commaund of the Emperour Henrie was the first that scaled the walls of Rome Let no man doubt that there wanted in those times wise men who looked more inwardly into the nature of this expedition Auentine beleeuing those that writ before him saith that it was a report spred amongst the common people Auent li. 5. that this voice was heard from heauen Deus vult God will haue it so whereupon all sorts of people from all parts ran to those warres some from their Kingdomes some from their Cities their Castles their flocks their Temples their families their wiues their children their fields their plonghes and into Asia past by flockes Captaines Gouernours Tetrarches Bishops Monkes who vnder a shew of Religion Berthold in Chron. committed all manner of wickednesse They carried a Goose saith he before them saying it was the holie An. 1096. Ghost and that Charles the great was come againe into the world As for the Iewes wheresoeuer they met them they slew them except they did presently conuert and whosoeuer refused to turne they spoyled of his goods Some of the Iewes out of their loue to their Law slew each other others for the time dissembling Christianitie relapsed from Christ to Moyses And these were the exploits of Peter the Hermit the authour and procuror of these warres Sigon de regno Jtaliae li. 9. A voyage whereof Sigonius himselfe in the middest of his panegyrique could not temper himself but that he gaue his judgement in these words Vrban saith he applied his mind to the recouerie of Hierusalem which had beene a long time held by the Sarasens an enterprise not so famous for the increase of pietie Gulielm Malmelsburiens li. 4. as renowned for the glorie therof in future times Which expedition to the end he might colour with some deuotion he ordayned that no Clergie or Lay man should eat flesh from Shrouetide to Easter Thus doth superstition alwayes increase with hipocrisie The controuersie touching the inuestiture of Bishops pretended by the Popes to the preiudice of Kings and Emperours did still continue though not without some difficultie and resistance Waltramus de inuestituris Episcoporum especially in Germanie Waltram therefore Bishop of Naumburg writ in his time of this matter against the Pope his reasons were That Hadrian in a full Councell was of opinion with Charles the great and his successours that it belonged to them to inuest Bishops yea and to confirme the Bishop of Rome except some certaine Bishops of Italie who by an auncient graunt from the Kings were to be consecrated by the Pope In which graunt he comprehendeth the Abbies and other regall dignities That Gregorie the great euen before this agreement had by Letters admonished Theodorick Theodobert Brunichild to inuest without simonie and that himselfe was not consecrated but by the consent of Mauritius the Emperour That Pope Leo and his successors obserued the same towads Otho and his and that vnder payne of excommunication And therefore it is verie strange that Gregorie the seuenth should go about to alter it and that vnder absolution That the Popes are to take good heed that God doe not vnbind in heauen what they bind vpon earth which many times comes to passe by the glorie of precedencie which sets mens spirits on fire when the successors goe about to change the Decrees of their predecessors And if any man reprehending them they shal answer that The iudgements of Rome are not to be reuoked why then doe they reuoke those of their auncestors that made for the Emperours why doe they scandall the little flocke of Christ why vnder the shaddow of Religion doe they gather euen with open hands all vnto themselues since that our Sauiour saith Giue vnto Caesar those things that are Caesars c That in Spaine Scotland England Hungarie the Kings vsed this right purely and entirely In France a long time before Hadrian the consecrated Kings and gouernors of the Palace inuested the Bishops that is to say Dagobert Sigebert Theodoricus Hildericus Pepinus Theodebertus by whom Remaclus Amandus Odemarus Antbertus Elisius Lambertus and other holie Prelats were inthronised and setled in their seats without respect of the maner of their inuestiture whether it were done by word or by the staffe the ring yet it was no matter But we must know that that homage that is done vnto the king vnder the name royaltie is before the consecration And that from the time of S. Peter to Siluester it was not so both because the Emperours were heathens and the Churches poore but afterwards being enriched by kings and endowed by other good men they made new laws especially hauing gotten into their possession Lands and great reuenues yea became Lords of Townes and Cities into which places they might withdraw themselues against the enemie That it fell out verie happily that the Emperors put themselues into the gouernement of the Church of Rome which had beene so often rent with schismes in the election of their Bishops and could neuer obtaine any setled peace without their mediation All this he saith with many other good reasons too long to rehearse Trithemius in lib. de scriptorib Ecclesiast And in the selfesame sence writ Venericus Bishop of Verseil in Italie dedicating his booke to the Pope himselfe which he intituled Of the discord of the Kingdome and Priesthood It was at this time also that we haue the Apologie of Sigebert Abbot of Gembloux for the Emperor Henrie mentioned by Auentine in his fift booke In France Vrban hauing ordained Yuo Abbot of S. Quintine An. 1072. bishop of Chartres by the deposition of Iefferay
giue Lawes to the Church of Rome To what end then are Councels held But contrarily saith he all Councels by the authoritie of the Church of Rome are called and haue their force and in all their Statutes the authoritie thereof is manifestly excepted But where can they shew one sillable OPPOSITION Platina in Paschaū 2. Prodigious spectacles in the ayre the earth and the sea still continued obserued by all the writers of these times Neither was Paschal moued with these saith Platina because he beleeued them to be wrought by nature nay hee could not indure that others should obserue them but there was no prodigious wonder that so much troubled the world as himselfe which no man could deny that saw him entring into his Popedome with this belt whereon hung the seuen keyes and the seuen seales play so formally the part of Antichrist whether it were to attribute vnto himselfe all that was proper vnto Christ alone or to represent in his person that Abbadon described vnto vs in the Apocalyps And this no doubt moued the Bishop of Florence in the yeare 1106 publikely to preach Acta vitae Paschalis that Antichrist was borne which Paschal vnderstanding of and being much grieued therewith tooke the paynes to goe in person to Florence and there held a Councell to stop the mouth of this Bishop being content neuerthelesse fearing to stirre in the matter too much to admonish him openly to desist from this bold enterprise that is to say Sigon l. 9. de regno Jtal. least the matter should more apparently breake out The Emperour Henrie as we haue seene retired himselfe to Liege Sabellici Aenneade 9. Platina in Paschali 2. which Paschal could not endure wherefore vnder a shew of congratuling Robert Earle of Flanders beeing happily returned from Hierusalem to his Countrie he writ this vnto him It is the part of a loyall and lawfull souldier to pursue the enemies of his King by all possible meanes We giue thee therefore thankes for executing our commaund in the Diocesse of Cambray and we commaund thee to doe the like vpon the excommunicated people of Liege who falsly terme themselues Clerkes c. And not onely in those parts but euerie where else when thou canst with thy whole power to persecute Henrie the head of the heretikes and his followers Thou canst offer no sacrifice vnto God more acceptable than to withstand him who rayseth himselfe against God and his church c. This we commaund thee and thy souldiers to doe in remission of your sinnes c. Hereby making this his reuenge equall both in right and merit with that famous expedition to the holie Land But what doe the Bishops Canons and Clergie of the Diocesse of Liege There is the second volume of the Councels both the Epistle of Paschal to them and their aunswere to him Epist Leodiens Cleri in 2. vol. Concilior Edition Coloniens apud Quiritel pag. 809. I crie saith the Church of Liege with sighs and astonishment as the Prophet Esay speaketh who exaggerating the burden of the desart Sea crieth out As the Whirle-windes in the South vse to passe from the wildernesse so shall it come from the horrible Land a grieuous vision was shewed vnto me He that vnderstood not hetherto what this desart Sea was by heresay let him now vnderstand it by the eye It is not onely Babylon but the world and the Church c. The Church sigheth to see herselfe abandoned and forsaken by the holie Councels and Prelats for was there euer greater confusion in Babylon than there is at this day in the Church In Babylon the languages of Nations were confounded in the Church the tongues and minds of beleeuers are diuided S. Peter saith in his Epistle 1. Petr. 5. The Church that is at Babylon elected together with you saluteth you Hetherto I interpreted it that Peter would therefore by Babylon decipher Rome because at that time Rome was confounded with all Idolatrie and all manner of wickednesse But now my griefe enterpreteth it vnto me that Peter by a propheticall spirit foresaw the confusion of that dissention wherewith the Church at this day is torne in pieces c. What those whirle-winds are that come from Africa we rather learne by suffering than by reading from that horrible Land that is the Church of Rome a grieuous vision is shewed vnto me from thence commeth a whirle-wind as a tempest from Africa For the Bishop of Rome the father of all the Churches hath written Letters against vs to Robert Earle of Flanders And so they insert the Epistle What is he whose reynes reading these letters are not filled with sorrow not for the horror of the daunger but the horrible noueltie of the thing That a mother should write such lamentable Letters against her daughters yea though they had offended In that iudgement of Salomon is exprest the greatness of a mothers loue because Salomon giuing sentence that the infant for which they contended should be diuided with a sword the true mother chose rather that her child should liue with a stranger Esay 21. than be slayne with the sword The Prophet Esay saith speaking of Babylon The might of my pleasures is turned into feare vnto me But I say Rome my beloued mother is turned into feare vnto me For what is more fearefull nay what more miserable Dauid saw once the Angell of God standing with his sword drawne ouer Hierusalem wee the daughters of the Church of Rome see the Pope of Rome who is the Angell of the Lord for the place he supplieth with his sword drawne ouer the Church Dauid prayed that his people might not be slayne But our Angell deliuers the sword to Robert and prayes him to kill vs. From whence hath our Angell this sword There is but one sword of the spirit which is the word of God c. There is another sword of the spirit wherewith the sinnes of the flesh beeing mortified we buy the crowne of Martyredome The Apostles therefore receiuing of the Lord onely two swords from whence comes this third to the Apostolicall that is the Pope which he hath deliuered to Robert against vs Ezechiel 21. Perhaps he hath recourse to the Prophet Ezechiel that taking a third sword out of his hand he might goe to the right hand and to the left killing both the righteous and the wicked c. This is the sword of occision with which Ezechiel makes me astonished for what heart faints not to thinke that he that is annointed to giue life should be girt with this third sword to kill vs c And if it be lawfull to speake it with reuerence of the Apostolicall dignitie he seemeth to vs to haue beene a sleepe yea all his Counsellers slept with him when he hired at his charge a destroyer of the Church of God S. Paule commaundeth that the word of a Bishop be sound and irreprehensible we therefore reprehend not the word of the Bishop of
Bishops but because he that is Apostolicall should not wander from the Apostle we humbly in euerie particular circumstance enquire whether these words of this Apostolicall person sauoring the grauitie of the Apostle be sound and irreprehensible He promiseth Apostolike benediction to Robert but doth he commaund him to doe that that should obtayne benediction c. who hath euer persecuted the Church of God without punishment And here are alledged many examples out of the Scriptures See here the workes of iust malice that this father ordayneth for his sonnes to come to the heauenlie Hierusalem by impugning the Church of God We giue thankes to thy wisedome saith the Church for that thou hast done at Cambray who can thinke of the ruine and desolation of that Church without teares I a daughter of the Church of Rome did condole their estate for that brotherhood that was betwixt vs but now hearing that all these mischiefes haue lighted vpon them by the Apostolike authoritie I grieue the more because I feare least that should light vpon my mother Esay 10. that the Lord saith by the mouth of his Phrophet Esay Woe vnto them that decree wicked Decrees and write grieuous things to keepe backe the poore from iudgement c. That there should be such desolation of the Church such oppression of the poore and widowes such crueltie such rapine and which is worse such effusion of bloud without respect of good and euill and all this and worse than all this done by the commaund of the Pope who would beleeue it if his owne mouth had not spoken it We remaine astonished with the noueltie of these things and wee enquire from whence this new example should come that the Preacher of peace with his owne mouth and the hand of another man 2. Tim. 4. should make warre against the Church of God c. For Apostolike men improoue rebuke exhort offendors with all long suffering and doctrine c. And Christ saith Math. 8.15 If thy brother trespasse against thee goe and tell him his fault betweene thee and him c. And here they alledge the example of S. Gregorie towards the Bishop of Salonne reprehending the Emperour Maximus for that he vsed force against Priscillian and his fellows He say they that condemned Itachius their accuser for the death of Heretikes doubtlesse if he were now aliue he would not commend Paschal by whose commaund so many people are murdered for the cause of Cambray c. We commaund the like to be done saith he against the excommunicat falsly called Clerkes of Liege And why excommunicated we are all baptised in one spirit into one bodie c. when hath the Church of Rome heard that there are contentions amongst vs we thinke and say of Christ one and the same thing we doe not say I am Paules I am Cephas I am Christs Are we excomunicated for this our concord c Because we keep the law of God they obiect against vs that we transgresse their new traditions But God saith vnto them wherefore doe you transgresse the commaundement of God by your traditions God commandeth vs to giue vnto Caesar that which is Caesars and to God that which is Gods which S. Peter and S. Paule doe likewise teach Honor the King Let euerie soule be subiect to the higher powers c. He that commaunds euerie soule to doe this whom doth he exempt from this earthlie power Because therefore we honour the King and serue our Lords and masters in the simplicitie of our hearts are we therefore excommunicated But we are simoniacall persons No we auoyd all such and those we cannot by reason of the time and place we tollerate and we no lesse flie those who couer their auarice with an honest title and vnder the name of charitie boast themselues to giue that freely which in effect they sell dearely and like the Montanists vnder the name of oblations they cunningly receiue gifts Alas with griefe we wonder why when and by whom we are excommunicated we know we are not excōmunicated by our Bishop by our Archbishop and we thinke much lesse by the Pope because he cannot be ignorant of that which Nicodemus saith Our Law iudgeth no man before he be heard Johan 7. Genes 18. neither had God condemned the Sodomites except he had first come downe to see whether they had done altogether according to that crie which came vp vnto him Seeing therefore he hath heard nothing of vs neither hath beene sollicited by the Bishop or Archbishop against vs who would euer beleeue that he would excommunicate vs c. But perhaps you will say that therefore he doth it because we fauour our Bishop who takes part with the Emperour This is the beginning of our sorrow and that which may make the cause of the wicked to blush because Satan being let loose and walking through the earth hath now diuided the Kingdome and the Priesthood Forasmuch therefore as the Diuell came vnto vs Apocal. 20. hauing great wroth as it is in the 20 of the Reuelation we pray to our father which is in heauen for this especially that he lead vs not into this temptation but that hee deliuer vs from the euill thereof c. But who can reprehend a Bishop for keeping his faith and loyaltie to his Prince And yet they that teare in sunder the Kingdome and Priesthood with new schismes and new traditions promise to absolue those from the sinne of periurie that break their faith to their King c. Hereby let all men iudge who of the two deserueth punishment he that giueth vnto Caesar according to the decree of God himself those things that belong vnto Caesar or he that dishonoreth his King and takes that name of God in vayne by which he plighted his faith to the King See here the reason why we are excommunicated and why we are called false Clerkes who liuing Canonically deserue by our liues and conseruations to be called Clerkes He is I say no part of Gods lot alluding to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clerkes that is to say he hath no portion in his inheritance who will exclude vs out of his inheritance where then doth he place Paschal It is an iniurie which out of his wicked heart he vomiteth against vs as old witches vse to do S. Peter teacheth vs not to rule as Lords in Clero ouer Gods heritage 1. Peter 5.3 Galla. 4.19 but that we may be examples to the flocke And S. Paule My little children of whom I trauell in birth againe in in the Lord. These should be examples for Paschal to imitate or rather admonishers and not impious raylers and slaunderers The curse of excommunication our Lord Paschal hasteneth vpon vs but aboue all we feare that which the spirit of God by the mouth of the Psalmist hath sayd Cursed are all they that decline from his commaundements That curse of excommunication that Hildebrand Odoardus and this third haue by a new
