their faith and profession before they were receiued and allowed one of another and before tehy were accounted and reputed for lawfull Patriarches Wherefore presupposing that the gouernment of the Church is not Monarchicall in respect of any one supreame Pastour on earth but mixt and hauing seene how notwithstanding the diuersitie of many Pastours the Church may be preserued in peace and vnity let vs more exactly and distinctly consider what the auncient forme of Church policie and gouernment was If we looke into the monuments of Antiquity wee shall finde that there were aunciently three Subordinations in the Church For the actions of the Bishoppe of each particular Church of a citty and places adjoyning were subject to the censure and judgment of the rest of the Bishops of the same prouince amongst whom for order sake there was one chiefe to whom it pertained to call them together to sit as moderator in the midst of them being assembled and to execute what by joynt consent they resolued on The actions of the Bishoppes of a prouince and a prouinciall Synode consisting of those Bishoppes were subject to a Synode consisting of the Metropolitanes and other Bishoppes of diuerse prouinces This Synode was of two sorts For either it consisted of the Metropolitanes and Bishoppes of one kingdome and nation onely as did the Councels of Africa or of the Metropolitans and Bishoppes of many kingdomes If of the Metropolitanes and Bishoppes of one kingdome and state onely the chiefe Primate was mederator If of many one of the Patriarches and chiefe Bishops of the whole world euery Church being subordinate to some one of the Patriarchicall Churches and incorporate into the vnity of it Thirdly the actions of the Bishops of a whole kingdome and Patriarchship were subject to an Oecumenicall Synode consisting of all the Patriarches and the Metropolitanes and Bishops subject to them Touching prouinciall Councells to the censures whereof the actions of particular Churches are subject they were by the auncient Canons of the Church to be holden in euery prouince twice euery yeare It is very necessary say the Fathers of the Councell of Nice that there should be a Synode twice euery yeare in euery prouince that all the Bishops of the prouince meeting together may in common thinke vpon those thinges that are doubtfull and questionable For the dispatch of Ecclesiasticall businesses and the determining of matters in controuersie Wee thinke it were fit say the Fathers in the Councell of Antioche that in euery prouince Synodes of Bishops should be assembled twice euery yeare The first councell of Constantinople decreeth the same and the Fathers assembled in the Councell of Chalcedon complaine that in some prouinces the Synodes of Bishops are not holden and that thereby many Ecclesiasticall matters needing reformation are neglected and therefore they appoint that the Bishops of euery prouince shall assemble euery yeare twice at that place which the Bishoppe of the mother Citty shall thinke fit to amend all thinges that shall be found to bee amisse in the prouince Here we see the necessity of holding these Synodes and by whom they were to bee called and moderated Wherefore let vs now proceede to see of whom they consisted what causes they examined and determined what the power of the Metropolitane originally was and what in processe of time by positiue constitution vpon due and just considerations it grew to be Touching the persons that prouinciall Synodes consisted of it is cleare and euident that not onely Bishops but Presbyters also were present in these Assemblies and had decisiue voyces whereupon the Councell of Antisiodorum sayth Let all the Presbyters being called come to the Synode in the Citty The Councell of Tarracon Let letters bee sent by the Metropolitane to his brethren that they bring with them to the Synode not onely some of the Presbyters of the Cathedrall Church but also of each Diocese And the fourth Councell of Toledo describing the forme of celebrating prouinciall Synodes hath these words Let the Bishops assembled goe to the Church and sit according to the time of their ordination and after all the Bishops are entred and set let the Presbyters be called and the Bishops sitting in compasse let Presbyters sit behind them and the Deacons stand before them In the first Councell of Toledo we find these words Considentibus Presbyteris astantibus Diaconis caeteris qui intererant Concilio congregato Patronus Episcopus dixit c. that is The Presbyters sitting together with the Bishops the Deacons standing before them and the rest which were present in the Councell assembled Patronus the Bishop said c. The like we reade of a Synode holden by Gregory the Pope The words are these Gregorius Papa coram sacratissimo corpore Beati Petri Apostoli cum Episcopis omnibus Romanae Ecclesiae Presbyteris residens assistentibus Diaconis cuncto Clero dixit c. that is Gregory the Pope sitting before the most sacred body of blessed Peter with all the Bishops of the Romane Church and the Presbyters also the Deacons standing before them and all the Clergie said c. And that Presbyters were not only present in Provinciall Synodes but had decisiue voyces as well as Bishops it appeareth by their subscribing to the Decrees of such Synodes in the very same forme and manner that Bishops did So that it will be found most false and vntrue that Bellarmine hath that Presbyters haue no voyces in Synodes and the auncient forme of our Convocation here in England wherein not onely the Arch-bishops and Bishops but sundry Presbyters also as well out of Cathedrall Churches as Dioceses at large are present and haue decisiue voices will clearely refute the same The causes that were wont to be examined and determined in the meeting of the Bishops of the prouince were the ordinations of Bishops when any Churches were voyd and the depriving and reiecting of all such as were found vnworthy of their honour and place and in a word any complaint of wrong done in any Church was there to be heard Let the prouinciall Synodes be holden twice euery yeare saith the Councell of Antioch and let the Presbyters and Deacons bee present and as many as thinke they haue beene any way hurt or wronged there expect the determination of the Synode The power of the Metropolitane was in calling the rest of the Bishops to the Synode in appointing the place of their meeting and in sitting as President in the midst of them and so were things moderated that neither the rest might proceede to doe any thing without consulting him nor hee to doe any thing without them but was tyed in all matters of difference to follow the maior part and if hee neglected his dutie in convocating his brethren that so things might bee determined by common consent hee was by the Canons subiect to censure and punishment Thus at first all matters were to be heard determined and
satisfied in any thing vnder God And so generally and absolutely denie that the Image of God can bee lost or blotted out These make a difference betweene the Image of God thus restrained to the largnesse and and admirable perfection of the naturall faculties of the soule and the similitude or likenesse of God which appeareth in the qualities and vertues of it making him that possesseth them partaker of the diuine nature which they confesse to be lost Now this similitude is all one with the Image of God in the second consideration set down by Aquinas and therefore in this matter Caluin erreth not but writeth that which is consonant vnto the truth Touching the second part of this imputation it is true that Origen erred thinking hell to be nothing else but horror of conscience But he that looketh in the place in Caluin cited by the Iesuite shall see that he saith no such thing but the cleane contrary So that the Reader shall finde Bellarnne to be constant and stil like himselfe adding one calumniation to another CHAP. 25. Of the heresie of the Peputians making women Priests THe fourth Heresie imputed vnto vs by our adversaries is that of the Peputians who gaue women authoritie to intermeddle with the sacred ministerie of the Church That we doe so likewise they indeavour to proue by misreporting the words of Luther There are two things therefore which Luther saith in the place alleadged by them First that in absolution and remission of sinnes in the supposed Sacrament of Penance a Bishop or ordinary Presbyter may doe as much as the Pope himselfe which Alphonsus à Castro writing against Heresies confesseth to bee true The second that when and where no Presbyter can be found to performe this office a Lay man yea or a woman in this case of necessitie may absolue which our adversaries neede not to thinke so strange seeing themselues giue power to women to baptise in case of necessitie which I thinke is as much a ministeriall acte as to absolue the penitent in such sort as absolution is giuen in the Church of Rome And yet they would thinke themselues wronged if from hence it should bee inferred that they make women Priests and Bishoppes But Bellarmine reporteth the wordes of Luther as if hee should say absolutely that a woman or childe hath as much power and authority from God in these things as any Presbyter or Bishop wherein hee is like himselfe Absolution in the Primitiue Church was the reconciling and restoring of penitents to the peace of the Church and to the Communion of the Sacraments from which during the time of their penitencie they were excluded This in reason none could doe but they to whom the dispensation of the Sacraments was committed and who had power to deny the Sacraments The Popish absolution is supposed to bee a Sacramentall acte Sacramentally taking away sinne and making the party absolued partaker of the remission of it This is a false and erronious conceite LVTHER thinketh it to bee a comfortable pronouncing and assuring of good to the humble penitent and sorrowfull sinner which though ordinarily and ex officio the Minister bee to doe yet may any man doe it with like effect when none of that ranke is or can be present Thus when the matter is well examined it is meerely nothing that Bellarmine can proue against Luther But that which hee addeth touching our late dread Soueraigne ELIZABETH of famous memorie that shee was reported and taken as chiefe Bishop within her dominions of England c. is more then a Cardinall lye and might beseeme the father of lyes better then any meaner professour of that facultie For the Kings and Queenes of England neither doe nor haue power to doe any ministeriall act or act of sacred order as to preach administer Sacraments and the like But that power and authority which we ascribe vnto them is that they may by their princely right take notice of matters of Religion and the exercise of it in their kingdomes That they may and in duty stand bound to see that the true Religion bee professed and God rightly worshipped That God hath giuen them the sword to punish all offenders against the first or second Table yea though they be Priests or Bishops That neither the persons nor the goods of Churchmen are exempted from their power That they holde their Crownes immediatly from God and not from the Romish Antichrist That it was the Lucifer-like pride of Antichrist which appeared in times past in the Popes wheeÌ they shamed not to say that the Kings of England were their villanes vassalls and slaues Thus then the fourth supposed heresie we are charged with proueth to be nothing but a diuelish slander of this shamelesse Iesuite Wee say therefore to silence this slanderer that we all most constantly hold the contrary of that he imputeth vnto vs And that wee thinke there is no more daungerous or presumptuous wicked boldnesse then for any man not called set a part and sanctified therevnto to intermeddle with any part of the sacred ministerie of the Church CHAP 26. Of the supposed heresie of Proclus and the Messalians touching concupiscence in the regenerate THe fift heresie which hee endevoureth to fasten vpon vs is he saith the heresie of Proclus of whom Epiphanius maketh mention But what was the heresie of Proclus Let Bellarmine tell vs for our learning It was sayth he that sin doth alwayes continue and liue in the Regenerate for that concupiscence is truely and properly sin which is not taken away by Baptisme but only allaied stilled and brought as it were into a kind of rest and sleepe by force thereof and the working of faith In this Bellarmine sheweth his intolerable either ignorance or impudence or both For Epiphanius in the place cited by him refuteth the heresie of Origen who denied the resurrection of the bodies of men as thinking such bodily substances which we see are continually subject to alteration here in this world not capable of immortality And that God did put these bodies vpon Adam and Eue after their sin at that time when he is said to haue made them coates of skinnes This Epiphanius refuteth shewing that God who only hath immortality made man though out of the earth yet by the immediate touch of his owne hands that he breathed into him the breath of life for that he meant he should be immortall that man had flesh and blood and a true bodily substance before his fall as is prooued by that of Adam concerning Eue This is now flesh of my flesh and bone of my bone that there was no euill found in the World such as death is in the beginning that man voluntarily sinned against God and therevpon God brought in death that euen as the Schoolemaster vseth correction not for any delight he hath in it but for that thereby he intendeth to bring his Schollers to forsake their negligent and disordered courses and to
proued and all confesse but that what hee gaue to others it did so passe vnto them as that in the first place it was giuen to Peter and hee thereby set in order and honour before the rest put in the same commission with him so that Peter receiued not a different or more large commission from Christ then the other Apostles but onely a kinde of honourable precedence preëminence and priority such as the Duke of Venice hath amongst the great Lords of that state to whom all Embassies and messages are directed from forreine Princes and in whose name all letters warrants and mandates are sent out as representing the whole State yet can hee doe nothing without the rest nor crosse the consenting resolution of those noble Senators And in this sense it is that Augustine saith of Peter that he was by nature one particular man by grace a christian man by more ample and abundant grace a chiefe Apostle but that when hee receiued the Keyes hee represented the whole vniuersall Church not as a legate that representeth the person of his Prince and receiueth honours dignities and titles for him and not for himselfe but as chiefe of the company of the Apostles receiuing for himselfe in the first place that which in him and together with him was intended to them all This primacie of honour and order found in blessed Peter who is therevpon named by the Fathers Prince and head of the Apostles is the originall of all that superiority that Metropolitanes haue ouer the Bishops of their prouinces and Primates and Patriarches ouer Metropolitanes and in a word of all that order that is in the Church and amongst her guides whereby vnitie is preserued CHAP. 25. Of the distinction of them to whom the Apostles dying left the managing of Church affaires and particularly of them that are to performe the meaner seruices in the Church HAuing spoken of the Apostles power and office and the largenesse of that commission it remaineth that wee come to speake of them to whom they recommended the managing of Church affaires and the ministerie of holy things when they left the world They to whom they recommended the care of these things when hauing finished their course they were called hence to receiue the Crowne laid vp for them in Heauen were of two sorts first such as they trusted with the ministerie of the Word and Sacraments and government of Gods people and secondly such other as they appointed to be assistant to them and to performe the meaner seruices though necessary also The former sort are all comprehended vnder one common name of Presbyters that is fatherly guides of Gods Church and people the latter are Deacons and such other inferiour Ministers as attend the necessities of the Saints and assist the principal Guides of the Church In the ordination of a Presbyter saith Durandus there is a certaine power conferred on him and assigning of him to an employment whereby after his ordination hee may doe something which hee could not haue done before etiam quoad genus facti no not in the kinde and nature of the thing it selfe as hee that is ordained a Presbyter may consecrate the Lords Body and absolue in the Court of Penitencie neither of which things without such ordination can be done but to them that are in the inferiour orders there is no power giuen neither haue they any assignement to doe any thing which they could not doe before and without such ordination but to doe such things as they could not lawfully doe nay in many of them there is no designement of them that are so ordained to the performance of any thing but that which according to the vse of the vniuersall Church men without such ordination may lawfully doe So that the ordination of men to the performance of such things and the execution of such offices seemeth to haue proceeded from the institution of the Church for the greater solemnitie of Diuine worship and seruice and therefore such inferiour orders are neither simply orders order being a sacred signe or character by vertue whereof a power is giuen to the ordained not onely to doe that hee could not otherwise lawfully doe but to doe that which otherwise hee could not doe at all neither are they Sacraments but Sacramentall solemnities onely seeing the Church can institute no Sacraments Hitherto Durandus These being the sorts of them to whom the Apostles recommended the managing of Church affaires and this the difference of their orders I will first speak of the diuers orders degrees of them that performe the meaner seruices in the Church and then come to speake of them that haue the gouernement of the Church The Master of Sentences saith that the order of Subdeacons and other minor orders below the degree of Deacons as Acoluthes Exorcists Lectors Ostiaries were brought in by the Church and that they were not in the Apostles times and Thomas Aquinas and other are of the same minde Notwithstanding there is no question but these minor orders and degrees were very ancient For Cyprian maketh mention of one Mettius a Subdeacon and Nicephorus an Acoluthe In another place hee writeth that he had ordained Aurelius and Celerinus Lectors and in a third place hee mentioneth Exorcists and Lectors Cornelius Bishop of Rome in his Epistle recorded by Eusebius describing the Clergie of the Romane Church in his time sheweth that there were in the same 46 Presbyters 7 Deacons 7 SubdeacoÌs 42 Acoluthes 52 Exorcists Lectors Ostiaries Widowes with distressed people more then 1500. Ignatius in his Epistle to the Antiochians omitting Acoluthes reckoneth the rest as Subdeacons Lectors Ostiaries and Exorcists adding to them Cantores and Laborantes or Copiatae whose imployment was to bury the dead of whom also Epiphanius speaketh Whereupon Bishop Lindan sayth that howsoeuer in these times they make or account but seauen orders yet in the Primitiue Church there were more now scarce knowen But let vs see what the office employment and manner of the admission of these men was in former times Touching Ostiaries the Councell of Carthage ordayneth thus Let the Ostiary after he hath beene instructed by the Arch-deacon how to behaue himselfe in the house of God at the suggestion of the Arch-deacon be ordained and let the Bishop take the Keyes froÌ the Altar and giue them to him saying So demeane thy selfe as being to giue an accouÌt to God for the things that these Keyes locke vp The Lectors were to reade in the Church whatsoeuer was to be read out of the old or new Testament whereupon Cyprian hauing ordained Aurelius the confessour a Lector giueth a reason why he had so done Quia nihil magis congruit voci quae Dominum gloriosa praedicatione confessa est quam celebrandis diuinis Lectionibus personare that is Because nothing doth more fitte or better beseeme the voyce that by a glorious publique testimony hath
to listen and heare what the Lord will speake vnto vs. Great and glorious are these dignities of the Deacons yet the councell of Carthage maketh them Ministers not of the Bishop alone but of the Presbyters also soe that they might not sit in the presence of the Bishop or Presbyters And when some went about to preferre them before Presbyters Hierome with great violence opposed himselfe against the same saying Quid patitur mensarum viduarum minister vt supra eos se tumidus efferat ad quorum preces Christi corpus sanguisque conficitur that is What passion is this that thus transporteth the Minister of the Tables and Widowes that swelling in pride hee should lift vp himselfe aboue them at whose prayers the body and blood of Christ is consecrated And obiecting to himselfe the custome of the Romane Church where a Presbyter is ordained vpon the testimony of a Deacon hee passionately breaketh into these words Quid mihi profers vnius vrbis consuetudinem Diaconos paucitas honorabiles Presbyteros turba contemptibiles facit Caeterum etiam in Ecclesiâ Romae Presbyteri sedent stant Diaconi licet paulatim increbresentibus vitijs inter Presbyteros absente Episcopo sedere Diaconum viderim that is why dost thou vrge me with the custome of one Citie the fewnesse of Deacons maketh them honorable and the number of Presbyters make theÌ to be lesse esteemed Yet eueÌ in the Church of Rome Presbyters do sit and Deacons stand although things growing worse and worse by degrees and many things growing out of order I haue seene a Deacon in the absence of the Bishop sit amongst the Presbyters Out of the society and company of the Deacons in each Church there was one chosen who not only was to performe the things pertaining to the Deacons office but also to prescribe vnto others what they should doe The institution of these is not new but very ancient as it appeareth by Hierome who vrging the necessity of order and gouernment sheweth that the heardes of cattel haue their leaders which they follow that Bees haue their King that the Cranes flye after one that leadeth them the way that there is one Emperour and one Iudge of each prouince that Rome could not haue two brethren to reigne in her as Kings but was dedicated in parricide that ââ¦sau and Iacob were at warre in the wombe of Rebeccah that euery Church hath her Bishop euery company of Presbyters and Deacons their Arch-presbyter and Arch-deacon These chiefe Deacons or Arch-deacons were in processe of time notwithstanding all Canons to the contrary and the violent opposition of Hierome and other Worthies of those times lifted vp not onely aboue the Presbyters but the Arch-presbyters also The reason of which their aduancement was first because the number of Presbyters made them little esteemed and the paucity and fewnesse of Deacons made them honourable as I noted before out of Hierome Secondly because they were busied about money-matters and had the charge of the treasure of the Church which kind of imployments are vsually much set by Thirdly because being Ministers vnto the Bishop they were vsed by him for the viewing of such parts of his Diocese as he could not conueniently come vnto himselfe the dispatch of thinges for him and in the end for the reformation of the lesser and smaller faults which vpon such view they should find Whereupon at the last they obtained a kind of jurisdiction power of correction by prescriptioÌ custome whereof I shall haue occasion to speake more hereafter Thus haue we spoken of the inferiour degrees of Ministery by which men were wont to ascend to the higher being trained vp for a certaine space in the lower that they might thereby be fitted for the higher according to that of Hierome touching Nepotian Fit Clericus per solitos gradus Presbyter ordinatur that is Hee is made a Clergie-man and passing through the ordinary degrees he is ordained a Presbyter CHAP. 26. Of the orders and degrees of them that are trusted with the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments and the gouernment of Gods people and particularly of Lay-Elders falsly by some supposed to be Gouernours of the Church NOW it remaineth that we speake of them that are trusted with the ministery of the Word and Sacraments and the gouernment of Gods people comprehended vnder one common name of Presbyters that is Fatherly Guides of Gods Church and people Touching these Presbyters or fatherly Guides of Gods Church some in our time haue a new and strange conceipt making them to be of two sorts whereof some haue charge of gouernment onely and some together therewith the ministery of the Word and Sacraments the one sort Lay-men and the other Clergie-men the one sort gouerning only the other sort preaching teaching ministring Sacraments and gouerning also Touching these newly supposed gouerning Elders that are not Mininisters of the Word and Sacraments I will first set downe the reasons that moue vs to thinke there neuer were any such in the Church and secondly I will shew the weakenesse of their reasons that are induced to thinke there were The first reason that moueth vs to thinke there neuer were any such is because Bishops Presbyters that preach and minister Sacraments and Deacons that assist them howsoeuer they much degenerated in later times yet all still remained in all Christian Churches throughout the world though in many things exceedingly different as Greeke Latine Aethiopian and Armenian in their names and offices also in some sort But of these Lay-elders there are noe foot-steps to be found in any Christian Church in the world nor were not for many hundred yeares whereas there would haue beene some remaines of these as well as of the other had they euer had any institution from Christ and his Apostles as the other had Our second reason is for that S. Paul prescribing Timothy how he should establish the Church and appoint her Pastours and shewing who should be Bishops and Ministers who Deacons yea who Widowes passeth immediately from describing the qualitie of such as were to be Bishops and Ministers of the Word and Sacraments to the Deacons omitting these Lay-elders that are supposed to lye in the midst betweene them no way describing vnto vs of what quality they must bee which in reason hee neither might nor would haue omitted if there had beene any such Our third reason is for that neither Scripture nor practice of the Church bounding the gouernment of such Gouernours nor giuing any direction how farre they may goe in the same and where they must stay lest they meddle with that they haue nothing to doe with men should be left to a most dangerous vncertainty in an office and employment of so great consequence either of not doing that their office and place requireth or presuming beyond that they should which is not to be conceiued seeing Christ our gracious Sauiour by himselfe or his Apostles
and when Paul and Barnabas were companions and their trauels were equall yet Paul is noted to haue beene the chiefe speaker so that though both were worthy of double honour yet Paul especially Some interprete the words in this sort There were some that remained in some certaine places for the guiding and gouerning of such as were already wonne by the preaching of the Gospell other that travayled with great labour and paines from place to place to spread the knowledge of God into all parts and to preach Christ crucified to such as had neuer heard of him before Both these were worthy of double honour but the later that builded not vpon another mans foundation more especially then the former that did but keepe that which others had gotten and governe those that others had gained Thus wee see that these words may haue a very good and true sense without pressing of them to confirme the late conceipt of some few men touching Lay-elders Which construction wee haue no reason to admitte seeing the circumstances of the place doe not enforce it nor no Ecclesiasticall writer did euer so interprete the words before our age So that to conclude this point the name of Presbyter one place onely in the first of Timothy and the fifth excepted where it is a name of age and not of office in the writings of the Apostles doth euer note out vnto vs a Minister of the Word and Sacraments The reason why the Apostles chose this word rather then the name of Sacerdos which wee commonly translate Priest though the English word Priest come of Presbyter was lest there should be a confusion of the Ministers of the old Testament who were to offer sacrifices vnto God figuring the comming of Christ with those of the new and to shew that none should be appointed Ministers but men of ripe age and confirmed judgment But some man will say the auncient Writers mention Seniours without whose advice nothing was done an Ecclesiasticall Senate and a Presbytery or company of Presbyters which gouerned the Church together with the Bishop therefore the matter is not so cleare against Lay-elders as some would make it Wee deny not but that there were Presbyters in the primitiue Church constituted and ordained by the Apostles and their Successours not onely to preach and minister Sacraments but to gouerne direct and guide the people of God also but that they were Lay-men it cannot bee proued The Bishops in the greater Churches and in the Citties had a great number of Clergy-men seruing in diuers sorts as it appeareth by Cyprian and the whole Ecclesiasticall history but out of the whole Clergie at large the Presbytery or company of Presbyters was called forth to the weightiest deliberations and to assist the Bishop for the preseruation of discipline Admonitos nos instructos sciatis dignatione diuinâ sayth Cyprian vt Numidicus Presbyter ascribatur Presbyterorum Carthaginensium numero nobiscum sedeat in Clero that is Know yee that we haue beene admonished and directed by God himselfe to choose Numidicus and to make him one of the company of the Presbyters of Carthage that he may sit together with vs as a Clergy-man by which words it appeareth that there was in Cyprians time a Colledge of Presbyters or Elders in the Church of Carthage which sate together with the Bishop for the hearing and determining of the causes of the Church but that these Elders were Clergie-men and not such Lay-seniours as some would haue Cornelius Bishop of Rome writing to Cyprian se totum Presbyterium contraxisse that is that hee drew together the whole Presbytery or companie of Presbyters for the reconciling of certaine Schismatiques to the Church and that hee called together fiue Bishops also and by common consent ended the whole matter Of this Senate and company of Presbyters Tertullian speaketh in his Apologie when he sayth with vs the most approued Seniours do sit as praesidents to censure offendours and to exercise discipline And of these likewise is it that Hierome sayth writing vpon Esay We also in the Church haue our Senate the company of Presbyters And vpon Titus The Churches were gouerned by the common aduice and councell of the Presbyters For to put it out of doubt that he meaneth not Lay-elders hee sayth in the same place Idem est ergo Presbyter qui Episcopus that is Therefore a Presbyter and Bishop are all one There is onely one place in Ambrose that hath some shew of proofe for Lay-elders His words are The Iewish Synogogue and after the Church had Seniours or Elders without whose councell nothing was done in the Church which by what negligence it grew out I know not vnlesse it were by the sloth or pride of the Teachers whilest they alone would seeme to be something Here is mention of Elders without whose aduice nothing was done but it is not sayd they were Lay-men But some man perhaps will reply that the Elders which Ambrose speaketh of ceased before his time which cannot be vnderstood of Clergie-men therefore they were Lay-men To this we say that Ambrose doth not say the elders without whose councell nothing was to be done ceased before his time and were no more but that the aduising and consulting with them ceased whilest some would doe all themselues If it be sayd that they who thus assumed more then was fitte and excluded those Seniours without whose councell anciently nothing was done are not said to haue bin Bishops but Doctours and that therefore Ambrose speaketh not of Bishops excluding other Ministers of the Word and Sacraments from their consultations but of Clergie-men refusing the aduice of Lay Seniours we answere that Ambrose by the name of Teachers whose sloath or pride hee condemneth in this place might fitly vnderstand the Bishops seeing none but bishops haue power to preach in their owne right and other but only by permission from them Hereupon it is that Possidonius in the life of Augustine saith that Valerius Bishop of Hippo gaue S. Augustine his Presbyter leaue to preach because being a Grecian hee could not very well expresse himselfe in Latine In the Councell of Vase leaue is giuen by the Councell of Bishops to Presbyters for to preach But because this question touching Lay-elders is excellently handled by sundry of our Diuines I will not trouble the Reader with any farther discourse of this matter CHAP. 27. Of the distinction of the Power of Order and Iurisdiction and the preheminence of one amongst the Presbyters of each Church who is named a Bishop CEasing to speake of supposed Lay-elders which the Church of God knoweth not let vs come to the other that were appointed to teach and gouerne the people of GOD. Where first wee are to speake of the diuerse degrees of honour and preheminence found amongst them Secondly of their calling and appointing to the same And thirdly of their maintenance For the clearing of the former of these three
be present in Generall Councels and who they are of whom generall Councels do consist HAuing spoken of the necessity profit and vse of Generall Councels it remaineth that wee proceede to see who they are that may bee present in such Councels and of whom they do consist The persons that may be present are of diuerse sorts For some are there with authority to teach define prescribe and to direct others are there to heare set forward and consent vnto that which is there to be done In the former sort none but only Ministers of the word and sacraments are present in Councels and they onely haue deciding and defining voyces but in the latter sort * Lay-men also may be present whereupon we shall find that Bishops and Presbyters subscribe in this sort Ego N. definiens subscripsâ⦠that is I as hauing power to define and decree haue subscribed But the Emperour or any other Lay-person Ego N. consentiens subscripsi that is I as one giuing consent to that which is agreed on by the spirituall Pastors haue subscribed That the Emperor and other Lay-men of place and sort may be present in Generall Councels no man maketh doubt For though Pope Nicholas seeme to deny that the Emperours may be preseÌt in other Councels where matters of faith are not handled yet he coÌfesseth they may be preseÌt in general Conncels where the faith which is coÌmon to all pertaineth not to Clergy-men alone but to Lay-men and all Christians generally is treated of it being a rule in nature reason Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debere that is that that which concerneth all may be handled and medled with by all so farre forth as conueniently it may and as there is no manifest reason in respect of the disturbance and hinderance of the deliberation to repell them from such intermedling for in such cases there may bee a repelling of men hauing interest in such businesses and affaires and therefore Pulcheria the Empresse Commanded the Captaine of Bythinia with violence to driue out of the Councell of Chalcedon such Monkes Clerkes and Lay-men as being of no vse did but pester the Councell and to leaue none there but such as the Bishops brought with them But our aduersaries say the Protestants affirme that Lay-men ought not only to be present in generall Councels but also to haue decisiue yoyces as well as they of the Cleargy and thereupon charge vs with great absurdity Wherefore for the answering of this obiection wee must obserue that there is a threefold decision of things doubtfull and questionable The one such as euery one vpon the knowledge of it must yeeld vnto vpon perill of damnation vpon the bare word of him that decideth The second to which euery one must yeeld vpon like perill not vpon the bare word of him that decideth but vpon the euidence of proofe he bringeth The third such as euery one must yeeld vnto not vpon perill of damnation but of excommunication and the like censure Ecclesiasticall In the first sort the Protestants say that onely Christ the sonne of God hath a decisiue voyce In the second sort that any Lay-men as well as Clergy-men for whosoeuer it is that bringeth conuincing proofes decideth a doubt in such sort as that no man ought to resist against it Whereupon Panormitan sayth that the iudgment of one priuate man is to be preferred before the sentence of the Pope if hee haue better authorities of the Old and New Testament to confirme his iudgment And Gerson saith that any learned man may and ought to resist against a whole Councell if hee discerne it to erre of malice or ignorance and whatsoeuer Bishops determine their determinations binde not the conscience further then they approue that they propose some other way then by their authoritie onely Soe that in this sence the Protestants truely say that Bishoppes must not proceede Praetor-like but that all that they doe must bee but in the nature of an inquiry and their Decrees no farther of force then reason doth warrant them For howsoeuer the Son of God hath promised to be with his Church to the end of the world which shall bee fulfilled in respect of his elect and chosen who cannot erre damnably and finally yet hath he not tyed himselfe to any one sort or company of men neither is it certainely knowne but that all they that meete in a Councell may erre notwithstanding Christes promise To which purpose it is that Brentius and other say We cannot be certaine of the determination of Councells because euery company of men professing CHRIST is not the true Church seeing all that so professe are not Elect neither doe they deny all authority and iurisdiction to such as are not knowne to be Elect nor giue it all to such as no man canne knowe who they be as Bellarmine vntruly saith they doe for in the third sort they willingly acknowledge that Bishops haue deciding voyces power so to iudge of things as to subiect all those that shall thinke and teach otherwise then they doe to excommunication and censures of like nature And that therefore they are properly Iudges that their course of proceeding is not a bare Inquiry and search but a binding determination and that they haue a Pretorlike power to binde men to stand to that they propose decree and in this sort we all teach that Lay-men haue no voyce decisiue but Bishops Pastors onely which may be confirmed by many reasons First because when the question is in what pastures it is fitte the sheepe of CHRIST should feede in what pastures they may feede without danger the duty of consulting is principally and the power of prescribing wholy in the Pastours though the sheepe of CHRIST being reasonable haue and must haue a kinde of discerning whether they bee directed into wholesome pleasant pastures or not Secondly none but they whom Paul saith CHRIST going vp into heauen gaue for the gathering together of the Saintes for the worke of the Ministery haue authority to teach and to prescribe vnto others what they shall professe beleeue of whom the LORD said by Ieremy the Prophet I will giue you Pastors that shall feede you with knowledge and doctrine Thirdly because in all Councels Bishops Pastors onely are found to haue subscribed to the decrees made in them as defining decreeing howsoeuer other men testified their consent by subscription and Princes and Emperours by their royall authority confirmed the same and subiected the contemners and violaters thereof to imprisonment banishment confiscation of goods and the like ciuill punishments as the Bishops did to excommunication and censures Spirituall So that it is agreed on that Bishoppes and Ministers onely haue decisiue voyces in Councels in sort before expressed but the question is onely whether all Ministers of the Word and Sacraments haue such decisiue voyces or none but Bishops The Papists