and thy souldiers to doe in remission of your sinnes c. Here I know not what I should say or whether to turne my selfe For if I should turne ouer the whole volume of the old and new Testament and all the auntient expositers that writ thereupon I should neuer find any example of this Apostolike commaund Only Pope Hildebrand hath offered violence to the sacred Canons whom we read commaunded the Marquesse Mathilda in remission of her sinnes to make warre against Henrie the Emperour And so hauing discoursed out of the Scriptures and some places of Gregorie of the true manner and meanes of the remission of sinnes and shewing to a sinner his sinnes and making him to confesse them to feele the burthen of them to bee sorie for them to seeke the remedie by a liuelie faith in Christ Iesus the church of Liege concludeth in these words This manner of binding and loossing thou hast heretofore held and taught vs O my mother the Church of Rome From whence then comes this new authoritie by which there is offered to offendours without confession or repentance an immunitie from all sinnes past and a dispensation for sinnes to come what a window of wickednesse doest thou hereby set open to men The Lord deliuer thee ô mother from all euill Let Iesus be the doore vnto thee let him be the Porter that no man enter into thee but to whom be shall open He deliuer thee I say and thy Bishop from those who as the Prophet Michah speaketh seduce the people of God that bite with their teeth and yet preach peace This was the letter of the church and Clergie of Liege to Pope Paschal the second fortified with the testimonies of the holie Scriptures and authorities of the Fathers Neither need we doubt that such in those times was the voyce of the greatest part of the Churches of Christendome who consequently acknowledged Satan to be let loose wasting the Church of God in the person of Antichrist sitting in his Throne which the Emperour Henrie instructed by his Prelats spake plainely in his Epistle to the Christian Princes exhorting them to haue regard to their posteritie the royall Maiestie Auent l. 5. and the saluation of all Christian people because saith he the Pope vnder the honest title of Christ goeth about to oppresse the publike libertie of all Christian people whom Christ hath bought with his bloud and indeauoureth day and night to bring vpon all Christians a slauish seruitude except the Kings and Princes of the earth preuent it neither will he cease to doe it vntill like Antichrist he sit in the Temple of God and be worshipped of all as if he were God These and the like letters saith Auentine are to be found in many antient Libraries written to the kings of France Denmarke England and to other Kings and Princes of Christendome who neuerthelesse became not the more strange vnto him but being rather sorie for this his condition detested the author An. 1104. It was at this time that Yuo Bishop of Chartres writ a letter to Richard Bishop of Alba the Popes Legat who would censure his Clegie of simonie whom he openly giueth to vnderstand that he had done his best endeauors to mend that fault but all in vayne because they maintained it by the custome of the Church of Rome You Epist 133. If the Deane saith he and Chapter or other officers doe exact any thing of those that are made Canons my selfe forbidding it and persecuting the fault they defend themselues by the custome of the Church of Rome wherein they say the Chamberlaines and other officers of the Palace doe exact much of such Bishops and Abbots as are consecrated which they couer vnder the name of oblations or benedictions for there they say neither penne nor paper will be had without money and with this collop they stop my mouth not hauing any other word to answer them but that of the Gospell Doe that which they say that is to say the Pharisies and not that which they doe If therefore I cannot pluck vp this plague by the root impute it not onely to my weakenesse because from the first growth of the Church of God the Church of Rome hath been sicke of this disease nor to this houre cannot free herselfe of those that seeke their owne gaine Moreouer the same man being much molested by the Clergie at Rome makes a grieuous complaint vnto Paschal against the Appeales to Rome which are the cause of much disorder rebellions in the Clergie against their superiours whom abusing that libertie they slaunder at Rome Epist 75. he neuerthelesse not long before in the cause of Godfrey appealed to Rome whose place by the authority of the Pope he supplied out of the selfesame humor as aboue acknowledging reason and justice when it made for their owne purposes 43. PROGRESSION Of the turbulent estate of the Church and Common-wealth through the factious pride of Pope Paschal NOw to follow againe the course of our Historie Auentine concealeth not ratiunculas some smal reasons as he calleth thē why these Popes since Hildebrand pretended a right to deiect from their Throne vel potentissimum Imperatorem any Emperor how mightie soeuer That all power had been giuen of God to Christ and from Christ vnto S. Peter and to the Bishops of Rome his successors vnto whom by Religion of oath all Christians were bound perpetually to obey and to other Princes onely a limited time and vnder condition so long as it shold please them That therefore it was lawfull for the Pope if the Emperour disobeyed him who represented Christ on earth to excommunicate and depose him no lesse than any other Christian insomuch as he raigneth but by precarie right and holdeth the Empire in homage of him That in case he should rebell he might root him out of the Common-wealth as a Tyran by any meanes whatsoeuer And the people saith he bewitched by Hildebrand with such reasons as they are subiect to let themselues be carried away with euerie wind of doctrine Fraunce Italie and Germanie were pierced to the heart for the space of three and thirtie yeares Namely Paschal following from point to point this instruction who seeing his enemie dead reenforced the rigor of his Decrees and will not receiue to absolution the inhabitants of Liege till they had taken him out of the Sepulcre where they had layed him when Henrie also his sonne demaunded permission of him to giue him buriall he flatly refused him saying that the authoritie of holie Scriptures and of diuine miracles and of the Martyrs receyued vp into heauen repugned thereunto This writeth Peter the Deacon l. 4. ca. 38. And Auentine noteth expresly that till that time the Bishops of Rome had accustomed to date their Bulls Epistles and other affaires from the yeres of the Emperours raigne which he first ceased to doe and began to date from the yeare of his Popedome He was also the first that gaue
seq considering how lightly he would haue assured himselfe of the inuestitures with the losse of their Lordships and Royalties The end was for this time that Paschal was deliuered the siege raised from before Rome on condition that he should neuer excommunicat the Emperour nor his people and should giue him a priuiledge in writing vnder excommunication whereby it should be lawfull for Henrie to inuest Bishops and Abbots freely chosen by most voyces without Simonie with the ring and the staffe Sigon de regno Jtal. l. 10. and commaund the Archbishop to consecrate him Contrariwise forbidding That any should consecrate them that had beene chosen by the Clergie and people vnlesse they had beene first inuested by the Emperour These conditions were solemnely sworne vnto by Paschal and all the Cardinals Bishops Priests and Deacons that assisted him and moreouer the day that he crowned him in confirmation of this agreement he gaue him the Communion in these words Lord Emperour Henrie we giue thee the bodie of our Lord borne of the virgine Marie crucified for vs as the Catholike Church holdeth in confirmation of a true peace and concord betweene me and thee Amen Some namely Sigonius report the same in other words that in giuing him part of the Host he said vnto him As this part of the quickening bodie is seperated so let him be diuided from the kingdome of Christ our Lord that shall attempt to violate this agreement Which is worth the noting in respect of the faithfulnesse he vsed afterward And this oath and priuiledge was dated in the yearr 1111 An. 1111. in the moneth of Februarie In this confidence Henrie returneth into Germanie where being arriued he made his father be solemnely buried at Spire with the consent of the Pope by meanes of the agreement abouesaid which till then he had refused him as forbidden by the holie Scriptures But in the yeare 1112 Paschal An. 1112. Sigebertus Abbas Vrspergenssin Chron. whether returning to his naturall disposition or that he was moued thereunto by Bruno Bishop of Signe and Abbot of Montcassin holdeth a Councell at Lateran to reuoke all where notwithstanding he plaied so well his part there that hee would seeme to be as it were enforced thereunto by the liuelie persuasions and reproaches of the Bishops And after he had excused himselfe That by force and necessitie this priuiledge had beene extorted from him he concludeth the last day of the Councell in these words That he approued and reiected all things that Gregorie and Vrban had decreed and reproued thereby ratifying all that had beene by them done against Henrie the father and reuoking all that himselfe had done with Henrie the sonne and with tearmes most expresse and so absolute as we read in the Abbot of Vrsperge That which they haue praised held confirmed condemned refused Abbas Vrsperg Malm. l. 5. c. 40. Petrus Dia. in Chron. Cassin l. 4. c. 47. forbidden in all and through all therein will I perseuere for euer whence he plainely shewed what a strange tast he had taken in this businesse Which done this priuiledge is made void in ful Councel declared priuilegium contra Spiritum sanctum contrarie to the holie Ghost Henrie is excommunicated not in Italie only but in France also by Guydo Archbishop of Vienna And thereupon not long after arose new commotions in Germanie the Archbishop of Mence rebelling against the Emperour he is constrained to put him into prison many others Also saith Auentine the Emperour of Greece Calo-ioannes sonne of Alexius Auent l. 6. being awakened at the report of this tumult sent to exhort Paschal and the Romans to returne to the auncient and lawfull Empire in detestation of those barbarous Germans Paschal placeth his embassadours on his right hand their Oration being applauded by the people Perplacet We desire it we restore the Diademe to the auncient Prince of Romans let vs see once more auncient Rome ioyned to the new the East to the West Paschall cruelly declaiming against the Henries father and sonne In so much that Peter Leo Iohn of Gaieta Hugh Abbot of Clugni and others desirous of peace protested against him and brake off this treatie as proiected against all lawes diuine and humane And notwithstanding Paschal and his partakers are obstinatly bent against Henrie who vpon these nouelties returneth with the Queene and all his houshold into Italie in the yeare 1115 An. 1115. and then began Paschal againe to renew his practises And to this effect holdeth a solemne Councell at Lateran the Bishops assembling from all parts to whom he declared That as he was a man and consequently but dust and ashes and for that he saw himselfe in the power of Henrie he had granted him this priuiledge but thereof he confessed himselfe vnto them and prayed them to aske pardon of God for him That he detested this priuiledge as heresie and prayed them likewise to pronounce as much which they did And thereupon some Bishops inferred If that writing contained heresie that he was then an heretike that wrot it namely Paschal himselfe And Iohn of Gaieta had much adoe to stop their mouths and could not salue vp the matter but in giuing the lye to the companie That the writing was in truth euill but not for all that hereticall Paschal himselfe after silence was made appeased them onely in contradicting My brethren this Church had neuer any heresie Wherefore then doth he set all Christendome in combustion for an opinion that is not heresie And yet the Decree is confirmed in this tenor against Henrie who being not able to mitigat it continueth his journey and maketh the Pope hearing of it withdraw himselfe into Apulia Henrie being arriued at Rome that he might not hold his Crowne of him maketh himselfe to be crowned the second time by Maurice Bishop of Bracare An. 1118. And a while after in the beginning of the yeare 1118 Paschal died vpon the Emperours returne from Rome This is the summe of that which passed vpon the question of Inuestitures of Germanie and other Prouinces depending vpon the Empire An. 1108. In France also Paschal in the yeare 1108 had made an attempt vpon our priuiledges taking aduantage of the controuersies betweene Philip the first and the Clergie of his kingdome touching his concubine Bertrade For Manasses Archbishop of Rheimes being deceased about the time of the Councell of Troyes where the Pope was President in his owne person he would conferre the Archbishopricke of Rheimes on Richard Archdeacon of Verdune as well to draw him from the Emperours side as to establish his affaires in France according to the counsell that Yuo of Chartres gaue to Vrban his predecessor in one of his Epistles To haue some one at his deuotion in a Prelatship of such consequence Yuo Carnutens Epist 117. Which Richard hauing refused because that at the same time the Emperour made him Bishop of Verdune he inuested therewith Rodolph
all Ecclesiasticall discipline be ouerthrowne For is there any dissolute person whatsoeuer who at the onely threat of an Excommunication will not appeale What Clerke or Priest vnder the refuge of this vaine appellation will not rot nay burie himselfe in his owne dung What Bishop shall haue any meanes to punish any disobedience euerie Appeale shall shake his rod dissolue his constancie mollifie is seueritie imposing silence vpon him and giuing impunitie of offences to the wicked So it will come to passe that sacrileges rapes fornications and adulteries will dangerously encrease when the chiefe Prelat shall not dare to speake against these superfluous appeales and shal cease to persecute the persecutors of holie places to reuenge the wrongs of widowes and Orphans and by delay of the censure wickednesse shal be fostered and such as sinne without punishment shall descend into the bottomlesse pit of all iniquitie And in like manner he concludeth with the auntient Canons and rules of the Church If this should any longer be tollerated no Bishop could discharge himselfe of that duetie which is imposed vpon him in the Gospell To conclude describing the Citie of Rome in verse he ends in these words Vrbs faelix si vel Dominis vrbs illa careret Vel Dominis esset turpe carere fide O happie Citie if it had no masters or if these masters the Popes were ashamed to haue no faith Honorius Bishop of Augusta or rather the Abbot as some say a worthie Authour speaking of the Church of Rome saith Turne thee to the Citizens of Babylon and see what they are and through what streets they wander c. See come hither to the top of the hil that thou maiest decerne all the buildings of this damned Citie Behold the Princes and Iudges thereof that is to say the Cardinalls and Archbishoppes c. Behold and thou shalt see the seat of the beast placed in them they alwayes think vpon that which is euill euer occupied in the workes of iniquitie they only do not these villanies themselues but they teach others to doe them They sell holie things and buy those things that are wicked They labour by all meanes not to goe alone to hell But turne thee towards the Clergie and thou shalt see in them the tent of the Beast They neglect the seruice of God and serue the lucre of this world They pollute the Priesthood by their vncleanenesse seduce the people by hipocrisie renounce God by their wicked workes reiect all Scripture that appertaines to saluation They practise by all possible meanes to worke the ruine of the people and blindfold as they are in the same blindnesse they goe before into perdition Behold also the conuenticles of the Monkes and thou shalt see the Tabernacles of the Beast They mocking God through a fained profession prouoke his wrath