thinke that this is the peculiar right of Bishoppes but they are clearely refuted by the Vniuersall practise of the whole Church from the beginning For in all Prouinciall and Nationall Synodes Presbyters did euer giue voyce and subscribe in the very same sort that Bishoppes did whether they were assembled to make Canons of discipline to heare causes or to define doubtfull points of doctrine as I haue before shewed at large and that they did not anciently sitte and giue decisiue voyces in Generall Councels the reason was not because they haue no interest in such deliberations and resolutions but because seeing all cannot meete in Councels that haue interest in such businesses but some must be deputed for and authorized by the rest therefore it was thought fitte that Bishoppes who are the chiefest among such as haue interest in deliberation of this nature should in giuing decisiue voyces supply the places of the rest especially seeing the manner was euer in all the first Councells that the chiefe Patriarches being acquainted with the matter that should be debated sent to all the Metropolitanes subiect to them who calling Prouinciall Synodes consisting of their Bishoppes and Presbyters discussed such doubtes and then by common consent choosing out certaine principall Bishoppes to goe to the Generall Councell in their name sent by theÌ their resolutions So that in effect Presbyters did subscribe as well as Bishoppes seeing they that went and subscribed were not to vary from the instructions they carried with them That this was the course it is euident by that of Iohn Bishoppe of Antioch in the third Generall Councell excusing his long tarrying by reason that his Metropolitanes could not sooner assemble their Cleargy to consult and by the Actes of the sixth Generall Councell where we find the suggestion of Agatho Bishop of Rome sent to the Councell subscribed by himselfe and the whole Synode of the West subiect to the See Apostolick in which Synode sundry Bishops doe subscribe as Legates sent from Nationall Synodes But if wee shall come to latter Councels holden in the West and esteemed by the Papists to bee Generall wee shall finde that Presbyters did giue voyces decisiue in them as well as Bishoppes For in the great Councell of Lateran as they call it vnder Innocentius the third there were but foure hundred eighty two Bishops but of Abbots and Priours Conventuall eight hundred who yet haue much lesse to doe in the government of the Church then Presbyters hauing care of soules And Bellarmine himselfe confesseth that by priviledge and custome Presbyters as namely Cardinals Abbots and the Generals of the Orders of Fryars may giue decisiue voyces in Generall Councels which they could not doe if by Gods Law it pertayned to Bishoppes onely For there is no prescribing against the Law of GOD and therefore I cannot see why the Romanists should so bitterly censure the councell of Basil because Presbyters were admitted to giue voyces in it Hauing cleared who they are that are to bee admitted to bee present and to giue voyces in Generall councels let vs proceede to see what number of Bishoppes is required to make a Generall councell and what order must be kept in the holding of it Touching the first the Diuines require three conditions to make a Generall councell whereof the first is that the summons bee Generall and such as may bee knowne to all the principall parts and provinces of the Christian World The second that no Bishop whence-soeuer hee come bee excluded if hee bee knowne to bee a Bishoppe and not excommunicate The third that the principall Patriarches bee present with the concurrence of the particular Synodes vnder them either in person or by their substitutes and Vicars or at least by their provinciall Letters as the Patriarch of Rome was present in the second Generall councell though hee were not there in person nor by substitutes And heereupon the second councell of Nice taketh exception to a certaine Synode holden in Constantinople as not Generall because neither all that were present did consent neither was there a concurrence in it of the Bishoppe of Rome and his Bishoppes either by his Vicars or provinciall letters nor of the Patriarches of the East to wit of Alexandria Antioch and Ierusalem and the Bishoppes subiect to them and therefore pronounceth that the wordes of those foolish men assuming to them the name of a Generall councell were not a candle sette on a candlesticke to giue light to all in the house but a meere smoake full of darkenesse blinding the eyes of men and were vttered as it were vnder the bedde and not vpon the mountaine of right beleefe and that their sound did not goe forth into all the earth nor their wordes to the vttermost endes of the World as the sound voyce and wordes of the former sixe Generall councels did But that wee may the better discerne how farre forth the presence of the chiefe Patriarches is necessary in Generall councels and that wee bee not deceiued in this point wee must obserue that when wee speake of patriarches either wee vnderstand them and their Synodes or themselues singly and apart If wee speake of them in the former sense no Synode can bee accounted fully and perfectly Generall to which the presence of any one of the chiefe patriarches is wanting and therefore the first councell of Ephesus was an imperfect Generall councell when before the comming of Iohn of Antioch and his Bishoppes it proceeded to the condemnation of Nestorius And wee see how great turmoyle and confusion that hath caused which could neuer bee quieted and taken away till Cyrill president of that councell and Iohn were reconciled and the Actes of the councell confirmed by the joint consent of them both and hence Cusanus saith it is that the eighth Generall councell when the Vicar of the Apostolicall Throne of Alexandria came rejoyced greatly and saide wee glorifie the GOD of all who hath supplyed vnto this vniuersall Synode what was wanting and hath now made it most full and perfect But if wee speake of them in the second sense that is singly and by themselues alone in case of heresie or wilfull refusall the councell may proceede without them and yet want nothing that pertaineth to the perfection of a generall Councell as did the Councell of Ephesus and the Councell of Chalcedon proceeding to the condemnation of Nestorius and Dioscorus vpon such euidence as they had against them though they refused to present themselues in those Synodes so that the concurrence of the Bishops subject to them be not wanting as in the case of Nestorius and Dioscorus it was not For the Bishops subject to Nestorius subscribed to his condemnation and the Bishops of Alexandria gaue their consent to the condemnation of Dioscorus their Patriarch and approued the proceedings of the synode against him though they refused to subscribe to the actes and decrees of it till they had a new Patriarch chosen
appointed both as it seemed good vnto himselfe Three other proofes the Iesuite hath yet behinde The first is out of Socrates out of whom hee saith it may bee proued that Iulius the Pope called the Councell of Sardica but how I cannot tell For Socrates saith expressely that the Councell of Sardica was called by the two Emperours Constance and Constantius whereof the one raigned in the East the other in the West the one by his Letters desiring it the other most willingly performing that hee desired But of Iulius calling it hee maketh no mention If the Iesuite thinke it may bee proued that Iulius called it because among them that sought to excuse themselues from comming vppon fained pretences some complained of the shortnesse of the time appointed for this meeting and cast the blame thereof vpon Iulius he is greatly deceiued seeing Iulius might be blamed for procuring the Emperor Constance by his Letters directed to Constantius his brother to set so short a time as he did though hee did not call the Councell himselfe And that it was not the Authority of the Pope that brought the Bishops together in this Councell it is most euident in that when he wrote to them to restore Athanasius to his place they reiected his Letters with contempt maruailing that he medled more with their matters then they did with his Neither is it likely that Constantius would be commanded by Iulius to call this Councell Seeing when the Councell had commanded Athanasius to be restored to his place yet hee refused to giue way till his brother threatned to make warre vpon him for it But it this proofe faile Bellarmine hath a better For hee sayth Sixtus the third in an Epistle to those of the East writeth That Valentinian the Emperor called a Synode by his authority whence it followeth that the calling of Generall Councels pertaineth in such sort to the Popes that the Emperours may not call them but by warrant and authority from them If the Reader will bee pleased to coÌsider of this proofe he shall easily discerne how litle credit is to be giuen to Iesuited Papists in their allegations For first Sixtus doth not say the Emperour Valentinian called a Synode by his authority but that hee commaunded a Synode should be called by his authority that is commaunded him to call it And the author of the Pontificall speaking of the calling of the same Synode sayth the Emperour commanded that the Councell and holy Synode should bee congregated Secondly it was but a Diocesan Synode consisting of the Presbyters and Cleargy of Rome called together about certaine crimes obiected to Sixtus whereof hee purged himselfe before them Now I thinke it will not follow that if the Bishoppe of Rome might call together the Cleargie of his owne Diocesse the calling of Generall Councels pertained to him onely or that if the Emperour thought fit rather to command the Romaine Bishoppe to call together his Cleagie then to doe it immediately by his owne authority therefore hee would haue done the like in summoning Generall Councells consisting of all the Bishops of the World Wherefore let vs passe to the last of his proofes taken out of the Epistle of Adrian the second to Basileius the Emperour prefixed before the eighth Generall Councell which vndoubtedly vpoÌ proofe wil be fouÌd to be no better then the rest For first it is grouÌded on the saying of a Pope that liued many hundred yeares after Christ and long after the diuision of the Empire and the withdrawing of the Church of Rome from the obedience of the Emperours of the East and so not much to be regarded in a question concerning the right of the Emperour Secondly hee speaketh not in his owne name but in the name of all the West Church And thirdly that he saith Wee will that by your industry a great assembly be gathered proueth not that the Pope tooke vpon him peremptorily to command the Emperour For seeing in the whole Epistle hee vseth words of exhorting praying intreating these words may seeme to import no more but Our desire is that there should be such an assembly by your industrie in which our Legates sitting as Presidents matters may be examined and all things righted Or we though no way subiect to your Empire yet at your request are content that such a Councell be called and that our Legates do sit in it with the Bishops subiect to your Imperiall command For that Basileius called the Councell appeareth by his words to the Bishops in the beginning of it But if none of these exceptions against the Emperours ancient practice of calling Councels will hold our Aduersaries rather theÌ they will suffer the Pope to be a looser will not sticke to charge the Emperours with vsurpation and taking more on them then pertained to them Whosoeuer saith Andradius shall thinke that the power and authority of Emperours is to bee esteemed and iudged of by the things done by them in the Church rather then by Christs institution the Decrees of the Elders and the force and nature of the Papall dignity it selfe hee shall make vnbridled pride and head-long fury to be chiefe commaunder and to sway most in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy Thus doth Andradius censure the auncient Christian Emperours and exemplifieth not onely in Constantius the Arrian but Iustinian also as himselfe confesseth a good Emperor For refutatioÌ of which most vnjust exception wee say that howsoeuer it bee not to bee doubted but that ill affected or ill directed Emperours did some-times that which was not fit yet that in calling Councels by their Princely authority and commaunding all Bishoppes to come or send vnto them they exceeded not the bounds and limites of their commission it is evident in that neuer any Bishop durst blame them for it But all sought vnto them euen the Bishops of Rome themselues praying them so to doe as I shewed before by the examples of Liberius Innocentius and Leo which thing also Bellarmine himselfe confesseth Wherefore seeing it is evident by the allowed practise of former times that the calling of Generall Councels belonged to the Emperours after they became Christians let vs see what they tooke on them in these Councels after they had called them and consequently what right power and authority Christian Princes haue to manage the affaires and commaund the holy Bishops and Ministers of the church CHAP. 53. Of the power and authority exercised by the auncient Emperours in Generall Councels and of the supremacie of Christian Princes in causes and ouer persons Ecclesiasticall THe first thing that Christian Emperours in auncient times assumed to themselues in Generall Councels was to be present in them when they pleased as we reade of Constantine the Great that hee not onely called the Councell of Nice but was present in it of Martian that hee was present in the Councell of Chalcedon with Pulcheria the Empresse of Constantine the fourth that hee was present
ãâã ãâã ãâã doe originally signifie that kinde of election which is made by many expressing their consent and giuing their voyces or suffrages by lifting vp of their handes yet may it bee extended more generally to signifie any election of many expressing their consent by writing by liuely voyce or by going to one side of the place where they are yea any choyce whatsoeuer though made by one alone as it appeareth in that the Apostles are said to haue beene witnesses formerly designed and appointed by ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã whereas Christ only chose them and they were not elected by the voyces of many or any but himselfe alone And in Ecclesiasticall writers the same word signifieth Ordination that is by Imposition of handes as it were easy to proue by many testimonies of Antiquity CHAP. 56. Of the Ordination of Bishoppes and Ministers FROM the Election of Ministers whereof wee haue sufficiently spoken let vs proceede to their Ordination with which none but the Guides of the Church are trusted And therefore howsoeuer the people may sometimes elect yet they are charged not to lay hands hastily on any man nor to communicate with other mens sinnes So that the moderation of all things in this kinde resteth in them this is all that the Scripture prescribeth touching the designing and appointing of Ministers namely whom and how they that haue power of ordaining must ordaine Ordination is the setting of men a part to the worke of the Ministery the commending of them with fasting and prayer to the grace of God and the authorizing of them to performe things pertayning to God which others without such sanctification neither may nor can doe Wherein the Ceremony of Imposition of handes is vsed First to expresse the setting of them apart for sacred imployment Secondly to let them knowe that the hand of God is with them in all that they doe in his name and by his authority to guide direct strengthen protect them Thirdly to note out the person vpon whom the Church by her prayers desireth the blessings of Almighty God to bee powred in more plentifull sort then vpon others as being to take charge of others This Ordination is either of Bishoppes to whome the care and gouernment of the Church is principally committed or of other inferiour Cleargy-men Touching the Ordination of Bishoppes the Councell of Nice decreeth that a Bishop must be ordained by all the Bishops in the Prouince and that if it seeme hard either in respect of some vrgent necessity or the length of the wayes that they should all meete yet there must bee three at the least to concurre in all such ordinations the rest by their letters testifying their consent and the Metropolitane confirming that they doe The Councell of Antioch in like sort decreeth That a Bishoppe shall not bee ordayned without a Synode and the presence of the Metropolitane That the Metropolitane by his letters shall call vnto him all the Bishops in the Prouince if conveniently they may come together if not that at the least the greater part be present or giue their consent by writing And that if at any time there grow any difference among the Bishoppes of the Prouince about the person that is to bee ordayned the greater part of voyces shall sway all In the Second Councell of Carthage all the Bishops with one consent said It seemeth good to vs all that without consulting the Primate of each Prouince no man easily presume though with many Bishoppes to ordaine a Bishoppe in what place soeuer without his commaund but if necessity shall require that three Bishoppes in what place soeuer they bee with the commaund of the Primate shall haue power to ordaine a Bishoppe And because the concurrence of the Metropolitane was to bee sought and his presence or direction had in euery ordination therefore least by his fault there might be too long and dangerous delayes it was ordered that vnlesse it were in case of necessity all ordinations should bee within three monthes after the voydance of any place and that if by the fault of the Metropolitane there were any longer delay he should be subiect to Ecclesiasticall Censure and punishment In latter times vnder the Papacy they permitted by speciall dispensation one Bishop assisted with two mitred Abbots to ordaine a Bishoppe contrary to all the old Canons requiring three Bishoppes at the least The forme and manner of ordination we finde in the Fourth Councell of Carthage which prescribeth that when a Bishoppe is to bee ordained two Bishops must hold the booke of the Gospels ouer his head and that one powring forth the blessing vpon him all the other Bishoppes that are present must touch his head with their handes This is the forme of Episcopall ordination But touching Presbyters Deacons the Councell of Hispalis saith That the Bishop alone may conferre Ecclesiasticall honour vpon them but that alone he cannot take it from them which yet is not so to bee vnderstood as if the Bishop alone without his Presbyters might ordaine Presbyters but that hee may without the concurrence of other Bishops giue that honour of Presbyteriall order which without them he cannot take away againe For otherwise the Councell of Carthage prouideth that in the ordination of a Presbyter the Bishoppe holding his hand on his head and blessing him all the Presbyters that are present shall holde their handes by the handes of the Bishoppe Whereas in the ordination of a Deacon it sufficeth that the Bishop alone put his hands vpon the head of him that is ordained because he is not sanctified to Priestly dignity but to the seruice of the Church So that other Ministers are to concurre in the ordination of the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments as well as the Bishoppe being equall to him in the power of Order and Ministery and his assistants in the worke of it yet hath the Bishop a great preheminence aboue them in the Imposition of hands For regularly no number of Presbyters imposing hands can make a Minister without the Bishoppe The reason whereof is because no Ordinations are to be made sine titulo that is without title or place of employment and none but Bishops haue Churches wherein to employ men seeing they onely are Pastours of Churches all other are but their assistants and coadiutors not because the power of order which is giuen in Ordination is lesse in them then in Bishops So that Bishops alone haue the power of Ordination and no man may regularly doe it without them Whereupon ordinarily and according to the strictnesse of the old canons all Ordinations made otherwise are pronounced voyde as wee reade of one Coluthus whose ordinations were therefore voyded because he tooke on him to ordaine being no Bishop but a Presbyter onely But seeing Bishops and Presbyters are in the power of order the same as when the Bishops of a whole Church or countrey fall from the Faith
among the women which kept the houses by whom the doctrine of the Lord might enter into the closet of women without reprehension or suspicion Neyther doth Clemens Alexandrinus only so vnderstand the wordes but a Romaine Bishoppe also Soe that our Aduersaries haue no reason to charge vs with hereticall peruersenesse for expounding the Apostles words of the Apostles wiues Neyther can their interpretation of faithfull women following the Apostles and ministring vnto them things necessary any way stand with the Apostles drift and meaning for first it is no way to be conceiued that those Apostles which had wiues would not lead them about rather then strange women Secondly the word of leading about implyeth a kinde of authority right and interest in those women which the Apostles lead about which might be verified of them in respect of their wiues but not in respect of such women as out of their deuotion followed them if any soe did Thirdly the Apostle doth not say Wee haue power to lead about a woman a sister as they reade it but a sister a woman or wife Now the addition of woman to sister is idle and needelesse seeing euery sister is vndoubtedly a woman Therefore wee must vnderstand the Apostle to say a sister a wife Hierome indeede vnderstandeth the Apostles words of strange women and not of their wiues yet denieth hee not but that other interpret them otherwise and translateth and alleageth the wordes doubtfully of the Apostles leading about women or wiues Besides this claime that the Apostle maketh of power and authority in this behalfe elsewhere prescribing what manner of men must bee chosen vnto the Bishoppes office hee sayth A Bishoppe must be the husband of one wife one that canne rule his owne house hauing children vnder obedience with all honesty Now to say they were to forsake their wiues as soone as they should enter into this calling is most absurd and contrary to the very Law of God and nature For it is not in the power of the man to withdraw himselfe from his wife with whom hee is one flesh seeing the man hath not power of his body but the wife Whereupon Thomas Aquinas resolueth that a man entering into holy Orders cannot without the consent of his wife withdrawe himselfe from her but is bound to liue with her still and to yeeld vnto her due beneuolence Neyther may man and wife part by consent perpetually but for a time onely according to that of the Apostle Defraud not one another except it bee by consent for a time that ye may giue your selues to fasting and prayer and againe come together that Satan tempt you not for your incontinency Answerable hereunto the Canons attributed to the Apostles forbid Bishoppes Presbyters and Deacons to putte away their wiues vppon any pretence of religion The wordes of the Canon are these Let no Bishoppe Presbyter or Deacon put away his wife vppon any pretence of religion if hee doe let him be put from the Communion and if hee persist let him be remoued from his Order This Canon sayth Zonaras condemneth those sacred Ministers of the Church that put away their wiues For that such putting of theÌ away seemeth to be done in disgrace of marriage as if the companying together of man and wife were an impure and vncleane thing Whereas the Apostle pronounceth that Mariage is honourable and the bedde vndefiled The Romanists to avoyd and decline the force of this testimony say that this Canon forbiddeth Bishoppes Presbyters and Deacons the casting away of all care of prouiding for their wiues but not the forsaking of their company but this their euasion is easily refuted First because there is no shew of euill in Cleargy-mens prouiding for the necessity of their wiues which they married while they were Lay-men nay it would seeme vnto all men most vnnaturall for them to cast off all care of them and all men would condemne them for soe doing but in the companying with them in the sinister iudgment of some men there is in respect whereof some forsake their wiues vnder a pretence of religion Secondly because the Fathers in the Sixth Generall Councell who no doubt vnderstood the meaning of these Canons farre better then the Romanists do vnderstand them as forbidding Bishops Presbyters and Deacons the refrayning from companying with their wiues and not the neglecting to prouide for their necessities In the Councell of Nice some went about to make a Law that Bishops and Ministers of the Church should not after their entring into the holy Ministery company with their wiues which they had formerly married But Paphnutius Bishop of a citty in the vpper Thebais who was a most holy man by whom miracles had beene wrought and who for confessing the faith of Christ had had one of his eies pulled out though himselfe were neuer married cryed out aloud and besought them to lay noe such heauy yoake on the neckes of them that were entered into the holy Ministry affirming that Marriage is honourable among all and the bedde vndefiled calling the company of a man with his wife by the name of chastitie and aduising them to take heede least they did greatly hurt the state of the Church by making so strict a law for that all cannot endure soe seuere a rule of Discipline and for that also this rule haply cannot bee soe easily obserued by their wiues To these speaches of Paphnutius the whole assembly of Bishoppes assented So that this controuersie was ended and each man left to his owne liberty This of Paphnutius is reported by Socrates Zozomen Suidas Nicephorus and alleadged by Gratian as true yet Bellarmine the Iesuits feare not to reject it as false as if they knew better what was done one thousand three hundred yeares agoe then all that euer haue bene since the better to discredite this poore report they charge both Socrates and Zozomen with Heresie and contemne their stories So must all goe to the ground that standeth in their way be it neuer so auncient and yet they are the men that pleade Antiquity But if this bee a fayned and counterfeit story what are the signes of the forgery whereby they discerne it to be so Surely there appeare none but it cannot bee true the Iesuite saith because it is contrary to the report of Epiphanius and Hierome Touching Epiphanius I haue shewed already that hee hath nothing contrary to this narration of Socrates and Zozomen for hee confesseth that Bishoppes and Presbyters in his time liued with their wiues and begatte children of them in such places where the strictnesse of the Canon was not admitted So that the Canon he speaketh of which was admitted in Thessalia Thessalonica Macedonia and Hellas and was proposed and rejected in the Councell of Nice was but particular and locall which may stand well enough with the narration of Socrates and Zozomen that the Councell of
Nice decreed nothing touching this point but left it as they found it The like may bee saide of Hierome For Hierome writing against Vigilantius speaketh of certaine Bishoppes which would ordaine no Deacons vnlesse they marryed wiues thinking that no single men liue chastly who surely if any such were found in those times are not to bee excused But if they onely demaunded first of them that were to bee ordayned before they ordayned them whether they would liue continently or not and if they answered that they would not willed them to marry before they ordained them as Zonaras writing on the Canons of the Apostles sheweth that they doe in the Greeke Church they were not to be blamed Seeing the councell of Ancyra permitted Deacons protesting when they were ordained that they would not liue single to marry after they were entered into Orders But Hierome in opposition to the practise of these men asketh what the Churches of the East of Egypt and of the Apostolicke See shall doe which admit into the Cleargy virgines or such as contayne or such as if they had wiues yet cease to bee husbands whereby it may seeme that this Canon of Bishoppes liuing from their wiues was admitted generally which is contrary to the narration of Socrates But they that vrge these wordes of Hierome should consider first that hee doth not say that these Churches mentioned by him admitted none to the Ministery but such as were single or hauing wiues resolued to liue no longer with them in matrimoniall society but that they admitted such as had neuer beene maryed or hauing had wiues ceased to bee husbands contrary to their practise that would admit none as hee sayth vnlesse they saw their wiues to haue great bellies or heard the children crying in their mothers armes Secondly supposing that these Churches mentioned by Hierome admitted none but such as had neuer beene maryed or hauing beene maryed ceased to bee husbandes hee plainely sheweth by the particular mention of these Churches that there was no such thing generally prevayling and so no way contrarieth the report of Socrates and the rest Wherefore seeing neither Epiphanius nor Hierome will by their contradiction eleuate the authority of Socrates Zozomen and the rest the Cardinall will improue their narration by another meanes The councell of Nice hee sayth forbiddeth Bishoppes Presbyters and Deacons to haue any woman in their houses besides their Mother Sister or Aunt whence hee thinketh it may bee inferred that it did forbid euery of these to haue any Wife dwelling with them in the same house seeing if they might haue wiues they might vndoubtedly haue handmaides to attend them This proofe is no better then the former for in the canons of the Nicene councell translated out of the Arabian tongue and put into the sirst Tome of councels by Binnius out of Alphonsus Pisanus in which as Francis Turrian professeth in his Proeme before the same canons there is nothing but that which is approued and worthy that great Synode of Nice the Decree of the councell is conceiued and expressed in such wordes that it is evident it was neuer meant to bee extended to such Bishoppes Presbyters or Deacons as haue wiues but to such onely as neuer were married or are widowers The wordes are these We decree that Bishoppes dwell not with women neither any Presbyter that is a widower the same is decreed touching euery Presbyter that is vnmarried and the Deacons which haue no wiues and that Priests might liue with their wiues in those times the 78. of those Canons maketh it most cleare for it layeth a more heauy punishment vpon him that hath a wife liuing and liuing with him if hee committe adultery then vpon him that neuer was married or is a widower Wherefore let vs passe from the Councell of Nice to the Councell of Gangra Socrates sheweth that Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia in Armenia so farre disliked marriage that hee perswaded many women to forsake their husbands that hee contemned married Presbyters condemned the prayers and blessings of Presbyters hauing wiues which they married while they were Lay-men Now it is not to bee imagined that hee would haue despised them if they had put away their wiues for he perswaded to that and many women hearkning vnto him departed from their husbands but because they retayned them still yet did the Councell of Gangra condemne him adding that if any one contrary to the Apostolicall Canons shall presume to put any one of them that haue taken holy orders as Presbyters or Deacons from companying with their wiues he shall be deposed To this we may adde the Sixth Generall Councell holden in Trullo wherein a Decree was passed that such as doe enter into the Ministery being married shall bee permitted to liue with their wiues The wordes of the Councell are these Because wee haue vnderstood that it hath beene deliuered to the Church of Rome for a Canon that Deacons or Presbyters who shall bee thought worthy to be ordained shall professe and promise to company no more with their wiues wee keeping the ancient Canon of Apostolicall perfection and order will and decree that the marriages of such men as are in holy orders hence-forth and from this moment of time shall bee firme and stable no way dissoluing their coniunction with their wiues nor debarring them from companying with them at conuenient times Wherefore if any man be found worthy to bee ordained a Subdeacon Deacon or Presbyter Let him by no meanes bee debarred from entring into such a degree because hee liueth with his lawfull wife neither let it bee required of him at the time of his ordination to promise to refraine from the lawfull companying with his wife least by so doing wee bee forced to doe wrong to marriage ordained of God and blessed by his presence The Evangelicall voyce crying out alowde the thinges which GOD hath ioyned let no man sunder And the Apostle teaching that Marriage is honourable and the bed vndefiled And againe saying Art thou bound to a wife seeke not to bee loosed c. Thus doe the Fathers and Bishoppes assembled in this Councell forbidde and condemne the putting of Presbyters Deacons and Subdeacons from the society with their wiues alleadging the ancient Canon vse and custome and many excellent authorities and reasons out of the Scriptures and word of God shewing that no such thing canne bee done without great iniury to the state of Marriage and without separating those whom God hath joyned together and yet sodainely forgetting themselues they forbidde Bishoppes to liue with their wiues so ouerthrowing the auncient custome and Canon and separating those that God hath ioyned together Whereby that which had beene free from the Apostles times as Zonaras noteth was forbidden the Canon of the Apostles repealed Yet did these Fathers as wee see most carefully prouide that Presbyters and Deacons should not bee restrayned And indeede this liberty hath continued according
Bishoppe For say they hee doth not reject the second mariage who hath often commaunded that it should be vsed For a woman sayth he is bound by the Law so long as her husband liueth but if her husband be dead she is free that she may marry with whom shee will onely in the Lord c. For if he haue thrust away his Wife and be joyned to another hee is worthie to bee reprehended and is justly subject to accusation but if force of death haue disjoyned his first Wife and Nature vrging haue compelled him to bee joyned to a second Wife his second mariage is proceeded not of his will but of casualty These things considered saith Theodoret I admit the interpretation of those which haue so vnderstood the place Neither doe Chrysostome and Theodoret only thus interpret the wordes of the Apostle but Theophylact also The Apostle saith he prescribeth that he who is to bee chosen a Bishop must bee the husband of one Wife because of the Iewes to whom Polygamy was permitted that is to joyne mariage with many together And Hierome maketh mention of this Interpretation The Apostle saith he was of the Iewes and the first Church of Christ was gathered out of the remaines of Israell He knew it was permitted by the Law and ordinary among the people by the example of the Patriarches and Moses to begette children of many Wiues vvhich thing also vvas permitted vnto the Priests and therefore hee commaunded that the Priests of the Church should not take vnto themselues the like liberty nor haue tvvo or three vviues at once but that they should haue one only vvife at one time And though he rather incline to another interpretation yet in his Commentary vpon Titus hee mentioneth this againe vvithout any signification of dislike and saith We must not thinke that euery one that hath beene but once maried is better then hee that hath beene tvvice maried but that indeed hee may better exhort to one onely mariage and continencie that can bring forth his ovvne example in teaching For other vvise if a young man marry a vvife shee dye vvithin a little vvhile after after her he marry a second vvhich vvithin a short time hee looseth also and then continue continent hee is to be preferred before him that liueth vvith one vvife till his olde age So that often-times if he that hath beene but once maried be preferred before him that hath beene tvvice maried his happinesse is chosen rather then his vvill And as sundry great and vvorthie Divines did soe interprete the Apostles vvords as to condemne Polygamie and not to exclude from the Ministery mentvvice maried so the practise vvas according there-vnto For hovv-soeuer many vrged the other Construction of the Apostles vvordes and excluded men tvvice maried from the holy Ministery yet others did not so And therefore Tertullian vvho vvas a Montanist and condemned second mariage in his booke of Monogamie interpreting the Apostles vvords of such as had maried the second vvife speaking bitterly against the Catholikes of those times saith the Holy Ghost fore-savv there should come some that should affirme all things to be lawfull for Bishops For sayth he how many are there among you that gouerne the Church which haue maried the second time insulting against the Apostles and not blushing when these vvords are read vnder them Hierome vvas of opinion that men twice maried might bee chosen to be Bishops or Presbyters if they maried both or one of their vviues before they vvere baptized Which vvas the case of very manie in those times seeing besides those who vvere conuerted from Paganisme manie that were borne of Christian parents put off their baptisme along time So that some were elected Bishops before they were baptized as we read of Ambrose Hereupon he saith the nuÌber of such as had bin twice maried yet vvere admitted into the holy Ministerie vvas exceeding great His vvords are these All the world is full of these Ordinations I speake not of Presbyters nor those of inferiour degrees I come to Bishops whom if I shall go about particularly to name I shall muster together soe great a nuÌber as will exceed the multitudes of them that were at the Councell of Ariminum And it appeareth by the Epistle of Innocentius to the Bishops of Macedonia that they thought as Hierome did that such as vvere not twice maried after Baptisme might be admited into the Ministery hovv often soeuer they had beene maried before It is true that Innocentius vvas of another minde and Austine likewise But Hierome vvho is vvont to spare no man that crosseth his conceipt calleth them Hypocrites and telleth them that they are like the Scribes and Pharizees that did straine at a Gnat and swallow a Camell that tithed Mint and Annis-seede but let passe the weightier things of the Lawe because they admitted such into the Ministery as had kept Harlots before their Baptisme and yet reiected such as had beene maried for that sinne is washed away in Baptisme and nothing else Rem nouam audio sayth hee quia peccatum non non fuit in peccatum reputabitur That is it is a new and strange thing that I heare because it was no sinne to haue a vvife therefore it shall be reputed for a fault and sin Whoredome Impiety against God parricide incest and the sin against Nature are purged and washed away in the Baptisme of Christ but this that a man hath had a vvife sticketh fast vnto him still So are the filthy stewes preferred before the honourable and vndefiled mariage-bed Let the Pagans heare vvhat the Haruestes of the Church are out of which our Barnes are filled Let the Cathecumens who are not yet baptized heare likewise and let them take heed they marry no wiues before baptisme neither enter into the state of honest mariage but let them giue themselues to all impurities only let them take heed of the name of mariage least after they shall beleeue in Christ this may prejudice them that sometimes they had not concubines nor Harlots but lawfull vviues Zonaras in his exposition of the Canons of the Apostles followeth the Opinion of Hierome and so doth Sedulius Scotus and Anselme as Sixtus Senensis reporteth And this opinion vvas very generall as it appeareth by Ambrose who though he disliketh it yet saith exceeding many did approue it So that to resolue this point wee see some vnderstood the words of the Apostle as ment against Polygamie only or the hauing of many wiues at once and not successiuely and that accordingly many were permitted to gouerne the Church that hadbin twice maried that of them that vnderstood the words of the Apostle as ment of the not hauing of more wiues then one successiuely some excluded only such as had more theÌ one wife after baptisme others all that had bin twice maried either before or after But we shall find that they who generally excluded all them that
and the two first kindes thereof 432. Chap. 14. Of the third kind of communication of properties and the first degree thereof 434. Chap. 15. Of the third kind of communication of properties and the second degree thereof 438. Chap. 16. Of the worke of Mediation performed by Christ in our nature 441. Chap. 17. Of the things which Christ suffered for vs to procure our reconciliation with God 445. Chap 18. Of the nature and quality of the passion and suffering of Christ. 450. Chap. 19. Of the descending of Christ into hell 453. Chap. 20. Of the merit of Christ of his not meriting for himselfe his meriting for vs. 464. Chap. 21. Of the benefites which we receiue from Christ. 469. Chap. 22. Of the Ministery of them to whom Christ committed the publishing of the reconciliation between God and men procured by him 471. Chap. 23. Of the Primacie of power imagined by our Aduersaries to haue beene in Peter and their defence of the same 479. Chap. 24. Of the preeminence that Peter had amongst the Apostles and the reason why Christ directed his speeches specially to him 486. Chap. 25. Of the distinction of them to whom the Apostles dying left the managing of Church-affaires and particularly of them that are to performe the meaner seruices in the Church 488. Chap. 26. Of the orders and degrees of them that are trusted with the Ministery of the word and Sacraments and the gogouernment of Gods people and particularly of Lay-elders falsely by some supposed to bee Gouernours of the Church 493. Chap. 27. Of the distinction of the power of Order and Iurisdiction and the preeminence of one amongst the Presbyters of each Church who is named a Bishop 497. Chap. 28. Of the diuision of the lesser titles and smaller Congregations or Churches out of those Churches of so large extent founded and constituted by the Apostles 501. Chap. 29. Of Chorepiscopi or Rurall Bishops forbidden by old Canons to encroach vpon the Episcopall office and of the institution necessary vse of Archpresbyters or Deanes 504. Chap. 30. Of the forme of the gouernement of the Church and the institution and authority of Metropolitanes and Patriarches 510. Chap. 31. Of Patriarches who they were and the reason why they were preferred before other Bishops 515. Chap. 32. How the Pope succeedeth Peter what of right belongeth to him and what it is that he vniustly claimeth 518. Chap. 33. Of the proofes brought by the Romanists for confirmation of the vniuersality of the Popes iurisdiction and power 521. Chap. 34. Of the pretended proofes of the Popes vniuersall iurisdiction taken out of the decretall Epistles of Popes 524. Chap. 35. Of the pretended proofes of the Popes Supremacie produced and brought out of the writinges of the Greeke Fathers 533. Chap. 36. Of the pretended proofes of the Popes Supremacie taken out of the writings of the Latine Fathers 539. Chap. 37. Of the pretended proofes of the Popes vniuersall power taken from his intermedling in ancient times in confirming deposing or restoring Bishops deposed 550. Chap. 38. Of the weakenesse of such proofes of the supreame power of Popes as are taken from their lawes Censures dispensations and the Vicegerents they had in places farre remote from them 556. Chap. 39. Of Appeales to Rome 561. Chap. 40. Of the Popes supposed exemption from all humane iudgment as beeing reserued to the iudgement of Christ onely 571. Chap. 41. Of the titles giuen to the Pope and the insufficiencie of the proofes of his illimited power and iurisdiction taken from them 582. Chap. 42. Of the second supposed priuiledge of the Romane Bishops which is infallibility of iudgement 585. Chap. 43. Of such Popes as are charged with heresie and how the Romanists seeke to cleare them from that imputation 593. Chap. 44. Of the Popes vniust claime of temporall dominion ouer the whole world 602. Chap. 45. Of the Popes vniust claime to intermedle with the affaires of Princes and their States if not as Soueraign Lord ouer all yet at least in ordine ad Spiritualia and in case of Princes failing to do their duties 609. Chap. 46. Of the examples of Church-men deposing Princes brought by the Romanists 618. Chap. 47. Of the ciuill dominion which the Popes haue by the gift of Princes 632. Chap. 48. Of generall Councels and of the end vse and necessity of them 642. Chap. 49. Of the persons that may be present in generall Councels and who they are of whom generall Councels do consist 645. Chap. 50. Of the President of generall Councels 649. Chap. 51. Of the assurance of finding out the truth which the Bishops assembled in generall Councels haue 660. Chap. 52. Of the calling of Councels and to whom that right pertaineth 667. Chap. 53. Of the power and authority exercised by the ancient Emperours in generall Councels and of the Supremacie of Christian Princes in causes and ouer persons Ecclesiasticall 677. Chap. 54. Of the calling of Ministers and the persons to whom it pertaineth to elect and ordaine them 686. Chap. 55. Of the Popes disordered intermedling with elections of Bishops and other Ministers of the Church their vsurpation intrusion and preiudicing the right and liberty of others 696. Chap. 56. Of the ordinations of Bishops and Ministers 702. Chap. 57. Of the things required in such as are to be ordained Ministers and of the lawfulnesse of their Marriage 704. Chap. 58. Of Digamie and what kind of it it is that debarreth men from entring into the Ministerie 727. Chap. 59. Of the maintenance of Ministers 733. What things are Occasionally handled in the Appendix to the fifth Booke THat Protestants admit triall by the Fathers 749. Of Purgatory and Prayer for the dead 750. 764. 776. 783. 787. 792. Whether generall Councels may erre 761. The opinion of the Greekes concerning Purgatory 764. Of Transubstantiation 770. The opinion of some of the Schoolemen thinking that finall Grace purgeth out all sinfulnesse out of the soule in the moment of dissolution 772. Of the heresie of Aerius 789. Nothing constantly resolued on concerning Purgatory in the Romane Church at Luthers appearing 790. Abuses in the Romane Church disliked by Gerson 795. Grosthead opposing the Pope 809. The agreement of diuers before Luther with that which Protestants now teach 813. Of the difference betweene the German Diuines and vs concerning the Vbiquitary presence and the Sacrament 819. The differences of former times amongst the Fathers and of the Papists at this day compared with the differences that are found amongst Protestants 823. Of the Rule whereby all controuersies are to be ended 827. That the Elect neuer fall totally from grace once receiued 833. What manner of faith is found in infants that are baptised 837. Of the saying of Augustine that hee would not beleeue the Gospell if the authority of the Church did not moue him 841. Of the last resolution of our faith 844. 856. Of the sufficiency of the Scripture 847. Of Traditions 849. 892. Of the merit of works
transitory things Which vnadvised speech howmuch it advantageth the Anabaptists H who thinke the faithfull people before Christ did onely taste of the sweetnesse of Gods temporall blessings without any hope of eternall happinesse any man of meane vnderstanding may easily discerââ¦e It is therefore not to be doubted but that the ãâã before the manifestion of Christ in the flesh were so instructed of the Lââ¦d that they assured themselues ãâã was a better life for them else where ââ¦nd that neglecting this earthly ââ¦any wââ¦ched life they principally sought the other which is Divine and Heauenly Notwithstanding some ãâã there was betweene their estate and ours in that though the Lord raised their mindes from base and earthly things to know seeke and desire the heauââ¦ly inheritance and life of the world to come yet that they might the betterâ⦠strengthned in the hope and expectation thereof hee made them take a ââ¦ew of it tast the sweetenesse of it in those temporall and earthly blessings and benefits which most abundantly he bestowed vpon them whereas now the grace of the life that is to come being more cleerely reuealed by the ãâã omitting all that inferiour kinde of manuduction or leading by the hand through the consideration sight and enjoying of these meaner things he doth more directly and immediatly fasten our thoughts on things diuine For the expressing of this difference and the more easie distinction of the two moities of the people of God the one before the other after the worke of redemption was performed by Christ though both be rightly and most aptly named the Church of God yet it hath beene and is religiously obserued that by a kind of appropriation the one is named the Synagogue the ãâã the Church Neither doe any of our Diuines for ought I know call this society of Christians a Synagogue though following the rule of Thomas that ãâã ãâã wee must not so much respect their originall exact and precise signification or dââ¦rivation as wherevnto they are by vse of speech applyed wee vse the word congregation which is the Latine of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and feare not to say that the people of God in the state of the new Testament are the Congregation of Christ and are congregated in his faith and name euen as though ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Ecclesia ãâã catio caetus evocatus a multitude called out or called together both Greeke Latine and English words doe originally signifie one and the same thing yet there are many meetings societies and assemblies of men which may rightly be called convocations multitudes called together or multitudes of men called out from others which if wee should endevour to expresse by the Greeke word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or by the English word Church it would seeme absurde and no man would vnderstand vs. It followeth not therefore that we call the companie and society of Christians a Synagogue though wee name it the Congregation of Christ warranted thereunto by the authority example and Practise of the Apostles of Christ and other holy and Catholique men that haue beene before vs. Let vs consider one another to provoke vnto loue and good workes saith the Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrewes 10 chapter not forsaking our assembling or congregating and gathering together or the fellowship we haue among our selues as the manner of some is where the Greeke word is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã And the same Apostle to the Corinthians when you are congregated and ââ¦y spirit in the middest of you I will deliver this man that hath done this thing vnto Sathan And who knoweth not that all writers since the Apostles times haue freely vsed the word Congregation applying it to signifie the multitudes and assemblies of Christians In the Councell of Constance nothing more often repeated than Synodus in spiritu sancto congregata c. Yet I hope that Gregory Martin and other such verball companions will not say that the fathers assembled in that Councell which ended the Schisme of three Popes and setled the succession of the Bishops of Rome againe were congregated and gathered like bruite beasts It is not therefore with so great scorne and imputation of daungerous and hereticall meaning to be reiected that our translatours of the Scriptures did and doe sometimes translate the word Ecclesia vsed to expresse the Christian people of the new Testament by the name of the Congregation The reason why our translatours in the beginning did choose rather to vse the word Congregation then Church was not as the aduersarie malitiously imagineth for that they feared the very name of the Church but because as by the name of religion and religious men ordinarily in former times men vnderstood nothing but factitias religiones as Gerson out of Anselme calleth them that is the professions of Monkes and Fryers So all the ordinarie sorte when they heard the name of the Church vnderstood nothing else thereby but either the materiall place where men mette to serue and worshippe God or the Clergie Iurisdictions and Temporalities belonging to them as the same Gerson sheweth affirming that the state of the Church in his time was meere brutish so that men iudged him a good Bishop and gouernour of the Church that looked well to the Edifices Mansions Lands Rents and Revenewes pertaining to the Clergie not much respecting what care hee tooke of the spirituall welfare of them that were committed to his charge When this error in the conceipt and apprehension of men was remoued the former name of Church was more ordinarily vsed againe Wherefore leauing this contention about wordes wherein our adversaries most delight let vs come to the thing it selfe CHAP. 6. Of the definition of the Church COncerning the Church fiue things are to be obserued First what is the definition of it and who pertaine vnto it Secondly the notes whereby it may be knowen Thirdly which is the true Church demonstrated by these notes Fourthly the priuiledges that doe pertaine vnto it Fiftly the diuers degrees orders and callings of those men to whome the gouernment of this Church is committed Touching the first the Church is the multitude and number of those whom Almighty God severeth from the rest of the world by the worke of his grace and calleth to the participation of eternall happinesse by the knowledge of such supernaturall verities as concerning their euerlasting good hee hath reuealed in Christ his sonne and such other pretious and happie meanes as hee hath appointed to further and set forward the worke of their saluation So that it is the worke of grace and the heauenly calling that giue being to the Church and make it a different societie from all other companies of men in the world that haue no other light of knowledge nor motion of desire but that which is naturall whence for distinction from them it is named Ecclesia a multitude called out CHAP. 7. Of the diverse sorts of them
Schismatikes are they that breake the vnitie of the Church and refuse to submit themselues and yeeld obedience to their lawfull Pastours and guides though they retaine an entire profession of the trueth of God as did the Luciferians some others in the beginning of their Schisme though for the most part the better to justifie their Schismaticall departure from the rest of Gods people Schismatikes doe fall into some errour in matters of faith This is the first sort of them that depart and goe out from the Church of God and company of his people whose departure yet is not such but that notwithstanding their Schisme they are and remaine parts of the Church of God For whereas in the Church of God is found an entire profession of the sauing trueth of God order of holy Ministery Sacraments by vertue thereof administred and a blessed vnitie and fellowship of the people of God knit together in the bond of peace vnder the commaund of lawfull Pastours and guides set over them to direct them in the wayes of eternall happinesse Schismatikes notwithstanding their separation remaine still conioyned with the rest of Gods people in respect of the profession of the whole sauing trueth of God all outward actes of Religion and Diuine worship power of order and holy Sacraments which they by vertue thereof administer and so still are and remaine parts of the Church of God but as their communion and coniunction with the rest of Gods people is in some things onely and not absolutely in all wherein they haue and ought to haue fellowship so are they not fully and absolutely of the Church nor of that more speciall number of them that communicate intirely and absolutely in all things necessary in which sense they are rightly denied to be of the Church which I take to be their meaning that say they are not of the Church CHAP. 14. Of the second sort of them that voluntarily goe out from the people of God HEretikes are they that obstinately persist in error contrary to the Churches faith so that these doe not onely forsake the fellowship but the faith also and therefore of these there may be more question whether notwithstanding their hereticall division they still continue in any sort parts of the Church of God But this doubt in my opinion is easily resolued For in respect of the profession of sundry diuine verities which still they retaine in common with right beleeuers in respect of the power of order and degree of ministery which receiuing in the Church they carry out with them and sacraments which by vertue thereof they doe administer they still pertain to the Church But for that they hold not an entire full professioÌ of all such sauing trueths as to know and beleeue is necessary vnto saluation for that their Pastours and Priests though they haue power of order yet haue no power of jurisdiction neither can performe any acte thereof for that they retaine not the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace they are rightly denied to be of the Church not for that they are not in any sort of it but for that they are not fully and absolutely of it nor of that more speciall number of them which communicate in all things wherein Christians should This more speciall number of right beleeuing Christians is for distinction sake rightly named the Catholike Church because it consisteth of them only that without addition diminution alteration or innouation in matter of doctrine hold the common faith once deliuered to the Saints and without all particular or priuate diuision or faction retaine the vnitie of the spirit in the bond of peace To this purpose is it that Saint Augustine against the Donatists who therefore denied the baptisme of Heretikes to be true Baptisme and did vrge the necessity of rebaptizing them that were baptized by them for that they are out of the Church doth shew that all wicked ones feined Christians and false hearted hypocrites are secluded from the Church of God considered in her best and principall parts and in the highest degree of vnitie with Christ her mysticall head aswell as ââ¦retikes and Schismatikes As therefore all they that outwardly professe the trueth and hold the faith of Christ without schisme or heresie are of the Church and are within as the Scripture speaketh yet are not all ofthat more speciall number of them that are intrinsecus in occulto intus but in more generall sort So likewise Heretikes and Schismatikes though they be not of that speciall number of them that in vnity hold the entire profession of diuine trueth are of the Church generally considered and of the number of them that professe the trueth of God reuealed in Christ. And this surely Augustine most clearely deliuereth For when the Donatists did obiect that Heresie is an harlot and that if the baptisme of Heretikes bee good sonnes are borne to God of heresie and so of an harlot than which what can be more absurde impious his answere was that the conuenticles of Heretikes doe beare children vnto God not in that they are diuided but in that they still remaine conjoyned with the true and Catholike Church not in that they are Heretikes but in that they professe and practise that which Christians should and doe professe and practise It is not therefore to be so scornefully rejected by Bellarmine Stapleton and others of that faction that we affirme that both Heretikes and Schismatikes are in some sort though not fully perfectly and with hope of saluation of the Church seeing Augustine in the iust and honourable defence of the Churches cause against Heretikes did long since affirme the same not doubting to say that Heretikes remaine in such sort conioyned to the Church notwithstanding their Heresie that the true Church in the midst ofthem and in their assemblies by Baptisme ministred by them doth beare and bring forth children vnto God The not conceiuing whereof gaue occasion to Cyprian and the African Bishops of errour and afterwards to the Donatists of their heresie touching the rebaptization of them that were baptized by Heretikes For seeing there is but ââ¦e Lord one faith one Baptisme seeing God gaue the power of the keyes and the dispensation of his word and sacraments onely to his Church if Heretikes bee not of the Church they doe not baptise This their allegation they amplified and enlarged from the nature and condition of heresie and Heretickes and the high pretious and diuine qualitie force and working of the sacraments thereby endeauouring to shew that so excellent meanes pledges and assurances of our saluation cannot be giuen by the hands of men so farre estranged from God There is say they one faith one hope one Baptisme not among heretikes where there is no hope and a false faith where all things are done in lying false and deceiueable maner where he adiureth Sathan that is the vassall of Sathan and possessed of the diuell
tend signified by that pennie given to every one of the labourers Matth. 20. The third is in respect of the same meanes of saluation as are faith sacraments holy lawes and precepts according to that Ephesians 4. One faith one Baptisme c. The fourth in respect of the same spirit which doeth animate the whole body of the Church There are diversities of graces but the same spirit 1. Cor. 12. The fift in respect of the same head Christ and guides appointed by him who though they are many yet are all holden in a sweete coherence and connexion amongst themselues as if there were but one episcopall chaire and office in the world Which Vnitie of Pastours and Bishops though they be many and ioyned in equall commission without dependance one of another Christ signified by directing his words specially to Peter Feede my sheepe feede my lambes as Cyprian most aptly noteth The sixt is in respect of the connexion which all they of the Church haue amongst themselues and with Christ and those whom he hath appointed in his stead to take care of their soules Rom. 12. Wee are one body and members one of another These being the diuers kindes and sortes of Vnitie in the Church let vs see what Vnitie it is which they make a note of the Church The Vnitie which they make a note of the Church is first in respect of the rule of faith and vse of the sacraments of saluation secondly in respect of the coherence and connexion of the Pastours and Bishops amongst themselues thirdly in the due and submissiue obedience of the people to their Pastours This is it then which they say that wheresoeuer any company and society of Christians is found in orderly subiection to their lawfull Pastours not erring from the rule of faith nor schismatically rent from the other parts of the Christian world by factious causelesse and impious diuision that societie of men is vndoubtedly the true and not offending Church of God This note thus delivered is the very same with those assigned by vs. But if any of them shall imagine that any Vnitie and agreement whatsoeuer of Christian people amongst themselues doth prooue them to bee the Church of God wee vtterly denie it For the Armenians Aethiopians and Christians of Muscovia and Russia haue euery of them an agreement amongst themselues though diuided each from other more perfect than they of the Church of Rome haue which yet in the judgement of the Romanists are not the true Churches of God CHAP. 8. Of Vniversalitie THe next note assigned by them is Vniuersalitie Concerning Vniversalitie Bellarmine obserueth three things First that to the Vniversalitie of the Church is required that it exclude no times places nor sorts of men in which consideration the Christian Church differeth from the Synagogue which was a particular Church tied to one time being to continue but to the comming of Christ to a certaine place to wit the Temple at Hierusalem out of which they could not sacrifice and to one family the sonnes of Iacob Secondly he noteth out of Augustine that to the Vniversalitie of the ChristiaÌ Church it is not required that all the men of the world should be of the Church but that at the least there should be some in all provinces of the world that should giue their names to Christ. For till this be performed the day of the Lord shall not come Mat. 24. Thirdly he noteth out of Driedâ⦠in his fourth booke chap. 2. part 2. de Ecclesiasticis dogmatibus that it is not required that this should be all at once so that at one time necessarily there must be some Christians in all places of the world For it is enough if it bee successiuely Whence sayth hee it followeth that though but onely one Province of the world should retaine the true faith it might truely and properly be named the Catholicke Church if it could clearely demonstrate it selfe to be one with the Church and company of beleeuers which if not at one time yet at diuers times hath filled the whole world This it cannot demonstrate but by making it appeare that it hath neither brought in any new and strange doctrine in matter of faith nor schismatically rent it selfe from the rest of the christian world This note of Vniversality thus vnderstood wee willingly admitte For it is the same with those we assigne For wee say what Church soeuer can proue it selfe to hold the faith once deliuered to the saints and generally published to the world without hereticall innouation or schismaticall violation and breach of the peace and vnitie of the Christian world is vndoubtedly the true Church of God But out of this which Bellarmine hath thus truely wisely fitly obserued touching Vniversalitie we may deduce many corrolaries of great consequence in this controversie touching the Church The first that it may be the true and Catholike Church which neither presently is nor euer hereafter shall bee in all or the most parts of the world if it can continuate it selfe and prooue it selfe one with that Church which formerly at some time or times hath beene in the most parts thereof From whence it is easie to discerne the vanitie of that their sillie obiection against vs who say our Church began not at Hierusalem in the feast of Pentecost but at Wittenberg or Geneva in this last age of the world that it is not likely beginning so late that euer it will so farre enlarge it selfe as to fill all the whole world so become Catholicke or Vniuersall For wee doe not imagine that the Church began at Wittenberg or Geneua but that in these and sundry other places of the Christian world it pleased God to vse the ministerie of his worthy seruants for the necessary reformation of abuses in some parts of that Catholicke Church which beginning at Hierusalem spread it selfe into all the world though not at all times nor all places in like degree of puritie and sincerity So that though the reformed Churches neither presently be nor perhaps hereafter shall be in all or the most parts of the world yet are they catholicke for that they doe continuate themselues with that Church which hath beene is or shall bee in all places of the world before the comming of Christ and vndoubtedly already hath beene in the most parts thereof The second that the true Church is not necessarily alwayes of greater extent nor the multitude of them that are of it greater than of any one company of Heretickes or mis-beleeuers The third that the true Church cannot bee at all times infallibly knowen from the factions of heretickes by multitude and largenesse of extent The fourth that this contrarieth not the sayings of Augustine and others of the Fathers who vrge the ample extent of the Church as a proofe of the trueth thereof For that they liued and wrote in those times when the Church was in her growth and wee are
wee are of wee will most willingly listen vnto them But this they doe not and therefore their talking of the Fathers reasoning from succession when they dare not reason as the fathers did is most vaine and idle CHAP. 41. Of Vnity the kindes of it and that Communion with the Romane Bishoppe is not alwayes a note of true and Catholike profession THe next note of the Church assigned by them is Vnity The Vnity of the Church consisteth principally in three things First in obseruing and holding the Rule of faith once deliuered to the Saints Secondly in the subiection of the people to their Pastours and thirdly in the due connexion of many Pastours and the flockes depending on them among themselues All these kinds and sorts of vnity wee thinke necessarily required in some degree in all those societies of Christians that will demonstrate themselues to bee the true Churches of God and deny not but that vnity in this sort expressed and conceiued is a most apt note of the true Church The papists suppose that besides these kinds and sorts of vnity before expressed there is also required another kind of vnity to the being of the Church namely subiection to and vnion with that visible head which as they thinke Christ hath left in his steade to gouerne the whole body of the Church and to rule both Pastors and people This head as they suppose is the Bishoppe of Rome from whose communion sith wee are fallen they inferre that wee are diuided from the vnity of the true Church This last kinde of vnity deuised by the Papists wee deny to bee necessarily required to the beeing of the true Church First therefore let vs see what may bee said for or against the necessity of this kinde of vnitie and in the next place consider what our aduersaries can conclude for themselues or against vs from that kind of vnity which wee acknowledge to be necessarily required to the being of the true Church If the vnion of all Christians with this supposed visible head which is the Bishop of Rome were necessarily required as a perpetuall dutie then was there no true Church in the time of the Anti-Popes when the wisest knew not who were the true Popes and who were vsurpers If they shall reply that it is necessary to hold Communion with the true if hee may bee knowne this hath no more warrant of reason than the former seeing the best learned amongst theÌselues thinke that not only the Pope but also the whole cleargy people of Rome may erre and fall into damnable heresies in which case it is the part of euery true Christian to disclaime all communion with them and to oppose himselfe against them and all their hereticall impieties That it is possible for the Pope to erre and become an heretique so many great Divines in the Church of Rome haue at all times most constantly defended that the greatest patrons of the infallibility of the Popes judgement at this day are forced to confesse it is not necessary to beleeue that the Pope cannot erre but that it is onely a matter of probable dispute Thus then it is evident to all that will not wilfully oppose themselues against the truth that consent with the Romane Bishoppe cannot bee made a perpetuall and sure note of the true Church Nay the Grecians most constantly affirme that the Popes taking all to himselfe and challenging to bee head of the vniversall Church hath beene the cause of the Churches division But because Bellarmine is so excellent a Sophister that he is able to proue any thing to bee true though neuer so false and absurde Let vs see how hee proueth that consent with the Bishop of Rome is a note of the true Church in such sorte that whosoeuer holdeth Communion with him is a Catholike and contrarily whosoeuer forsaketh his Communion is an Heretique or Schismatique This hee endeavoureth to make good by the testimonies of sundry of the auncient Fathers wrested against their knowne meanings and vndoubted resolutions in other parts of their workes and writings His first allegation is out of Irenaeus in his third booke and third Chapter against heresies But if wee consider the circumstances of the place and the occasion of the wordes ciââ¦d by Bellarmine wee shall easily see they proue no such thing as hee laboureth to enforce For Irenaeus in that place sheweth how all heresies may bee refuted by opposing against them the tradition of the Apostles which hee saith wee may easily finde out and discerne how contrary it is to the franticke conceites of heretiques by taking a view of them which were ordained Bishoppes by the Apostles in the Churches of Christ and their successours to this present time which neuer taught nor knew any such thing as these men dreame Now because it would bee tedious to reckon all the successions of Bishoppes succeeding one another in euery Church therefore he produceth the succession of the Bishops in the Romane Church in steede of all because that being the most famous and renowned Church of the world constituted and founded by the two most principall and glorious Apostles Peter and Paul whatsoeuer was successiuely taught and receiued in that Church and consequently deliuered vnto it by those blessed Apostles must needes be the doctrine and tradition of the rest of the Apostles deliuered to all other Churches of the World For what was there hidden from these Apostles that was revealed vnto any of the rest and what would they hide from this principall Church that was any way necessary to bee knowne Therefore saith Irenaeus the producing of the Romane succession is in stead of all For it must needes bee that what this most principall Church receiued from these great Apostles that nothing else the other did receiue from their Apostles first preachers which he expresseth in these words Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter potentioreÌ principalitateÌ necesse est omnem convenire EcclesiaÌ hoc est cos qui sunt vndique fideles Bellarmines sense of these words that all Churches must frame themselues to beleeue what the Church of Rome beleeueth and prescribeth to others to bee beleeued no way standeth with the drift of Irenaeus in this place as may appeare by that which hath beene sayd and therefore this allegation might haue beene spared His next authorities are out of Cyprians Epistles in the first of which Epistles we shall finde that there were certaine Schismatikes that fled from their owne lawfull Bishop and superiours with complaints to other Bishops and Churches and amongst the rest to the Church and Bishop of Rome not knowing sayth Cyprian or at least not considering that the Romanes are such as will not giue entertainement to such perfidious companions nor listen to lying and false reports For that is the meaning of those words Ad quos perfidia non possit habere accessum But Bellarmine wresteth the words to another sense to wit that infidelitie and
bounden duty that wee should at all times and in all places giue thankes vnto thee holy Father almighty and euerlasting God through our Lord Iesus Christ. And that theÌ immediately followed these words Who the night before hee suffered tooke bread c. For they thinke that howsoeuer the latter part of the Roman canon now vsed ipsissimam prae se serat antiquitatem admirabilem spiret sanctitatem that is appeares to be auncient and breathing forth nothing but admirable sanctitie yet the former parts of it do not so and that they were composed by Scholasticus not long before the time of Gregory the first as himselfe telleth vs. What is to be thought of this Scholasticus whether hee were a man so named or whether Gregorie more to expresse vnto us the quality of him that composed the canon that hee was but a man though a professor of learning and that therefore he might adde the Lords prayer vnto that forme that had but a man for the composer of it I leaue uncertaine because some thinke it was composed by Gelasius and that hee was stiled Scholasticus before he was Bishop But this is certaine that some things haue beene added to the canon since the time of Gregory and that in the celebration of the holy mysteries so many tautologismes and barbarismes are found that ingenuous men abhorre from the celebration thereof as Platina testifieth and so many so grosse corruptions are crept into the service of the Church that all good men long since and yet still complaine of it Claudius Elpenââ¦us affirmeth that the publique services are full of old fables and allea ââ¦geth Petrus abbas Cluniacensis l. 5. cap. 29. saying that the songs himnes of the Church had very many toyes as namely a himne in the prayse of Saint ãâã in the which though reading it ouer somewhat hastily and not staying to search all yet he found at the least foure twenty lies He alleadgeth likewise Petrus Pictaviensis epist. 31. reprouing a false fond himne in the praââ¦se of Maure running vpon the waters and Cardinall Cameracensis de reââ¦ââ¦lesie consideration the third advising the councell of Constance to take oder that vnsound writings might be no longer read in the Church and the oration of Picus Mirandula to the same purpose and Volateran complayning that in the daily prayers there are read manifest lies to whom hee addeth Adrian the sixth afterwards Pope misliking superstitious forgeries in holy matters and concludeth that the Catholickes may lament on the behalfe of the Church as Hieremie lamented on the behalfe of the Synagogue Thy Prophets haue seene false foolish things for thee addeth that the greife which hee doth feele and expresse for these toyes dotages is common to him with all good men for the most part Bishop Lindan to the same purpose hath these wordes Quod si nostra conspiceret Agobertus episcopus Lugduââ¦rsis antiphonaria Deum immortalem quomodo ea pingeret vbi non Apochrypha modo exevangelio Nicodemi alijs nugis sunt inserta sed ipsae adeo secretae prââ¦es suâ⦠mendis turpissimis conspurcatae That is If Agobertus sometimes Bishop of ãâã that could not endure the corruptions of his time were now aliue and should see our antiphonaries good God! how would he paint them out in which not onely apochryphall things out of the gospell of Nicodemus and such other toyes are ââ¦ed but even the very prayers themselues named secretae are defiled with ââ¦st ââ¦rosse and vile absurdities and faults Many things sayth Picus Mirandula which in the decrees are accounted apocryphall and are so censured by Hierome are in the service of the Church and many things also that by many are nââ¦t thought to be true I meane not sayth Melchior Canus to defend all the histories which are every where read in the Church I see there are so many of the vulgar sort condition not onely amongst those of the laitie but of the cleaââ¦gie also that most willingly embrace those fables which the Church long since exploded In this kinde it behooueth the Bishops to doe something but they must be wise aswell as diligent least while they goe about to cure the loosenesse of the skinne about the fingers they hurt the head These happilie goe about to put graue histories into the place of such as are apochryphall but they change the diuine seruice of the Church so much that scarce any shew of the old religion seemeth to bee left in the daily prayers wherefore this must ââ¦nd firme that the histories of the Saints which are wont to bee read in the Church must not bee despised though some of them be vncertaine apochryphall light and false for they are credible and true for the most part some of them certaine Ferdinand caused it to be proposed to the councell of Trent amongst other articles of reformation that the breviaries and missals might be purged that all things that are found in them not taken out of the Scripture might be taken away that the prolixity of prayers Psalmes might be abridged good choise being made of such as should be vsed apud Goldast imper const tom 2. pag. 3â⦠These it seemeth are those mysteries of Romish religion found in the liturgy of the Church at before Luthers time whereof M Brerely speaketh but they had no generall approbation but the dislike of all good men as it appeareth by that which hath bin said For otherwise the very forme words of the liturgie condemne the abuses of privat masses halfe coÌmunions make nothing of that propitiatory sacrifice whereof the Papists fable which are those greatest mysteries of Romish religioÌ that they insist vpon in their Masse Touching the first of these parts of Romish religion which is that of their priuate masses wherein the Priest receiueth alone without any communicants making the people beleeue that that which he doth is a propitiatorie sacrifice and that he can apply the benefite of it to whom he will and that it is enough for them to be present or to giue something for the procuring of it their errour is clearely refuted by the forme of prayers that are vsed in the masse which show that they onely haue the benefit that is here sought that communicate For immediatly after the consecration the Priest and people pray in this sort Supplices te rogamus omnipotens deus iube haec perferri per manus sancti angeli tui in sublime altare tuum in conspectu divinae maiestatis tuae ut quicunque ex hac altaris participatione sacrosancti filii tui corpus sanguinem sumpserimus omni benedictione coelesti gratiâ repleamur per eundem Christum Dominum nostrum Amen That is Wee as humble suppliants beseech thee O God Almighty to commaund that these our sacrifices and oblations may bee carried by the hands of thy holy Angell to thy Altar on high and to the sight of thy divine Maiestic