They tread vnder foot all gouernement both in manners and life deceiue the world vnder the shadow of their habit They entangle themselues with secular affaires and neglect the seruice of God and many of them being giuen to gluttonie and wantonnesse putrifie euen in the filthinesse of their owne corruption Behold also the Cloisters of Nunnes and thou shalt see in them the prepared Bed-chamber of the Beast These learne wantonnesse euen from their tender age follow many allurements to the heaping vp of their owne damnation and earnestly endeauour themselues thereunto that they may the more let loosse the reynes of luxurie and prostitute themselues to all filthie concupiscence and like the insatiable Charibdis are neuer satisfied with the corruption of their owne vncleanenesse These entangle the minds of young men and take pleasure the more they entangle she gaineth the prize of the victorie that excels others in wickednesse This person notwithstanding is recommended for her great pietie and learning in this age In Germanie flourished Robert Abbot of Duits one of the chiefest Diuines of these times who was not of their opinion that attribute to the Pastors of the Church though in what degree soeuer any temporall Dominion Notwithstanding he is famous among all Historiographers both for sanctity of life Rupert Tuitiensis in Johan l. 2. cap. 2. and also for his miracles Vpon this rocke saith he who is Christ is the Church builded he saies not vpon Peter and by changing the name Peter hath his denomination of Petra the rocke whereby we are giuen to vnderstand that all they that are builded vpon that foundation which is Christ must call vpon a new name which the mouth of the Lord hath named Euerie one of them then are in this regard no lesse the rocke than Peter himselfe as touching the function Jdem l. 11. in Johan c. 13. The Ministers of Christ knew their Apostleship to be no domination but an humble seruice the perfection whereof consisteth in laying downe their liues for their brethren Therefore he saith in another place Jdem l. 8. in Math. The rod of the disciples of Christ is the rod of the pastorall office watching diligently ouer the cure of soules That rod of Dominion is not permitted to the Ministers of the Gospell of Peace but rather forbidden them c. And in the end he saith Jdem l. 9. c. 11. in eundem that to a spirituall man it is not lawfull for him to drawe the sword or to exercise publique authoritie He therefore who liued vnder these troubles in Germanie what might he thinke of these armed Popes and the troubles they raised In Rome it selfe wee may read in the Chronicle of Hirsauge written by Trithemius Trithem in Chron. Hirsaug that vnder Honorius the second God by the mouth of a certaine holie man called Arnulph did speake with great vehemencie This man was of great deuotion and a great Preacher who by the word of God reproued the loossenesse auarice and pride of the Clergie and propounded to all the pouertie of Christ and his Apostles and to imitate their integritie and sanctitie of life who was praysed and esteemed of the Roman Nobilitie as the true disciple of Christ but held in no small hatred by the Cardinals and Clergie who tooke him in the night and priuilie murdered him He afterward addeth That this his Martyredome was reuealed vnto him by God being in the wildernesse when by the Angell he was sent to preach at Rome whereupon he publiquely sayd I know you seeke my life and I know that you will verie shortly kill me but wherefore Because I tell you the truth I reproue your arrogancie pride auarice luxurie and ouermuch care and studie in getting riches therefore I please you not I take heauen and earth to record that I haue deliuered nothing vnto you but what our Lord hath commaunded me but you condemne me and your creator who hath redeemed you by his onely begotten sonne It is no maruaile you seeke my life being a sinfull man for telling the truth vnto you for if S. Peter should euen now arise and reproue your vices which
are manifold you would as little spare him When he had vttered this with a loud voyce he said Verily I feare not to vndergoe death for the truth but I tell you in the word of our Lord that the omnipotent God will not pardon your impietie Yee are full of all vncleanenesse and goe to hell euen before the people that are committed to your charge God is the reuenger Platina in Honor 2. Sabell Ennead 9. l. 4. Platina saith that he was followed by many of the Roman Nobilitie as a Prophet and the true disciple of Christ But Sabellicus saith This wicked deed that was cōmitted by the Clergie defamed their whole order yet it was the fault but of a few for their licentious life was grown to that height that they could not endure wholesome admonitions And Honorius truely tooke it grieuously saith he but presently addeth caeterum questione abstinuit but the restrefrayneth to speake of By this the Reader may judge what his anger was Let vs here speake of that which is written touching Nordbertus An. 1125. who came to Honorius in the yeare 1125 for the confirmation of the order of Premonstre instituted by him who published that Antichrist was euen at hand and readie to bee reuealed S. Barnard writing to Gaufrid Bishoppe of Chartres saith Barnard Epist 56. ad Gaufr Carnotens Whereas not many dayes since I saw his face and from his heauenlie pipe that is to say his mouth I heard many thing yet this I neuer heard that he should go into Hierusalem But whē I did inquire what he thought of Antichrist he protested he knew most certaine that he should be reuealed in this present generation And hereupon it appeareth that this question was then verie frequent But saith he as I entreated him to declare vnto me from whence he had this certainetie as I gaue eare to his answer I thought I might not beleeue him neuertheles he affirmed that he should not die before he saw the general persecution of the Church which truely he saw not long after if he obserued it against them that were called the Waldenses and so bloudie and cruell as hardly was euer any But the mischiefe was That Antichrist walked about the Theatre of the world but so disguised as few knew him and they that did know him durst not speake ill of him Vrspergen Abbas an 1119. The Abbot of Vrsperge telleth vs of this Norbertus That he was at the Councell of Collen vnder Calixtus in the yeare 1119 where he was accused of all that were there touching many things whereof he wisely excused himselfe whereupon it is written of him That the hands of all these were against him and he against them all Vpon what occasion he sheweth not 46. PROGRESSION Of the factions in the Popedome betweene Innocent the second and Anaclet the second and how Innocent requited the Emperour Lotharius in defending him against Anaclet Of the militarie enterprise of Innocent against Roger Duke of Apulia and Calabria and the successe thereof BY the death of Honorius arose a great schisme in the Church of Rome the one part hauing chosen Gregorie the sonne of Guido who was named Innocent the second the other Peter the sonne of Peter Leo who was first consecrated and called Anaclet the second both citizens of Rome but Anaclet of the more honourable familie so that Innocent after he was consecrated by the Bishop of Ostia was constrained for his safetie to flie into the towers of the Frangepanes riuals of Piter Leo and at length to leaue the citie Anaclet in the meane time being possest of the Vatican and finding therein crownes cups crosses and crucifixes of gold siluer and other rich ornaments caused them to be molten and made into money to content those that were of his faction and followers And it is likely the other would haue done no lesse if he had had power and meanes according as the election of the Popes at these times were carried Innocent therefore imbarked himselfe with his Cardinals and came to Pisa and there excommunicated Anaclet and presently went into France and sent to King Lewis the Grosse declaring vnto him the equitie of his cause to be protected by him This was the occasion of the Councell of Estampes where our Bishops disputing with those of the Popes S. Bernard held for Innocent who at the same time was inuited by Legats to take his refuge in France For hauing S. Bernard on his side was a great helpe vnto him And our Frenchmen were willing to bind the Pope vnto them who for a good turne receiued might afterward requite them in Italie There was also by chance at the same time in France Vincent l. 27. c. 6. Bernard vita l. 2. c. 1. Suggerus Abbas in vita Ludouici Grossi Henrie the first King of England whom Bernard persuadeth in the behalfe of Innocent against the opinion of all his Bishops through whose persuasion he went to Chartres to meet him Then both the Popes indeuored to defend each others part but Anaclet thundered his Excommunications at Rome against Innocent and his partakers Innocent at Clermont and Rheimes did the like against him and his followers And moreouer in Italie the Princes of the Normans defended the faction of Anaclet for he had bound Roger with a new benefit Leo Hostiens seu Petrus Diaconus l. 4. c. 99. in giuing him the title of a King and Anselme also Archbishop of Milan with all the Bishops of Lombardie his Suffragans And as on the one side S. Bernard defended Innocent so Anaclet was authorised by Sinaretus Abbot of Mont Cassin and all those of his Order who were of great authoritie especially in Italie where it was a question of holding his seat at Rome Innocent therefore in the yeare 1132 An. 1132. endeuoured to procure an enteruiew and conference betweene him and the Emperour Lotharius at Liege where according to the example of Charls and Otho the Great he requested him to take vpon him the protection of the Church A thing which he willingly yeelded vnto but vpon condition That the inuesting of Bishops which the Church of Rome had taken away from his predecessor Henrie should be restored vnto him At which word Vita Bernardi l. 2. c. 1. saith the Author of the life of S. Bernard the Romans were amazed and waxed verie pale thinking they had incountred greater danger at Liege than they had auoided at Rome vntill S. Bernard whom he had alwayes neere vnto him caused Lotharius to change his opinion telling him That it stood not with his generous mind to make a benefit of the diuision of the Church because it was a thing that could not be done without much slaughter and bloud Wherefore Lotharius was therewith content Vrspergens in Lothario so that he would promise him to crowne him Emperor so soone as he should be reestablished in the See at Rome Then Lotharius came into Italie in the yeare 1133
lesse nay rather the seat of Peter than Rome tooke the Pall of himselfe This Innocent being fauored by the king of Hierusalem who hated Radulph sending a Legat into those places deposed him as guiltie of high treason in regard of his seat But what violence he vsed the same is declared more at large for being oppressed with forged crimes he was constrained to appeale to Rome Whereupon intelligence being giuen of his comming to Roger king of Sicilia who lay in wait for him he tooke him and cast him into prison and afterward sent him back again into Palestina to be censured by Alberick the Legat of Innocent Cardinall of Ostia the king being knowne to be his professed enemie To conclude he appearing not at the Synod where the Legat was President was deposed for his disobedience OPPOSITION These two Popes in the meane time mutually pronounced each other Antichrist by authoritie of famous Synods of the Bishops and Abbots of each side and in that one thing they verie well agreed All the Bishops of England as we haue seene refused no lesse Innocent than Anaclet The like difficultie had Innocent found in France had it not beene for the fauour of S. Bernard when Gerard Bishop of Angolesme tooke part against him Hildebert also Archbishop of Tours a man then of great authoritie in the Church stood a long time doubtfull whom S. Bernard hauing first admonished that the most part had alreadie acknowledged him soliciteth in these words And herein father your sentence though late is expected as raine vpon the fleece We blame not slownesse that sauoureth of grauitie for it abolisheth the note of lightnesse c. yet I say as one well knowne to the Bishops Bernardus Epist 124. Ne quid nimis I speake as a familiar be not more wise than is needfull I am ashamed I confesse that the old Serpent with a new audaciousnesse seemeth to haue left vnaduised and ignorant women for to tempt the strength of your breast and to shake such a pillar of the Church And note that he calleth him Magnum Sacerdotem excelsum in verbo gloriae Great Priest and high in the word of glorie But within Rome it selfe from the time that Innocent was established he wanted not aduersaries The Clergie of Rome as we haue seene hauing murdered Arnulph that reproued his pride another Arnulph notwithstanding of Bresse some cal him the Bishop being nothing terrified therby presumed to do the like euen in the middest of his glorie and authoritie when he held that famous Councell at Lateran wherein were present neere a thousand Bishops and Abbots And this man the Authors of those times and for the most part Monkes call an Heretike but they accuse him of no other heresie but for that he mightily inueyed against the insolencie of the See of Rome This man say they Ligurinus de gestis Fred. 1. l. 3 hauing beene brought vp in learning in France taketh vpon him a religious habit returning into Italie preacheth against Bishops and their royalties and that they ought to leaue them vnto Princes contenting themselues with such things as are necessary for the seruice of God he presently is accused and conuented in this Councell and there being charged with heresie is constrained forthwith to depart Italie If they had had any other matter of greater moment to obiect against him it is to be vndoubtedly thought they wold haue farther proceeded against him Neuerthelesse his sermons had taken such effect Otho Frisingen de gestis Fred. c. 27. 28. Jdem hist l. * c. 27. Onuphr in Jnno 2. Sigon de regno Jtal. l. 11. that three yeares after the people of Rome inuaded the Capitoll resoluing to recouer againe their auncient libertie leaue to the Pope onely the care of Ecclesiasticall matters To this purpose they writ to the Emperour Conrade That what they did was for him and the glorie of the Empire and to restore vnto him that which the Popes vsurped and had taken from him That to the same end they had pluckt downe the fortresses and rased them to the ground which they abused against him That now hee should hasten his comming for the bridge Miluius should be readie to receiue him And concluding with these verses in fauour of him Imperium teneat Romae sedeat regat orbem Princeps terrarum ceu fecit Iustinianus Caesaris accipiat Caesar quae sunt sua Praesul Vt Christus iussit Petro soluente tributum He holds our Empire sits at Rome and ruleth ouer all Like Monarch of the world as once Iustinian was said What Caesars is let Caesar haue the Bishops his withall Christ so commaunded Peter when the tribute should be paid But when they heard that Conrade being crost in Germanie could not intend the affaires of Italie they delayed no time set to their owne hands reestablished the Senat and prouided both for peace and warre Innocent in the meane time trieth all meanes spareth neither threats nor gifts excommunicateth all the people and excludeth them from the election of the Popes wherein they had till then a principall part but at length being brought into feare of losing the gouernment of Rome died with griefe and discontent This contention saith the Author beginning with Innocent Otho Frisingen was of that moment that it dured vnder all the Popes to Celestine the third that is about fortie fiue yeres Wido Castellanus a citizen of Rome called Celestine the third succeeded Innocent being created according to the ordinance of Innocent by the Cardinals onely adding this aduantage to the Cardinalls in stead of the losse they otherwise sustained By the same law not long after Lucius succeedeth Celestine vnder whom the Romans not content with the Senat onely which they had established chose a Patricius to be their head to whom they gaue all the tributes and rights both of the citie and countrey taking them away from the Popes and allowing them for the maintenance of their dignitie nothing but oblations and tithes The first in this dignitie was Iordan sonne of Peter Leo a man mightie in the citie both for his auncient nobilitie and fauour of the people Lucius then hauing raised an armie besieged the Senators whom the Patricius Iordan presently set vpon and droue both him and his from the Capitoll Viterbiensis saith Gotofrid Viterb an 1145. parte 17. Chron. an 1145. That in this broile Lucius receiued such a blow with a stone that to his dying day which was in March 1145 he was not able to sit vpon his Pontificall throne Eugenius the third who succeeded Lucius in the seuen yeares that he continued could not preuaile against them But in the meane time as hee thought to suppresse them Arnold returneth out of Germanie and by his Sermons stirreth vp the courage of the Romans Therefore whether seeming as it were to scorne the citie or for that he saw himselfe there incontempt he departed thence to Viterb and was there