Armachanus answereth that if the wordes of Christ bee vnderstood of the Sacramentall drinking they must bee vnderstood with some qualification to wit that it is necessarie to saluation and the attaining of eternall life for each man to receiue both at some time or to bee willing and ready asmuch as is in his power to receiue both Which was no doubt the condition of many thousands vnder the papacie that much desired to haue enioyed this comfort so that in this point wee see the Church wherein our Fathers liued and died was a true Protestant Church as euer before so at the appearing of Luther Which is yet more confirmed in that after Luthers prcaching many of the greatest Princes of these parts of the world that neuer ioyned wholly with him nor euer brake with the B. of Rome vrged this point of communicating in both kinds most earnestly as Ferdinand Maximilian the French king the Duke of Bauaria and sundry other There is extanta writing exibited by the Embassadours of the Emperour Ferdinand to the councell of Trent in the yeare 1562 Iune 27. Wherein first it is shewed that the custome of communicating in both kinds which was in vse in Bohemia when the councell of Constance was called hath beene retained there euer since and that the Bohemians could neuer yet be brought by any perswasions and entreaties or by any force and warre to relinquish this custome and to suffer the cuppe to bee denied vnto them From which cuppe or chalice that part of the people that maintained this libertie were called Calixtini and subutraque which sort of men spread it selfe exceedingly in that kingdome and there are of that number many prime men and certaine great officers and magistrates To these the Church permitted the free vse of the cup vpon due considerations But Pius the second vppon some dislike reuoked the former concession whose proceedings in that kind hauing no good successe but rather causing a greater alienation Paulus the third and Iulius the third sent their legats to reconcile them to the Church and to permit them to vse their former custome Neither is it to be marvailed at that these Bohemians caÌnot be brought from this perswasion of the necessity of communicating in both kinds seeing we find that there are many most learned pious Catholike men that do thinke that they that communicate vnder both kinds obtaine more grace theÌ they that communicate vnder one only Besides these Bohemians there are in sundry other famous and noble kingdomes prouinces certaine pious Catholique men as in Hungarie Austria Morauia Silesia Carinthia Carniola Styria Bauaria Sueuia and many Prouinces of Germany that with great earnestnesse desire the vse of the cuppe to be left free vnto them Hitherto wee haue heard the words of the Emperour shewing the desires of many states and prouinces and after the vrging of the daungers that may follow if their desires be not satisfied the Embassadours earnestly desired the Bishops assembled to consider of this motion The same desire of the Emperour Ferdinand is excellently expressed in an oration made by Andraeas Dudithius the Emperours Embassadour in the councell of Trent Maximilian in his rescript to Pius the fourth touching the marriage of priests sheweth that in his opinion it is fitte not only to gratifie the people by the concession of the cuppe as he saith Pius had already yeelded to doe but the Clergie also by granting them the liberty of marriage There is extant also an oration made by the Embassador of the Duke of Banaria in the councell of Trent in the yeare 1562 wherein we finde these words Not a few are offended fall away ioyne themselues to the sectaries by reason of the prohibition of the communion vnder both kinds For they think there is an expresse word of God for the communion vnder both kinds and no word for the other vnder one To which they adde that the vse of the coÌmunion in both kinds was not only in the time of the Primitiue Church but is now also in the Easterne Churches of the world and that the Roman Church aunciently did not abhorre from the same as it appeareth by many hystories Neither doth it moue men a little especially in Bauaria that Paul the third by his bull granted the communion vnder both kindes to certaine Bishops in Germanie The same Duke in an Epistle written to Pius the fourth in the yeare 1564 concerning the same matter hath these words Wee haue conferred touching this thing which the most reuerend and illustrious Arch-chauncelours and electours spirituall of the Roman Empire and they agree with mee to beseech your holinesse helpe for the confirming of them that stand and the raising vp of them that are fallen as being the supreame Monarch in respect of things pertayning to Christianity so that you neede not to make any doubt of the willingnesse of the electours if your holines shall bee pleased to yeeld any thing in this kind to embrace the same and to put it in execution Wherefore together with the Emperours majestic I humbly most earnestly beseech your holines to graunt the free vse of the cup at the least to them who being perswaded as they are will harken to no better aduise at this time Thuanus reporteth that Maximilian in the very beginning of his raigne when he saw that men were exceedingly discontented especially in Bohemia Austria that they had no satisfaction given them by the councell of Trent as they expected touching the concession of the cup and the freedome of priests marriages that he might bring them to be better content and that they might bee willing to doe what he expected of them for the good of the common-wealth hee was earnest with the Pope that the promises which he might well remember hee had made to Ferdinand to himselfe by Cardinall Moronus a litle before the councell ended might now be made good in a time wherein it was so needfull seeing the councell determining nothing had left power to him to take order in this kinde The Pope denyed not to performe what the Emperour desired being perswaded so to doe by Moronus and not beeing much averse from it of himselfe before But Philip King of Spaine by the instigation of Cardinall Pacecus fearing this example in the Low-countries sent Peter Avila to Rome at the same time that he vnderstood the Emperour would send his embassadours to disswade the Pope from listening to any such motion as beeing very hurtfull to the Christian Church c. The Pope at the instance of the Cardinalls deferring putting off the matter till a longer time for the present eluded the Emperours petition Thus did this good Emperour insist in the steppes of Ferdinand his worthy father â who when he was moved by the Pope to cause the councell of Trent to bee promulgated in Germany shewed himselfe willing to doe any thing that was fitte but earnestly vrged the Pope
I am si canon ille missae in hunc quem diximus sensum intelligatur nihil habet incommodi superstitiosa tantum absit opinio quia quidam de naturâ energiâ huius sanctissimi sacrificii male edocti virtutem eius ex solo externo opere quod facit Sacerdos in se deriuari putabant tametsi illi nullam viuam fidem adferrent nullam pietatem adhiberent nulla communione vel precum seu orationis sacrificio assensum praeberent quales erant qui nullâ suae nefandae impietatis execrandorum flagitiorum habitâ ratione se huic sacratissimae diuinissimae actioni damnabiliter miscuerunt missam solius externi operis quod sacerdos facit virtute prodesse put antes etsi ipsi nihil probae mentis adferrent That is If the canon of the Masse bee vnderstood in this sense which wee haue expressed there is no euill in it so that men haue no superstitious conceipt of things for there were some who being ill instructed touching the nature of this sacrament supposed that vertue might be deriued vnto them by the sole externe action of the priest although they brought no liuely faith no piety nor gaue any consent to the sacrifice by any communion so much as of prayer of which sort they were who hauing no consideration of their owne horrible impieties evills committed by them persevering in the purpose of sinning damnably presumed to be present at this most holy action and put themselues in a sort into it perswading themselues that the masse by the vertue of the externe worke of the priest alone would doe them good though they brought no motions affections or desires of a good mind with them Hosius was of the same opinion with these before recited When the priest sayth hee lifteth vp the eucharist let men remember that sacrifice wherein Christ being lifted vp to the crosse offered himselfe to God a sacrifice for vs. Let them thinke how bitter the torments were that hee sustained let them know that mens sins were the cause of such his sufferings let them greiue as it is fitte they should for them and let them shew by all meanes that they hate them And because by his precious death hee hath so fully satisfied for all sinnes that there are none that are not abolished let them with good assurance considence goe vnto the throne of grace and whereas wee haue no merit of our owne let them plead that of Christ let them present that his body that did hang on the crosse and his bloud which was shed for the remission of our sinnes to God the Father and let them humbly beseech him to turne away his face from their sinnes and to looke vpon the face of his son Christ who bare our infirmities to looke vpon his face for his merit to remit their sinnes and to graunt that they may deriue vnto themselues all that fruite which that sacrifice of the crosse that is represented on the altar brought to the world Thus he sayth the people were taught by our forefathers and this hee sayth is enough for them to know Notwithstanding hee sheweth that Michael Bishop of Merspurge a man learned godly and truely catholique published certaine sermons touching the sacrifice of the massâ⦠which hee wisheth to bee in the hands of all men in these sermons the same explication is made of the sacrament so often mentioned that I haue already deliuered And with him agreeth another learned Bishop Thomas Watson sometimes Bishop of Lincolne in his sermons vpon the seauen sacraments his words are these Christ in heaven and wee his mysticall body on earth doe but one thing for Christ being a Priest for euermore after his passion and resurrection entred into heauen and there appeareth now to the countenance of God for vs offering himselfe for vs to pacifie the anger of God against vs and representing his passion and all that he suffered for vs that we might be reconciled to God by him euen so the Church our mother being carefull for vs her children that haue offended our father in heauen vseth continually by her publique minister to pray to offer vnto God the body bloud of her husband Christ representing renewing his passion and death before God that wee thereby might bee renewed in grace and receiue life perfection and saluation and after the same sort the holy Angels of God in the time of this our sacrifice do assist the priest and stand about the host thinking that the meetest time to shew their charitie towards vs and therefore holding forth the body of Christ praye for mankind as saying thus Lord wee pray for them whom thou hast so loued that for their saluation thou hast suffered death spent thy life vpon the crosse we make supplication for them for whom thou hast shed this thy bloud we pray for them for whom thou hast offered this same thy very body In that houre when Christs death is renewed in mysterie his most fearefull and acceptable sacrifice is represented to the sight of God then sitteth the King on his Mercie-seat enclined to giue and forgiue whatsoeuer is demaunded and asked of him in humble manner In the presence of this body and bloud of our Sauiour Christ the teares of a meeke and humble man neuer beg pardoÌ in vain nor the sacrifice of a contrite heart is neuer put back but hath his lawfull desires granted giuen By resorting to this sacrifice of the masse we evidently declare protest before God the whole world that we put our singular only trust of grace saluation in Christ our Lord for the merits of his death his passion not for the worthinesse of any good worke that we haue done or can doe that we make his passion our only refuge For when wisedome faileth which onely commeth by the doctrine of Christ when righteousnesse lacketh which onely is gotten by the mercie of Christ when vertue ceaseth which onely is receiued from him who is the Lord of all vertue then for supplying of these our lacks needs our refuge is to Christs passion then we run as the Prophet saith to the cup of our Sauiour and call vpon the Name of our Lord that is to say we take his passion offer to God the Father in mystery the worke of our redemption that by this memorie commemoration of it it would please his mercifull goodnes to innovate his grace in vs to replenish vs with the fruit of his Sonns passion We are become debtors to Almighty God for our manifold sins iniquities done against him we can neuer pay this debt no scarse one farthing of a 1000 pounds what remedie then haue we but to run to the rich man our neighbour that hath enough to pay for vs all I meane Christ our Lord who hath payde his heart bloud for no debt of his own but for our
debt there whiles wee celebrate the memory of his passion we acknowledge confesse our sinnes which be without number grant that we are not able to satisfie for the least of them therfore beseech our mercifull Father to accept in full payment satisfaction of our debts his passion which after this sort as hee hath ordained to be done in the sacrifice of the masse we renew represent before him where our sinfull life hath altogether displeased him wee offer vnto him his welbeloued Son with whom we are sure he is well pleased most humbly making supplication to accept him for vs in whom only we put all our trust accounting him all our righteousnes the authour of our saluation Thus doth the Church daylie renew in mysterie the passion of Christ doth represent it before God in the holy masse for the attaining of all the graces benefites purchased by the same passion before after the measure of his goodnes as our faith deuotion is knowne vnto him And againe The Church offereth Christ Gods Sonne to God the Father that is representeth to the Father the body and bloud of Christ which by his omnipotencie hee hath there made present and thereby reneweth his passion not by suffering of death againe but after an vnbloudy manner not for this end that we should thereby deserue remission of sins deliuerance from the power of the deuill which is the proper effect of Christs passion but that we should by faith devotion this representation of his passion obtaine remission grace already deserued by his passion to be now applyed to our profite and saluation c. not that we can apply the merits of Christs death as we list to whoÌ we list but that we by the representation of his passion most humbly make petition prayer to Almighty God to apply vnto vs the remission grace which was purchased deserued by Christs passion before after the measure of his goodnes and as our faith and deuotion is knowne vnto him The thing offered both in the sacrifice of Christ on the Crosse in the sacrifice of the Church on the Altar is all one in substance being the naturall body of Christ our high Priest and the price and ransome of our redemption but the manner and effects of these two offerings are diuerse the one is by the shedding of Christs bloud extending to the death of Christ the offerer for the redemption of all mankind the other is without shedding of his bloud onely representing his death whereby the faithfull and deuout people are made partakers of the merits of Christs passion Hitherto the Bishoppe of Lincolne and to the same purpose the Authour of the Enchiridion of Christian religion hath these words Diligenter ergo haec omnia nobis intuentibus nihil vel absurdi vel scrupulosi in toto missae contextu occurret sedomnia praesertim quae canon complectitur pietatis plenissima ac plané reuerenda vt sunt videbuntur Aut enim Ecclesia respicit ad corpus sanguinem Christi pro se in cruce oblata vi omnipotentis verbi in altari praesentia non veretur haec appellare hostiam puram hostiam sanctam hostiam immaculatam panem sanctum vitae aeternae calicem salutis perpetuae aut ad oblationem repraesentatiuam commemoratiuam passionis seu corporis Christi veri quae fide misericordiam per Christum apprehendente redemptionem quae est in Christo deo patri opponente peragitur non dubitat hoc sacrificium laudis offerre pro se suisque omnibus pro spe salutis incolumitatis suae nimirum spem salutis incolumitatis ac redemptionem animarum debitalaude ac gratiarum actione deo accepta referens petitque vt hanc oblationem seruitutis suae Deus placatus accipiat diesque nostros in sua pace disponat atque ab aeterna damnatione nos eripi et in electorum suorum grege iubeat numerari non quidem ex meritis nostris aut ex dignitate nostrae seruitutis sed per Christum dominum nostrum that is If wee rightly looke into these things nothing will occurre vnto vs in the whole context of the masse that may iustly seeme absurd or cause any scruple but all things there found especially such as are contained in the canon will appeare vnto vs as they are indeede full of piety and much to be reuerenced for either the Church hath respect to the body and bloud of Christ offered for her on the crosse and by force of his Almighty word present on the altar and so feareth not to call these a pure host an holy host an immaculate host the holy bread of eternall life and the cuppe of eternall saluation or else shee hath an eye to the representatiue and commemoratiue oblation of the passion or true body of Christ which consisteth in faith apprehending mercy by Christ and opposing vnto God the redemption that is in Christ and soe shee doubteth not to offer this sacrifice of praise for her selfe and all her members for the hope of her saluation and safety that is with all due praise and thankesgiuing shee acknowledgeth that shee hath receiued from GOD the hope of saluation safetie and the redemption of the soules of her sonnes and daughters and desireth that God will take in good part this oblation of her service and bounden dutie that hee will dispose our dayes in peace that hee will deliuer vs from eternall condemnation and that hee will make vs to be numbred with his elect not for our merits or the worthinesse of this seruice but thorough Christ our Lord. With these Georgius Wicelius a man much honoured by the Emperours Ferdinand and Maximilian fully agreeth defining the masse to bee a sacrifice rememoratiue and of praise and thankesgiuing and in another place he saith the masse is a commemoration of the passion of Christ celebrated in the publike assembly of Christians where many giue thinkes for the price of redemption With these agreeth the Interim published by Charles the fift in the the assembly of the states of the Empire at Augusta March 15 t 1548 and there accepted by the same states But some man happily will say here are many authorities alleaged to proue that sundry worthy diuines in the Roman Church in Luthers time denyed the new reall offering or sacrificing of Christ and made the sacrifice of the altar to bee onely representatiue and commemoratiue but before his time there were none found soe to teach Wherefore I will shew the consent of the Church to haue beene cleare for vs to uching this point before his time and against the Tridentine doctrine now prevailing Bonaventura in his exposition of the masse hath these words The body of Christ is eleuated and lifted vp in the masse for diuers causes but the first and principall is that wee may obtaine and regaine the favour of God the Father
tradition of the Iewes numbred only 22 Canonicall bookes of the old Testament as we do and in his Chronicle he sayth expressely that the bookes of the Macchabees are not in the canon Reade saith Cyrill of Hierusalem in his Catechisme the diuine Scriptures that is the 22 bookes of the old Testament and a litle after Reade therefore these 22 bookes but with the apocrypha haue nothing to doe meditate vpon the diuine Scriptures which wee confidently reade in the Church the holy Apostles the guides of truth who deliuered vnto vs these bookes were more wise and religious then thou art Seing therefore thou art but a sonne transgresse not the precepts of the Fathers Now these are the bookes which thou must reade and then numbreth all the bookes of the old Testament and omitteth all those that are controuersed sauing that hee addeth that of Baruch thinking it a part of Hieremies prophesies Of the same opinion is Epiphanius making no mention of any of the bookes reiected by vs as apocryphall but onely the booke of Wisdome and Iesus the sonne of Sirach which hee saith are profitable but not to be esteemed as the 22 bookes or 27 as some count them that were kept in the arke of the couenant which are the bookes by vs acknowledged to bee canonicall Amphilochius Bishoppe of Iconium writing to Seleucus hath these words I will reckon vnto thee all the bookes that proceeded from the holy Ghost and that thou mayest cleerely conceiue that which concernes this matter I wil first number vnto thee the bookes of the old Testament then he nameth the 5 bookes of Moses Iosua and the Iudges Ruth 4 bookes of the Kings 2 of the Chronicles 2 of Esdras Iob the Psalmes 3 of Solomon the proverbes Ecclesiastes Canticles 12 Prophets Hose Amos Micheas Ioel Abdias Ionas Naum Abacuch Sophonie Haââ¦ge Zacharias Malachias the 4 Prophets Esai Hieremie Ezekiel Daniel and concludeth that to these some adde Hester The reason why some doubted of Hester I haue elsewhere shewed out of Sixtus Senensis to haue been the Apocryphall additions to the booke I haue some where cited this booke as a part of Gregorie Nazianzens workes because some thinke it so to be and put it amongst his workes But Gregory hath deliuered his opinion clearely touching this matter though that booke happily be not his Bee conuersant saith hee day and night in the diuine oracles but least such bookes as are not of this sort deceiue thee for many erroneous bookes are inserted receiue the true and iust number of bookes that are diuine and then nameth all the bookes that wee admitte saue that hee omitteth the booke of Hester vpon the same reason that I noted out of Sixtus Senensis and when he hath named these he addeth those of the new testament and then pronounceth that whatsoeuer is not within this number is to bee accounted amongst bastard counterfeit bookes Origen expounding the first Psalme putteth downe a catalogue of the holy Scriptures of the old Testament writing thus in precise words as Eusebius telleth vs Wee must not be ignorant that the bookes of the old Testament as the Hebrewes doe deliuer are 22 which is the number of their letters and then nameth all the bookes admitted by vs and addeth that the bookes of Macchabees are without this number Athanasius agreeth with Origen writing in this sort All our Scripture that are Christians was giuen by divine inspiration neither hath this Scripture infinite bookes but a definite number and contayned in a certaine canon and these are the bookes of the old Testament Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomie Iosuáh Iudges Ruth the first and second of Kings accounted one booke the third fourth of Kings accounted one booke Chronicles first second accounted one booke Esdras the first second one booke the Psalmes of David 151. Proverbs of Salomon Ecclesiastes Canticles Iob 12 Prophets contayned in one volume Osee Amos Micheas Ioell Abdias Ionas Naum Ambacum Sophonias Aggaeus Zacharias Malachias 4 other Prophets Esai Hieremie Ezechiel Daniel the bookes therefore of the old Testament are 22 in number answerable to the Hebrew letters Beside these there are certaine other bookes of the old Testament that are not in the canon and these are read onely to the Catechumens or Novices Amongst these hee numbreth the Wisedome of Solomon the Wisedome of Iesus the sonne of Sirach Iudith Tobit but mentioneth not the bookes of Macchabees at all to these he addeth the booke of Hester accounting it Apocryphall being misperswaded of the whole by reason of those Apocryphall additions as before I noted out of Sixtus Senensis In the conclusion of his Synopsis he mentioneth together with the former foure bookes of Macchabees and the story of Susanna but sayth they are in the number of them that are contradicted The councell of Laodicea decreeth in this sort Let no bookes be read in the Church but the bookes of the old new Testament and then addeth these are the bookes of the old Testament that are to bee read Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomie Iosuah Iudges Ruth foure bookes of Kings 2 of Chronicles Esdras the booke of the Psalmes 150. the Proverbs of Solomon Ecclesiastes Canticles Iob Hester 12 Prophets Osee c Esay Hieremie Ezekiel Daniel The canons of this councell are confirmed by the sixt generall councell holden in Trullo To these we may adde Damascene who hauing numbred all those bookes and those onely as canonicall that wee doe addeth that the booke of Wisedome and of Iesus the son of Sirach are good bookes and containe good lessons of vertue but that they are not numbred in this account neither were layd vp in the arke Leontius advocatus Byzantinus sayth there are onely 22 bookes of the old Testament reckoneth all those and those onely that wee doe All these worthies that wee haue hitherto produced to testifie in this case are of the Greeke Church wherefore let vs passe to them of the Latine Hilary Bishop of Poictiers saith the law of the old testament is contained in 22 bookes according to the number of the Hebrew letters which are so disposed and put in order according to the tradition of the auncient that there are fiue bookes of Moses that Iosuah is the sixt the Iudges and Ruth the seaventh the first and second of Kings the eigth the third and fourth the ninth 2 of Chronicles the tenth Esdras the eleventh Psalmes 12 Solomons Proverbs Ecclesiastes Canticles 13 14 15 the 12 Prophets 16 Esay Hieremie with the Lamentations and epistle Daniell Ezechiel Iob Hester doe make vp the number of 22 bookes some haue thought good to adde Tobie and Iudith and so to make the bookes to bee 24 in number according to the number of the Greeke letters Ruffinus in the explanation of the Creed which is found amongst the works of Cyprian and so attributed to him setteth downe a Catalogue of those bookes
which according to the tradition of the ancient are beleeued to haue beene inspired by the Holy Ghost and deliuered to the Churches of Christ containing all those bookes which we admit secluding all those that are now in question It must be knowne saith he that there are other bookes which are not called Canonicall but Ecclesiasticall by the ancient as the Wisedome of Solomon and that of the sonne of Sirach And in the same ranke we must put the booke of Tobias and Iudith and the bookes of the Machabees and in the New Testament the booke of Pastor all which truly they would haue to be read in the Church but not to be alleadged for proofe of any matter of faith that was questioned or doubted of and then concludeth that hee held it very fit to put downe these things which were deliuered by tradition from the Fathers that they that are to learne the first elements and rudiments of Christian Religion may know out of what fountaines to draw Hierome in his prologue which he prefixed before the bookes of the Old Testament by him translated out of Hebrew into Latine saith There are 22 bookes of the Olde Testament and that as there are but 22 Hebrew Letters by which wee write whatsoeuer wee speake so there are 22 bookes by which as by Letters and beginnings in the doctrine of God the tender infancie of the just man that yet is like a childe hanging on the breast is informed and instructed and then nameth all the bookes which we admit and after addeth Whatsoeuer is beside these is to bee put amongst the Apocrypha and that therefore the book of Wisdome of Iesus the sonne of Sirach of Iudith Tobias and Pastor are not in the Canon And the same Hierome in his Preface before the Bookes of Solomon hauing made mention of the booke of Wisdome and Ecclesiasticus and deliuered his opinion that it is vntruely called the Wisdome of Solomon and attributed to him then addeth that as the Church readeth the bookes of Iudith Tobias and the Macchabees but doth not account them amongst the Canonicall Scriptures so these 2 Bookes may bee read for the edification of the people but not for the confirmation of any doubtfull point of doctrine Sixtus Senensis confesseth that Philastrius rejecteth the Bookes of Macchabees And the same Philastrius in the he heresie of the Prodianitae taxeth them amongst other things that they vsed the booke of Wisdome which Iesus the sonne of Sirach wrote long after Solomons time The Authour of the Booke De mirabilibus Scripturae that goeth vnder the name of Augustine hath these wordes De lacu verò Abacuck translato in Belis Draconisque fabula idcirco in hoc ordine non ponitur quod in authoritate divinae Scripturae non habentur It is true that Augustine and the African Bishoppes of his time and some other in that age finding these bookes which Hierome and the rest before cited reject as Apocryphall to bee joyned with the other and together read with them in the Church seeme to account them to bee Canonicall Caietan and others answere that those Fathers speake of the Canon of manners not of faith and of Bookes not simply hut in a sort canonicall so that they differ not from the other Fathers before alleadged that deny them to bee Canonicall as not being simply and absolutely so How fit and true this answer is I will not stand to examine but this is most certaine that Augustine himselfe seemeth something to lessen the authority of this Booke for whereas the example of Razias killing himselfe is pressed against him to prooue that it is lawfull for a man to kill himselfe after other aunswers he saith the Iewes doe not esteeme this Scripture called the history of Macââ¦bees in such sort as the law the Prophets and the Psalmes to which Christ giueth testimonie as to them that beare witnesse of him saying it behoued that all those things should bee fullfilled that are written of mee in the Lawe the prophets and the Psalmes but it is receaued of the Church not vnprofitably if it be soberly read and heard especially in respect of those Macchabees that as true martyres indured grieuous and horrible things of the persecutors for the law of God And the councell of Carthage whereat Augustine was present prescribing that noe bookes should be reade in the Church as canonicall but such as indeede are canonicall leaueth out the bookes of Macchabees as it appeareth by the Greeke edition though they haue foysted them into the Latine But howsoeuer these did not soe exactly looke into these things as they of the Greeke Church and many of the Latine Church before named but admitted those bookes as in a sort canonicall that they found ioyned together with the other indubitate scriptures which they had of the translation of the Septuagint yet after Hierome had translated them out of the Hebrew and prefixed his prologues and prefaces before the bookes translated by him almost all the Bishoppes and men of account in the Latine or West Church so approued the same that they admitted no other bookes as Canonicall but those that hee did Pope Gregorie the first citing a certaine testimonie out of the first booke of Macchabees hath these words wee offend not if touching this thing we alleage and produce a testimonie out of books though not canonicall yet published for the edification of the people This was the opinion of Pope Gregory Gregorie the first Gregory the greate our Apostle as they of the Romish faction tell vs and therefore it will not be safe for vs to leaue the faith first deliuered vnto vs. To the Pope I will adde certaine Cardinalls Bonauentura in his preface before his exposition of the Psalter vndertaketh to shew which are the bookes of Scripture Scripture sayth hee consisteth of the old and new Testament and the whole body of canonicall Scripture is contained in these 2 then passing by the bookes of the new Testament hee reckoneth all those and those only that Hierome doth sorting them into their seuerall rankes and orders as the Hebrewes do And in another place he sayth there are 4 sorts of writings in which a student must bee conuersant the bookes of holy Scripture the writings of the Fathers such sayings as haue bin gathered out of them and the writings of Philosophers And because in the bookes of Philosophers there is no knowledge to giue remission of sinnes nor originally in the summes because they haue bin extracted out of the originalls of the Fathers nor in them because they haue been taken out of the Scripture therefore that is principally and in the first place to be studied and there wee must seeke that knowledge as in the fountaine and then that all may know which and how many these bookes of Scripture are that hee will haue to bee thus studied hee sayth according to Hierome there are 22 in the old Testament
songs concerning the creation of the world and the beginning of mankinde the whole historie of Genesis Israels going out of Aegypt and entring into the land of promise and sundry other histories of holy Scripture of the incarnation passion resurrection and ascension of Christ into heaven of the comming of the holy Ghost the doctrine of the Apostles the terrour of the future iudgement the feare of hell punishment and the happinesse of the kingdome of heauen and sundry other benefits and iudgments of God In all which hee sought to draw men from delighting in things that are euill to the loue and practise of that which is good Which poems no doubt were written if they knew how to write at that time Thus were they willing in those dayes to take all occasion to make the Scripture knowen to the people as farre forth as possibly they might And therefore it is not to bee doubted but that when they had the Scripture onely in Latine yet it was interpreted to the people that they might vnderstand it according to that of Iohn Billet in summâ de diuinis officijs In the primitiue Church no man was permitted to speake in a tongue not vnderstood vnlesse there were one to interpret for to what purpose were it for a man to speake not to be vnderstood truely to none at all Hence grew that laudable custome in some parts of the Church that so soone as the gospell should bee read in the Latine it should presently be expounded to the people in the vulgar And this which hee sayth is confirmed by the authoritie and testimony of Epiphanius who describing all the severall orders in the Church amongst others hee reckoneth them that were ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã That is Interpreters that expressed in one tongue that which was vttered in another aswell when the lessons were read as when the preacher spake to the people By all that which hath beene said it appeareth that the desire of Gods Church was ever to communicate the Scriptures and bookes of God to all people in the tongue they vnderstood That the most part of the Christian Churches had the booke of God in their owne tongue And that if any had not it was either because they could not tell how to write any thing in their barbarous tongues or because the tongue wherein they first receiued them altering they were not vnderstood then as formerly they had been of their ancestours to whom they were first deliuered in the same So in Italy France Spaine aunciently they generally vnderstood and spake Latine and therefore had the Scriptures deliuered vnto them in that tongue but in time the Latine which they spake was so corrupted and so degenerated into barbarisme that the people of those parts vnderstood very little of that which was written in the purer Latine formerly vnderstood and therefore in processe of time they were forced to haue the Scriptures newly translated into this new dialect or rather corruption of the Latine So had they the Bible translated into Italian French and Spanish as before I shewed Their prayers and liturgies indeede were not altered yet was there never any iudicious man that thought it fittest to haue the service of God performed without vnderstanding but all the best most pious in every age thought it necessary by all good and possible meanes to prouide that the people might haue their seruice of God in a tongue they vnderstood Wee haue heard already Iohn Billet peremptorily affirming that in the primitiue Church no man was permitted to speake in a tongue not vnderstood vnlesse there were one to interpret and that it was the custome of some Churches so soone as the gospell was read in the Latine to expound the same in the vulgar tongue but saith he What shall wee say of our times wherein scarce or not at all either he that readeth or heareth vnderstandeth what hee heareth or readeth So that wee may say truely as the Prophet sometime complayned The priest shall bee as one of the people Videtur ergo tacendum potius esse quam psallendum it seemeth therefore it were better to keepe silence then to sing Haymo a worthy and learned Bishop writing vpon the 1 Epist. to the Cor. hath these wordes If hee that vnderstandeth onely that tongue wherein he was borne and bred stand by thee when thou solemnly celebratest the mysterie of the masse or makest a sermon or powrest forth the wordes of blessing how shall hee answere amen to thy blessing not knowing what thou sayest that is how shall he answere that confirmatory word amen when he vnderstanding onely his owne tongue knoweth not what thou sayest in that barbarous tongue And least any man should take advantage and vrge as the Papists are wont to doe that because he speaketh of a barbarous tongue his words are not to bee vnderstood of him that speaketh in one of the three learned tongues hee sheweth that he that speaketh in the Hebrew tongue to him that vnderstandeth nothing but Greeke or in the Greeke to him that vnderstandeth nothing but Latine or in Latine to him that vnderstandeth nothing but Greeke is a barbarian Yea if a Roman and such a one as is not a Grecian pronounce the symbol or creed in Greeke hee is a barbarian to him that vnderstandeth nothing but Latine though hee bee of the same nation and people Thomas Aquinas mentioneth this but giueth another interpretation of the word but not so fit making them to bee barbarians that excell in strength of body but are defectiue in strength of reason which how farre wide it is from the scope of the Apostle a blinde man may see But in the same place proposing the question how hee that vnderstandeth no other tongue but that of the country wherein he was borne can conforme himselfe and say amen to the prayers he vnderstandeth not his answere is that hee may comforme himselfe in a generality but not in particular seeing hee knoweth not in particular what it is that the minister sayeth though in generall hee know that hee prayeth or blesseth And farther asking why the prayers and blessings are not in the vulgar that more fully particularly the ignorant might conforme themselues vnto the same his answere is that happily it was so in the primitiue Church but now that the faithfull are instructed and knowe what it is they heare in the service of the Church the blessings are in Latin How weake an answere this is to proceed from such a man who seeth not for when hee sayth they know what they heare either hee meaneth in particular and then hee contrarieth his former wordes or onely in generall and then they can giue no consent but in generall and so the question is not answered why the prayers and blessings are not in the vulgar that so being distinctly vnderstood there might bee a distinct conforming to the same Lyra writing vpon the same place hath these
wordes When a Lay man saith the Lords prayer or any other devoutly his affection is lifted vp toGod reficitur affectus non intellectus sed quandò intelligit reficitur affectus intellectus and this the Apostle sheweth to be true in respect of the publique prayers because if the people vnderstand the prayer or blessing of the Priest melius reducitur in deum devotius respondet Amen And then proceeding to those words If thou blesse c. hath these words What shall hee doe that supplieth the place of the vnlearned Which words import as much as what doth it profite the simple people that vnderstand not as if he should say litle or nothing because they know not how to conforme themselues to him that is the minister of the Church by answering Amen and that for this cause in the Primitiue Church the blessings and all other things pertaining to the publique seruice of God were in the vulgar tongue but after that people were multiplyed and increased and they had now learned to conforme themselues to the Priest by standing when the Gospel is reade and by adoring the Eucharist the seruice was in Latine and that it sufficeth now that the Clearke doth answere for the whole people Here is confession that the people profiteth litle or nothing when the praiers and blessings are in a tongue they vnderstand not that therefore the Primitiue Church had the seruice in the vulgar that while it is in Latine they cannot themselues but another must answere Amen for them and that yet now they haue learned by standing or kneeling differently to conforme themselues to the Priest according to the different things he doth which a deafe man that neuer heard word may doe by obseruation of the eye it is well enough But Cardinall Caietan vpon the same place hath these words Out of this doctrine of the Apostle Paul it may be gathered that it were better more for the edification of the Church to haue the publique prayers that are reade in the hearing of the people pronounced in a tongue common to the cleargy and people and vnderstood of them both then in Latine And when hee was challenged by the Parisians for saying it were better to haue the prayers said in the Church in the vulgar rather then in the Latine tongue his answere was that they recited not his words fully for he had not said it were better but it were better for edification nor that the prayers should be said but that the publique prayers should be said in the vulgar tongue and this his assertion hee said was grounded vpon the authoritie of the Apostle Cardinall Contarenus proposing the question what is to bee thought of such prayers as ignorant men make without vnderstanding answereth that it is to be conceiued that they are of force in respect of the affection of the mind and intention they haue to pray vnto God though they know not what they desire or pray for but that they want the fruit which they should haue if they vnderstood those prayers that they vtter with their mouthes for then they would direct the intention of their mindes and their desires to God for the obtaining in particular of such things as with the mouth they pray for and they would bee more edified by the pious sense and vnderstanding of their prayers And he concludeth that they pray not in vaine but that they would pray better if they vnderstood the meaning of their prayers And to the same purpose Harding against Bishop Iuell saith it were better the people should say their prayers in their owne tongue that they might the better vnderstand them Innocentius the 3d seemeth to haue had due consideration hereof therfore he prescribeth that because in sundry parts there are mixed within the same city or diocesse people of different languages hauing in the vnity of the same faith different rites and manners the Bishops of such Cities or Diocesses shall prouide fit men to celebrate divine service according to the diversities of their rites and languages to minister the sacraments of the Church vnto them instructing them both by word and example Some restraine the words of Innocentius to the Greeke and Latin tongues only as if he had only allowed the hauing of the seruice in different tongues in those citties and places where Greeks and Latines met But I see not why these words should be thus restrained seeing there is no question but this Pope would allow that which Iohn the 8â his predecessour others had don in permitting nay in coÌmanding the seruice to be in the Slauonian tongue And besides how he could say that the Greeks in some parts of the world agreed with the Latines in the faith whom he so bitterly reproueth for very maine differences in religion and who as Thomas à Iesu testifieth most stiffely hold their owne religion though they liue vnder Princes of the Roman profession I know not Wherefore to grow to a conclusion it appeareth that anciently all Churches that euer most of the Christian Churches had their seruice in a tongue vulgarly vndestood that if any had not it was either because they knew not how to write any thing in their owne tongue or because that which was their naturall tongue ceased to be so after they first had the seruice in it that many had soe in the West Church when Luther first shewed his dislike of Romish errors abuses that there neuer wanted worthy diuines Bs Praelates of great esteem who vrged the vnfitnesse of hauing it in a tongue not vndestood the necessity of the vulgar that all in whom there was any sparke of grace sought to haue it vnderstood And therefore as I noted before out of Iohn Billet sundry Churches though they had their seruice in Latine yet caused the same things that they read in Latine to be expounded in the vulgar others as the Bs in the third councel of Tours that such things should be read to the people in the vulgar as might informe instruct them in all points of Christian faith religion their words are these We all with vnanimous coÌsent haue thought fit to ordain that euery B. shall prouide and haue homilies containing necessary admonitions that so they that are vnder him may be taught our meaning is that these homilies shall containe instructions touching the catholike faith according to their capacities concerning the euerlasting rewards of the good eternall damnation of the wicked the resurrection last iudgment such works course of life whereby men may attain or whereby they are sure to be excluded from eternall life And we ordaine that euery B. take care to translate the same homilies plainely and perspicuously into the vulgar Roman or German tongue that all may the more easily vnderstand the things that are vttered vnto them Among other articles proposed in the councell of Trent by the Embassadors of Ferdinand
haue it not bee neuer so good they haue no true vertue Bernard in his booke de gratiâ libero arbitrio Liberi arbitrii conatus ad bonum cassi sunt si non gratiâ adiuventur nulli si non excitentur caeterum in malum dicit scriptura proni sunt sensus cogitationes hominis That is the endeavouring of freewill to doe good is in vaine if it bee not holpen by grace and none at all if it be not stirred vp by grace but the scripture saith the senses and thoughts of men are prone to euill Neither can they say that hee speaketh onely of meritorious good and such as is rewardable in heauen for hee speaketh generally of good as it appeareth in that hee opposeth it not to some other kind of good but to euill Anselme Archbishoppe of Canterbury fully agreeth with the rest affirming in the same words that Prosper and Beda did before that the whole life of infidels is sinne that there is nothing good without the chiefe good and that where the knowledge of the eternall and incommutable veritie is wanting if the manners and conuersation of them that haue it not bee nouer soe good and commendable they haue no true vertue Peter Lombard the master of the sentences sometimes Bishoppe of Paris writing vpon the same place hath the same words and soe hath the ordinary glosse Grosthead the renowned Bishoppe of Lincolne in his sermon vpon the Aduent the beginning whereof is this There shall be signes in the sunne and in the Moone hath these words Bright and glittering starres of vertue seemed to shine and appeare in the morall doctrine of naturall men and in the conversation of many Gentiles as of the Scipioes and others but now it is truly manifest and cleare that without the faith of Christ there is no true vertue in the doctrine or conuersation of any man And in his Enchiridion hee sayth that this was the opinion of St Augustine where treating of the foure Cardinall vertues and proposing the question whether Cato and the Scipioes had such vertues hee sayth thus Wee grant with Augustine that no man euer had or could haue true vertue without the faith of Iesus Christ and proueth it immediately after in this sort Non enim potest esse amor ordinatus vbi contemnitur non amatur quod maximè amandum est cum non ametur nisi quod scitur aut creditur vnde patet quod qui nescit aut non credit dominum Iesum Christum non amat aut contemnit quod maximè amandum est quapropter in tali virtus non est quod etiam probat Augustinus talibus argumentis dicens Absit vt in aliquo sit vera virtus nisi sit iustus c that is There can bee no orderly loue of things where that is contemned and not loued that is to be loued most of all whence it is cleere and euident that seeing nothing can bee loued but that which is knowne or beleeued hee who knoweth not or beleeueth not the Lord IESVS CHRIST contemneth or at least loueth not that which is most of all to bee beloued and therefore in such a one there can bee noe true uertue which also Augustine proueth by arguments of this sort saying GOD forbidde that true vertue should be conceiued to bee in any man vnlesse hee be iust c. By these passages of the Bishoppe of Lincolne it appeareth sayth Ariminensis that hee thought as wee doe that noe act morally good canne bee done without the speciall grace of GOD for if there bee noe vertue without such grace then canne there bee noe act morallie good which is yet more fully cleared for euery vertuous and morall good act either is orderly loue or presupposeth it soe that if there can bee noe orderly loue without GODS grace there can bee noe act of vertue or act morally good With this famous Bishoppe of LINCOLNE wee may ioyne Thomas Bradwardine the noe lesse famous and renowned Archbishoppe of CANTERBVRIE who is his Summe de causa Dei contra Pelagium at large confirmeth and proueth the same Soe that it seemeth by Beda Anselme Grosthead and this BRADWARDINE that this was euer the doctrine of the Church of England as now it is Pupperus Gocchianus that liued a litle before Luthers time saith The whole life of infidels is sinne there is nothing good without the chiefe good where there wanteth the knowledge of the eternall trueth if mens manners be never so commendable they haue no true vertue hee that offendeth in one that is in charity is guilty of all hee therefore that hath not faith and charitie every action of his is sinne And he addeth that when Augustine sayth that they that haue not charity may doe good things but not well his words are not to bee vnderstood as if the things which they doe without charitie were good when they doe them without charitie but that they would bee good if they were done in charity or that they are of such nature and kind which being done in charity may bee good otherwise hee should bee contrary to himselfe where hee sayth that every action of him that hath not charity is sinne Andradius saith that there was much difference touching this poynt not onely amongst the latter but the more auncient divines also and that some did so deiect all the actions and endeavours of infidels as to affirme that none of them are or can bee without sinne It is true indeede that there were ever some in the latter ages of the Church that contradicted this verity which wee haue hitherto proved but they were such as had a touch of Semipelagianisme Prosper speaketh of a rule found in the collations of Cassian Cauendum nobis est ne ita ad Deum omnia sanctorum referamus vt nihil nisi id quod malum est humanae ascribamus naturae That is Wee must take heed least wee so attribute all the merits of the Saints to God as to ascribe nothing to nature but that which is evill and perverse This rule sundry carefully followed in the midst of the Church in all the latter ages who so acknowledged that no man can merit heauen without Gods grace that yet they thought they might doe many things morally good by nature without grace But Prosper bitterly reprehendeth this his wordes are these Quasi natura ante gratiam non sit in damnatione non sit in caecitate non sit in vulnere aut non gratis iustificati sint quorum inde sunt merita vnde iustitia That is As if nature before grace were not in a state of condemnation were not in blindnesse and greivously hurt or as if wee were not freely justified all whose merits are from thence whence is our righteousnesse And all they that rightly vnderstood the doctrine of the Church cleared by Saint Augustine against the Pelagians concurred with Prosper and taught as wee doe now
afterwards he knew it when he was risen and appointed of his Father King and Iudge which words of his admitte no such glosse Wherefore Iansenius saith there are two principall interpretations of those words of Christ when he saith Of that day and houre knoweth no man no not the Sonne the one that he sayd hee knew it not because he knew it not to reueale it and because his body the Church knew it not the other that he knew it not as man and this interpretation hee sheweth to bee likewise two-fold For saith he if we follow the common opinion that Christ had the perfect knowledge of all things in his humane soule at the first then we must vnderstand that Christ sayd hee knew not the day of judgement because hee knew it not by naturall and acquisite knowledge but by vertue of that knowledge that was infused into him but if wee follow the other opinion that Christ had not perfect knowledge of all things in his humane soule at the first but grew in it then as Origen among other senses deliuereth the meaning of the words is that hee knew it not till after his resurrection And surely Cyrill a worthy Bishop and one that had many conflicts with the Nestorian heretiques who diuided the person of Christ feareth not directly to say that Christ as man knew not the day appointed for the generall judgement when he vsed the words before mentioned Neither is this the heresie of the Agnoêtae as some ignorantly affirme for their errour was that the Deitie of Christ was ignorant of some thing or that Christ in his humane nature was properly ignorant that is knew not such things and at such time as he should haue knowen and that he is still ignorant of sundry things in the state of his glorification as it appeareth by that Epistle of Gregorie in which one of them alledgeth that as Christ tooke our nature so hee tooke our ignorance to free vs from the same and therefore Maldonatus vpon the 24. of Matthew saith that the Themistians called also Agnoetae were accounted heretiques not for saying Christ knew not the day of iudgement as Damascene de haeresibus testifieth but that as may be gathered out of the same Damascene they simply without all distinction of the diuine or humane nature said Christ was ignorant thereof because they thought the Diuinitie was turned into the Humanitie CHAP. 15. Of the third kind of Communication of properties and the second degree thereof THus hauing spoken of those finite and created things that were bestowed on the nature of man when it was assumed into the vnitie of the diuine person let vs come to those things that are infinite Where first we are certainely to resolue that as the nature of man was truely giuen and communicated to the Person of the Sonne of God so that he is indeede and really Man so the Persont of the Sonne of God was as truly communicated to the nature of man that it migh subsist in it and that that which was fashioned in the wombe of the blessed virgine borne of her might not onely be holy but the holiest of all euen the Sonne of God Secondly that in this sense the fulnesse of all perfection and all the properties of the diuine Essence are communicated to the nature of man in the Person of the Sonne For as the Father communicated his Essence to the Sonne by eternall generation who therefore is the second Person in Trinitie and God of God so in the Person of the Sonne hee really communicated the same to the nature of man formed in Maries wombe in such sort that that Man that was borne of her is truely God And in this sense the Germane Diuines affirme that there is a reall Communication of the diuine properties to the nature of man in the personall vnion of the natures of God and Man in Christ not by physicall communication or effusion as if the like equall properties to those that are in God were put inherently into the nature of man in such sort as the heate transfused from the fire into the water is inherent in it whence would follow a confusion conuersion and equalling of the natures and naturall properties but personall in the Person of the Son of God For as the Person of the Son of God in whom the nature and Essence of God is found is so communicated to the nature of Man that the Man Christ is not onely in phrase of speech named God but is indeede and really God so he is as really omnipotent hauing all power both in heauen in earth There is one Christ saith Luther who is both the Son of God and of the Virgine By the right of his first birth not in time but from all eternity he receiued all power that is the Deitie it selfe which the Father communicated to him eternally but touching the other nature of Christ which began in time euen so also the eternall power of God was giuen vnto him so that the Son of the Virgine is truely really eternall God hauing eternall power according to that in the last of Matthew All power is giuen vnto me both in heauen and in earth And of this power a litle after he bringeth in Christ speaking in this sorte Although this power was mine eternally before I assumed the nature of man notwithstanding after I began to be man euen according to the nature of man I receiued the same power in time though I shewed it not during the time of my infirmitie and crosse Bonauentura saith the very same in effect that Luther doth when it is sayd saith he speaking of the Man Christ This Man is euery where this may either note out the Person of Christ or the singular and indiuiduall nature of a man if the Person of Christ there is no doubt but the proposition is true if the indiuiduall nature of a Man yet still it is true not by proprietie of nature but by communication of properties because that which agreeth to the Sonne of God by nature agreeth vnto this Man by grace Cardinall Cameracensis agreeth with Bonauentura affirming that the diuine attributes and properties are more really communicated to the Man Christ then the humane are to the Sonne of God and that therefore a man may most truely and properly say speaking of the Man Christ This Man is immortall almighty and of infinite power and maiestie because he is properly the diuine Person so consequently truely really immortall and omnipotent Yea Bellarmine though he impugne the errours of the Lutherans as he calleth them with all bitternesse yet confesseth all that hitherto hath beene sayd to be most true I say saith he as before that the glorie of God the Father was giuen to the humanitie of Christ non in ipsa not to be formally or subiectiuely inherent in it but in the diuine Person that is that by grace of vnion the humane
Christ without being beholding to Peter for it or inferiour to him in it but by vertue of their Bishoply authority and offiÌce which they receiued from Peter Alioqui enim sayth Bellarmine cum omnes Apostoli plurimos Episcopos in varijs locis constituerint si Apostoli ipsi non sint facti Episcopi à Petro certè maxima pars Episcoporum nondeducit originem suam à Petro that is For otherwise seeing all the Apostles constituted exceeding many Bishops in diuerse places if the Apostles themselues were not made Bishops by Peter certainely the greatest part of Bishoppes will not fetch their originall from Peter This his fancie of Peters making the other Apostles Bishoppes immediately after as his manner is like an honest man hee contradicteth confessing that the Apostles were all Bishops and the first Bishops of the Church in that they were Apostles without any such ordination Omnes Apostoli sayth he fuerunt Episcopi imò etiam primi Episcopi Ecclesiae tametsi non sunt ordinati that is All the Apostles were Bishops nay which more is the first Bishops of the Church without any other or new ordination besides their Apostolique mission and calling And in another place he pronouÌceth pereÌptorily that by vertue of these words As my Father seÌt me so seÌd I you the Apostles were made Vicars of Christ nay that they receiued the very offiÌce authority of Christ and that in the Apostolique power all Ecclesiasticall power is contained and though in the former place he sayd expressely Non eo ipso quòd aliquis est Apostolus est Episcopus that is A man is not therefore a Bishop because an Apostle for the twelue were Apostles before they were either Bishops or Priests yet in the later place hee sayth it is not to be maruailed at that they were Apostles before the passiÌon of Christ and yet neither Priests nor Bishops for that the Lord at diuerse times gaue the Apostles diuerse kindes and degrees of power but especiallie in the twentith of Iohn perfected that hee beganne before his passiÌon Soe that an Apostle perfectly constituted and authorised hath both Priestlie and Episcopall dignitic and power though in the beginning when the Apostles were rather designed then fully constituted not hauing receiued their full CommissiÌon they vvere neither Priests nor Bishoppes But to leaue BELLARMINE lost in these mazes it is most easie demonstratiuely to proue that the Apostles in that they were Apostles perfectly and fully constituted had both Priestlie and Bishoply dignity and power in most eminent sort For did not CHRIST giue the Apostles power to doe any Ecclesiasticall act that a Bishoppe can doe Did hee not giue them power to preach and baptize vvhen hee sayd vnto them Go teach all nations Baptizing them c to minister the holy Eucharist vvhen hee sayd Doe this as est as ye shall doe it in remembrance of mee Did hee not giue them the power of the Keyes of binding loosing of remitting retaining sinnes consequently all that commeth within the compasse of Ecclesiasticall office and Ministerie doubtlesse hee did Neither is there any that dareth to deny any part of that which hath beene saide And therefore it is an idle fansie that Peter made the rest of his fellowes Bishops the Apostolique power implying in it eminently Episcopall as the greater the lesser But they will say Peter made Iames the lesser Bishop of Hierusalem Indeed Baronius falsifieth Chrysostome and maketh him say that the Doctour of the world made Iames Bishop of Hierusalem whereas hee saith no such thing but asking the question why Peter whom Christ so much fauoured was not preferred to bee Bishop of Hierusalem answereth that Christ made him Doctour of the world which was a greater honour then to haue beene fastened to the Church of Hierusalem to haue beene set in the Episcopall Throne there But it is cleare by the testimonies of Antiquity that Peter Iames the greater Iohn ordained Iames Bishop of Hierusalem So saith Anacletus in his second Epistie if any credit be to be giuen vnto it where hee hath these words A Bishop must be ordained of three Bishops as Peter Iames the greater and Iohn ordained Iames the lesser Bishop of Hierusalem Clemens Alexandrinus also as we reade in Eusebius saith the very same and Hierome de viris illustribus attributeth the ordaining of Iames not to Peter alone but to the Apostles His words are Iacobus statim post passionem Domini ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatur that is Iames presently after the passion of the Lord is ordained Bishop of Hierusalem by the Apostles If any man aske how the Apostles did ordaine or make Iames being an Apostle a Bishop if the Apostolique office imply in it the office and dignitie of a Bishop as the greater the lesser we answere that a Bishop differing from an Apostle as in other things so in this that he is fixed to some certaine place whereof specially hee taketh the care whereas the care imployment of an Apostle is more at large When the Apostles after the conversion of Nations and people began to retire themselues to certaine places there to rest and specially to take care thereof they were in that respect rather Bishops then Apostles and in this sort Iames the lesser being appointed by the Apostles to make his principall abode at Hierusalem a chiefe city of the world whence the faith spread it selfe into all other parts and more specially to take care thereof is rightly said to haue beene constituted Bishop of that place by them not as if they had giuen him any new power and authority that he had not before or not in so perfect sort but that they limited and restrained him more specially to one certaine place where he should vse the same The place in the Acts maketh nothing for the confirmation of the Popish errour for Paul and Barnabas formerly designed by Christ to be Apostles were againe by the ministerie of Prophets revealing the will and pleasure of Almighty GOD separated more specially to bee Apostles of the Gentiles and put forth into that employment with fasting prayer and imposition of hands not thereby receiuing any new power but a speciall limitation and assignation of those parts of the world wherein principally they should be employed Besides these were not Apostles but Prophets such as Agabus was that are mentioned in this place inferiour in degree to Apostles and such as might not make an Apostle to be a Bishop but did onely signifie and reueale what the will of God was and whither he meant to send these worthy Apostles and so with prayer and fasting commended them to the grace of God and therefore this place maketh nothing for proofe of Peters ordaining and appointing the rest of the Apostles to be Bishops CHAP. 24. Of the preeminence that Peter had amongst the Apostles and the reason why Christ directed his speeches specially
confessed the Lord then to giue a sound in the Church in reading the diuine Scriptures of the Lord. The Exorcists were such as tooke care of the Energumenes or men vexed with the Diuell who in ancient times came to the Churches in great companies and were there prouided for and kept vnder rules and disciplinary gouernment These Exorcists receiued of the hands of the Bishop the booke wherein the Exorcismes were written which they were to commit to memory that so by earnest inuocation of the name of CHRIST who is to returne to judge the quicke and the dead and to judge the world in fire they might obtaine of him the repressing of Sathans furies and the ease and deliuerance of such as were disquieted and vexed by him These had power to impose hands on them that were disquieted with Diuels whether baptised or not and in solemne manner to commend them vnto God who onely hath power to rebuke Sathan Acoluthes were so named for that they were to follow and attend the Bishop whithersoeuer he went that so they might not onely be witnesses of his blamelesse conuersation but do vnto him such seruice as he should require stand in need of whereupon in later times for that they were to go before the Bishop in the Churches bearing wax lights in the night watches and other meetings for diuine seruice in the night time they were named Ceroferarij that is Taper-bearers Subdeacons were to assist the Deacons in all things pertaining to them The order of Subdeacons in ancient time was not accounted a sacred order so that they might not touch the sacred vessels nor none might be chosen a Bishop out of their ranke but the later Bishops of Rome decreed that the order of Subdeacons should be reputed a sacred order These were the inferiour orders of ministery in the Church in ancieÌt times to which were added Widowes or holy women which being aged and destitute of friends were maintained by the Church and being of good report were chosen and appointed to minister to the women that were baptized to teach and direct them how to answere the Baptizer and how to liue afterwards as also to take care of them that were sicke All these as well Ostiaries Lectors Exorcists and Acoluthes as Subdeacons in ancient times serued for a certaine space in these degrees and therefore the solemne designing of them thereunto was not to be disliked but now when they execute the office of Ostiaries who are no Ostiaries of Lectors who are no Lectors of Psalmists who are worthy to bee driuen not onely out of the Quire but out of the Church also as Bishoppe Lindan rightly noteth when none of these performe the duties their names import and euery man almost is made a Presbyter the first day as if none might bee made the next it is but for shew and fashion onely that men are ordained to the performance of these offices and in truth and in deede nothing else but a meere mockery as the same Bishop Lindan ingenuously confesseth With whom Duarenus agreeth His words are Hodie nec Diaconis nec alijs inferioribus Clericis vllus locus est in Ecclesia vllumue ministerium aut munus quòd exequantur sed quia priscis canonibus statutum est vt nemo Presbyter ordinetur ââ¦isi per omnes gradus inferiores ascenderit ideo dicis causa vt ita dicam gradatim ordinari solent idque certo quodam solenniqueritu vt ad honorem Presbyterij aut quemuis aliâ⦠sublimiorem capessendum idonei reddantur potest que dici imaginaria haec ordinatio that is At this day neither is there any place for Deacons nor other inferiour Clergimen in the Church nor any ministery or function for them to execute but because it is ordained in the ancient Canons that no man be ordained a Presbyter vnlesse hee ascend and climbe vp by all inferiour degrees therefore for names sake they are wont to bee ordained to euery of these degrees in order and that with a certaine solemne rite that they may be made capable of Priestly honour or any other higher dignity And this ordination may rightly be tearmed an Imaginarie ordination or in imagination onely And therefore our Aduersaries cannot justly blame vs who omitting the other inferiour ordinations giue no lower order then that of a Deacon All these both Ostiaries Lectors Acoluthes and Subdeacons in former times were sanctified and set apart to serue God in these meaner employments that they might bee trained vp thereby to performe the duties of higher orders For in those times men were not promoted to the highest roomes but by degrees being found to haue demeaned themselues well in the lower and therefore they were vnder a stricter kinde of gouernment then they of the Laity and both in their conuersation habite and all things beseeming modesty and grauity they were more precisely tyed to the keeping of order then other men Hereupon they were not suffered to weare their haire long like wantons vnciuill men or men of warre but were commanded to polle their whole heads leauing onely a circular crowne in the lower parts thereof And here truly we cannot but condemne the absurd custome of the Romane Church violating old Canons degenerating from auncient vse and exposing her Priests and Leuites to the scorne and contempt of the world by those triobolar shauen crownes which daily shee setteth before our eyes For first whereas the Councell of Toledo in Spaine prouideth that all Cleargie men Lectors Deacons and Priests polling the whole head aboue shall leaue onely a circular crowne below and not as the Lectors hitherto had done in the parts of Galicia who wearing their haire long as Lay-men were polled in a little round compasse in the tops of their heads onely for that this had beene the custome of certaine Heretiques in Spaine the Church of Rome abandoneth the forme of polling prescribed by the Councell and alloweth the obseruation of those auncient Heretiques the Councell condemned Here we see saith Bishop Lindan whence these triobolar crowns in the tops of cleargy mens heads did come namely from certaine auncient Heretiques in Spaine But these lesser things might easily be reformed if the vnspeakable scandals shames dishonours of the Church were first remoued and taken away This is the censure of that learned Bishop Secondly whereas rasure was not vsed in auncient times but condemned by the Fathers as most vnseemely they of the Church of Rome haue left tonsure and brought in rasure in steed thereof That rasure was not vsed in auncient times it appeareth by Clemens Alexandrinus where he saith that the haires are to bee cut off not with the rasoure but with the Barbours sheares and by Optatus Bishop of Mileuis where hee reprehendeth the Donatists that tooke certaine Catholike Priests and by force did shaue their heads Shew vs saith hee where you are commanded to shaue the heads of Priests when as on the
things the Schoole-men note that there is a two-folde power found in the Ministers of the Church of GOD the one of Order the other of Iurisdiction The power of Order is that whereby they are sanctified and enabled to the performance of such sacred acts as other men neither may nor can doe as is the preaching of the Word and ministration of the holy Sacraments This power is to bee exercised orderly and the acts of it to bee performed in such sort that one disturbe not another Whereupon the Apostles the first Ministers of CHRIST IESVS though equall in the power of Order and Iurisdiction yet for the better and more orderly dispatch of the great worke of converting the world which they had in hand and that they might not hinder one another divided amongst themselues the parts and Provinces of the World but when for the assisting of them while they liued and succeeding them dying they were to passe ouer part of their power to other they so gaue authoritie to such as they made choyce of for this worke to preach baptize and doe other acts of sacred Ministery which are to bee performed by vertue of the power of order that before they invested them with this power they divided the parts of the world converted to Christianity into seuerall Churches and when they ordained them assigned each of them to that particular Church wherein he should preach and minister Sacraments So that these successours of the Apostles had not an illimited commission but were confined within certaine bounds that they were not to preach nor minister Sacraments but onely within the limits and compasse of those places which were assigned vnto them vnlesse it were with the consent desire and liking of other willing to draw them at sometimes for speciall causes to performe such sacred acts within the limites and bounds of their charge This assigning of men hauing the power of order the persons to whom they were to minister holy things and of whom they were to take the care and the subjecting of such persons vnto theÌ gaue them the power of jurisdiction which they had not before And thus was the vse of the power of order which is not included within any certain bouÌds limited in those the Apostles ordained their power of IurisdictioÌ included within certain bounds so that the one of these kinds of power they haue not at all without the exteÌt of their own limits nor the lawful vse of the other Hence is that resolutioÌ of the Diuines that if a Bishop adventure to do any act of IurisdictioÌ out of his own Diocese as to excoÌmunicate absolue or the like all such acts are vtterly voide of no force but if hee shall doe any act of the power of order in another mans charge as preach or minister Sacraments though he cannot be excused as not offending if he doe these things without his consent yet are the Sacraments thus ministred truly Sacraments and of force When the Apostles first founded Churches and assigned to such as they ordained to the worke of the ministery the seuerall parts of the flocke of Christ and people of GOD of which they appointed them to take care and charge they so sorted divided out particular Churches that a Cittie and the places neere adioyning made but one Church Wherevpon wee shall finde in the holy Scriptures that to ordaine Presbyters ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is in euery Church and in euery Citty are all one Now because Churches of so large extent required many Ministers of the Word and Sacraments and yet of one Church there must be but one Pastour the Apostles in setling the state of these Churches did so constitute in them many Presbyters with power to teach instruct and direct the people of God that yet they appointed one onely to be chiefe Pastour of the place ordaining that the rest should be but his assistants not presuming to doe any thing without him so that though they were all equall in the power of order yet were the rest inferior vnto him in the government of that Church whereof hee was Pastour and they but his assistants onely As another of my ranke cannot haue that Iurisdiction within my Church as I haue but if hee will haue any thing to doe there he must be inferiour in degree vnto me So wee reade in the Reuelation of Saint Iohn of the Angell of the Church of Ephesus to whom the Spirit of God directeth letters from heauen as to the Pastour of that Church It is not to be doubted but that there were many Presbyters that is Ministers of the Word and Sacraments in so large a Church as that of Ephesus was nay wee reade expressely in the Acts that there were many in that Church that fed the flocke of Christ and consequently were admitted into some part of pastorall office employment yet was there one amongst the rest to whom onely the Lord did write from heauen to whom an eminent power was giuen who was trusted with the government of that Church and people in more speciall sort then any of the rest and therefore challenged by name by Almighty God for the thinges there found to bee amisse the rest being passed ouer in silence The like wee reade of the rest of the seven Churches of Asia compared to seuen golden candlestickes in the midst whereof the Sonne of God did walke hauing in his hand seuen starres interpreted to haue beene the seuen Angels of those seuen Churches Neither was this orderly superiority of one amongst the Presbyters of the Church found onely in the seuen Churches of Asia but in other Churches also For Saint Hierome testifieth that in the Church of Alexandria from the time of Marke the Evangelist there was euer one whom the Presbyters of that Church chose out of themselues to be ouer the rest Neither was this proper to the Church of Alexandria but wee can shew the successions of Bishops in all the famous Churches of the world euen from the Apostles times and therefore all admitte and allow a kinde of preëminence of one aboue the rest in each Church Heresies haue sprung saith Cyprian and schismes risen from no other fountaine then this that Gods Priest is not obeyed nor one Priest in the Church acknowledged for the time to bee Iudge in Christs steed If one saith Hierome in each Church be not aboue and before the rest of the Presbyters there will be as many Schismes as Priests and the best learned in our age that affect presbyteriall government ingenuously confesse it to be an essentiall perpetuall part of Gods ordinance for each presbytery to haue a chiefe amongst them the necessity whereof wee may learne from all Societies both of men indued with reason and of other thinges also to which God hath denied the light of vnderstanding The dumbe beasts saith Hierome and wilde Heards haue their
one should beebefore and aboue the rest without whom the rest should do nothing and to whom some things should bee peculiarly reserued as the dedicating of Churches reconciling of penitents confirming of the baptized and the ordination of such as are to serue in the worke of the Ministerie Of which the three former were reserued to the Bishop alone Potiùs ad honorem Sacerdotii quam ad legis necessitatem that is rather to honour his priestly and Bishoply place then for that these things at all may not be done by any other And therefore wee reade that at some times and in some cases of necessitie Presbyters did reconcile penitents and by imposition of hands confirme the baptized But the ordaining of men to serue in the worke of the Ministerie is more properly reserued to them For seeing none are to be ordained at randome but to serue in some Church and none haue Churches but Bishops all other being but assistants to them in their Churches none may ordaine but they onely vnlesse it bee in cases of extreme necessitie as when all Bishops are extinguished by death or fallen into heresie obstinately refuse to ordaine men to preach the Gospell of Christ sincerely And then as the care and charge of the Church is devolued to the Presbyters remaining Catholique so likewise the ordaining of men to assist them and succeede them in the worke of the Ministery But hereof I haue spoken at large elsewhere Wherefore to conclude this point we see that the best learned amongst the Schoolemen are of opinion that Bishops are no greater then presbyters in the power of consecration or order but onely in the exercise of it and in the power of Iurisdiction with whom Stapleton seemeth to agree saying expressely that Quoad ordinem Sacerdotalem ea quae sunt ordinis that is In respect of Sacerdotall order and the things that pertaine to order they are equall and that therefore in all administration of Sacraments which depend of order they are all equall potestate though not exercitio that is in power though not in the execution of things to be done by vertue of that power whence it will follow that ordination being a kinde of Sacrament and so depending of the power of order in the judgement of our Adversaries might bee ministred by presbyters but that for the avoyding of such horrible confusions scandals and schismes as would follow vpon such promiscuous ordinations they are restrained by the decree of the Apostles and none permitted to doe any such thing except it bee in case of extreme necessitie but Bishops who haue the power of order in common together with presbyters but yet so as that they excell them in the execution of things to bee done by vertue of that power and in the power of Iurisdiction also But Bellarmine sayth the Catholique Church acknowledgeth and teacheth that the degree of Bishops is greater then that of Presbyters by Gods Law as well in the power of order as jurisdiction addeth that the Schoole-men vpon the fourth of the Sentences defend the same and Thomas in his Summe which yet elsewhere he confesseth to be vntrue This his opinion he endeauoureth to confirme because none but Bishoppes doe ordaine and if they doe their ordinations are judged voyde which they could not be by the Churches prohibition or decree of the Apostles if they were equall in the power of order to Bishops Hereunto I haue answered elsewhere shewing that ordinations at large or sine titulo and ordinations in another mans charge by bishops who by the character of their order may ordaine are likewise pronounced to be voide by the ancient canons and that therefore the prohibition of the Church and decree of the Apostles for the auoyding of confusion and schisme reseruing the honour of ordaining to Bishops onely vnlesse it were in the case of extreame necessitie might make the ordinations of all other to be void though equall with them in the power of order CHAP. 28. Of the diuision of the lesser Titles and smaller Congregations or Churches out of those Churches of so large extent founded and constituted by the Apostles HItherto wee haue seene how the Apostles diuiding the Churches in such sort that a whole citty and the places adioyning made but one Church set ouer the same one Bishop as Pastour of the place diuers Presbyters as assistants vnto him But in processe of time we shall find certaine portions of these greater flockes of Christ and Churches of God to haue beene deuided out and distinctly assigned to seuerall Presbyters that were to take the care and charge thereof yet with limitations and reseruations of sundry preeminences to the Bishop as remaining still Pastour of those smaller particular congregations though in a sort deuided and distinguished from that greater Church wherein especially hee made his abode Two words wee find in Antiquie vsed to expresse the flockes of Christ and Churches of God thus deuided for more conuenience and yet still depending on that care of one Pastour or Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is parish and Diocese The former contained the cittizens and all such borderers as dwelt neare and repaired to any chiefe church or citie though now we vse the word Parish to signifie another thing namely some particular smaller and lesse congregation diuided out from the Mother Church the later which is Diocese both then and now importeth the villages and Churches dispersed in diuers places vnder the regiment of one Bishop The first that began thus to deuide out smaller Churches and congregations out of those great ones first founded and to assigne Presbyters distinctly to take care of theÌ was Euaristus Bishop of Rome whose example others did follow in al parts of the world These parts of Gods Church thus deuided assigned to the care of seuerall Presbyters were called Tituli that is Titles because God was intituled vnto them did specially claime them as the lot of his inheritance These Titles or smaller Churches and congregations were of diuerse sorts for some were more principall wherein Baptisme might be administred and the like things performed which were thereupon named Baptismall Churches and in respect of meaner in time growing out of them and depending of them Mother Churches also Other there were not hauing so great liberties To such of these Churches as he pleased the Bishop himselfe went and preached one day in one of them and another in another carrying great coÌpanies with him drawing great multitudes to him which solemne asseÌblies meetings were named stations from their standing at prayers vsed in those times and were like the mighty armies of God keeping their watches and standing ready to encounter their furious and dangerous enemies In this sort Gregory the Great went and preached in such Churches in Rome as he thought fit whose Homilies and Sermons then preached are yet extant with the names of