the rod of a Pastor of which the Apostle saith What will yee shall I come vnto you with the rod or in the spirit of meekenesse And what say I she hath a rod yea she hath a sword also according to the same Take vnto you the helmet of saluation and the sword of the spirit which is the word of God c. And yet by that which followeth it is apparent that against some which had troubled him he would not haue refused the helpe of another sword I let passe the Satyres of Bernard a Monk of Clugni vnder this Peter his venerable Abbot wherein he wonderfully disciphereth the Pope and the Court of Rome not to wearie the Reader I wil quote onely some few verses to this purpose although the rest be of the same nature O mala secula venditur insula pontificalis Infula venditur haud reprehenditur emptio talis Venditur annulus Hinc lucra Romulus auget vrget Est modò mortua Roma superflua quando resurget Si tibi det sua non repleat tua guttura Craesus Marca vel aureus à modo non Deus est tibi Iesus O wicked times wherein the Crowne and See is sold And yet the merchandise thereof is vncontrold The Ring is also sold But Romulus doth gaine Superfluous Rome now dies when shall it rise againe Not Craesus could suffice if Rome should giue he his Nor any gold for now no God or Christ there is Also Peter Deacon continuer of the Chronicle of Mont Cassin sheweth Chron. Cassinens Petri Diac. l. 4. c. 116. 117. that when the Emperour of Greece had sent his embassadours to Lotharius when hee assisted Innocent in the warre against the Monkes of Mont Cassin there was among others a Greeke Philosopher who disputed against him Peter Deacon that Pope Innocent was excommunicated his words are these In the Westerne climat we see that prophesie fulfilled As the people is so shall the Priest he Whilest Bishops goe out to warre as your Pope Innocent doth He distributeth money presteth souldiers for the warres and is clothed in purple No doubt but hee alledged other reasons which he telleth not But besides them that in the midst of the Roman Church we haue heard thunder it out so lowd against Popes and the Court of Rome and their actions there are found some in these times which openly fell away from it assailing their doctrine it selfe and in our France by their preaching drew many Prouinces from it and from thence as hereafter we shall see spred themselues into neighbour nations These were Peter Bruis in the yeare 1126 and after him his disciple Henrie about the yeare 1147 the first being a Priest and the other a Monke who first in the Diocesses of Arles of Ambrum and of Gap then after throughout all Auuergne Languedoc and Guienne preached against Transubstantiation the sacrifice of the Masse Masses Suffrages and Oblations for the dead Purgatorie worshipping of Images inuocation of Saints single life of Priests Pilgrimages superfluous holydayes consecrations of water oyle Frankinsence and other Romish trash but especially they inueyed against the pride and excesse of Popes and of his Prelats whom they called Princes of Sodome and the Church of Rome they tearmed Babylon the mother of fornication and confusion Which we learne from that venerable Peter Petrus Abbas Cluniacen l. 1. Epist 1. 2. Abbot of Clugni in some of his Epistles where he taketh vpon him to confute them And it is great pitie that their bookes are with so great diligence abolished that we are constrained to vse the writings of our aduersaries for to picke out their doctrine whose testimonie by reason of their hatred and calumnie may justly be suspected For it is imputed vnto them That they beleeued onely the foure Euangelists and reiected all the other bookes of the Bible And here Peter truely skirmisheth with his owne shadow seeing that they verily affirme following the auncient Fathers That the rule of religion is to be sought onely out of the Canonicall Scripture And the Abbot himselfe seemeth to haue perceiued that he had done them iniurie when he saith of these things and the like But because I am not yet fully assured that they thinke and preach so I will deferre my answer vntill I haue vndoubted certaintie of that they say Also I ought not easily giue assent to that deceiuing monster rumour or common report c. I will not blame you of things vncertaine So Saint Bernard more credulous than reason required reproueth them That like the Maniches they condemned the vse of matrimonie and of flesh and denied also baptisme to infants But especially against Henrie he obiecteth the keeping of a concubine and playing at dice. In like manner we read in Tertullian That monstrous opinions and crimes were imputed to the first Christians Bernard in Cantic serm 66. Yet Bernard in the meane time saith They are sheepe in habit Foxes in craft Wolues in crueltie These are they that would seeme good and yet are not wicked and yet would not seeme so It must needes be then that their outward conuersation was good It is also confessed that their disciples went cheerefully to the fire and constantly suffered all extremities for the doctrine of their faith Can that agree with a dissolute life doctrine And they were in the meane time followed with such a multitude Epist 240. 241. in vita Bernard l. 2. c. 5. that the Temples saith Bernard remained without people the people without Priests Priests without their due reuerence Christians without Christ the Churches to wit the Romish were reputed Sinagogues The argument brought against them was as in these dayes Haue our Fathers then so long a time erred are so many men deceiued Yet were they defended by notable persons both of the Clergie and Laitie and by some also of the Bishops and nobles of the realme namely by Hildefonsus Earle of S. Giles vnder whose protection they preached in his countries The people of Tholouse also where Peter preached the word of God the space of twentie yeares with great commendation and in the end was burned Henrie also his disciple some few yeares after being betrayed to Albericus Cardinall of Ostia was carried bound to in chaines into Italie and neuer afterward seene notwithstanding the persecution was hot all that time against the poore people without any difference of age or sex Now as we haue noted that the corruption of doctrine euer accompanied the iniquitie of this Mysterie there arose in this time Peter Abayllard a man of most subtile wit who brought in againe the opinions of Pelagius and others following who destroyed as we haue elsewhere shewed the free justification in the faith of Christ Iesus that is to say tooke the Christian Church by the throat against whom Saint Benard writeth diuers treatises and maintaineth the aunceint truth taught by S. Augustine S. Hierome Prosper and Fulgentius in the Church sweepeth
and Lotharius prostrat at his knees receiuing the Imperiall Crowne and when he was returned into Germanie the Pope by two Cardinalls sent him the Epistle aboue mentioned Therefore all the Princes of the Empire which assisted him were greatly offended hereat and as some of them complained of so insolent a Legation one of the Popes Legats Quasi gladium igni addens as it were adding the sword to fire replied for to take away all ambiguitie Of whom then doth the Emperour hold the Empire if not of my Lord the Pope At which words Otho Count Palatine set his hand to his sword and would haue slaine him had not the Emperour withheld him who also without any other answer sent away the Legats in safetie to Rome by the neerest way for feare least they should goe vp and downe suborning the people In the meane time Frederick writeth to all the States of the Empire complaining of this insolencie and sent them a copie of the letters obseruing vnto them the clauses abouesaid Flowing saith he from the Mammon of Iniquitie that puffeth him vp with a heape of pride of hautinesse of arrogancie and of execrable loftinesse elatione of heart notwithstanding that he held the Empire by the election of the Princes and from God alone That the Apostle S. Peter himselfe had instructed the world in these words Feare God honour the King So that whosoeuer shall say he holdeth the Imperiall Crowne by the benefit of the Pope is contrarie to diuine institution to the doctrine of S. Peter and conuicted of lying To this he added moreouer That he was resolute as he had begun to warrant the libertie of the Churches from the hands of the Aegyptians to wit from the Pope as from a Pharaoh exhorting them to lend him their helping hands And it is not to be forgotten that he found about the Legats many blankes signed and sealed to be filled at their discretion for to sow their venime of iniquitie through the Churches of Germanie to despoyle the Altars carrie away the vessels of the house of God cruces excoriare to slea or fleece the crosses that is to say to plucke off the gold and siluer that couered them which was the cause that he made them take the neerest way that hee might câ—â— off such practises The Legats being come to the Pope who besides was in contention with the Romans resolued vpon their answer to write to the Bishops of Germanie complaining that Frederick had misconstrued the good meaning of his letters and namely these words Insigne beneficium tibi contulimus Radeuicus l. 1. c. 15. 16. We haue giuen thee this notable benefit of the Crowne And much harder were the words in his letters He requested them to pacifie his mind and to induce him to make such satisfaction of the speeches to his Legats as that all men might be edified thereby So doing they should doe a good seruice to Saint Peter But the Bishops and Prelats of Germanie being vpon this Legation assembled together doe answer him That all the Commonwealth of the Empire was moued at the clauses contained in his letters that the eares of the Emperour could not patiently heare them nor of the Princes endure them that themselues for that sinister ambiguitie could not approue them being vnusuall and neuer before heard of till then Radeuicus l. 1. c. 16. That in consequence of his letters they had admonished the Emperour From whom thankes be to God say they we haue receiued such an answer as became a Catholike Prince Note here his words as followeth There are two things saith he whereby our Empire ought to be gouerned the holie lawes of Emperours and the good custome of our Fathers and predecessors These bounds of the Church we neither will nor can transgresse neither admit any thing that departeth from them We willingly yeeld to the Pope his due reuerence but we hold the free Crowne of our Empire onely from God and his diuine bountie The first voyce of election we acknowledge is from the Archbishop of Mentz and then of other Princes euerie one in his order the royall vnction from the Bishop of Cologne the last which is the Imperiall vnction from the Pope Whatsoeuer is more than this ex abundanti est à malo is superfluous and from that wicked one c. Wee haue not neither will we by Edict stop the entrance and passage of Italie from them that goe to Rome be it for voyage or other reasonable causes hauing the testimonie of their Bishops and Prelats but we haue an intention to remedie the abuses wherewith all the Churches of our realme are grieued and almost all cloisterall disciplines dead and buried In time past God exalted the Church by the Empire now the Church not by God as we beleeue ruinateth the Empire They began by a picture from that they came to writing and now writing endeuoureth to passe into authoritie We will not endure it we will not suffer it we will rather for goe our Crowne than consent that by vs it shall fall into decay Let them deface the pictures let them withdraw these writings that there remaine not an eternall memorie of enmitie betweene the Kingdome and the Priesthood In these tearmes represented they to Adrian the resolution of Frederick concluding with a supplication That he would mitigat the former writings by other more mild for to appease the magnanimitie of the Emperour And in the mean time the Emperour sent into Italie Otho of Witelsbach Palatine and Renold Earle of Assell his Chauncellor great personages for to keepe all men in obedience Sigon de regno Jtal. l. 12. and to receiue the oath of the Lords Bishops and Comminalties the forme whereof was this I promise that from henceforth I will be faithfull to Frederick the Emperour of the Romans my Lord against all men c. namely I will not take away from him his royalties of such a Countie or Bishopricke c. Radeuicus l. 1. c. 18.19 I will execute all his commaundements that he shall commaund me by himselfe or by letter or his embassadour to doe iustice c. So that Adrian seeing the commission of these forerunners of the Emperour prosperously to goe forward and perceiuing him about to passe into Italie with an armie he sent vnto him two Legats Henrie and Iacinth Cardinals with letters wherein he correcteth his plea Which Legats saith the Author reuerently with an humble countenance Radeuicus de gestis Frederic l 1. c. 11. and a modest voyce began their Legation in these words Praesul Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae the Bishop of the holie Church of Rome and most deuout Father of your Excellencie in Christ saluteth you as his most deere and speciall sonne of Saint Peter Our venerable brethren your Clerkes all the Cardinalls doe also most humbly salute you as Lord and Emperour vrbis orbis of the citie of Rome and of the world How different is this stile
from that we read before in his letters to the Archbishops of Mentz Cologne Treuers Then they presented their letters which Frederick gaue to Otho Bishop of Frisingen to interpret the tenor whereof we may read in Radeuicus ful of submission satisfaction reuerence The particular clauses are By occasion of the word Beneficium thy heart as I am informed hath beene moued which truely ought not to moue the heart of an inferiour nor yet of so great a man For although the word Beneficium be taken by some in another signification yet it should then haue beene taken as we meant it and in the sence it hath from his original for it is composed of bonum factum and with vs we call beneficium non feudum not a fee but bonum factum a good action in which sence it is found in all the bodie of holie Scripture where it is read That we are gouerned and nourished ex beneficio Dei by the benefits of God non tanquam ex feudo not as by a fee but by his blessing And so your magnificence knoweth that wee haue so honourably set the signe of Imperiall dignitie on your head that all men may iudge it to be vt bonum factum as a good deed or a good action And thus corrected he not only his former letters but also the inscription of the picture of Innocent the second Post homo fit Papae He was made the Popes vassall He proceedeth Some haue also turned these words to another sence Contulimus tibi insigne Imperialis Coronae Wee haue giuen thee the signe of Imperiall dignitie he had said more harshly plenitudinem dignitatis the fulnesse of dignitie that is to say the whole dignitie but without cause and of set purpose because they loue not the peace of the Kingdom and of the Church for by this word contulimus we vnderstand nothing but imposuimus wee haue set it vpon thy head Radeuicus l. 1. c. 13. And thereby he renounced also the rest of the verse of Innocent Sumit quo dante Coronam That the Emperour receiued the Crowne in gift from the Pope And by this mild interpretation of Grammar Frederick was appeased who moreouer declared vnto the Legats and gaue them in writing certaine articles in default of which a seed of discord would continue betwixt them to which they promised the Pope should satisfie being in no manner willing to derogat from his royall dignitie So for this time he yeelded them peace And note here with what faithfulnesse the same was done Baron an 1158. art 6. Adrian saith Baronius did it in wisedome for to giue place to wrath interpreting also this word beneficium for to auoid discord and not in good earnest An. 1158. for these things could not long subsist This was in the yere 1158. And neuerthelesse Frederick passed the Alpes for to appease the rebellions of Lombardie and to refresh his armie not long after he led it into the Popes lands whereby ariseth againe a new quarell It was an auncient custome saith Otho Bishop of Frisingen Otho Frisingens l. 2. c. 13. since the time that the Roman Empire was deriued to the Frenchmen vntil this present that so often as the Kings had a purpose to enter into Italie they sent some of their seruants afore being men of vnderstanding who visiting euerie citie and town demaunded those things that belonged to the Kings reuenew which the inhabitants call Fodrum whence it came to passe that at the Princes comming the cities townes and castles which either altogether refused to pay the same or did not wholly pay it were oftentimes rased euen with the ground for an example to posteritie Another iustice also followeth from ancient custome that the Prince entring into Italie all dignities magistracies ceased and all matters were ordered ad ipsius nutum according to the laws iudgement of the Lawyers Radeuicus l. 2. c. 15. When Frederick therefore by his officers thought to vse these rights namely in Fodro colligendo Adrian began through the instigation of some to bee grieuously offended saying That he had receiued euill for good and that the Emperour was ingratefull for his benefits especially when hee heard that as well the Cities and Lords as the Bishoppes and Abbots had acknowledged the Royalties of the Prince And thereupon hee wrote Letters vnto him in shew mild but in deed beeing well considered full of sharpe reproofe which hee presented vnto him by a vild and base messenger who before they were red was suddenly vanished At this Frederic was againe greatly moued and the rather for that a little before he had refused at his request to confirme Wydo sonne of the Earle of Blandrara in the place of Anselme Archbishop of Rauenna being by the people and Clergie chosen therunto vnder pretence that he was sub-deacon of the Church of Rome who could not be translated to any other Church without his commaund although Adrian in many other things of greater importance dispensed withall as it pleased him wherefore neuerthelesse resolued to trie him in this yet once more by sending the Bishop of Verde with verie honourable letters is againe refused He therefore then commaundeth his Secretarie That thenceforth in the Letters that hee wrot to the Pope Radeuicus l. 2. cap. 18. Nomen suum praeferrens Romani Episcopi subsecundet he should set his name first and the Popes afterward and should speake to him onely in the singular number Adding that either the Pope ought to write vnto him after the custome of his Predecessours or else not thinke it straunge if he followed in his letters the auntient manner of Princes Adrian was not pleased at this therefore admonished him that this was not to giue due reuerence to S. Peter redemaunding of him an accompt of his Royalties and other rights abouesayd Frederic answered that he had followed the auntient custome and agreeable to reason that Bishops should render vnto Caesar the things belonging vnto Caesar Sigon de regno Jtal. l. 12. Radeuicus l. 2. cap. 18. For his Cardinals hee had shut the gates of Cities against them because they came non ad praedicandum sed ad praedandum not to preach but to make spoyle And to encrease this mischiefe in the meane time the Letters of Adrian are intercepted written to them of Milan and some other Cities whereby hee stirred them vp to rebellion against Frederic Radeuicus l. 2. cap. 30. And thereupon also Frederic sent his Embassadors to Rome to the Senat and people Then Adrian growing verie impatient sent foure Cardinals to Frederic at Bononia who post lene principium after a gentle beginning propound vnto him these hard Articles That hee should vnknowne to him send no more messengers to Rome seeing all the Magistrates there were of S. Peter with all the Royalties That he should not collect the Fodrum of the Demaines of the Church except in the time when he commeth to
receiue the Crowne That the Bishops of Italie should giue him oath of fidelitie but not of homage That his Embassadors should not be lodged in the Palaces of Bishops That he should restore the possessions of the Church of Rome and the tributes of Ferrara of Massa Figaruola of all the Land of the Countesse Mathilda and from Aquapendente to Rome of the Duchie of Spoletum and of the Islands of Sardinia and Corsica And when the Emperour constantly offered to doe them iustice in these things if they would doe him iustice in other matters they would onely receiue iustice and doe none alledging that it was not in their power to iudge the Pope And on the contrarie the Emperor made his complaints against him who had broken the concord he had promised him in word of truth That he would not receiue the Grecians Sicilians and Romans but with common consent That he had sent without the Emperours leaue his Cardinals who passed freely throughout his Realme entred into the Royall Palaces of Bishops and vexed the Churches of God with vniust Appeales and many other things which the Pope refusing to satisfie Concordiae verbum saith Radeuicus diu desideratum peccatis nostris exigentibus euacuatum est The word of concord so long desired for our sinnes was made voyd Notwithstanding Frederic to omit no duetie of his side answereth by letters the Articles of Adrian in these words I affect not the homage of the Bishops of Italie If they will hold none of our Royalties But if they take pleasure to heare the Pope say vnto them Quid tibi Regi What hast thou to doe with the King Let him not thinke it strange if consequently the Emperour say vnto them Quid tibi possessioni What need hast thou of the possession I am content that my Embassadours be nat receiued into the Palaces of Bishops prouided that the sayd Palaces stand on their owne ground and not on ours Otherwise if they stand on our ground seeing euerie building solo cedat pertayneth to the ground whereon it standeth they be our Palaces It is therfore an iniurie to forbid our Embassadors from the Royall Palaces Whereas he saith the Emperour is not to send Embassadours to Rome seeing all the Maiestrates there are of S. Peter with all the Royalties This thing I confesse is great and graue and hath need of graue and mature counsell For seeing I am called and am by diuine ordinance Emperour of Rome I haue but the shew of raigning and beare but the vayne Title and name thereof without the thing if the power ouer the Citie of Rome be plucked out of our hands At length it was propounded that sixt Cardinals on the Popes side and six Bishops on the Emperors side should be chosen arbitrators in the matter Radeuicus l. 2. cap. 31. to decide the same But saith he of the Romans part this Councell is sayd to be voyd alledging that the Pope was not subiect to the judgement of any And when Frederic vpon this refusall was earnest by his Embassadours that he would referre himselfe to the judgement of a generall Councell he answered I ought to call not to be called I am to iudge not to be iudged an answer which was verie much detested of all the elder sort that he refused the judgement of the Church Now followeth out of Nauclerus Nauclerus Gener 30 vol. 2. the recipocrall Epistles of Adrian and Frederic That of Adrian began thus The Law of God as it promiseth long life to them that honour their Parents so it pronounceth sentence of death against such as curse them And the voyce of truth teacheth vs that whosoeuer exalteth himselfe shall be humbled And thereupon he reproueth him that he had set his name first against the Loyaltie sworne to S. Peter That he required homage of Bishops who are Gods and all sonnes of the most high and presumed to put their sacred hands within his prophane hands imputing vnto him arrogancie and infidelitie To this Frederic answered vsing this salutation Adriano Ecclesiae Catholicae Pontifici omnibus illis adhaerere quae coeperit Iesus facere docere To Pope Adrian greeting and to cleaue and to sticke vnto all things that Iesus began to doe and teach And whereas Adrian had sayd The diuine Law pronounceth sentence of death c. Frederic likewise beginneth The Law of iustice rendreth vnto euerie man that which belongeth vnto him c. Then he proceedeth I pray you had Siluester in Constantines time any Royalties But by the graunt of his pietie libertie peace is restored to the Church whatsoeuer your Popedome hath of Royaltie that is from the bountie of Princes c. Turne ouer the Annales and you shall find it to be so He reproued him of infidelitie in that he had taken oath and receyued the homage of Bishops whom hee called Gods and sonnes of the most high Whereunto Frederic answereth Why may we not exact homage and royal oaths from them which of God by adoption hold our Royalties seeing that he which is our Authour and your receyuing nothing from any earthly King but bestowing all good things to all men did yet pay tribute to Caesar for himselfe and for Peter giuing you example to doe the like and he teacheth you so saying Learne of me for I am meeke and humble of heart Lastly hauing repeated againe the foresayd clauses he concludeth For we cannot answer reports Sigon de regno Jtal. l. 12. when we see the detestable beast of pride crept to the seat of S. Peter And these two Epistles are written by Nauclerus taken out of the Librarie of Hirsauge And vpon this died Adrian at Anania in September 1159 William of Tyre saith he was taken with the Squinancie Johānes Stella in Pontificib Willihelm Tyr. l. 18. cap. 26. Abbas Vrsperg an 1156. But the Abot of Vrsperg saith that hauing newly excommunicated the Emperour Frederic he went walking to a fountaine where taking some water a flie got into his mouth and strangled him the Phisitians being not able to helpe him Baronius is herewith offended yet is he the Authour he most vseth against the Emperours in fauor of the Popes Now to this is to be referred the conference of Iohn of Sarisburie Bishoppe of Chartres with Pope Adrian which he himselfe hath left vs in writing Johannes Sarisburiensis in Policro l. 6. c. 24. I remember saith he I went into Apulia to visit Pope Adrian the fourth who admitted me into great familiaritie I remayned with him at Beneuent about three moneths When therfore we conferred together often of many things as the manner is betweene friends hee diligently and familiarly inquired of me what opinion men had of him and of the Roman Church I plainely layed open vnto him with libertie of speech the euill words I had heard in diuers Prouinces For thus it is sayd The Church of Rome which is mother of all Churches behaueth herselfe towards others not
ouer the sacred Altars that these things are bought aforehand c. As for manners they are the last they make mention of and the Canon lawes were in no sort made for these men Jdem l. 8. c. 17. alluding to the words of the Apostle Lex non posita est iusto They are free from iustice and are led with that spirit that they haue no need to be vnder the law c. Openly mocking them You would wonder that Simon were come againe to deceiue the credulous and simple In another place Who would beleeue that the Fathers of the Church the Iudges of the world and that I may so say the most cleere lights of the world loue gifts follow rewards Prouincias concutiant vt excutiant By their concussions ruinat Prouinces emptie other mens purses to fill their owne preach pouertie in words and by crimes hunt after riches condemne the trafficke of spirituall goods but to the end men may contract with none but with them hauing no other end but to be feared of all and loued of none preaching peace that they may raise contentions seeming humble to dissemble their owne pride beating downe other mens couetousnesse to feed their owne auarice inioyning liberalitie and persist themselues in niggardnesse and to knit vp all in a word putting their portion with all sorts of wicked people and applying themselues to wickednesse in solidum wholly that they may seeme a Councell of vanitie the wicked Synagogue of the Gentiles Ecclesia malignantium the Church of the enuious and euill doers in whose hands are iniquities and their right hand filled with gifts Of the head of this Synagogue what may then be thought Wee must not here forget the matters of the East that Pope Adrian for to oblige vnto him the Templers hauing exempted them from the jurisdiction of the Patriarch which the Author calleth Perniciosam libertatem a pernicious libertie the Patriarch with his principall Bishops being neere an hundred yeares old is constrained to come to Rome to make his complaints vnto him whom the Pope deluded long with many fained delayes till at length consumed with griefe and great charges he is forced to giue ouer his cause William the Archbishop of Tyre saith plainely Guiliel Tyrius l. 18. c. 6.7.8 The Templers had corrupted the Pope with gifts and therefore hee held them for his lawfull children and the Patriarch with all his for bastards and as vnworthie put them away from him Moreouer Of so great a troupe of Cardinals there were scarcely found two or three who following Christ would fauour his minister the Patriarch in his cause all the other hunting after rewards haue followed the wayes of Balaam as sonnes of Bosor Soone after died the poore Patriarch to whom succeeded Almaricus who receiued the Pall from Rome but by meanes of great bountie and liberalitie Thus spake they of the corruption of Rome 48. PROGRESSION Of the factions in the Popedome and the diuers molestations procured by Rowland called afterward Alexander the third Of the strange pride and insolencie of the said Alexander and how he insulted ouer the Emperour Frederick doing him all the honour he could How this Alexander was the first Pope that tooke vpon him the canonizing of Saints ADrian was no sooner dead but this fire began to kindle more and more The Cardinals being diuided fell to sedition and the one part of them chose Octauian Cardinall of S. Caecill whom they called Victor the fourth the other Rowland Cardinall of S. Marke whom they named Alexander the third This Rowland was one of the two Legats whom Adrian had sent to Frederick into Germanie with his sharpe and thundering letters which caused their welcome to be the worse and thereby nourished as it seemed some inward hatred in him toward Frederick These two therefore vsed their best indeuours to justifie and fortifie their owne causes from whence arose those two famous factions in Italie of the Guelfes and Gibellines Rowland alledged for himselfe That he was chosen by the voices of twenty three Cardinals Octauian albeit had he but fiue was the first that wore the scarlet Robe and sat in S. Peters chaire with the consent and approbation both of the people and Clergie But Rowland not daring to contend with Octauian in the Citie beeing a Citizen of Rome retired himselfe to Tarracina and there was the first that was consecrated and then condemned all those to the pit of hell that should consecrat Octauian Radeuicus l. 2. ca. 43. seq Neuerthelesse he within few dayes following was consecrated by his owne companie and requited him with the like execrations But with the helpe of Otho Countie Palatine he inuaded Campania and the Patrimonie of S. Peter Both in the meane time abiding without Rome because the Senat of Rome held authoritie in the Citie a thing not compatible with the Papacie So Alexander the third held his residence at Anaigne Victor the fourth at Sienna both the one and the other had need of the Emperours fauour who then lodged at Creme in Lombardie but Alexander who had offended him had the lesse hope to be supported by him This is that which we haue vnderstood by their Letters related by Radeuicus to the Patriarches Archbishops and Bishops c. of which Letters those of Alexander are more sharpe Radeuicus l. 2. cap. 51.52.53.54.55 wherein speaking of Victor these words are to be noted He prefiguring the time of Antichrist is exalted so high aboue himselfe that he sits in the Temple of God as if he were God and many haue beheld with their owne eyes the abomination of desolation in the holie place not without great effusion of teares And it is not to be doubted but that Victor saith the like of Alexander so that the aduerse part of either judgeth the other Antichrist by which name they excommunicat one another with burning lights and condemne the contrarie part of each other to the pit of hell with the Diuell their Authour These are their verie words Frederic gaue them to vnderstand that he would not meddle in this controuersie either with the one or with the other thinking it fitter to be referred to the judgement and censure of the Church Therefore according to the example of the auntient Emperors he assembled a Councell at Pauia by his authoritie in the yeare 1160. An. 1160. And to summon them both he sent two reuerent and prudent men Daniel Bishop of Prague and Herman Bishop of Verde whereby it should appeare he would not doe any prejudice either to the one or to the other and thither also inuiteth the Archbishops Bishops and Priests not onely of the Empire but of Fraunce England Spaine Radeuicus l. 2. cap. 55.56 Hungarie Denmarke with protestation of all securitie and safe conduct for their persons and sinceere justice in the conduct of these affaires Hauing truely vnderstood saith he of the Decrees of the Popes and Statutes of the Church That a Schisme