were ordained of three Bishops like the Suffragan Bishops of our time the later were but Presbyters The second that the Councell appointing the rurall Bishop to be ordained by the Bishop of the Citty meant to forbid that there should be any more such rurall Bishops as haue Episcopall ordination whereunto the concurrence of three Bishoppes at the least is required thereupon hee thinketh the Councell of Antioche permitting rurall Bishops to ordaine Sub-deacons and the Decretall of Damasus forbidding them so to do may be reconciled for that the Councell permitting the ordination of Sub-deacons to rurall Bishops speaketh of such as were ordained of three Bishops and the Decretall of Damasus forbidding them to meddle in such ordination of such as were but meere Presbyters But whosoeuer shall take a view of the Decretall epistle of Damasus shall finde that hee condemneth the intermedling of any rurall Bishops whatsoeuer in ordination and shutteth them out of the Church as men that neither haue nor can haue any place in the same What is Chorepiscopus sayth Damasus but a country Bishop and if hee be a country Bishop what doth he in the citty the Canon altogether forbidding that there should be two Bishops in one city If he be not in the city but in some countrey village and in such place where there neuer was any Bishop before the canon forbidding Bishops to be ordained in meane cities villages or forts or in any place whatsoeuer were bishops haue not bin placed in former times least the authority name of Bishops grow into conteÌpt what I pray you shall he be For behold neither doth the place agree with his ordination nor his ordination with the place because if such rural Bishops haue receiued the imposition of the hands of many Bishops haue bin ordained as Bs they should not haue bin consecrated in a country village such as the Greek word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã importeth the canon forbidding Bishops to be placed in villages small forts or litle citties Giue me therefore a reason sayth he I pray you of the constituting of these men or if you cannot as I know you cannot lay your hand on your mouth and assure your selues that they haue no place nor authority in the Church of God diuers things making voyd their ordination and whatsoeuer thing they attempt to doe by vertue of such ordination Whereof the first is for that they are wont to bee ordained by one Bishop wherein their ordination is against the canons concerning Bishops which will haue Bishops ordained by the imposition of the hands of 3 Bishops at the least The 2â for that if they be ordained by many bishops yet they are placed in some village litle fort or smal city or at least in some such place where lawfully Bishops may not be ordained or formerly haue not bin where the authority and name of a Bishop wil grow into contempt or if they be placed in a city they are placed there with another Bishop whereas the canons permit not 2 Bishops in one city The third is for that if they haue bin ordained at large neither placed in city nor country village as it hath bin reported vnto vs of some their ordination is voyd because the canons do voyd all ordinaons at large so that which way soeuer we turne vs we shal find that these men neither haue nor can haue any Episcopal authority or place This is the resolution of this great Romane Bishop who wholly rejecteth this kinde of rurall Bishops and will not haue them at all to intermeddle in any thing peculiarly pertaining to the Episcopall office But some man will say May not a Bishop when he is growne aged infirme and vnable to sustaine and beare the weight of that great office haue a Coadiutor or assistant Surely there is no doubt but that he may haue one joyned vnto him to beare part of his burthen but that that other should haue Episcopall ordination the Canons permit not whereupon S. Augustine now aged and distracted with multiplicitie of manifold businesses concerning the state of the whole Church desirous with the consent of his Cleargie and people to haue Eradius a Presbyter of his Church joyned vnto him as a Coadiutor while he liued designed to succeede him after his death would by no meanes haue him ordained a Bishop but to continue a Presbyter still though himselfe had beene ordained a Bishop while Valerius yet liued His words are these Adhuc in corpore po sito beatae memoriae Patre Episcopo meo Valerio Episcopus ordinatus sum sedi cum illo quod Concilio Niceno prohibitum fuisse nesciebam nec ipse sciebat Quod ergo reprehensum est in me nolo reprehendi in filio meo erit Presbyter ut est quando Deus voluerit futurus Episcopus Obsecro vos obstringo per Christum ut huic Iuveni huic Presbytero Eradio quem hodiè in Christi nomine designo Episcopum successorem mihi patiamini refundere onera occupationum mearum c. that is While my Father Bishop Valerius yet liued I was ordained a Bishop and sate together with him which I knew not to haue bin forbidden in the Nicene Councell neither did he know it What therfore was disliked in me I will not haue to be blamed in my sonne hee shall continue a Presbyter as he is when God will hee shall bee a Bishop I beseech you and earnestly entreate you for Christs sake that you will giue mee leaue in some sort to ease my selfe and to cast the burthen of my employments vpon the shoulders of this yong man this Presbyter Eradius whom this day in the name of Christ I appoint and designe the Bishop that shall succeede mee My counsell shall nót bee wanting to him neither will I faile to supply what shall be any way defectiue or wanting in him Thus wee see a Coadiutor was allowed but yet such a one as should be but a Presbyter and therefore long after the time of Augustine when Zacharias Bishop of Rome associated another Bishop as a Coadiutor to Bonifacius the Bishop of Mentz he confessed it to be a thing that was forbidden and worthy reprehension but that vpon his importunity of speciall fauour he had yeelded so much vnto him that he might haue such a Coadiutor whom with the advice of his brethren hee might appoint to succeede him when hee should die But notwithstanding the Canons forbidding any such thing to bee done and the dislike of many the greatest Bishoppes of the world yet in the later ages of the Church the Bishops giuing themselues to ease or attending secular businesses and greatly neglecting their Episcopall function again reduced into the Church these rurall Bishops whom they named Suffraganes To these they committed the doing of such things as are most proper vnto Bishops as ordination confirmation but kept the power of Iurisdiction to themselues or gaue it to some
ended by Synodes and they holden twice euery yeare But in processe of time when the gouernours of the Church could not conueniently assemble in Synode twice a yeare the Fathers of the sixth generall Councell decreed that yet in any case there should be a Synode of Bishops once euery yeare for Ecclesiasticall questions Likewise the seventh generall Councell decreeth in this sort Whereas the Canon willeth iudiciall inquisition to be made twice euery yeare by the assembly of Bishops in euery prouince and yet for the misery and pouerty of such as should trauell to Synodes the Fathers of the sixth councell decreed it should be once in the yeare anà then thinges amisse to be redressed we renew this later Canon So that whereas at the first there was a Synode of Bishoppes in euery prouince twice in the yeare now it was sufficient if the Bishops met once But afterwards many thinges falling out to hinder their happy meetings we shall finde that they met not so often and therefore the Councell of Basil appointeth Episcopall Synodes to be holden once euery yeare and Prouinciall at the least once in three yeares And so in time causes growing many and the difficulties intollerable in comming together and in staying to heare these causes thus multiplyed and encreased it was thought fitter to referre the hearing of complaints and Appeales to Metropolitanes and such like Ecclesiasticall Iudges limited and directed by Canons and Imperiall lawes then to trouble the Pastours of whole provinces and to wrong the people by the absence of their Pastours and Guides Thus hauing spoken of the authority of the Metropolitane and his Councell in every province it remaineth that we come to Synodes of a larger extent These besides Oecumenicall whereof wee will not yet speake were of two sorts Patriarchicall wherein one of the Patriarches and chiefe Bishops of the world sate as president or Nationall consisting of the Bishops of many Provinces within one Country or Kingdome wherein the Primate sate as President of which sort the Councels of Africa were concerning which Councels it is ordered in the third Councell of Carthage that once euery yeare there shall be a general assembly of the Bishops of Africa to which all the provinces which haue primas sedes that is first Sees and so may holde provinciall Councels shall out of their Councels send two Bishops or as many as they shall thinke fit but that out of Tripolis because of the pouerty of the Bishops of it one Bishop shall come In these Councels the Legates of the Bishop of Rome were sometimes present not as presidents but assistants as other Metropolitanes were There were many provinces which had primas sedes that is first Sees and so consequently many Primates yet for distinction some call him that was Bishop of that first See which was in honour before all the rest of the same country and kingdome and to whom in all common deliberations the other Metropolitans did resort by an excellency the Primate the rest by the coÌmon name of Metropolitans in which sense the Bishop of Carthage was Primate of all Africa and so is a Primate in order and honour before Metropolitanes but inferiour vnto a Patriarch Of this distinction of degrees of honour amongst Metropolitanes and chiefe Bishops Hugo de Sancto Victore writeth in this sort Post Sacerdotes altiores sunt Principes Sacerdotum id est Episcopi supra quos iterum sunt Archiepiscopi supra illos qui dicuntur Primates supra quos quidam Patriarchas constituere volunt alii eosdem Patriarchas Primates dicunt that is after priests we are to reckon the chiefe priests that is Bishops as in the first degree and honour aboue them aboue whom againe are Arch-Bishops and aboue them they that are named Primates aboue whom some will haue Patriarches to bee placed but others will haue Patriarches and Primates to bee all one Rabanus in his booke de institutione Clertcorum sorteth Bishoppes into three rankes Patriarches Arch-Bishoppes who also are named Metropolitanes and ordinary Bishops CHAP. 31. Of Patriarches who they were and the reason why they were preferred before other Bishops TOuching the Patriarches they were in the beginning but onely three to wit the Bishops of Rome Alexandria and Antioche The reason as some thinke why the Bishops of these places were preferred before other and made Patriarches was in respect had to blessed Peter who was in sort before expressed in order and honour the first and chiefest of the Apostles For Antioche was honoured for that he sate there for a certaine space and afterwards governed it by Euodius Alexandria for that he placed Marke his Scholler there and Rome because it was the place of his death and martyrdome where in his body hee stayeth and expecteth the Resurrection of the dead and the second comming of Christ. All the Churches founded by any Apostle are rightly called Apostolique but these more specially in which the Apostle Peter sate Secunda fedes saith Anacletus apud Alexandriam beati Petri nomine à Marco eius discipulo consecrata est Tertia autem sedes apud Antiochiam eiusdem beati Petri Apostoli habetur honorabilis that is The second See and in degree and honour next vnto that of Rome was consecrated at Alexandria by the authoritie of blessed Peter by Marke his Scholler and the third See honourable for Peters presence in the same is at Antioche Nihil saith Leo writing to Anatholius Alexandriae sedi eius quam per sanctum Marcum Evangelistam beati Petri discipulum meruit pereat dignitatis Antiochena quoque Ecclesia in quâ primum praedicante Apostolo Petro Christianum nomen exortumest in paternae constitutionis ordine perseveret in gradu tertio collocata nunquam fiat inferior that is Let the See of Alexandria lose no part of that dignity which it obtained by Saint Marke the Evangelist the disciple of blessed Peter Let the Church of Antioche also in which vpon Peters preaching the name of Christians first beganne continue in that degree and order wherein the constitution of the Fathers set it and being placed in the third degree let it neuer be put lower This did Leo write when the Bishop of Constantinople sought to haue the second place in the Church of God and to be preferred before the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioche Gregory writeth to the same effect to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria His words are Cum multisint Apostoli pro ipso tamen principatusola Apostolorum Principis Sedes in authoritate conualuit quae tribus in locis vnius est Ipse enim sublimauit sedem in qua etiam quiescere praesentem vitam finire dignatus est Ipse decorauit sedemin qua Euangelistam discipulum misit Ipse firmauit sedem in qua septem annis quamuis discessurus sedit Cum ergo vnius atque vna sit sedes cui ex authoritate dinina tres nunc Episcopi praesident
quicquid ego de vobis boni audio mihi imputo that is Whereas there were many Apostles yet in respect of the chiefty that Peter had as being Prince of the Apostles his Sea only grew to be in chiefe authority which in three places is yet the See but of one and the same Apostle For he exalted that Sea in which he pleased to rest and end this present life Hee beautified that Sea in which he placed Marke his Scholer and he firmly and strongly setled that Sea in which hee sate seauen yeares though with purpose in the end to leaue it When as therefore there is one See of one Apostle in which by diuine authority three sit as presidents whatsoeuer good I heare of you I impute it to my selfe And againe in the same place to Eulogius hauing spoken to him of the dignitie of Peters chaire in which he sate he saith He hath spoken to me of Peters chaire who himselfe sitteth on Peters chaire This is the opinion of these Romane Bishops touching the reason of the exaltation of the Seas of Rome Alexandria and Antioche aboue other Episcopall Seas who how partially soeuer they may be thought to be affected to the chaire of Peter yet herein do they mainly crosse the conceipt of the Romanists at this day in that they teach that other Bishops succeede Peter in the chaire and that chiefty and primacy he had as well as the Bishop of Rome The dignity of these 3 Apostolicall Churches was coÌfirmed in the Nicene Councell and each of them confined within the ancient bounds and limits thereof Let the ancient custome say the Nicene Fathers continue in Aegypt Lybia and Pentapolis that the Bishop of Alexandria may haue power ouer all these seeing the Bishop of Rome hath the like custome In like sort in Antioche and other prouinces let euery Church retaine and keepe her owne degree and honour Bellarmine much troubleth himselfe about this limitation and bounding of these Patriarches as preiudiciall to the illimited iurisdiction of the Romane Bishop and therefore though it be most cleare that there was a particular assignation of Churches to euery of these Patriarches yet hee seeketh to auoyd the euidence of these words For whereas Ruffinus sayth it was decreede by the Councell of Nice that the Bishop of Alexandria should haue care and charge ouer Aegypt as the Bishop of Rome hath of the Churches neere that city and Theodorus Balsamon in the explication of the Nicene canons with Nilus in his booke against the primacie interpreteth the words of the Nicene decree in this sense that the Bishoppe of Alexandria should haue the charge of Aegypt Lybia and Pentapolis and the confirming of the Metropolitanes in those parts because the Bishop of Rome who hath a care of the West confirmeth the Metropolitanes of the West hee maketh this construction of the words of the councell Let the Bishop of Alexandria haue the charge of Aegypt seeing the Bishoppe of Rome was wont to permitte him soe to haue before any Councell had decreed it And soe hee sayth Nicolas the Pope in his Epistle to Michael the Emperour vnderstandeth the words which yet is most vntrue for Nicolas sayth no such thing but onely that the Councell maketh the custome of the Romane Church the patterne for others to follow But the eight generall Councell which no doubt vnderstood the words of the Nicene Fathers farre better then Bellarmine sheweth plainely that the meaning of the Nicene Canon was that the Bishop of Alexandria should haue power ouer Aegypt and the prouinces pertaining to it to confirme the Metropolitanes in the same seeing the like custome preuaileth in the Romane Church And this Councell confirmeth the same distinction of the bounds of iurisdiction within which euery Patriarch is to containe himselfe both for old Rome and new and for the other Churches of Alexandria and Antioche The Canons of the Nicene Councell translated out of the Arabian tongue and published by Turrian Pisanus and Binnius will fully cleare this point if our Aduersaries giue any credit vnto them For in the eighth of those Canons the decree about the meaning whereof wee contend is thus set downe Constitutum est vt Episcopus Aegypti id est Patriarcha Alexandrinus praesideat habeat potestatem totius Aegypti that is It is ordained that the Bishop of Aegypt that is the Patriarch of Alexandria shall sit as President and haue power ouer all Aegypt and ouer all places Citties and Townes which are round about it because soe it is fit and because likewise the Bishop of Rome that is the Successour of Peter the Apostle hath power ouer all the Citties and places which are about Rome And in like sort let the Bishop of ANTIOCH haue power ouer that whole prouince c. But because perhaps these Canons though published by themselues as rare secrets of Antiquity lately brought to light will be of litle credit with them I will adde one reason more which to me seemeth very forcible to confirme our interpretation of the words of the Nicene Fathers There was aunciently a great contention betweene the Church of Rome and the Church of Constantinople about the Churches of Bulgaria either of these Churches making claime thereunto and seeking to bring them within the compasse of their owne Iurisdiction which contention could not haue beene if the one of these two Churches had had an illimited extent of Iurisdiction But that neither of them had any such illimited Iurisdiction it is euident in that neither Constantinople nor Rome vrge any such thing for iustification of their claime but stand vpon their conuerting of the people of Bulgaria to the Christian faith and the planting of religion amongst them Which either of these pretending rather then other sought thereby to iustifie a title of iurisdiction and authority ouer them Wherefore resoluing that we haue the true meaning of the Nicene canon let vs returne thither whence we haue a litle digressed namely to the discourse of Patriarchical Churches and Bishops set in order and honour before all other These as I haue already shewed were at first but three to which afterwards two other were added First Constantinople and afterwards Hierusalem Touching the Church and Bishop of Constantinople after that city was by Constantine made the seate of the Empire and thereby as much or more honoured then any city in the world the Bishop thereof before little esteemed grew exceeding great and in the second Councell which was the first of Constantinople was made a Patriarch in degree of honour next the Bishop of Rome and before the other two And againe in the Councell of Chalcedon confirmed in the same And though Leo resisted against this act of the Councell of Chalcedon and peremptorily protested that he would not suffer the Church of Alexandria to loose the dignity of the second See and the Church of Antioch of the third and his successours many of them persisted in the
of pride to preferre thy selfe before them what else doest thou say but I will ascend into heauen and exalt my seate aboue the Starres of heauen Are not all the Bishoppes of the Church cloudes who by the wordes of their preaching powre downe the graces of GOD like showers of raine and shine through the light of good workes whom whiles your brotherhood despising seeketh to bring vnder it selfe what other thing doth it say but this which is said of the old enemy I will ascend aboue the heighth of the cloudes And a little after the same Gregory addeth Surely Peter the Apostle was the first member of the holy and vniuersall Church Paul Andrew and Iohn what other thing are they but heads of particular parts of the people and Church of God and yet notwithstanding they are all members of the Church vnder one head Thus doth this holy man and worthy Bishop dislike that any amongst the Bishops of the Christian Church should bee so proud and insolent as to seeke to bee ouer all and subiect to none to subiect vnto himselfe all the members of Christ as to a head and to challenge vnto himselfe to bee vniuersall Bishoppe for that if any such bee if hee fall into errour or heresie hee draweth all other with him and ouerthroweth the state of the whole church Yet doe the Romane Bishoppes at this day take all these thinges vnto themselues for they subiect all Christs members to themselues as to Heads of the vniuersall church vpon perill of euerlasting damnation they will bee subiect to none or haue any to bee ouer them so that all depends of them their standing is the stay of all and their fall the ruine of all and if they erre all erre But perhaps it will be said that the name of vniuersall Bishop is not simply euill nor these claimes simply to be disliked but when they are made by them to whom it pertaineth not to make them such as the Bishops of Constantinople were Surely this evasion will not serue the turne For Gregory saith in the same place that no Bishop of Rome euer assumed this title ne dum priuatum aliquid darétur vni honore debito Sacerdotes priuarentur vniuersi that is Lest while some singular thing were giuen to one all Bishops should be depriued of their due honour thereby shewing that this title and the claimes accompanying it are simply to bee disliked as preiudiciall to the state of the whole Church the honour dignity of all other Bishops by whomsoeuer they be made Some man perhaps will be desirous to know how our Aduersaries seeke to decline the evidence of this cleare testimony of so great a Romane Bishoppe witnessing against them in a matter of so great consequence I will therefore set downe briefly in this place what I find any where said by any of them in answere to this authority The credit of the Author is such that they dare take no exception a-against him and the generality of his speech is such that what he disliketh in the Constantinopolitane Bishop he confesseth to be euill in any other and particularly in the Bishop of Rome And therefore the onely thing that they can deuise whereby to darken the cleare light of truth is this that the Bishop of Constantinople did so and in such sence challenge to be vniuersall Bishop that hee onely would haue beene a Bishop and there should haue beene no more then which nothing could be more absurdly sayd For the thing that the Romane Bishops disliked in those of Constantinople was not the putting of all other from being Bishops but the preferring themselues before other the subjecting of other to themselues the incroching vpon the priuileges and rights of other and the challenging of the power of ordination and confirmation of them whom it pertained not to them to ordaine or confirme as appeareth by the Epistles of Leo blaming Anotolius for subjecting all vnto himselfe for depriuing other Metropolitanes of their due honour by encroaching vpon their rights and for taking vpon him to ordaine the Bishop of Antioch who was one of the Patriarches That the Bishops of Constantinople sought not so to be vniuer all Bishops that there should be no other Bishops but they only is most euident by the Epistles of Leo and Gregorie in that they ordained Bishops themselues and are blamed by them for presuming to ordaine such as they should not haue ordained Wherefore the most that they can be conceiued to haue desired and sought in assuming the title of vniuersality is no more but the inuesting of the fulnesse of all power and jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall originally in themselues and thereby the subjecting of all other to a necessity of deriuing ministeriall power and authority from them of seeking ordination at their hands and being in all things pertaining to Episcopall office subiect to them all which things are challenged by the Bishop of Rome For the Romanists at this day teach that the fulnesse of all power and jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall is originally in the Pope that he communicateth a part thereof vnto others with such limitations as seemeth best vnto himselfe that all other Bishops receiue their jurisdiction from him that all the Bishops of the world cannot iudge him that hee may dispose of all the kingdomes of the world that his standing is the stay of all that his fall would be the ruine of all and that therefore we must perswade our selues hee cannot erre And hence indeed it followeth that he onely is Bishop in truth and that there are no other For if the Pope may take from any Bishop so often as he seeth cause as many as he pleaseth of them that are subject to him if hee may reserue vnto himselfe what cases he will and inhibite Bishops to meddle with them if hee may giue leaue to preach minister Sacraments and to do all other Ecclesiasticall duties to whom he will within any Diocese of the world if in generall councels where the power of jurisdiction is principally exercised where the great affaires of the Church are treated of where doubts are resolued controuersies determined articles of faith defined and lawes made that bind the whole Church he haue so absolute power that he is neither bound to follow the greater nor the lesser part of Bishops there present but may determine what hee pleaseth when they haue all done sayd what they can If the assurance of finding out the truth and decreeing that which is good behoofefull rest not partly in him partly in them but only in him as our Aduersaries teach then are Bishops indeed no Bishops no judges of controuersies but counsellers only to aduise the Pope no Law-giuers to the Church but such as must receiue lawes from the Pope no commaunders in their own right in the Church in any degree but meere Lieuetenantes or to speake more truly and properly vassals to the Pope CHAP. 33. Of the proofes brought by
the Romanists for confirmation of the vniversality of the Popes iurisdiction and power IT is euident by that which hath beene said that that vniuersality whereof Gregory speaketh in his Epistles and which he so peremptorily condemneth is claimed by the Popes his successours at this day and consequently that they are in his judgment the fore-runners of Antichrist and in pride like Lucifer Yet because there is nothing so absurd that some will not defend nothing so false which some will not endeauour to proue true let vs see what the Romanists can say for proofe and confirmation of the vniuersall Iurisdiction of their Popes Surely as men carefull to vphold the state of the Papacy vnder the shadow of the boughes of which tree they so sweetly rest and repose themselues they haue turned ouer their bookes to see what may bee said and out of them alleage against vs the testimonies of Councels Popes Fathers Greeke and Latine and the practise of Popes whence such a peerelesse power may bee proued and inferred The first testimony that they bring out of any Councell is out of the Epistle written by the Fathers of the second generall Councell to Damasus Bishop of Rome the other Bishops of the west wherein the Fathers say if we beleeue these men that they came together to Constantinople by the mandate of the Pope whose letters the Emperour sent vnto them and confesse that the Romane Church is the head and they the members Truely this is a very ill beginning and may make vs justly feare that we shall find little good dealing in that which followeth For there is no part of this true which in the front of all their proofes is by them so confidently alleaged For thus the matter standeth betweene the Fathers of that Councell and the Bishop of Rome The Bishops assembled at Constantinople writ to the Bishop of Rome and the rest of the Bishops of the West assembled in a Councell at Rome signifying that they had beene invited by them out of their brotherly loue as their owne members to come to their Councell and that they wished nothing more then that they had the wings of doues that they might flye away and rest with them but that the state of their Churches not permitting them to be so long absent and that intending at the time they vnderstood of their letters to come no farther then Constantinople they could not come but had sent notwithstanding certaine vnto them This is all that is contained in the letter of those Fathers written to the Bishop of Rome in all which there is no word of any mandate of the Pope but of a friendly and louing entreatie of the Westerne Bishops desiring the presence of their brethren of the East no word of head and members but of fellow members nor any thing that may proue a commaunding power in the Pope Nay the contrary is most strongly from hence to be proued For it was the Emperour and not the Pope that called them to Constantinople they refused to come to Rome though they had receiued the letters of the Romane Bishop and his colleagues intreating and desiring them to come to Rome they abode at Constantinople and were esteemed to bee the Generall Councell though the Pope held a Councell in the West at the same time which should haue beene accounted generall rather then this if all assurance of finding out the trueth and making good Lawes did rest in the Pope onely And lastly they ordained Bishoppes of the greatest and most famous Churches of the world such and in such sort as the Pope did not greatly like and yet was forced to giue way to their doings and to ratifie that which they had done The 2d allegation to proue the vniversalitie of the Popes jurisdiction is that the Fathers of the 3d general Councell holden at Ephesus professed that they deposed Nestorius by force of the mandatory letters of Caelestinus B. of Rome that in their epistle to Caelestinus they say they reserued the judgement of the cause of Iohn Patriarch of Antioch to him as being more doubtfull The former of these two things they endeauour to proue out of Euagrius the later out of the Epistle written by the Fathers of that Councell extant in the Councell it selfe For the clearing of this objection wee must obserue that Nestorius Patriarch of Constantinople hauing vttered certaine hereticall and impious speeches touching the personall vnion of the natures of God and Man in Christ whereby many were scandalized the first amongst the Patriarches that tooke notice of it was Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria in Aegypt who after he found that Nestorius would not bee reclaimed by admonitions called a Synode of his Bishops and condemned the absurd and hereticall positions of Nestorius and required him to anathematize them otherwise threatning that hee and his Bishops would reiect him from their communion and hold them as brethren who vnder his iurisdiction resisted against him This his proceeding hee signified to the Bishop of Rome who approved and commended the same with his whole Synode of westerne Bishops encouraged him to goe forward wishing him not to doubt of his concurrence with him but as hauing all the authority and power hee and his Bishops had to prouide for the church of Constantinople and to let Nestorius know that he was cut off from the vnity of the body of their Churches if hee should not within a certaine number of dayes anathematize his wicked doctrine and professe the faith touching the generation of Christ the Sonne of God which the Romane Church the Church of Alexandria and Christian religion euery where preacheth Hereupon Nestorius fearing the course that Cyrill would take against him desired the Emperour to summon a generall Councell To this Councell came Nestorius and the Bishops that were vnder him and Cyrill with his Bishops assisted with the concurrence of the resolution and direction of the Bishop of Rome and other Bishoppes of the West though absent But Iohn the Patriarch of Antioche and his Bishops were not come Whereupon after a while the Bishops that were present being wearie of staying there beganne to proceede without him requiring Nestorius to appeare in the Synode and to answere to such things as should bee obiected to him Which when hee refused to doe the Fathers assembled finding by manifest proofe that hee had taught impiously condemned and deposed him compelled so to doe by the Canons and the letters of the Bishop of Rome and his westerne Bishops who had set a time within which if hee submitted not himselfe they would reiect him from their communion Fiue dayes after the condemnation and deposition of Nestorius came Iohn the Patriarch of Antioche with his Bishops excusing himselfe for his long tarrying in respect of the distance of the place from whence he came as also for that his Bishops could not sooner be gathered together Hee was much offended that they who were come before him had
passed their sentence before his comming and therevpon without delay before he had put off his cloake or shaken off the dust from his feete as the storie saith assembling the Bishops subiect to him in a Synode deposed Cyrill and Memnon Bishop of Ephesus who were chiefe agents in the proceedings against Nestorius Which deposition of Cyrill and Memnon was something hastily confirmed by the Emperour Theodosius The Synode assembled vnder Cyrill in like sort gaue sentence against Iohn and signified to Caelestinus Bishop of Rome what they had done shewing how vnaduisedly a few had presumed to condemne a great many and the Bishop of the third See Bishops of greater Sees to wit Cyrill of Alexandria and Caelestinus of Rome who was present in the Councell by his Vicegerent yet referring the finall proceeding to his consideration also hee and his Bishops being as much interessed in this businesse as they that were assembled In the end by mediation of many great and worthy ones Iohn and his Bishops that formerly were misconceited of Cyrill were satisfied and he sent the confession of his faith vnto him which he approued and so they were reconciled and made friends without any farther intermedling of the Bishop of Rome Here is nothing to be found that any way argueth or importeth an vniuersality of power in the Bishop of Rome but onely his concurrence with the other Patriarches as prime Patriarch in the waighty and important businesses of the Church and therefore the Fathers of that Councell writing to the Vicars of the Bishop of Rome and other Bishops sent by them to the Emperour to informe him concerning the differences that had arisen in the Councell and their proceedings charge and require them to doe nothing but according to their direction assuring them that if they doe otherwise they will neither ratifie that they doe nor admit them to their communion Thereby shewing that though the Romane Bishop be to concurre with the Fathers assembled in Councells yet he is not absolutely there to commaund but to follow the directions of the Maior part So that he hath a joynt interest with others but not an absolute Soueraignty ouer all others God therefore hauing ordained the high toppes of Patriarchicall dignities as it is in the eighth generall Councell that they might iointly concurre to vphold the state of the Church and the truth of Religion and that if one fell the rest might restore settle and reestablish things againe Which course Cyrill in his Epistle to Iohn of Antioche sheweth to haue beene holden by him For when he obserued that Nestorius his fellow Patriarch erred from the faith he first admonished him and threatned to reiect him from the communion of his Churches Secondly he acquainted the Bishop of Rome and the Westerne Bishops with the impieties and blasphemies of Nestorius who thereupon reiected him professing that they would admitte none to their communion but such as would condemne him Thirdly he wrote to Iuvenall Bishop of Hierusalem and to Iohn Bishop of Antioche shewing his owne dislike of Nestorius and farther professing that for his part hee was fearefull to be cast out of the communion of the Westerne Bishoppes as hee saw he must be if he accursed not Nestorius The next allegation is out of the Councell of Chalcedon where Theodorus and Ischiron Deacons in their bils of complaint exhibited to the Bishop of Rome as president and to the whole Councell call Leo the Bishop Most holy and most blessed vniuersall Arch-bishop and Patriarch of great Rome But they that presse the testimony of these two distressed Deacons flying to Leo for helpe should remember that in the Councell of Constantinople vnder Mennas not Deacons but Bishops they many are reported to haue written to the Bishop of Constantinople in this sort To our most holy Lord and most blessed Father of Fathers Iohn the Archbishop and vniuersall Patriarch and Mennas himselfe also is called Oecumenicall Patriarch Archbishop oftentimes in that Councell of Constantinople and yet I thinke they will not acknowledge the Bishops of Constantinople to haue had an vniuersall supreme commaunding power ouer the whole world Herevnto therefore they adde another proofe out of the relation of the Councell of Chalcedon made to Leo wherein the Fathers complaine of Dioscorus that as a wilde Boare he had violently entred into the vineyard of the Lord and wasted the same plucking vp the true fruitfull vines and planting vnfruitfull in their places and that hee stayed not there but reached out his hand against him to whom the keeping of the vineyard was committed by our Sauiour that is against the Bishop of Rome whom hee thought to excommunicate These words wee willingly confesse to bee words of iust complaint vpon great cause made by the Fathers of the Councell against Dioscorus but they proue not the thing in question For wee make no doubt but the keeping of the vineyard of the Lord of hosts was committed to the Bishop of Rome not onely as well as to other but in the first place as being in order and honour the chiefe But that he onely receiued from Christ this power authority charge and others from him not we onely but many learned amongst themselues doe denie as Bellarmine testifieth There are two other testimonies that may be alleaged out of the Councell of Chalcedon For Paschasinus one of the Vicegerents of the Bishop of Rome in that Councell calleth Rome the head of the churches and Leo the Bishop of Rome head of the vniuersall Church But they who presse so much the saying of the Popes Legate in fauour of the Pope must know that by head hee meant chiefe in order and honour and not one hauing all power originally in himselfe and absolutely commaunding ouer all as the Papists now teach For if he had meant so he had not been endured by the Fathers of that Councell who peremptorily pronounce that it was the greatnesse of the citie and not any power giuen by Christ or deriued to him from Peter that made the Bishop of Rome to be great that therefore they would equall the Bishop of Constantinople vnto him seeing Constantinople was now become equall vnto Rome The next testimony that they alleage is out of the Patriarchicall Councell of Constantinople vnder Mennas wherein the Fathers professe by Mennas their president that they follow and obey the Apostolique See that they communicate with them with whom that See communicateth and condemne all those it condemneth Surely this reason howsoeuer it may seeme to haue some force yet indeed hath none at all For there is no question but that the Bishop of Rome with his Westerne Synods all which according to the phrase of Antiquity are comprehended vnder the name of the Apostolique See was more to be esteemed then the particular Synode vnder Mennas and that therefore they might professe to follow it and obey the decrees of it and yet neither