his permission That Clerkes accused of any crime being aduertised by the Kings Iustice may come to the place appointed and answere for themselues That the Archbishops Bishops may not depart the realm without the Kings licence and without taking an oth to do nothing either in going staying or returning to his preiudice That the Archbishops Bishops and others who hold of the King in Capite and haue their possessions of the King should answere to the Iustices after the same manner as the Lords and Barons of the realme The vacation of a Church hapning the King sending for the principall persons thereof commandeth them to make choise of a successour in his Chappell with his consent and the Councell of the realme in whose presence the man chosen shall doe homage and loyaltie to the King as to his liege Lord of his life his body and of his worldly preferment except his order and that before he be consecrated and to this are sworne all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons and the Nobilitie of the realme viua voce in the word of truth to obserue towards the King and his successours for euer Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterburie who was the first that had taken this oth within few daies after being corrupted by Alexander the third who in a Councell held at Tours placed him vpon his right hand requested his absolution whom Alexander soone discharged both of the oth and the sinne But this is to be noted that the thing that vrged him most was That they of the Clergie that were taken in publico Flagitio in publike wickednesse by the Kings officers might bee deliuered to the Bishop without any punishment inflicted vpon them contrarie to that order the King had ordained that those whom the Bishops themselues should find faultie ought to be degraded in the presence of his officers and afterward be deliuered to the Kings Court to be punished But Thomas did heere exclaime that this was to be punished twice for one and the same thing that is to say degraded by the Bishop and punished by secular authoritie Now good Reader hee that dies for such a cause is he a Saint or a Martyr For what wickednesse will not a man iustifie if only degrading may discharge the punishment Now Thomas hauing wrought with al the Bishops of England his suffragans to renounce their allegiance without the kings knowledge passed the sea towards Alexander into France who from time to time delaied his answere vnto him fearing to offend the King his affaires then hanging but in a wauering and doubtfull manner but as the authour saith pensans periculosa tempora weighing the dangerous times granted to the Archbishop of Yorke by a Bull the office of Legat Insomuch that Thomas displeased with these delayes writing to the Archbishop of Mence Epist Thomae Cantuariens ad Archiepisc Moguntin thus complaineth Matrem Romam factam esse meritricem pro mercede prostitutam Our mother Rome is become a harlot and prostituted to whosoeuer will giue most From this wee may gather what the other Bishops of England might say when Thomas his pretended Martyr had spoken in this sort Now of this Henrie the second whom Thomas had wilfully made his aduersarie Peter of Blois Archdeacon of Bath and Chancellour of Canterburie writing to Gualterus Bishop of Palerme hath left vs this worthie testimonie No man saith he is more wise and subtill in counsell in speech more vehement more carelesse in dangers nor more constant and resolute in aduersitie c. hauing alwaies in his hands either a bow a sword or a iauelin except sitting in counsell or busie at his booke for whensoeuer he had any respite from his important and waightie affaires spent his time in priuate studie and reading or in arguing with learned men his daily life is as if it were a Schole of learning in dissoluing continually difficult questions None more mild than he in speech more temper at in eating more moderat in drinking more bountifull in gifts more liberall in almes c. Our King is peaceable victorious in warre glorious in peace c. None more gentle and meeke to the afflicted more gratious and affable to the poore none more seuere to the proud for he euer studied as it were by an image of diuinitie to beat downe the hauty and proud minded to raise the oppressed and continually to persecute the swelling loftinesse of pride c. But when according to the custome of the realme he had in elections the greatest and most powerfull part neuerthelesse hee would haue his hands euer free from all partiality and corruption For the death of this Thomas who procured his wrath through so many mischiefes and iniuries I tell you saith he in the word of our Lord and by the faith and order of a Deacon that in my conscience he was no way culpable or guilty thereof And thus much the Lord Theodinus Bishop of Port and the Lord Albert Chauncellor who came hether as Legats to examine the truth and haue knowne and reported his innocency can affirme c. which Legats after a canonicall purgation by the commandement of the Pope pronounced him cleare of this crime before God and the World Notwithstanding these Legats made benefit as the manner is of the rebellion of Henrie his sonne through certaine words that he had vttered in some choler whereby the authours of his death were emboldened to attempt the life of the said Thomas who inforced him to purchase his absolution with the hurt of his kingdome abolishing those customes that were brought in against the liberties of the Church and approuing all appellations to the sea of Rome and all this for the remission of his sinnes Mathew Paris discoursing of this Historie Math. Paris in Henr. 2. giueth vs to vnderstand by certaine circumstances that it was the pride of Alexander or at least his Legats The King and the Archbishop saith he being come to Freteuall to be reconciled they twice descended their horses and as often mounted againe and both these times the King held the raines of the Bishops bridle What dutie would the Pope haue looked for when so much was done to his Legat Againe though the King alwaies protested that he neuer commanded nor willed nor by any deuise sought the death of Thomas neuerthelesse because through some of his own words not aduisedly spoken these murtherers had taken occasion thereby to kill him this proud beast inforst him asking his absolution to submit his naked skin to the punishment of the whip and that all the religious people there assembled being a great multitude should euery man giue him three or fiue lashes which the King miserably bewitched by those Romish sorceries submitteth himselfe vnto The saying of one Gratian the Popes Legat is worth the noting in this cause to the King of England who had said somewhat vnto him in threatning manner Sir saith he threaten vs not we feare no threatnings for we
that iudge the world saith he let them see and iudge these things least wrong should seeme to proceed from whence equitie and iustice should be had We shall bee condemned of rashnesse and said to open our mouthes against heauen but we write not these things out of a spirit of pride but with the inke of griefe wee feele our owne priuat miseries and deplore the publike c. The Apostle speaking to the Romans saith Euerie creature ought to be subiect to the higher powers If the Apostle so writ to the Church of Rome who in the Church of Rome will presume to contradict this Apostolicall doctrine c. Some Angels are greater and higher in dignitie than others yet they admit not the pride of emancipation or freedome the one aboue the other One of them long since would be freed from the power of God and of an Angell became a diuell by these extraordinarie liberties now adayes are wrought the vtter ouerthrow of many But to dispute of the doings of the Pope is held they say for sacriledge besides the disputation is not equall where it is not lawfull for the defendant to answer neither is it a quarell when thou strikest and I onely must endure the blowes In the same sence in the Epistle 158 to Iohn Bishop of Chartres and vpon the same subiect which was then pleaded by the Author before the Pope he saith All the lawes and the Canons and whatsoeuer we could alledge out of the word of God Petrus Blaesens Epist 158. to affirme and make good our cause Maiores inter caeteros the greatest haue held detestable and sacrilegious and did publikely iudge vs enemies to the Church of Rome vnlesse we would relinquish these word by which we endeuoured to proue the Church of Saint Augustine which they affirme particularly to be his to be subiect to the Church of Canterburie c. For hauing no regard of the losse of soules they permit in the Monkes all vnlawfull things to cast off the yoke of all discipline to follow all pleasures of the flesh and to pay for their riot and excesse through the whole yeare an annuall pension Wee hauing then beene publikely forbidden to produce in this cause either Canons or Lawes but onely priuiledges if we had any readie at hand whereof they knew none we had at that time saw that in this respect we were destitute of all humane comfort and they being resolued to prouide a lay man and not learned but rich ynough to purchase honors who had bought this Abbie by simonie not priuily but publikely and as it were in open market I put my selfe forward to accuse him and to make my selfe a partie against him but when I layed open manifest and notorious things they whom he had made friends with the Mammon of iniquitie poured wine and oyle into the wounds of his infamie Moreouer hauing gotten much money from the Marchants of Flanders and in a manner drawne them drie notwithstanding borrowed an infinit quantitie of gold of the Romans so by this meanes the Doues wings were all siluer and the hinder parts of her backe glittering all in gold in such sort that they would heare no more of the libertie and dignitie of the Church of Canterburie for the which the Martyr Saint Thomas fought euen vnto death This pretended Martyr notwithstanding suffered for the Popes authoritie who as Peter of Blois here tells vs according to the example of the Pharisies gilded his sepulchre that he might the better rob his Church Neither are we to forget also That in his treatise of the Institutions of a Bishop written to Iohn Bishop of Worcester he attributeth to euery Bishop that authoritie which the Church of Rome restraineth to the Popes as successors of Saint Peter We read saith he that our Sauiour said to Peter Petrus Blaesens de Institutione Episcopi If thou louest me feed my sheepe thou art the heire and Vicar of Peter feed my sheepe In being an Euangelist doe the workes of an Euangelist and of a Pastor be not ashamed of the office of a Pastor Thy ministerie hath more charge than honour if thou affect honour thou art mercenarie if thou wilt imbrace the burthen the Lord is strong to encrease his grace that profit may come by profit and gaine by gaine But if thou canst not endure the burthen and knowes thy selfe insufficient it is too late to complaine He said before Take heed by all meanes thou wrap not thy selfe in secular affaires for there is no agreement with the spirit of God and the spirit of this world persist in thy vocation the world is wholly giuen to wickednesse And this hee afterward recited Animabus Praelatus es non corporibus Thou hast the charge of soules and not of bodies Nihil Praelato commune est cum Pilato A Prelat hath nothing common with Pilat thou art Christs Steward Peters Vicar thou art not to make an account to Caesar but to Christ of that iurisdiction that is committed vnto thee And by these and the like places we may judge what he thought of the Popes who so violently drew all secular power vnto them But he was constrained verie often to temper his stile according to the tyrannie of those times Petrus Blaesens in Tractatu de Peregrinat Hierosolimit as when he said The sword wherewith Peter cut off these seruants eare exceedeth in these daies according to all mens opinion the weapons of Alexander and Caesar Abbas Vrsperg Let vs now come to Innocent the third The Abbot of Vrsperge tells vs of his entrance into the Popedome I haue heard in those times saith he things incredible to be related and hard to be beleeued that the same Pope said That he would take away the Kinglie Diademe from Philip or that Philip should take from him the Apostolical Ensigne Now albeit it were not to be beleeued that he would prefer his will before the will of God neuerthelesse it appeareth that he was at all times contrarie vnto him But God foreseeing from aboue permitted not that through all Germanie his diuine seruice and the Ecclesiasticall dignitie should perish which continued there more permanent than in other countries albeit much corrupted and depraued through the instigation of sinne and chiefly carnall pleasures And he noteth especially that Innocent opposed the authoritie of the Apostolike See against Philips Vt regium genus deperiret To ruinat the royall race But Auentine saith That he raised cognatas acies Auent l. 7. brother to fight against brother and the sonne against the father and the one to pollute himselfe with the bloud of the other and then crying out Who saith he can giue any other reason of the discord among Christians but the spectacle of the Roman Bishop quasi paria componentis taking pleasure to see and to cause them like Fencers to murder one another euen so the Christian people were slaine the Bishops of Rome encouraging the one against the
ruinate Frederick not forbearing to say that the Empire of Germanie flourished more than was for his profit But saith Auentine that could not well be brought to passe by the meanes of the Bishops of Germanie and the reasons are these Because they were then yet vniuersally giuen to the loue of artes Auent l. 7. Annal. Boiorum and of the common good and not subiect to seruitude not as now shunning labours and giuen to sloth idlenesse and pleasures they applied themselues to wisedome in study on bookes in louing Christ and diligent feeding their sheepe they tooke care of the Common-wealth and prouided for Christian preaching The Ecclesiasticall dignities of these men were first conferred vpon them by our Emperors and Princes then fom the time of the Emperour Henry the fift the Clergie and people being assembled and suffrages by each man particularly giuen they were chosen with the ioint consent of the people and all the Priests the common Pastours of soules and at length in the time of this Frederick the second by the Clergie alone the people excluded For which causes the Bishops of those times in their titles beginnings of Epistles and Decrees did not write Apostolicae sedis gratia that is to say By the fauour of man as now they doe but after the manner of S. Paul sola miseratione diuina By the only mercy of God they acknowledged they had receiued that gift and office c. Wherefore Gregorie would take away and make voide this order and subuert this authoritie of Bishops and reduce all things to the power of one man neither could he otherwise oppresse Frederick whom they openly proclaimed their most deare and most pious Prince and seemed they would in no wise for sake him matters remaining as they did The Emperour then saith the Authour after he had appeased the rebellion of Austria came to winter at Turin and Gregorie by the counsaile of one Mathew a preaching Frier for there is nothing that such sort of men will not vndertake entreth into a league with Iames Tiepoli Duke of Venice hauing allured into the same confederacie the Bishops of Milan Bononia Bresse and others of Lombardie ouer whom was appointed Generall Gregorie de Montelongo that they might breake forth into open rebellion vpon the first occasion offered And least Frederick should receiue aid from Germanie he won the Germane Princes and Captaines according as he vnderstood they were led with couetousnesse or ambition in distributing vnto them the Tenthes and other Ecclesiasticall goods for to engage them against their Bishops and did so much by the cunning practises of himselfe and of the Preaching Friars that working vpon the passions and naughtie affections of men he brought a good part of Germanie to sheath their swords in their owne bowels Wherefore things thus set in order he proceedeth to excommunicate Frederick and vnder pretence of zeale the conspirators of Italy take armes at the same time assemble the troupes of Germanie assisted with his Legats men of chiefe authoritie but particularly pricked forwards by one Albert Behan a noble Churchman factious and learned to whom he had committed the care of the whole businesse for foure yeares hauing first by oth secretly bound him vnto him and armed him to that end with three Bulls The first was an inuectiue against Frederick a Prince as it said beleeuing amisse concerning Christ hauing none other drift than to ouerthrow Christian Religion which that he may more easily effect he laboureth to bring the Pope and Cardinalls into extreame pouertie The second conteined an interdiction of Diuine seruice to all the followers of Frederick and pronounced all his officers vassalls and subiects absolued from their oth of fidelitie The third a prohibition that no man of what qualitie or condition soeuer should assist him in deed word or will vnder paine of eternall damnation And he fortified these Bulls with gifts benefices and dignities for to corrupt and win more easily the Counsellors Secretaries of Princes according as he knew each man more or lesse capable of this seruice And here Auentine declareth particularly all the circumstances Thus at length this mightie rebellion in Germany brake forth and at the same time were these Buls carried about by the Preaching Friers But on the other part Conrade sonne of Frederick calleth to him all the good men and inuiteth the faithfull Princes and cities of the Empire to their duetie and setleth himselfe to a defence Of all the Bishops to whom those Buls came not any one obeyed the Pope and of all the Abbots as few they all were astonied at this noueltie all are inflamed with anger all protest publikely That the Pope hath in Germanie no right without the consent of the Bishops of Germanie Let the Bishop of Rome say they feed his Italians We being ordained of God dogs of the flocke will keepe away the Wolues that come couered in sheepes skinnes Learne hence what this counterfeit Vicar would doe to others when he beareth himselfe thus towards his brethren and collegues And in like manner said Sigefride Bishop of Ratisbone and others in a solemne sermon before Otho Duke of Bauaria promising at their owne charges euerie yeare to maintaine six hundred horsemen for the excellent most Christian and most pious Emperour Frederick So Conrade Bishop of Frisingen so Eberard of Saltzburg and Radiger Bishop of Bathaw or Passaw in so much that he gaue a boxe on the eare to him that deliuered him those Bulls in the temple and cast him into prison Wherefore they all declared that Albert and in him the Pope himselfe to be an enemie of the Christian Commonwealth a disturber of peace a most dangerous hypocrite and a false Prophet Neither yet is Eberard content with this he reconcileth Frederick of Austria with the Emperour and the Pope excommunicateth this Prince of Austria but Eberard presently absolueth him and moreouer writeth to Otho Duke of Bauaria That he could doe nothing more acceptable to God than to expell that Albert a serpent in his bosome out of his dominions Also the Bishop of Bamberge taketh the messengers of Albert and strippeth them the Bishop of Brixen stoppeth the passages of the Alps to the end that none might go to Rome the same did also the Bishop of Alteich whom he had excommunicat for praying to God for Frederick In a word All the Bishops not onely called his commaundements into doubt but as a hater of Christian concord and as a most pernitious arch heretike throughout the religions of all Priests and Monkes excommunicat him and declare him worse than the Turkes Iewes Saracens or Tartarians published with a lowd voyce That such things were done by the Pope among Christians against diuine and humane right against the lawes against the Commaundements against the law of nations and the doctrine of Christ as would not be committed among the most cruell Tartarians It came so farre that the Bishops of Ratisbone and of Bathaw led troupes of crossed