in brotherly sort wished the Bishop of Antioch to resist heretiques and to let him vnderstand of the state of the Churches and to be a consort of the Apostolique See in this care to see that the priuiledges of the third See were not deminished by any mans ambition assuring him that whensoeuer he will do any thing for the aduancing of the dignity of the See of Antioch he also will be ready to concurre with him In all which passages betweene Leo and the Bishop of Antioch there is nothing found that hath any shew of proofe of the Popes supremacie Fourthly we say that Cyrill the Patriarch of Alexandria besought Leo to giue noe consent to the attempts of Iuuenall Bishop of Hierusalem seeking to prejudice the Church of Antioch to subject Palaestina to himselfe but that he besought Leo not to permit nor suffer Palaestina to be taken from Antioch and subjected to the Church of Hierusalem as if the whole power of permitting or hindring this thing had rested in Leo is but the false report of the Cardinall according to his wonted manner of misse-alleaging authors for the the aduantage of his cause So that the disposition of this matter rested not wholly in Leo but his concurrence with the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria was necessary for the withstanding of the attempts of Iuuenall which his concurrence and helpe hee promised the Bishop of Antioch as we haue already heard and was euer ready to yeeld the same vnto him Fiftly we say that Leo did not command Dioscorus the Patriarch of Alexandria but whereas the manner was when the Patriarches were first elected ordained that they should mutually consent one to another and that hee who was newly ordained should send vnto the rest his Synodall letters and testimonies of his lawfull election and ordination Dioscorus being newly elected appointed Patriarch of Alexandria sendeth his Synodall letters to Leo Bishop of Rome that so he might giue his consent receiue embrace him as his fellow Patriarch Leo that these beginnings of Dioscorus might be more sure and firme nothing wanting to perfection fatherly as more ancient and brotherly as of the same ranke with him putting him in mind of some differences betweene their two Churches about the time of the ordination of Ministers and for that it seemed not likely vnto him that Marke the scholler of Peter tooke any other order in this behalfe then Peter did saith vnto him Wee will haue you to obserue that which our Fathers euer obserued making this a condition of the allowance consent he was to yeeld vnto him and vrging the practice of the Apostles sayth hee shall do well if obeying these Apostolicall institutions he shall cause that forme of ordination to be kept in the Churches ouer which God hath set him which is obserued in the Churches of the West that Ministers of the Church may be ordained onely on the Lords day on which day the creation of the world was begun in which Christ rose in which death was destroyed and life after which there is no death tooke beginning in which the Apostles receaued froÌ the Lord the truÌpet of preaching the Gospel the ministration of the Sacrament of regeneration Sixtly we say that Leo intermedleth in the Churches of Africa and requireth some ordained contrary to the Canons to be put from their places tollerateth others and willeth the cause of Lupicinus a Bishop who had appealed vnto him to be heard there because he was Patriarch of the West and these parts of Africa were within his Patriarchship and that yet this his intermedling in so particular sort with the affaires of the Africane Churches was not very pleasing vnto those of Africa as shall appeare by that which followeth Lastly we say that the Church of Rome was the head of all Churches in the sence before expressed and had a presidence of order and honour amongst them and had in that sort as Leo truly saith more subject to it then euer were vnder the Romane Empire but vnder any absolute supreme commanding power of the Church of Rome they were not But saith Bellarmine if the former testimonies of Leo be auoided there is one more yet behind so cleare and full for the supremacie of the Pope that nothing can be sayd in answere vnto it in his Epistle to Anastasius Bishop of Thessalonica His words are these Amongst the most blessed Apostles like in honour there was a certaine difference and distinction of power and whereas they were equally chosen yet notwithstanding it was giuen to one of them to haue a preeminence amongst the rest from which forme the distinctioÌ and difference that is amongst Bishops hath taken beginning and by a most wise disposition it hath beene prouided that all without difference shall not challenge all vnto theÌselues but that there should be in seuerall prouinces seuerall Bishops whose sentence judgment should be first and chiefe amongst the brethren and againe certaine other constituted and placed in greater cities who might take the care of more then the former by whom the care of the whole Church might flow vnto that one seate of Peter and nothing any where might dissent from the head These words truely make a goodly shew and may seeme most strongly to proue the supremacie that the Popes now challenge but in very deede they most powerfully ouerthrow it For the Bishops of Rome will neuer be perswaded in proportionable sort as is expressed in the words of Leo to challenge no more in respect of the whole Church then the Metropolitane Bishops doe in respect of their Provinces and the Patriarches in respect of their Churches of a larger extent For then they must doe nothing but accordingly as they shall bee swayed by the major part of the voyces of the Bishops of the Christian Church For the Metropolitane may doe nothing in his province nor the Patriarch in his larger extent but as they shall be directed swayed by the major part of the voices of their Bishops and yet surely the meaning of Leo was not to giue so much to the Bishop of Rome in respect of all Christian Bishops as pertaineth to the Metropolitanes and Patriarches in respect of their Bishops For the Metropolitane is to ordaine the Bishops of the Province and the Patriarch to ordaine and confirme the Metropolitanes by imposition of hands or mission of the Pall but the Pope neuer had any such power in respect of the Patriarches who were onely to send their Synodall Epistles to him testifying their faith as he likewise to them without expecting any other confirmation then that mutuall consent whereby one of them assured of the right faith and lawfull ordination of another receiued and embraced each other as fellowes and colleagues So that that care of the vniversall Church which Leo saith floweth together and commeth vp to that one chaire of Peter is to be vnderstood only in respect of things concerning the common faith
diminished much lesse tooke away the liberty of other inferiour Sees but that they might resist and gainesay till they were satisfied and made to see the equity of the iudgement of the first See accordingly as we finde they did in the Councell of Chalcedon reiecting him as an Heretique whom the Bishop of Rome had receiued till vpon more full particular examination they found him to be catholicke and acquited him in their owne iudgement So that here we see there is nothing to proue the Pope to bee an absolute supreme iudge of all as Bellarmine vntruly alledgeth But happily hee will say that Theodoret intreateth Renatus to perswade Leo to vse his authority and to require the Bishoppes that had proceeded against him to come to his Synode in the West seeing the See of Rome hath a direction of all Churches and that therefore hee seemeth to acknowledge an absolute supreme power in the Pope For answere herevnto we say that the circumstances of this Epistle doe clearely conuince and proue he had no such conceipt For first he speaketh not of Leo alone as if of himselfe hee could determine the matter of difference betweene him and his Aduersaries but of him and his Westerne Councell Secondly hee doth not say that he his Councell alone may determine the matter but that his See being the first See hee and his Bishops may call all other Bishops to their Councell and this is that direction or government which he saith the first See or Westerne Church hath of other Churches namely in going before them and inuiting and calling them to publique deliberations not in peremptory and absolute commanding without them and ouer them The tenth witnesse produced out of the Greeke church is Sozomene out of whom two things are alledged The first is that he saith Iulius Bishop of Rome restored Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria and Paulus Bishop of Constantinople to their churches from which they were violently and vniustly expulsed by certaine Orientall Bishops The second that he did this because the care of all pertained to him in respect of the dignity of his See How the words of Sozomene reporting that Iulius restored these Bishops to their churches are to bee vnderstood we may learne of Iulius himselfe who in his Epistle mentioned by Athanasius in his second Apologie hauing blamed the Orientall Bishoppes for proceeding in a matter of so great consequence concerning the faith and the Bishops of the principall Churches of the world without him and his Bishops and as he vnderstood very irregularly telleth them that he durst not confirme that they had done that he communicated still with Athanasius and Paulus not foreiudging any thing but desirââ¦ng them to come to a Synode where thinges might bee fully debated and determined and that though hee alone wrote for them yet he wrote in the name and with the consent of all the Bishops of the West Vpon which his letter they were so farre from restoring them to their places that they tooke it in ill part that hee did write vnto them telling him that when hee proceeded against certaine Nouatians they intermedled not and that therefore hee should not meddle with their proceedings seeing the greatnesse of citties maketh not the power of one Bishop greater then the power of another By which their peremptory reiecting of his motion it appeareth that hee neither did nor could put the expulsed Bishops into their places againe which thing Sozomene himselfe testifieth also telling vs that they could neuer recouer their places till the Emperour by his mandatory letters preuailed So that when he saith Iulius restored them his meaning is that hee restored them as much as lay in him as likewise it may be said of Cyrill and Iohn of Antioche that after many and bitter contentions they were in the end reconciled and restored each to other their Churches from which yet they were neuer driuen indeed but in the censures of the one of them passed against the other But Sozomene saith the care of all Churches pertained to the Bishop of Rome therefore he acknowledgeth that hee had an vniversalitie of power ouer all Surely this consequence will neuer be made good For the Metropolitane or he that is Bishop of the first See in each Province in respect of the dignitie of his See hath the care of the whole Province yet can he doe nothing but as hee is directed by the maior part of the Bishops So that the care of all is said to pertaine to him not because he hath power to dispose of all things by himself but because all publike proceedings concerning the whole Province must take their beginning from him nothing of that nature may be taken in hand without consulting him In like sort and in the same sense and meaning Sozomene saith that for the dignity of his See the care of all pertained to the Bishop of Rome not as if the absolute disposing of all things did rest in him but for that he as prime Bishop of the world was first to be consulted before any thing concerning the common faith and the whole state of the Christian Church were determined and for that by the assistance and concurrence of other Bishops he as first in order and honour amongst them was to beginne and set forward allthings of greatest consequence tending to the common good Three more witnesses Bellarmine hath yet behinde Acatius the Bishop of Patara and Iustinian the Emperour out of whom three things are alledged The first that the Bishop of Rome beareth about with him the care of all Churches The second that the Pope is ouer the Church of the whole world The third that the Pope is the Head of all holy Churches To the first of these allegations taken out of Acatius his Epistle to Simplicius Bishop of Rome I haue answered before as likewise in what sense the Pope may be said to be ouer the Church of the whole world to wit in respect of a primacie of order and honour but not of power in which sense also Iustinian the elder writing to Iohn the second saith his See is the Head of all Churches And thus hauing examined the testimonies of the Greeke Fathers we are now to proceed to the authorities of the Latine Church CHAP. 36. Of the pretended proofes of the Popes supremacie taken out of the writings of the Latine Fathers THe first among the Latine Fathers that Bellarmine produceth is Cyprian who of all other most clearely ouerthroweth the error of the Romanists touching the Papacie therefore is very vnadvisedly produced by them in the first place and appointed to marshall and conduct the rest of their witnesses yet let vs heare what he will say Out of Cyprian foure places are alledged The first is in his booke de vnitate Ecclesiae The second in the third Epistle of his first book written to Cornelius The third in the tenth Epistle of his second booke to the same
will in the administration of the Church being to giue an account of his actions vnto the Lord. Here wee see Cyprian speaketh in the very same sort in the case between him and Stephen as he did in the Councell of Carthage and that generally hee maketh all Bishops equall and no one subject to the judgment of another but to the judgement of God only and the company of their fellow Bishops And that he did not thinke the Bishop of Rome to haue an infallibility of judgment or a commanding authority ouer other Bishops it appeareth in that writing to Pompeius of Stephens answere to his letters and sending him a copy of the same answere he telleth him that by reading it hee may more and more note his errour in maintaining the cause of heretiques against Christians and the Church of God and feareth not to pronounce of him that he writeth many things proudly impertinently vnskilfully improuidently and contrary to himselfe and which more is contemning his prescription that heretiques should not be rebaptized but bee receiued with the imposition of hands onely hee chargeth him with hard stiffe and inflexible obstinacie Firmilianus with the Bishops of Phrygia Galatia Cilicia and other regions neere adioyning assembled in a Synode at Iconium consented with Cyprian and Firmilianus writing to him telleth him of their resolution and chargeth Stephen with folly who bragging of the place of his Bishoprique and pretending to succeed Peter on whom the Church was founded yet bringeth in many other rockes and new buildings of many Churches in that hee supposed heretiques to be truly baptized who are out of the communion of the true Church whereas the Church was specially promised to be builded on Peter to shew that it must be but one And in great dislike and reprehension of Stephen he saith he was not ashamed in fauour of heretiques to deuide the brotherhood and to call Cyprian the worthy seruant of God a false Christ a false Apostle and a deceiptfull and guilefull workeman whereas all these things might much more truly bee sayd of him and therefore guilty to himselfe Praeuenit vt alteri ea per mendacium objiceret quae ipse ex merito audire deberet that is By way of preuention hee falsely and lyingly obiected those things to another which himselfe truly and deseruedly might haue had objected to him by others Such and so great were the oppositions of Cyprian and his consorts against Stephen and his adherents in the matter of rebaptization whereupon Bellarmine saith it seemeth that Cyprian sinned mortally in that hee obeyed not the commandement of Stephen nor submitted his judgement to the judgement of his superiour That hee erred in the matter of rebaptization we willingly confesse but that he knew not the power authority and commission of the Bishoppe of Rome or that he would euer haue dissented from him or opposed himselfe against him in a question of faith if hee had thought his power to bee vniuersall and his iudgment infallible we vtterly deny For then hee should not onely haue erred in the matter of rebaptization but haue beene a damnable heretique and and haue perished euerlastingly whereas yet the Church of God hath euer reputed him a holy Bishop and a blessed Martyr Thus hauing examined the testimonies of Cyprian vsually alleaged for and against the supremacy of the Pope let vs proceed to the rest of Bellarmines witnesses The next that followeth is Optatus out of whom it is alleaged that there was one Episcopall Chaire in the whole Church appointed by Christ. But because this is the same which was formerly alleaged out of Cyprian already answered in the answers to the allegations brought out of him therefore without farther troubling of the Reader I referre him to that which went before The next vnto Optatus is Ambrose out of whom three seuerall places are produced in the first his words are these as Bellarmine citeth them Though the whole world bee Gods yet the Church onely is called his house the Gouernour whereof at this day is Damasus For answer hereunto we say that this testimony rather witnesseth their forgery then confirmeth their errour For the Commentaries attributed to Ambrose wherein these words are are not his and besides this addition the gouernour whereof at this day is Damasus may be thought to haue beene put in in fauour of their fancie touching the Papall vniversalitie of jurisdiction it is so sudden causelesse and abrupt In the second place Ambrose reporteth of Satyrus that before he would receiue the Sacrament of the Lords body he asked of the Bishop by whose hands hee was to receiue it whether he held communion with the Catholick Bishops and namely with the Romane Church To the inference of our Adversaries and the conclusion they seek to deriue draw from these words in fauour of the Papacie I haue answered elsewhere whither I referre the Reader Wherefore let vs come to the third and last place of Ambrose His words are Wee follow the type and forme of the Romane Church in all things and againe I desire to follow the Romane Church in all things Surely this place of all other most clearely confuteth the errour of the Romanists touching the infallibility of the judgement of the Roman Church and Bishop and the necessitie of absolute conformity with the same For in this place Saint Ambrose sheweth that in the Church of Millaine whereof he was Bishop the manner in his time was that the Bishop girding himselfe about with a towell in imitation of Christ did wash the feete of such as were newly baptized and after great commendation of the same custome objecting to himselfe that the Romane Church had it not first he saith that perhaps the Church of Rome omitted this washing because of the difficultie and great labour in performing it by reason of the multitude of those that were baptized Secondly whereas some said in defence and excuse of the omission of this washing in the Romane Church that it is not to be vsed as a mysticall right in the regeneration of them that are new borne in Christ but in the ciuill entertainment of strangers the offices of humilitie and ciuill courtesie being very farre different from the mysteries and sacred rights of sanctification he reproueth them for so saying and endeauoureth to shew that this kinde of washing is a sacred and mysticall right tending to the sanctification of them that are newly baptized and that out of the words of Christ to Peter Vnlesse I wash thee thou shalt haue no part in me and then addeth the wordes alleaged by Bellarmine I desire in all things to follow the Romane Church but notwithstanding we also are men and haue our sense and iudgment and therefore what we finde to be rightly obserued any where else we also rightly obserue keepe we follow the Apostle Peter wee cleaue fast vnto his devotion and hereunto what can the Church of Rome answer Whereby wee
authority so to do Which kind of reasoning I thinke the Reader will not much like of Touching Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria Paule Bishop of Constantinople and Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra deposed by the Orientall Synode their complaints to the Bishop of Rome and other Bishops of the West of the wrongs done vnto them how the Bishop of Rome with the Westerne Bishops fought to relieue them with how ill successe and how litle this instance serueth to proue the thinge in question I haue shewed before as likewise Theodorets desiring Leo with his Westerne Synodes to take knowledge of his cause Soe that it is a vaine bragge of Bellarmine that to these and the like testimonies of Antiquity nothing is nor can be answered CHAP. 38. Of the weakenesse of such proofes of the supreme power of Popes as are taken from their Lawes Censures Dispensations and the Vicegerents they had in places farre remote from them HAVING examined the pretended proofes of the illimited vniversality of the Popes authority and jurisdiction taken from the power they are supposed to haue exercised in former times ouer other Bishops by confirming deposing or restoring them let vs come to their Lawes Dispensations Censures see if froÌ thence any thing may be coÌcluded If they could as strongly proue as they coÌfideÌtly endertake that Popes in ancient times made Lawes to bind the whole Christian Church dispensed with such as were made by general CouÌcels ceÌsured al men as subject to them of necessity we must be forced to acknowledge the fulnesse of all power to rest in the Romane Bishops But their proofes are too weake to make vs beleeue any such thing For first touching the decrees of Popes they did not binde the whole Christian Church but the Westerne Provinces onely that were subject to them as Patriarches of the West And secondly they were not made by them without the consent and joint concurrence of the other Bishops of the West assembled in Synodes and sitting with them as their fellow Iudges with equall power of defining and determining things concerning the state of the Church as appeareth by the Decrees of Gregory the first who sitting in Councell with all the Bishops of the Roman Church the Deacons and inferiour Clergy-men standing before them made Decrees and confirmed them by their subscriptions the rest of the Bishops and the Presbyters also who sate in Councell with them subscribing in the very same sort that Gregory did And of Decrees in such sort made Leo speaketh when he requireth the Bishops of Campania Picene Thuscia to keepe and obserue the Decretall constitutions of Innocentius and all other his predecessours which they had ordained as well touching Ecclesiasticall orders as the Discipline of the Canons or otherwise to looke for no fauour or pardon And in the very same sort are the words of Hilarius to be vnderstood when he saith That no man may violate either the divine constitutions or the Decrees of the Apostolique See without danger of losing his place For this he spake sitting as President in a Councell of Bishops assembled at Rome of things decreed by Synodes of Bishops wherein his predecessours were Presidents and Moderatours as he was now but not absolute commaunders But Bellarmine saith that Pope Anastasius the yonger in his Epistle to Anastasius the Emperour willeth him not to resist the Apostolicall precepts but obediently to performe what by the Church of Rome and Apostolicall authority shall be prescribed vnto him if hee desire to holde communion with the same holy Church of GOD which is his Head Therefore the Pope had power to command and giue lawes to the Emperour and consequently had an absolute supreme authority in the Church Surely this allegation of the Cardinall is like the rest For Anastasius doth not speake in any such peremptory and threatning manner to the Emperour but acknowledging his breast to bee a Sanctuary of happinesse and that he is Gods Vicar on earth telleth him in modest and humble sort that hee hopeth hee will not suffer the insolencie of those of Constantinople proudly to resist against the Evangelicall and Apostolicall precepts in the cause of Acatius but that he will force them to performe and doe what is fit and in like humble sort beseecheth him when he shall vnderstand the cause of them of Alexandria to force them to returne to the vnity of the Church The last instance of the Popes Law-giuing power brought by Bellarmine is the priviledge granted to the Monastery of Saint Medardus by Gregory the first in the end whereof we finde these words Whatsoeuer Kings Bishops Iudges or secular persons shall violate the Decrees of this Apostolicall authority and our commaundement shall be depriued of their honour driuen from the society of Christians put from the communion of the Lords body and bloud and subjected to Anathema and all the wofull curses that Infidels Heretikes haue beene subject to from the beginning of the world to this present time A strong confirmation of the priviledges graunted is found in these wordes but a weake confirmation of the thing in question for the priuiledges were graunted and confirmed in this sort not by Gregory alone out of the fulnesse of his power but by the consenting voyce of all the Bishops of Italy and France by the authority of the Senate of Rome by Theodoricus the King and Brunichildis the Queene So that from hence no proofe possibly can be drawne of the Popes absolute power of making lawes by himselfe alone to binde any part of the Christian Church much lesse the whole Christian world Wherfore let vs passe from the Popes power of making lawes to see by what right they claime authority to dispense with the Lawes of the Church and the Canons of Generall Councels The first that is alleadged to haue dispensed with the Canons of Councels is Gelasius But this allegation is idle and to no purpose For first it cannot bee proued that by dispensing he sought to free any from the necessity of doing that the strictnesse of the Canon required but those onely that were subiect to him as Patriarch of the West And secondly he did not dispense but vpon very vrgent cause and driuen by necessity so to doe and yet not of himselfe alone but with the concurrence of other Bishops of the West assembled in Synode The other instances that are brought of the dispensations of Gregory the first are nothing else but the instances of the ill consciences of them that bring them For Gregory did not dispense with the English to marry within the degrees prohibited as the Cardinall vntruely reporteth but only aduised Austine not to put them that were newly conuerted from such wiues as they had married within some of the degrees prohibited in the time of their infidelity lest hee might seeme to punish them for faults committed in the daies of their ignorance and to discourage other from becomming Christians Neither
in the West had iudged and condemned him ioyned his authority with Cyril the principall of the Bishops that were present that so nothing might be wanting to the perfection of a generall Councell So that it is most certaine that Cyril was president of the Councell of Ephesus not as a Vicegerent onely to the Bishop of Rome but in his owne right though he had the authority direction and consenting concurrence of the Bishop of Rome and all the Westerne Bishops ioyned with the power and authority which he and the rest of the Bishops present had of themselues And therefore Leo saith in expresse wordes that Cyril was President of the Councell of Ephesus as likewise Photius and others affirme The same answer may serue for Acacius For he was not Vicegerent of the Bishop of Rome in hearing and determining the cause of Peter Bishop of Alexandria who was an Eutychian Heretique as hauing none authority of his owne but there was a ioynt concurrence of the Bishop of Rome and the Bishop of Constantinople the later hauing besides his owne right and interest the full power and authority of the other and being likewise to vse the helpe of the Emperour for the reducing of the Church of Alexandria to the vnity of the faith againe in which businesse he failed for though at first he condemned Peter Bishop of Alexandria yet afterwards he was content to coÌmunicate with him For which cause he was iustly reprehended as not answering the trust that was reposed in him and as being a fauourer of heretiques and so in a sort an heretique himselfe To these allegations which we haue already heard Harding in his answer to Bishop Iewels challenge addeth another of a Bishop of Alexandria being Vicegerent to the Bishop of Rome out of the Epistle of Bonifacius the second to Eulalius or Eulabius But Bellarmine refuteth that Epistle and sheweth that it is counterfeit and that there neuer was any such Eulabius to whom Bonifacius might write and therefore we will no longer insist vpon the examination of the same but proceed to the proofes which our Aduersaries bring from appeales made to Rome CHAP. 39. Of Appeales to Rome FOR the clearing of the matter of Appeales we must obserue that they are of three sorts Of Lay-men of inferiour Clergie-men and of Bishops Of the appeales of Lay-men there is noe mention in all Antiquity and yet now the Bishops of Rome reserue all the greater causes euen concerning the Laitie to theÌselues alone forbidding the ordinary guides of the Church to intermedle with them and very ordinarily admitte appeales of Lay-men to the infinite vexation of men and the great hinderance of the course of all Iustice. Whereas it is most wisely and rightly ordered each Bishop hauing his portion of the flocke of Christ committed to him as Cyprian obserueth that they that are committed to their charge should not bee permitted to runne hither and thither but bee iudged there where the thinges for which they are called in question were done and where the accusers and witnesses may bee present Concerning inferiour Clergy-men the holy Bishoppes in the Councell of Mileuis speake in this sort It hath seemed good vnto vs that if Presbyters Deacons other inferiour Clergi-men complaine of the iudgements of their own Bishops the neighbour Bishops intreated by them with the consent of their Bishoppes shall heare them and make an end and if they thinke good to appeale from their iudgement it shall not be lawfull for them to appeale but onely to the Councels of Africa or to the Primates of their owne Provinces And if they shall make their appeale beyond the seas no man in Africa shall receiue them to the Communion This whole Councell Innocentius the first approued as it appeareth by his Epistle which we finde in the booke of the Epistles of S. Augustin Hereunto Bellarmine saith some answere with Gratian who addeth to the Canon of this Councell forbidding appeales to be made beyond the seas an exception vnlesse it be to the Sea Apostolique But this exception saith Bellarmine seemeth not fitting seeing the Africanes made this decree that men should not appeale beyond the seas especially in respect of the Church of Rome and to restraine the making of appeales thither there neuer being any appeale from the Africans to any other church but to the church of Rome only And yet Stapleton answereth the authority of this Councell as Gratian doth and that out of Iulius and Fabianus Bishops of Rome as he saith The Councell of Sardica saith Bellarmine decreed that the causes of Presbyters and inferiour clergy-men appealing from the iudgements of their owne Bishops should be determined and ended by the neighbour-Bishops and Pope Zozimus as appeareth by the sixth Councel of Carthage and the Epistle of the same Councell to Bonifacius the Pope required the same canon to be reuiued Augustine likewise sheweth that it was not lawfull for those of the clergie vnder the degree of Bishops to appeale out of Africa Neither was this the peculiar priuiledge of Africa alone For the Councell of Chalcedon ordained that if a clergie-man haue ought against another of the clergy the matter shall be heard by the Bishop or by arbitrators chosen by both parties with the Bishops allowance But if he haue ought against his Bishoppe he shall prosecute the same complaint in the Synode of the province This canon of the Councell of Chalcedon the Emperour confirmed saying if any of the clergy complaine against his Bishop for any matter let the cause be iudged by the Metropolitane according to the sacred rules and the imperiall lawes And if any man appeale from his sentence let the cause be brought to the Arch-bishoppe or Patriarch of that Diocese and let him according to the canons make a finall end And yet notwithstanding these canons aboue recited precisely forbidding inferiour clergy-men to appeale to Rome we finde that the Bishops of Rome admitted the appeale of one Apiarius iudged condemned in Africa which caused a great difference betweene the Africanes and him Whereupon the Fathers in the Councell of Africa wish the Bishop of Rome as it beseemeth him to reiect and repell the wicked and vnlawfull appeales as well of Presbyters as of other inferiour clergy-men seeing the ending and determining of their causes is by no decree of any Synode denied to the church of Africa and the Nicene canons most clearely committe both inferiour clergy-men and Bishops to their owne Metropolitanes Bellarmine to cleare the Pope from intrusion and to avoide the testimonies authorities of the holy Bishops and Pastours of the church which we haue produced to shew the vnlawfulnes of appeales to Rome answereth first that though they of the inferiour clergy were prohibited to appeale to the Pope yet hee was not forbidden to admit their appeales which is a most strange answere For if they in appealing did
force of this decree first we must marke that it was made after the diuision and parting of the Bishops of the East from them of the West and so by the Westerne Bishops alone as it may seeme respectiuely to the Prouinces of the West ouer which the Bishop of Rome was Patriarch Secondly that the Africans tooke no notice of it and yet there were Bishops of Africa at the Councell so that in likely-hood this decree was not confirmed by subsequent acceptation execution and practise Thirdly that the Councell of Chalcedon which was absolutely Oecumenicall and wholly approued so of greater authority then this that was not an approued Generall Councell but in a sort onely decreeth the contrary and referreth the finall determination of all causes of Bishops to the Primate or Patriarch which the Emperour also confirmeth and will haue no man to haue power to contradict the end which the Primate or Patriarch shall make Lastly that this canon maketh rather against them that alleage it then any way for them For by this Canon all matters must bee ended at home or in the next Province to that wherein they arise and the Pope may not call matters to Rome there to bee heard but is onely permitted in some cases to send a Presbyter hauing his authoritie and to put him in commission with the Bishops of the Province that so hee and they jointly may reexamine things formerly judged If this Canon were now obserued I thinke there would not bee so great exception taken to the court of Rome in respect of appeales as now there is Quousque saith Saint Bernard to Eugenius non evigilat consideratio tua ad tantam appellationum confusionem Ambitio in Ecclesia per te regnare molitur Praeter ius fas praeter morem ordinem fiunt repertum ad remedium reperitur ad mortem Antidotum versum est in venenum murmur loquor querimoniam communem Ecclesiarum Truncari se clamant ãâã Vel nullae vel paucae admodum sunt quae plagam istam aut non doleant aut non timeant that is How long will it bee before thou awake to consider this so great confusion of appeales Ambition striueth and seeketh busily to raigne in the Church by thy meanes They are entred prosecuted and admitted beside right law besides custome and order That which was first found out for a remedie is now found to bee vnto death I doe but expresse the murmuring and common complaint of the Churches They cry out that they are mangled and dismembred and there are few or none found that doe not either already grieue at this plague or feare the smart of this euill Yet would not the Africans admit the canon of the councell of Sardica but willed the Pope to send no more any of his clearkes to dispatch causes at any mans suite For that this was to bring in the smoakie puffe of worldly pride into the Church and in very earnest sort besought him not to bee too easie in admitting any appeales brought from them If within a little time after the Bishops of Rome prevailed so farre as that Bishops were suffered to appeale out of Africa to Rome which was the thing claimed by Zozimus but denied vnto him by the Africans it is not to bee marvailed at seeing they still enlarged the extent of their power till they had ouerthrowne the jurisdiction of all the Bishops of the West and alienated the affections of all other from them So that there was a schisme in the church the other foure Patriarches dividing themselues from the Bishop of Rome and at their parting vsing these or the like words as it is reported Thy greatnesse wee know thy covetousnesse wee cannot satisfie thy encroaching we can no longer endure liue by thy selfe But here we shall find a great contrariety of judgment among the greatest Rabbies of the Romish church touching these Africans that thus withstood the claimes of Zozimus Bonifacius and Celestinus For Harding against Bishop Iewels challenge in the Article of the supremacie saith that the whole church of Africa withdrew it selfe from the church of Rome by reason of this difference through the enticement of Aurelius Archbishop of Carthage and continued in schisme by the space of an hundred yeares during which time by Gods punishment they were brought into miserable captiuity by the barbarous cruell Vandales who were Arrians till at length when it pleased Almighty God of his goodnesse to haue pitty of his people of that Province hee sent them Belisarius that valiant Captaine that vanquished and destroyed the Vandales and Eulabius that godly Bishop of Carthage that brought home the Africanes againe and joyned those divided members to the whole Body of the Catholique church A publique instrument containing their submission being made and offered to Bonifacius the second by Eulabius in the name of the whole Province Which was joyfully receiued and whereof Bonifacius writeth to Eulabius Bishop of Thessalonica desiring him to giue thankes to God for the same But Bellarmine proueth at large that notwithstanding this resistance and opposition of the Africans against the claimes of Zozimus Bonifacius and Caelestinus yet there neuer was any apparant breach betweene the Romanes and them And for the Epistle of Bonifacius the second to Eulabius wherein he saith very harshly as Cusanus well noteth that Aurelius sometimes Bishop of the church of Carthage with his colleagues beganne to waxe proude and insolent against the church of Rome by the instigation of the divell in the dayes of his predecessours so condemning Augustine Alipius and two hundreth twenty fiue Bishops more as set on by the diuell to resist the claimes of his predecessors and the Epistle of Eulabius Bishop of Carthage wherein hee condemneth his predecessours and submitteth himselfe to the Bishop of Rome he professeth he greatly suspecteth they are forged counterfeit First because that which is contayned in them cannot stand with that which is most certainely proued known to be true touching the amity and friendship that was betweene the Romane Church and Augustine Eugenius Fulgentius and other Africans after the opposition about the matters of appeales Secondly for that there was no such Eulabius Bishop of Alexandria at that time to whom Bonifacius might write as it appeareth by the Chronologie of Nicephorus of Constantinople Thirdly for that Bonifacius in his Epistle doth signifie that hee wrote in the time of Iustinus the Emperour whereas Iustinus was dead before Bonifacius was Bishop as appeareth by all histories So that we may see what grosse forgeries there haue beene in former times deuised onely to abuse the simple and make the world beleeue that all Bishops and churches subiected themselues vnto the church of Rome And how shamelesse a defender of Antichristian tyrannie Doctour Harding was that could not escape this censure of Bellarmine the Iesuite But it is lââ¦sse to be maruailed at that he should so harden