according to our calling In which words Krantzius expresseth their doctrine though verie contrarie vnto them Mathew Paris saith further That they spread themselues so farre as into Bulgaria Croatia and Dalmatia and there tooke such such root that they drew vnto them many Bishops And thither came one Bartholomew from Carcassonne in the countrey of Narbon in Fraunce vnto whom they all flocked who in his letters wrot himselfe Bartholomew seruant of the seruants of the holie faith and he created Bishops and ordained Churches These words are taken out of the letter that the Cardinall of Port the Popes Legat wrot to the Archbishop of Rouan full of abashment and he calleth him Anti-Pope without imputing vnto him any other crime or doctrine namely because this Bartholomew reestablished the order of the Church a new in those Countries and laboured to set true Pastors in the places of the false And the Cardinall commanded the Archbishop to be present in a Synod holden in the Citie of Sens to giue counsell in a businesse of that importance otherwise he threatned he would signifie his disobedience to the Pope This was about the yeare 1220 vnder Honorius the third and it must needs be that they haue largely multiplied since for the same Author telleth vs that in a certaine part of Germanie vnder Gregorie the the ninth a great number of them were enclosed in a place with marish on the one side and the Sea on the other where they were all slaine At the same time also in Spaine they ordayned Bishops which preached the same doctrine though the aduersaries faine lies of the same at their owne pleasure for to make them the more odious But we cannot be ignorant what manner of doctrine it was partly by their confession and partly by the acts of iudgement passed against them We read of one Robert Bulgarus who was fallen away from them and become a Iacobin Frier wholly gaue himself to persecute them in Flanders especially deliuered vp many to the fire But he being found to abuse his power and that he imputed crimes vnto them of which they were clearely innocent hee is presently discharged of his office and beeing found guiltie of many crimes which saith the Auhour it is better to conceale than to speake of is condemned to perpetuall prison Let the Reader judge considering the furious rage wherewith they were transported against these men whether as well their innocencie as that mans filthinesse be not hence manifestly and sufficiently proued In Lombardie at last they were very greatly multiplied when in the yeare 1229 An. 1229. Sigon l. 17. de regno Jtaliae at the instance of the Popes Legat it is ordayned that they should be banished both out of Cities and Countries their houses rased their goods confiscat they which receiued them put to a great fine and in the Citie of Milan is appointed in euery quarter two Friers Preachers and Minorites who in the authoritie of the Archbishop should make enquirie after them and take care that hauing taken them and deliuered them to the Gouernour they should be at the charges of the Commonwealth carried whether the Archbishop should appoint when also the Emperour Frederick in the yeare 1225 in the letters he wrote to Gregorie An. 1225. Jdem l. 18. complaineth that they encreased imo siluescant yea grew vp to a forrest In Italie and in the Cities began alreadie to choke the good come so spake he according to the stile of the time And to conclude when the truce being made betweene Gregorie and Frederick from which them of Milan were excluded that they might iustifie themselues to each other and gratifie one the other they tooke a great number of these poore men whom they offered vp in sacrifice by putting them to death Wherunto may be added also that which an ancient writer of those times wrot of the Waldenses that in the only valley Camonica they had tenne schooles as also that of Petrus de Vinei in his Epistles that their little riuers streamed so farre as to the kingdome of Sicilie who in the meane time alledgeth none other cause for which they should be persecuted but for that they with-drew the sheepe from the keeping of S. Peter to whom they had beene committed of that good Sheepheard to be fed and departed from the Romane Church which is the head of all Churches But were in this their profession aboue all beliefe constant prodigall of their life and carelesse of death and which is more hard than can be spoken saith he the suruiuours are nothing terrified by example affecting to be burned aliue in the presence of men This vertue in the minds of men whence can it flow but from the spirit of God 52. PROGRESSION Innocent to disturbe Conrades proceedings returnes into Italie but after many contrarieties of fortunes his hopes were frustrated and he dyed at Naples THe death of Frederick thus occurring affoorded opportunitie to Innocent not onely of renewing his owne designes in Italie but also of disturbing other mens affaires in Germanie He intending therefore these molestations to Conrade Fredericks sonne he thought good to returne into Italie But it is not altogether vnworthie of obseruation how ceremoniously he tooke his leaue of those of Lyons after the Councell was dismissed For assembling together the Lords and Nobles therein assisting as also the whole people Cardinall Hugo made a farewell sermon in behalfe of the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and so at last began to speake in these words Matthew Paris in Henrico 3. Louing friends since our arriuall in this citie we haue performed much good and done great almes for at our first comming hither wee found three or foure stewes but now at our departure we leaue but one marrie this extends it selfe from the East to the West gate of the citie And these were verie scandalous words in the eares of all the women who were present at the sermon in great numbers for the inhabitants of the citie were cited by publike proclamation in name of the Pope readie to depart He therefore went downe to Genoa and from thence he went to Mylan where being receiued in triumphant sort he obliged the cities by new oathes against the Emperour many he drew againe into a new league and they which perseuered in fidelitie towards Conrade he excommunicated and most seuerely persecuted to conclude he omitted no meanes whereby he might preuent Fredericks successors entrie into Italie When he came to Ferrara he preached to the people out of a window and he vsed preualent persuasions to intimate that this citie was his His text was Happie is the nation that hath the Lord for their God and the people whom he hath chosen for his inheritance inferring by this that the city and people was happie which were particularly subiect to the Pope and so he made but a mocke of the holie Scripture But Historiographers wonderfully extoll this sermon because it was no small
wonder that the Pope then preached Going from thence he confirmed all the cities of Romania and Tuscan leauing Cardinall Octauiano behind in Lombardie with an armie but yet being verie doubtful in mind he delayed his entrie into Rome for the Romans through his absence augmented in reputation the Popes leauing Rome had now for many yeres held their seat in diuers other places as at Viterbe Oruietto Perugia Anagnia Assisia that there they might rule and gouerne ouer other Prouinces being vncertaine what authoritie or power they should retaine within the citie And at this verie instant the Romans called Brancalone from Bologna a man very famous for his justice and equitie to be a Senator of Rome who doubting the petulancie and insolencie of their Youth would not accept of it without being confirmed therein for three yeares and pledges giuen him of thirtie of the chiefe citizens sonnes as also they themselues bound by solemne oath to doe their vttermost endeuours that they might faithfully obey him whom he presently sent to Bologna there to be kept vnder safe custodie And questionlesse he bare himselfe so strictly in this charge as he stroke terrour into the best of them but the more authoritie was ascribed to him the more the same was extenuated towards the Pope In the meane while the Romans began to grieue that the mightie gaine which daily accrued by the wonderfull concourse to the Roman Court did now through the Popes absence both cease was otherwhere diuerted and so at length they supposed that without singular imputation they could not for so long time haue their Bishop wanting Wherefore they sent embassadours to Innocent being at Perugia to intreat him that he would returne to Rome That so he might helpe his flocke Matth Paris in Henrico 3. like a good Pastor and that Rome might enioy her Bishop as other cities enioyed their Prelats For they thought it a great abuse and errour that onely Rome which was instiled the Empresse of other cities should among so many other cities for so long time be depriued of her Prelat and Bishop For saith Mathew Paris while he liued beyond the Alpes gaping after the profit of concurrents and opening his bosome to gifts he was vagrant and altogether vnsetled by being resident amongst the Cisalpines But he framing delayes they once againe vrged him after a preualent maner Intimating to him how they greatly wondered that he would run vp and downe here and there like a wandering and instable person leauing Rome his Pontifical seat together with his sheep wherof he was to yeeld a strict account to the supreme Iudge he left them to be rent torne by the incursions of wolues himself only gaping and thirsting after coyne as also with this peremptorie clause annexed That he should either come then or neuer But when he saw that the Romans threatned the Perugians Assisians both with siege ruine if they longer detained him departing from Perugia he went towards Rome yet trembling fearefull he made his entrie because it was reported that the Romans would presently redemaund of him that money which at his instigation they had disbursed in the attempts against Frederick And in effect not long after the people required at his hands the damages which they had sustained through his absence For say they the world knew well ynough that he was neither Bishop of Lyons Perugia nor Angiers where hee did often reside but of Rome In which verie words wee may see they did not acknowledge him for vniuersall Bishop and out of doubt had not the Senator pacified the people he would haue vndergone some great troubles Now on the other side Conrade Fredericks sonne passed ouer into Italie the more to encourage his adherents and diuers times conflicts and slaughter fel out in the cities while the Guelphes rose against the Gibellines and the Church raged against the Empire both of them cruelly prosecuting and subuerting one another and the more horrible this warre was in that it fell out within the selfe-same walls and vnder one roofe and building that the like plots and examples of reuenge were neuer read of throughout all Antiquitie Afterwards marching further vp into his kingdome he tooke in Naples which had formerly yeelded it selfe to the Pope ouerthrowing his armie ouer which his kinsman William was Generall and putting to the sword foure thousand foot which were euen the flower of the Italian Youth he recouered all his cities reduced his subiects vnder due obedience and thus brought the Pope to a verie hard poynt But amidst these anxieties the Pope thought good to excite an opposit against Conrade which was Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to the king of England being a Prince according as the fame ran of him of indomptable courage Wherefore to this end and scope he offered vnto him the kingdomes of Naples and Sicily to be held in homage of him Vsing herein as the Historiographer saith his diabolicall sophistication who said All this will I giue thee if falling downe thou wilt worship me Besides his Bulls should not be spared against Conrade wherein hee should be anathematized and his subiects absolued of their oath of obedience with other like interdictions for he had formerly denounced him an heretike and the heresie was in that he obeyed not his interdict and left not the kingdome to his disposition Richard though he was earnestly sollicited by Legat Albertus who was sent to this end and purpose not remaining satisfied in words required pledges to be giuen him of the most eminent persons of his familie as also sufficient summes of money to defray the charges of the warre certaine holds also which lay on the frontiers of his kingdome he demaunded to bee deliuered into his hands whereinto being vrged he might at any time retire Otherwise said he speaking to the Legat it is as much as one should say I sell or giue vnto thee the Moon ascend and lay hold on her When therefore they could no wayes agree vpon the matter hee had recourse to the king of England himselfe Richards brother a Prince saith Mathew verie credulous and apt to embrace his owne preiudice to whom he made offer of all the Croisado forces destined for Palestina and they should serue in this expedition Hereupon grew a wonderfull discontent and murmure of the Patriarch of Ierusalem and all the Prelats of Palestina together with the Templers and Hospitalers who fell into a great detestation of the Popes delusions that hauing long time beene fed with such large hopes hee went now about not to forsake but rather to betray them Yet the king of England proceeded on and accepted of the kingdome of Sicile offered in his son Edmonds name whatsoeuer money he was able to raise either of the Christians or Iewes he sent to the Pope and gaue him authority to raise what treasure soeuer he could or at what rates soeuer any where in his name and hereunto he obliged himselfe vpon
complaint against the Mendicants was reuiued they informing That these men supplanted all ordinarie Priests the Vniuersitie of Paris joyning with them herein but especially the Colledge of Sorbon Now let but the Reader judge what equitie or conscience one might expect in this Pope transported with such a violent ambition of perpetuating the Papacie in his Order Wherefore foure Archbishops and twentie Bishops together with the Rector faculties and supposists of the Vniuersitie assembled together in the Bishop of Paris hall before whom the Archbishop of Burges a profound Clerke sayth our Author generally reputed made an Oration of charitie in these words At this day charitie is waxen cold and Order Ecclesiasticall wholly confounded seeing many put their sickles into other mens corne so as the Church may now truely bee tearmed a monster For euen as in a naturall bodie we count it monstrous when one member dischargeth anothers office euen so is it in a bodie spirituall that is in the Church when the learned and prudent Friers I meane the Maiorites and Minorites vsurpe the place and office especially committed to vs though most vniustly in that no man should assume vnto himselfe this honour except like Aaron hee were called thereunto by the Lord. Because therefore we haue many times cited for this cause the Monkes personally before the king as also by the mouthes of diuers other of the Nobilitie entreated them to desist from intruding into our office yet haue they not done it but preached throughout all our diocesses against our wills and heard confessions warranting themselues herein by the Popes priuiledges We come vnto you before whom we are present hauing letters of ratification from all the Bishops in France to make complaint vnto you of the Friers great insolencie because what we are yee are one day like to be For I suppose there is not one Prelate amongst vs which was not called to his place out of this Vniuersitie After this the Bishop of Amiens rose vp who declared by many reasons how it was no wayes probable the Popes mind was that the priuiledges granted to the Mendicants should be prejudiciall to other members of the Church especially in that Decretall of Innocent the third Omnis vtriusque sexus he intreating the Vniuersitie to joyne themselues in this cause with the Prelats who were resolued to repell this iniurie though it were with the losse of their liues Exhorting likewise the Friers Mendicants to repayre to Rome for a solution of these doubts and difficulties The Mendicants by one of their societie made answer That the same Bishop of Amiens was at Rome when these priuiledges were granted them as also that the Prelats had then there both procurers and sollicitors who spared no labour nor endeuour and yet the Pope absolutely denounced Placet it pleaseth me And therefore said they what hath authentically beene granted vs wee haue no reason now to debate or call in question againe because we are no members of any Vniuersitie The day following the festiuitie of the Virgine Maries conception was celebrated at the Minorites when one of the Majorites the Dominicans I meane applied his whole sermon to this poynt There the Scripture was fulfilled which sayd That day Herod and Pylat were made friends for concerning her conception the difference was betwixt them At length in an assemblie following held at the Bernardines on Saint Thomas eue the Bishop of Amiens againe rose vp and expounding that place Propè est Dominus inuocantibus eum in veritate according to a certaine Glosse of the Decretals hee made three kindes of truthes The truth of Life the truth of Doctrine and the truth of Iustice shewing by many authorities both in Diuinitie the Canons and the Lawes as also by euident effects That there neither concurred with the Friers trueth of Life because they are conuicted of manifest hypocrisie nor veritie of Doctrine because their mouthes preach honie and their hearts harbour gall neither any trueth of Equitie and Iustice because they vsurpe and take vnto themselues other mens functions And so comming to a conclusion hee caused the said priuiledges to bee once more read with the said Constitution Thus much Godefridus de Fontibus Godefrid de Fontib in Quodlibet Sorbona who was then a Sorbon Doctor reports But Germanie neglecting the branches put her hatchet to the veâ—â—e root of the Tree For Nicholas had commaunded the Archbishops of Germanie euerie one in his seuerall Prouince to call a Councell where vnder pretext of recouering the holie-Land he demaunded againe the tenths which had so often afore bin abusiuely exacted and employed and the Bishop of Saltzburg to this end conuocated his Suffragans and Diocesans who perceiuing the Roman auarice to aime againe at the tenthes some few in behalfe of the whole assemblie made aunswer How it was an hard matter to be graunted and that with extraordinarie tribute and taxations they had beene wonderfully worne and wasted and therefore it were much more necessarie to debate of an head for the Christian Common wealth and then to reduce the Princes to loue and amitie for without their authoritie nothing could be decreed In the same Councell by the Popes commaund Meynard Count of Tyroll was excommunicated out of the Church for two causes first because he detained certaine holds within the Bishoprick of Trent by maine force and then in that vexing Henrie the Bishop with continuall warre he enforced him at last to giue ouer his Bishoprick but when he was dead Nicholas gaue this Bishoprick to Philip of Manton by whose instigation he had excommunicated Meynard He therefore protested against the injurie done vnto him by the Fathers by a publique Apologie Auent l. 7. made a defence of himselfe Vndoubtedly saith he I doe not raise but repell a warre for there was neuer any thing more deare vnto me than to maintaine peace with euerie man especially with the Bishops but that these good Fathers being corrupted with too great abundance as other men are haue cut of a disordinate desire of rule taken vp armes against vs altogether vndeseruedly and laboured to driue vs out of our hereditarie Lands Then indeed I betooke my selfe to armes recouered certaine Castles from the enemies of my Countrie that so I and my people might enioy peace without the tumult and disturbance of warre But if any man would be a securitie or pledge that I might not stand in feare of these Wolues and their treacheries and that the like outrage shall neuer be committed vpon vs by these proud and puffed vp Archisynagoguists for I doubt whether I may name them Pastours I would forthwith surrender all things againe but otherwise I neuer meane to shew my selfe so foolish to suffer my sleeue to be ript off my arme or witting to expose both me and mine for a scorne and laughing stocke to these effeminate Antichrists and prodigious Eunuches For who infringe Christian concord more than they not giuing their minds to interpret or teach
when Caelestins letters were read the Synod cried out To Caelestin a second Paule I confesse and did they not the like of Cyrill crying out To Cyrill a second Paule there is but one Caelestin but one Cyrill And what other demaund I pray you did those Legats make but onely that they might haue the Acts to subscribe vnto them a thing not to haue beene denied to anie ordinarie Bishop which had come late as they did And yet Baronius would faine haue it Iterata damnatio that this subscription of theirs was a second sentence confirmatorie of that which had beene giuen by the Councell whereas they themselues writing to the Emperours signifie only this that they are of the same beleefe and opinion with the Synod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now if Cyrill had beene Legat what need of this Or if this were needfull then it followeth that Cyrill was not Legat for the Pope but was onely requested to passe his word vnto the Councell for the Orthodox beleefe of Caelestin Fourthly Philippicus a Priest of Rome and one of the Legats in his speech said that he rejoyced to see that the members did so well agree with their holie Head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 195. And hereupon Baronius maketh a flourish and because these Fathers had the patience to heare him Doest thou see Reader saith he how all these Fathers were content to heare him without repining For my owne part I know not what he would haue had them to doe in this case vnlesse it be that they should haue made an vprore in the Synod and haue fallen by the eares about it He should rather haue considered how at the ouerture of this Councell they placed Christ in his Gospell for Head of this Councell or if the doubt be of the ministeriall Head that then in their Synodal Epistle they call Cyril the Head of the Congregation of Bishops but of euerie such insolent pranke which the Popes or their Legats play Baronius is euer readie to make a Title But will you now know who was Soueraigne in this Councel The Synod by their letters to the Emperours in all humilitie aske leaue to depart euerie man to his owne home seeing that all controuersies were now decided And the Emperour vpon relation of what they had done gaue his confirmation in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pa. 273. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Emperour a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duely informed hath pronounced That the holie Oecumenicall Councell hath done all things according to the Canons and therefore hath displaced and banished Nestorius commaunding the Bishops of the Synod to enter vpon the Church and to elect and consecrate a Bishop of Constantinople and thereupon the Fathers ordained Maximinus And farther the Emperor commaunded them to returne euerie man to his owne home Consider we also that the Fathers of those times speak of this Primacie by vertue of Saint Peters chaire in farre other tearmes than now men vse to doe Saint Ambrose expounding those words of Saint Paul to the Galathians Ambros ad Gala ca. 2. where hee compareth himselfe to Peter He nameth saith he onely Peter and compareth himselfe to him because he had receiued the Primacie to lay the foundation of the Church among the Gentiles Now I would know whether Rome were not of the Gentiles if so to what purpose then serueth the Primacie of Saint Peter But hee addeth yet farther Yet we see ful and absolute authoritie giuen to Saint Peter for the preaching to the Iewes and so likewise full and absolute authoritie was giuen to Paul to preach vnto the Gentiles For which cause also hee tearmeth himselfe the Teacher of the Gentiles in truth and veritie and yet was he neuer Bishop of Rome For saith he euerie man according to his abilitie tooke vnto him as by lot the dispensation And a harder matter it was to draw those vnto the faith which were a farre off than those which were neere at hand as if he meant to preferre Paul before Peter as one which vndertooke the harder taske August in Iohan Tract 124. in Epist Iohan Tract 10. And Saint Augustine The Church saith he is founded vpon the rocke from which rocke Saint Peter tooke his name vpon this stone saith our Sauiour that is vpon this stone which thou hast confessed will I build my Church meaning vpon this faith Those which would build vpon men said I am of Cephas i. of Peter but those who would not build vpon Peter but vpon that stone said I am of Christ. Saint Basil doubtlesse neuer dreamed of this Primacie he saw indeed and grieued to see the pride and hautinesse of the Bishop of Rome for with what indignation speaketh he of him in his tenth Epistle Yea but say they in his 52 Epistle to Athanasius speaking of the combustions in the East he saith That hee purposed to write to the Bishop of Rome I confesse but to what purpose would hee write onely for this Basil Epist 10.50.52 To request him to giue them his aduise and that hee would admonish such as were peruerse How much more gloriously doth he speake of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria saying That it was he which vnderwent the care of all the Churches and calling him the shelter and refuge of them all And speaking of the Church of Antioch Miletius saith he presideth there as ouer the bodie of the Catholike Church Chrysost in Math. c. 16. in serm de Pentecost Euseb Emiss in serm de Natiui Chrysost Homil. 43. in Math. and of which all other Churches are but as parcels And Chrysostome Vpon this stone he saith not vpon Peter for he hath not built his Church vpon a man but vpon that faith and confession and words of pietie And in like manner speaketh Eusebius Emissenus And Chrysostome hauing laid this doctrine for a ground goeth on and speaketh plainely Whosoeuer saith he among the Bishops he excepteth none shall desire this Primacie here on earth shall vndoubtedly find confusion in heauen and be which affecteth to be the first shall not be numbred among the seruants of Christ And vpon the Epistle to the Galathians speaking of Saint Paul He had saith he Idem in Epist ad Galat. c. 2. before declared that he was equall to the rest in honour but now he compareth himselfe to the greatest that is to Saint Peter shewing that euerie of them had receiued equall dignitie Now if the Apostles themselues were equall how commeth there one superiour among their successors And yet this was spoken at what time the Pope began apparently to exalt himselfe aboue his fellowes for of this verie age it was that Socrates speaking of Innocentius Zozimus Boniface and Caelestin Socrat. li. 7. c. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops of Rome vnder the Emperor Theodosius the yonger testifieth That the See of Rome like vnto that of Alexandria passing the bounds and borders of the Priesthood
excommunication to the judgement of Christ There is read a certaine sermon of his de Pace of Peace which he made before the Pope where after he hath described and bewayled the wicked Pastors that haue no care of their sheepe authors of schismes heresies and infidelities he stoutly maintaineth That seeing the principall worke of Christ for which he came into the world is the quickening of soules and Sathans proper worke inuented by him as being a murderer from the beginning is the killing and mortification of soules those Pastors which put on the person of Christ and preach not the word of God although they adde thereto none other wickednesse are Antichrists and Sathans transformed into Angels of light theeues and robbers killers and destroyers of the sheepe making the house of prayers a denne of theeues But they also adde all kind of preuarication Their pride doth euer most manifestly shew it selfe and their greedie couetousnesse so that now is fulfilled the voyce of the Prophet which saith Euerie man declineth after his couetousnesse following the gaine of auarice and cannot be satisfied c. And here he largely discourseth of them But saith he what is the first cause and original of this great euil I most vehemently tremble and feare to say it yet I dare not hold my peace least I should fall into that Vae of the Prophet Woe to me because I haue held my peace because I am a man of polluted lips The cause spring and originall hereof is this Court not onely because it purgeth not these abhominations forth of it when it alone may and is bound to doe it but further in that by prouisions dispensations and collations it ordaineth to pastorall charge such Pastors as wee haue before touched which are rather betrayers of the world and that in sight of this Sunne But of this we are to speake more hereafter in following the historie of Innocent the fourth There is read an Epistle published in England about the same time bearing this title De extrema expilatione Angliae per Papam effects Of the extreame pillage made by the Pope in England wherein the Authour hauing particularly reckoned vp all his extortions at length bursteth forth into these words Shall wee compare him to king Nabuchadnezzar who destroyed the Temple of the Lord and carried away the gold and siluer vessells For what he had done this man doth also and hee spoyled the ministers of the house of God and made it destitute of due ayd the same doth this man also Surely better is the condition of them that dye by the sword than of them which are killed with hunger because the first dye presently but these are consumed by the barrennesse of the earth And euer and anon he vseth this versicle Let all that passe by daughter haue pitie on thee for there is no sorrow like vnto thine For alreadie through too much sorrow and ouer much shedding of teares thy face is made blacker than coles so that thou art no more knowne in the streets Thy foresaid superiour meaning the Pope hath set thee in darkenesse he hath made thee drunke with gall and wormewood Heare O Lord the affliction of thy people and their groues behold and come downe for the heart of this man is hardened more than the heart of Pharoah he will not let thy people goe free but by the strength of thy arme For he doth not onely exact miserably aboue the earth but after death because what Christians soeuer dye intestat he deuoureth their goods after their departure c. Least therefore thy daughter be brought to longer miserie it is expedient that the mightie men of the kingdome resist the imaginations conspiracies pride and arrogancie of this man who not for the contemplation of God but for the foresaid respects and for to enrich his kinsmen and feather his owne neast extorteth by a kind of new principalitie all the money of England And thou speaking to the Pope take heed to the words of the Lord and prophesie of Ieremie to beat downe such proceedings which say Thou Pastor which hast dispersed my people and cast them forth of their habitations behold I will visit vpon thee the malice of thy designes neither shall there be a man of thy seed to sit vpon the throne of Dauid or haue further power in Iuda let thy neast be made desart and ouerthrowne as Sodome and Gomorra And if terrified with these sayings he giue not ouer his enterprises and make not restitution then his heart being wickedly hardened let them sing for him the hundred and eighth Psalme This is that Psalme of Dauid full of all sorts of imprecations against a most desperat and reprobat enemie of God and Christ and is interpreted by S. Peter to be a figure of Iudas This is with the Hebrewes the hundred and ninth Neither is it needfull we should adde any thing here of Mathew Paris a Monke of S. Albans a notable English Historiographer seeing it is ynough manifest out of diuers places aboue cited what was his judgement of the Church of Rome it is ordinarie with him to say That the couetousnesse thereof is growne so insatiable confounding diuine and humane things that hauing laid aside all shame as a common and shamelesse strumpet set to sale to all men she deemeth vsurie a small fault and simonie none at all All this time the Waldenses or Albigenses continued in Dauphinie Languedoc and Guienne and in all those mountaines which reach from the Alpes to the Pyrenean These had some release and respite of breathing vnder S. Lewis who molested them not but in as much as they were subiects of Raymund Earle of Thoulouse who had warre with the Earle of Prouence his father in law whom he was bound to succour but the warre being ended they maintained their religion principally in those mountaines But they had spred themselues verie much in other places for in Germanie were a great number of their Preachers who at the sound of a bell hauing called the Barons preached in publica statione in a publike place That the Pope was an heretike his Prelats tainted with simonie and seducers That they had no power to bind and loosse neither yet to interdict the diuine seruice or the vse of the Sacraments That those their Friers Preachers and Minorites by their false sermons peruerted the Church That the truth was held and preached onely among them And that although they had not come God would haue raised vp others euen of the verie stones for to enlighten the Church by their preaching rather than he would haue suffered faith vtterly to perish Our Preachers say they haue till this time preached Krantzius l. 8. c. 18. in Metropol Saxon. l. 8. c. 16. and haue buried the trueth and published falshood We on the contrarie preach the trueth and burie falshood and in the end giue vnto you not a fained or inuented remission from the Pope or Bishops but from God alone and