of a Bishop in Pontus hee embraced virginitie in his first times and seemed to liue a retired solitarie and Monasticall kinde of life but in the end casting the feare of God behinde his backe hee abused a certaine virgin and not onely fell himselfe but drew her also away from the course of vertue and well-doing into the fellowship of sinfull wickednesse Heereupon hee was excommunicated and put out of the Church by his owne Father For his Father was a right good and vertuous man and carefull of the things that concerned his calling and though after he was put out of his Church hee sought very earnestly to be admitted to penitency that so he might bee restored to the Church againe yet his Father exceedingly grieued not onely in respect of his fall but also in respect of the dishonour and shame hee had brought on him would by no meanes be induced to yeelde vnto it Whereupon hee left that Citie whereof his Father was Bishop and went to Rome in the time of the vacancie of that See after the death of Hyginus and after he had stayed there a certaine space and conferred with the Presbyters of that Church hee desired to be admitted to their assemblies But they tolde him they could not so doe without the consent of his honourable Father For say they wee have one faith and one consent and wee may not contrary our good fellow-minister thy Father Which their answere when hee heard hee was filled with fury and madnesse and professed in great rage that hee would rent their Church in peeces and cast a schisme into it that should neuer haue an end This is the narration wee finde in Epiphanius concerning Marcion his going to Rome Wherein there is nothing that any way proueth that it was alwayes lawfull to appeale from all other Bishops to the Bishop of Rome For first it doth not appeare that Marcion went thither to complaine of his Father but being put from the communion by him and not obtaining reconciliation by any intreaty as a runnagate he sought to other places and among other went to Rome hoping there to bee receiued into the Church But the guides of that church knowing the canon which forbiddeth one church to admit them another hath reiected and cast out vtterly refused to permit and suffer him to communicate with them And secondly if hee had gone to Rome by way of appeale it would most strongly ouerthrow all such courses and proue that the Romane Bishop may not reverse and make voide the Acts and proceedings of other Bishops seeing the gouernours of the Romane church at that time freely professed vnto Marcion and told him peremptorily that it was not lawfull for them to admit him to their communion without his Fathers consent by whom hee was excommunicated But the truth is he did not seeke by their authoritie as superiours to reverse his Fathers censure and iudgement or to bee restored to the communion of that church out of which he was eiected which had beene to appeale but being in Rome desired onely to bee admitted to ioyne in prayers and other exercises of Religion with them of that Church which yet as Epiphanius reporteth was denied vnto him The next example is of Fortunatus and Faelix in Africa deposed by Cyprian as Bellarmine would make vs beleeue and appealing to Cornelius Bishop of Rome for releefe But there is no word of trueth in that which this Cardinall writeth For these men did not goe to Rome to complaine that they were vniustly deposed as hee vntruely reporteth but these are the circumstances of the matter as we may reade in the Epistles of Cyprian A company of wicked ones hauing made Fortunatus one of the Presbyters that were suspended by Cyprian and a great number of other Bishops a Bishop in opposition to Cyprian hasten to Rome to Cornelius with false reports of the number of Bishops that concurred in the ordination of Fortunatus that so hee might be induced to admit of him as a true Bishop and hold communion with him Which when Cornelius wisely refused to doe he feared not to threaten grieuous things vnto him With the suddennesse and strangenesse whereof Cornelius much moued maruailed greatly that Cyprian had not before certified him of this schismaticall ordination that so hee might haue beene the better prepared Whereunto Cyprian answered That it was not necessarie to be so carefull about the vaine proceedings of heretiques that he had before giuen him the names of such Bishops as were found to whoÌ and from whom hee might write and receiue letters And that howsoeuer false ill dealing by haste and preuention thinketh to gaine all yet that is but for a little time till trueth overtake it and discouer it euen as the darknesse of the night continueth till the Sunne arise And farther hee sheweth that these schismaticall companions had no reason to make such haste to Rome to publish it and make it knowen that they had set vp a false Bishop against a true For that either it pleased them that they had so done and then they continued and went forward in their wickednesse or they repented of that they had done and then they knew whither to returne and needed not to haue gone to Rome For saith he whereas it is agreed among vs and it is both iust and right that euery man shall be heard there where his fault was committed and all Pastours haue a part of the flocke of Christ assigned to them which euery one is to rule governe as being to giue an account vnto the Lord of his actions it is not fitte nor to be suffered that they ouer whom we are set should runne vp and downe and by craftie and deceitfull rashnesse shake in sunder the coherent concord of brethren but that they should haue their causes handled where they may haue both accusers and witnesses of their crimes Vnlesse a few desperate and wicked companions doe thinke the Bishops of Africa that iudged them haue lesser authority then others A more cleare testimonie or pregnant proofe against appeales to Rome then this cannot be had And yet this is one of the principall authorities the Cardinall bringeth to proue the lawfulnesse of appeales to Rome To the next place alleaged out of Cyprian touching Basilides and Martialis Bishoppes of Spaine I haue answered already and made it most cleare that nothing could be alleaged more preiudiciall to the Popes claimes and more for the aduantage of the trueth of that cause which wee defend So that it seemeth our Aduersaries haue turned their weapons against themselues and whetted their swords and made readie their arrowes to wound themselues to death How the facts of Athanasius Chrysostome Flauianus and Theodoret appealing to the Bishop of Rome with his Western Synodes for reliefe and helpe when they were oppressed and wronged by the Easterne Bishops proue not the illimited and vniuersall power of the Pope I haue at large shewed before to the satisfaction I
Michael the Emperour admit this Councell as if it were of credite and vrge the authority of it to confirme things questioned betweene them and vs though they bee not able to answere the reasons of the other side to the satisfaction of any indifferent man for this is the manner of these Iesuited Papists to reject or admit nothing otherwise then as they thinke it may make for them or against them But to leaue them thus striuing and contending one with another and to come to the saying alleadged by Bellarmine out of this supposed Councell it no way maketh for them but against them and cannot stand with the grounds of their owne Divinity vnlesse they will bee of their opinion who think that the church must endure an hereticall Pope that he must be still taken to be a sheepheard of the sheep of Christ though as a devouring wolfe he make havocke of the flocke of Christ. For is not Infidelity as badde as Heresie And did not Marcellinus as much endanger the Church of Rome and the Religion of Christians in making friendship with Dioclesian by sacrificing to his Idoles as Liberius did by subscribing to the Arrians wicked proceedings against Athanasius and communicating with Heretickes Was it lawfull for the cleargy of Rome vpon the knowledge of Liberius his fact to depose him and might not the same cleargy assisted with three hundred Bishops judge and depose Marcellinus But heere wee may see the partiality of these Papists and that they write without all conscience For Bellarmine being to justifie Felix to be a true Pope who possessed the place while Liberius liued saith that in his entrance hee was a schismaticke Liberius yet liuing and continuing a Catholique Bishop but that after the fall of Liberius for which the Church did lawfully depose him hee was by the same church admitted and taken for a true Bishop Yea though Liberius were not in heart an Hereticke but was presumed to bee an Hereticke onely because hee made peace with the Arrians and so was an Hereticke in his outward courses and acts of which men are to judge and not of the heart And yet touching Marcellinus hee saith hee thinketh hee lost not his Popedome nor might not bee deposed from it for that most execrable externe act of idolatrie infidelitie because it might be thought he did it out of feare Shall the vncertain coniecture of the motiue that made him doe so vile an act excuse him from being proceeded against as an Infidell that doth the workes of an Infidell and shall not the like conjectures stay the proceedings against men as Heretickes vpon their outward concurring with Heretickes in some things Shall feare excuse Marcellinus and shall not the impatience of Liberius no longer able to endure such intollerable vexations as he was subject to excuse him was it not as strongly presumed that impatience moued the one to doe that hee did as feare the other Yes surely much more For if wee may beleeue the acts of this faigned Councell Marcellinus was rather wonne with flattery and faire promises then forced with terrours the Emperour seeking to winne him with kindnesse and not to force him with seuerity and extremity being perswaded by Alexander and Romanus so to doe For that if hee could insinuate himselfe into the affection of the Bishop and assure him vnto himselfe he might thereby easily gaine the whole city Thus hauing examined the first testimony produced by the Romanists to proue that the Bishoppes of the Romane See may not bee judged and found it to bee of no credite let vs see if the next will bee any better The next is taken out of the Romane Councell vnder Pope Sylvester consisting of 284 Bishops wherein we finde these wordes Neque ab Augusto neque à Regibus neque ab omni Clero neque â populo iudicabitur primasedes that is The first See shall not bee judged neither by Augustus neither by Kings neither by the whole Clergie neither by the people Before we come to answere this authority we must obserue that many things are most fondly and fabulously deuised and attributed to this Syluester vnder whom this imagined Romane Councell is supposed to haue beene holden For whereas Eusebius Zozomen and other Historians of credit report that the conuersion of Constantine the great was partly out of those good lessons he had learned of his father and partly by a strange apparition of the signe of the Crosse with an inscription in it in hoc vince that is in this ouercom appearing to him in the aire when preparing himselfe to the warre against Maxentius he carefully bethought himselfe to what God hee should betake him and whose helpe among the Gods hee should specially seeke and partly by a vision of Christ appearing to him whereupon he sent for the Priests of that God that had so manifested himselfe vnto him and learned of them what God he was Those fond men that published the faigned acts of Syluester report that Constantine after many horrible murthers of his nearest Kinsmen and the parricide of his owne sonne Crispus being stricken with leprosie was wished by the South-sayers to whom hee sought for counsell and aduice to take the blood of Innocents and to bathe himselfe in it for the curing of his leprosie but that discouraged from the effusion thereof by the piteous cries of their tender mothers hee be thought himselfe better and sought expiation of his grieuous crimes which all other denying to him for so grieuous offences Hosius of Corduba told him that the Christians could purge him and Peter and Paul appearing to him told him hee must recall Syluester out of his hiding place whither he was gone for feare and seeke baptisme of him and that then he should be purged both from the impurity of his soule body which accordingly was done and he recouered In thankefull requitall whereof he cast downe the Temples of the false Gods builded many Christian Churches and gaue to Syluester the citty of Rome with all Italy and many other prouinces besides making him temporall Lord of all those places Whereas it is most certaine that Constantine was not baptized till a litle before his death as it appeareth by Eusebius by Hierome by the Synodal Epistle of the CouÌcel of Ariminum written to Constantius reported by Theodoret Socrates and Zozomen and as certaine that Constantine was a Christian Emperour before Syluester was Bishop For in the daies of Melchiades his predecessour hee tooke notice of the differences among Bishops in respect of Caecilianus and rested not till hee had composed them professing that hee so honoured the Catholique Church that hee could not endure any schisme to be in it Notwithstanding the same authors of lyes go forward and tell vs after the Baptisme of Constantine by Syluester of a Councell holden at Rome by the same Syluester consisting of 284. Bishops brought thither and maintained there at the
fury and violence of his enemies pressing in vpon him that he was in very great danger of his life and therefore after the first time would come no more to the place where the Bishops sate Whereupon they not knowing what to doe for it was not fit to judge him being absent there was no reason to proceed against him as contumacious in refusing to come vnto them seeing his refusall seemed to proceed from just feare of danger vtterly refused disclaimed the trying of his cause and the judging of it moued not a little so to doe because great multitudes of the people communicated with him and they had no president of such proceedings against former Bishops The King somewhat offended herewith tolde them that if they did not discusse the cause they would giue an ill example to all Bishops to liue wickedly and at their pleasure in hope of impunity and yet left the matter wholly to them who did nothing in it but onely perswaded to vnity Heereupon there grew some distraction among the Cleargy and people of Rome and some thought the Bishops had done ill in leauing the matter vnexamined Vpon which occasion one Euodius a Deacon writeth a booke in defence of their proceedings which they approue in their fifth Synode or meeting wherein among other things hee hath these wordes Lex probitatis mentis est quae hominem viventem sine lege castigat propriè moribus impendit qui necessitati non debet disciplinam Aliorum fortè hominum causas Deus voluit homines terminare sed sedis istius Praesulis suo sine quaestione reservavit arbitrio Voluit beati Petri Apostoli successores coelo tantùm debere innocentiam sublimissimi discussoris indagini iuviolatam exhibere conscientiam That is The Law of vertue and of the minde keepeth them in awe who liue without any other law Hee that is not otherwise inforced to liue well will liue orderly for the loue of order and good life Haply God would haue the causes of other men ended by men but the causes of the Bishop of this See he reserued no doubt to his owne judgment and his pleasure was that the successours of blessed Peter should be accountable for their good or ill liuing to Heauen only and present and exhibite their consciences kept inviolable to the examination of the most exquisite examiner For answer to this allegation wee say that neither the credite of Euodius is so great that vpon his bare word wee should bee bound to beleeue him nor the authoritie of these Fathers such that whatsoeuer they approue and allow must bee holden for good Notwithstanding admitting these sayings to bee true their owne Canonists and Diuines in their Glosses doe limite and restrain them with certaine exceptions For first they say the case of heresie must bee excepted there being no question but that the Pope may bee judged and condemned by men if he become an hereticke Secondly the case of Penitentiall confession wherein he yeeldeth himself as in duty bound so to do to be judged directed and commanded for his soules good by him to whom hee is pleased to reueale the estate of the same Thirdly the case of voluntary submission It is in my power saith Pope Sixtus to bee judged or not but let matters bee examined and the trueth found out And in like sort Symmachus submitted himselfe to bee judged by the Councell of Bishops Fourthly the case of incorrigible wickednesse when the Church is grieuously scandalized by the notorious ill life and wickednesse of the Pope and hee is found incorrigible in the same This case the Glosse excepteth warranted so to doe by the very light of naturall reason which teacheth vs that when any member of the Body after the cutting off whereof the body may liue and continue infecteth and endangereth the rest and is incurable it may and ought to bee cut off Now though the Pope should in a sort be acknowledged to haue the proportion of the head in the body of the church yet is he herein vnlike vnto a natural head for that the body of the church dieth not when he is taken away from it therefore to stop the deadly infectioÌ of his impiety and outragious wickednesse from spreading it selfe any further he may bee cut off So that this is the onely difference betweene the Pope and other Bishops that other may be judged though they be not incorrigible but he is not to bee iudged of any other without his owne consent and concurrence when he may be induced to reforme and correct what is amisse as being the chiefe of that company that is to judge of ill doers but if he be incorrigible hee may be proceeded against euen against his will as wee see by the example of Iohn the twelfth who being prodigiously wicked and after many and most earnest admonitions intreaties and perswasions of the Emperour and others refusing any way to reforme himselfe the Emperour called a Councell and deposed him and chose another to succeede him that this deposition was lawfull and good it is euident in that the succeeding Pope was holden to be a true and lawfull Pope while hee yet liued But concerning Gregory the Pope Henry the third did rather perswade him to yeeld and to relinquish his place then depose him because he found him tractable Two other authorities our Aduersaries haue yet behind to proue that the Pope may not be iudged The first is out of the Councell of Chalcedon where the Fathers among many other reasons alledged why they condemned Dioscorus vrge this also as one that hee was so farre from repenting of his manifold euill doings that he railed against the Apostolicke See sought to excommunicate blessed Leo and persisting in his wickednes was wilfull against the whole Councell refused to answer to such things as hee was charged with How it will be inferred from hence that the Pope may not be iudged by a generall Councell I see not For though it bee true that the inferiours may not iudge the greater and superiour and that therefore Iohn of Antioch was condemned for iudging Cyril of Alexandria and Dioscorus for iudging Leo yet it is no way consequent that either Cyril or Leo were free from all iudgement or that they might not be iudged by a generall Councell whatsoeuer they should doe The other authority is out of the Romane Councell vnder Adrian the second whose words recited in the eigth generall Councel are these We reade that the Romane Bishops haue iudged the Bishops of all Churches but that any one hath iudged them we doe not reade For the better vnderstanding and clearing whereof we must obserue first that the person of the Bishop of Rome alone is not meant when he is said to haue iudged the Bishops of all Churches but he must be vnderstood to haue iudged them with his Synode and the Bishops subiect to him as Patriarch of the West For otherwise he
might not nor did not iudge any B. of himselfe alone 2 That being B. of the first See he with his associates might iudge any other B. or Patriarch but no particular Patriarch with his Bishops might iudg him his because there is no particular person or company of men greater then he and his being chiefe Patriarch of the world but that both hee and his may bee iudged by a generall Councell it appeareth by the eight generall Councell wherein the words now vrged are recited For that Councell taketh order that all the Patriarches shall bee honoured and respected and especially the Bishop of Rome and forbiddeth any man to compose any billes or writings against him vnder pretence of some crimes wherewith they will charge him as Dioscorus did but that if there bee a generall Councell and any question bee moued touching the Romane Church they may in reuerent and due sort determine the same though they may not proceede contemptuously against the Romane Bishop And so first the Councell of Nice gaue lawes as to the other two Patriarches so likewise to the Bishoppe of Rome and included him within his owne bounds and limits Secondly the Councell of Chalcedon made the Bishoppe of Constantinople a Patriarch and the Bishoppe of Romes Peere notwithstanding the resistance of those that were there present on the behalfe of Leo then Bishop of Rome and the other Bishops of the West And this decree in the end preuailed so that after much contradiction and long continued opposition the Bishops of Rome were forced to yeeld vnto it Thirdly generall Councels reexamined and iudged againe thinges iudged by the Bishop of Rome and his Bishops as the Councell of Chalcedon reexamined the iudgement of Leo against Dioscorus and for Theodoret. And the sixth generall Councell the iudgement of Pope Martine with his Synodes against Pyrrhus and Sergius and the eighth the judgments of Nicholas and Adrian against Photius Augustine speaking of the sentence of the 70. Bishoppes against Caecilianus retracted and reuersed by Melchiades Bishop of Rome and his colleagues whom vpon the suites of the Donatists Constantine appointed to heare the matter sayth they therefore appealed to the judgements of the Bishops beyond the Seas that if by any falsehood and slaunders they could preuaile they might gaine the cause if not they might say as all men that haue ill causes are wont to do that they met with bad judges But sayth hee let vs grant that those Bishops that judged the matter at Rome were not good Iudges yet there remained a generall Councell of the whole Church for them to flye vnto where the matter might anew haue beene handled with the former Iudges that their sentences might be reuersed if they should haue beene conuinced to haue judged ill Which thing if they did let them make it appeare vnto vs. Wee proue they did not because all the world communicated with Caecilianus and not with Donatus and his adherents So that either they neuer brought the matter to be scanned in a generall Councell or else they were therein condemned also Here wee See hee clearely acknowledgeth the generall Councell to haue power to reexamine and reuerse the judgement of the Bishoppe of Rome and his colleagues Saint Gregory likewise acknowledgeth the vniuersall Church to be greater then hee and his For professing to follow the direction of Christ in the matter betweene him and the Bishop of Constantinople who willeth vs if our brother offend against vs to go and admonish him betweene him and vs if then he heare vs not to take two or three with vs that in the mouth of two or three witnesses euery word may stand and if he heare not them then to tell the Church he sayth that he had first sent to the Bishop of Constantinople and by his messengers admonished him in all gentle and louing sort and that now he writeth vnto him omitting nothing that in all humility he ought to doe but that seeing hee is thus despised there remaineth nothing but that he vse the helpe of the Church for the repressing of the insolencie of this man soe preiudiciall to the state of the whole Church Fourthly generall Councels haue by their decrees ordained many things concerning the See of Rome either enlarging or limitting the power of it and the exercise of the same as it seemed good vnto them as we see in the Councell of Sardica Hosius with the Bishops there assembled resolued in the honour of the memory of Peter to make a Decree that Bishoppes condemned by the Bishoppes of their owne Prouinces might appeale to the Bishop of Rome and that it might be lawfull for him vpon such appeale to write to the Bishops of the next Prouince to reexamine the matter againe And if hee pleased to send some from himselfe to sit with them in joynt commission Neither did the Bishoppes of Rome Zozimus Bonifacius and Caelestinus vrge the law of Christ or the right of Saint Peter to justifie their claime of receiuing appeales out of Africa but the Decrees of the Nicene Councell And this is farther confirmed in that the Bishops in the Councell of Chalcedon say the Fathers gaue the preheminence to the Bishop of Rome in ancient times because it was the seat of the Empire and that therefore now they would giue the like to Constantinople now become the seat of the Empire and named new Rome And as generall Councels gaue preheminences to the Romane Bishops so also they restrained and limited them in the vse of their jurisdiction when they saw them to incroch too much as the Councell of Sardica tooke order that they should not meddle with the causes of Presbyters and inferiour Clergy-men vpon any appeale but leaue them to to their owne Bishops and the Synodes of the Prouinces and in the case of Bishops appealing not to reuerse the acts of the Synode of any prouince without another Synode of the Bishops of the next Prouince And the Councels of Chalcedon and Constantinople the eighth decreed that the Bishop Rome and the other Patriarches shall confirme the Metropolitanes subject vnto them by sending the Pall or by imposition of handes but shall not intermeddle in the ordination of Bishoppes Fifthly it appeareth that the Romane Bishops are inferiour to the whole Church First in that their Legates rise vp when they speake in generall Councels And secondly in that in the councell of Ephesus when they with others were sent by the councell to the Emperour they were willed precisely to follow the directions and instructions giuen them For that if they did not all their proceedings should bee voided and they rejected from the communion of the rest Sixthly in that the sixth generall councell particularly giueth lawes to the Church of Rome For in the thirteenth canon it reprehendeth the Romane Church because it forbiddeth Presbyters Deacons and Subdeacons to liue in matrimoniall society with their wiues
greatest to the meanest But some man will say is there then no difference betweene him that is the first among Bishops and them that are of an inferiour condition Is he no more exempted from judgement then they surely no yet as some thinke there is some difference between him and them because they may be judged though not incorrigible but he as being in order and honour the first is not to be iudged if by any other meanes he may be induced to reforme himselfe or voluntarily to relinquish his place if his fault so require And that in this case as well as for heresie the Pope may be deposed we haue many of the best learned Papists consenting with vs as Ockam Cusanus Cameracensis Gerson Almaine the Bishops and Diuines in the Councells of Constance and Basill Driedo and in a word all those that thinke the Councell to be of greater authority then the Pope CHAP. 41. Of the titles giuen to the Pope and the insufficiencie of the proofes of his illimited power and Iurisdiction taken from them SEEING the vniuersality of the Popes power and jurisdiction cannot be proued from any exemption hee hath from being judged let vs proceede to consider the next proofe taken from the names titles giuen to him which is more weake then any other For we shall finde that other Bishops in auncient times writing to the Romane Bishop sometimes call him brother sometimes fellow-bishop and colleague sometimes Bishop sometimes Arch-bishop sometimes Patriarch but that they neuer gaue him any title whence he may bee proued to haue an vniuersality of illimited iurisdiction ouer all The first title that our Adversaries vrge is that of Pope which as I thinke will hardly proue the Romane Bishop to haue power ouer all For whereas Papa or Papas among the Greekes signifieth a father and is the appellation that little children beginning to speake are wont to giue to their parents and in like sort among the Latines noteth a father or grandfather hence the Christians in auncient times did vse to call their spirituall Fathers and Bishops Papes or Popes So that the name of Pape or Pope was a common name to all Bishoppes Wherevpon Hierome writing to Augustine calleth him Pope and writeth To the most honourable Pope whereas yet hee was not vniuersall Bishoppe but Bishop of little Hippo onely and therefore the name of Pope doth no way proue every one that is so called to be vniuersall Bishop But they say the Bishop of Rome is named absolutely Pope and none other Bishop that whensoeuer the name of Pope was vsed absolutely without addition all men vnderstood thereby the Romane Bishop to bee meant Whence it may bee inferred that hee was greater then all the rest as being esteemed a common father of all But for answere hereunto we say that the Romane Bishoppe was neuer in auncient times named absolutely the Pape or Pope without specification of his name or the place whereof hee was Pope but when by some other circumstance it might be knowne what Pape or Pope it was men speake of accordingly as men are wont to say no more but the Bishop did this or that when by things going before it may be knowne what Bishop they meane and so the Vicars of Leo in the Councell of Chalcedon said The most blessed and Apostolique man the Pope gaue them such directions as they there specify without adding of Rome or the name of Leo because all men knew from what Pope they came and whose Vicegerents they were in that Councell For otherwise without some circumstances specifying the party men would neuer haue vnderstood whom they had meant if they had only named the Pope indefinitely But the same vicars of Leo in the Councell of Chalcedon call him Pope of the vniuersall Church Therefore saith Bellarmine we may conclude him to be supreme and absolute commaunder ouer all out of the titles given vnto him If the Cardinall would but remember that euery Bishoppe is interessed in the care and gouernment of the whole Church as I haue elsewhere shewed out of Cyprian he would easily find the weakenesse of this consequence Wherefore let vs passe from the title of Pope to the next which is Pater Patrum that is Father of Fathers which Bellarmine saith is giuen to the Romane Bishoppe and to none else whereas yet hee knoweth the contrary to bee most true For the relation made to Iohn the Patriarch of Constantinople by the whole Synode assembled beginneth in this sort Domino nostro sanctissimo beatissimo Patri Patrum Oecumenico Patriarchae Synodus c. Where wee see that the Patriarch of Constantinople is called by a whole Synode most holy Lord most blessed Father of Fathers Oecumenicall Patriarch And the Epistle of the Bishoppes of the second Syria to the same Iohn the Patriarch beginneth thus To our most holy Lord and to the most blessed Father of Fathers Oecumenicall Arch-bishop and Patriarch So that the Title of Father of Father's is not proper to the Romane Bishop as Bellarmine vntruly affirmeth The title of summus Sacerdos or high Priest giuen to him by Saint Hierome is common to all Bishops in respect of Presbyters and all Metropolitanes in respect of Bishops although the third Councell of Carthage to shew that Metropolitanes haue not an absolute command will not haue them called high Priests or chiefe priests but onely Bishops of the first See and therefore though the Pope should bee named most holy Father chiefest Pope chiefe of Priests or high Priest yet nothing could be concluded from hence that either we deny or they affirme The title of Vicar of Christ is new and not found in all Antiquity the first in whom wee reade it being Bernard and therefore not much to bee stood on seeing the Auncient make all Bishops the Vicars of Christ and doe neuer appropriate it vnto the Bishop of Rome Yet will not Bernards appropriating of it proue the thing in question seeing hee may bee thought to haue had an eye in so doing to the chiefty of order and honour in respect whereof he is in more speciall sort a Vicar of Christ then some other rather then to any vniversality of commission and authority Head of the Church the Pope is neuer called among the Ancient though the Cardinall be pleased vntruely so to report But the Bishops assembled in the Councell of Chalcedon writing to Leo who by Vicars was President of that assembly say he was ouer them as the head ouer the members not in respect of absolute commaunding authority but of honourable presidencie onely as it appeareth in that notwithstanding the resistance of his Vicegerents they passed a decree for the advancement of the Bishop of Constantinople For otherwise Saint Gregory Bishop of Rome alloweth no man to be called Head of the Church Petrus saith he primum membrum sanctae vniversalis Ecclesiae est
the better to perswade vs of the same our Adversaries bring the sayings of some great Divines who conceiued that some such thing may be inferred out of the wordes as they dreame of as Lucius Felix and Marke ancient Bishops of Rome and great Lights of the world in their times If they could indeede bring vs the judgement and resolution of these ancient Bishops they would doubtlesse greatly prevaile with vs. But seeing vnder these names they bring forth vnto vs the Authours of shamelesse forgeries wee are thereby induced more to dislike their conceits then before Now that they who masked vnder the names and titles of ancient Romane Bishops magnifie the greatnesse of the Romane Church and pleade for the not erring of the Bishoppes thereof are nothing else but ignorant authors of absurd and shamelesse forgeries it will easily appeare out of that which I haue elsewhere largely discoursed to shew that the Epistles attributed to the ancient Popes are forged and counterfeit not onely by the judgements and opinions of the best learned on both sides so censuring them but by many reasons inducing vs so to thinke among which one is the likenesse of the stile found in these Epistles arguing that they came all out of the same mint and were not written by those different Popes liuing at diuerse times to whom they are attributed Which similitude of stile will bee found in these Epistles that our Adversaries alleadge to proue that the Pope cannot erre as much or more then in any other For in these wee shall finde the very same words The agreeing of witnesses in the same substance of matter with some difference of wordes argueth that they speake truely but their precise agreement in words and formes of speaking argueth rather a compact and agreement to speake the same things then a desire to vtter the trueth So here the precise vsing of the very same words by all these Popes liuing at diuers times argueth that it was one man that taught them all to speake But they will say Pope Leo in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedome saith as much as they doe and that therefore wee may not discredite their testimony Surely if they can proue that Leo saith any such thing as the former Popes are taught to say wee will most willingly listen vnto them For wee acknowledge Leo to haue beene a most worthy Bishop and the things that goe vnder his name to bee his indubitate workes Let vs heare therefore what he saith His wordes in the place cited by the Cardinall are these Christ tooke speciall care of Peter and prayed specially for him because the state of the rest is more secure when the minde of him that is chiefe is not ouercome In Peter therefore the strength of all is surely established and God doth so dispence the helpe of his diuine grace that the same firmenesse that he giueth to Peter is by Peter conferred and bestowed on all Here is nothing to proue that the pope cannot erre which is that our Adversaries vndertake to demonstrate nor that the Romane church cannot erre which is that the former Popes affirme in their couÌterfeit Epistles but that the state of the rest is more secure when he that is chiefe is not ouercome which no man euer doubted of and that Christ gaue or at least promised to giue that assistance of his grace to Peter which he meant to the rest and to passe it by him vnto them so as they should receiue it after him but not from him For thus the words of Leo must be vnderstood seeing it is most certaine which thing also Bellarmine himselfe confesseth that the Apostles receiued their infallibility of judgment and their commission or authority immediately from Christ and not from Peter From Leo they passe to Agatho who in his Epistle to Constantine the Emperour read and approued in the sixth generall Councell sayth that by the grace of God such hath beene the felicity and happinesse of the Romane Church that it can neuer be proued to haue erred from the path of the Apostolicall tradition nor to haue fallen being depraued with hereticall nouelties but the same faith it receiued at first it holdeth still according to Christs promise which he made to Peter willing him to confirme his brethren Which thing saith Agatho my predecessors haue euer done as is well knowne to all These words of Agatho are not so farre to be vrged as if simply neuer any of his predecessors had failed to defend the truth and confirme his brethren but that the Romane Church was euer so preserued from heresie that howsoeuer some fewe in it for a time might neglect to do their duty yet neither soe long nor in such sort but that that Church and the Bishops of it were alwaies a stay to the rest in all the dangerous tryals that fell out in ancient times euen as in the question concerning the two wils of Christ about which the Councell was called it was wherein though Honorius failed yet the rest that gouerned the Apostolicall throne with him did not and Agatho who soone after succeded shewed himselfe an orthodoxe and right beleeuer For that all the predecessors of Agatho did not alwaies confirme their brethren in the true faith of Christ it is most euident in that Marcellinus sacrificed vnto Idols if we may beleeue the Romish stories and was forced being conuicted thereof to professe himselfe vnworthy of the Papall office and dignity in a Synod of Bishops in that Liberius and Felix communicated with heretiques and subscribed to the vnjust condemnation of worthy Athanasius which was not to confirme the brethren but to discourage disharten and weaken them and in that Agatho himselfe doth anathematize his predecessor Honorius as a Monothelite with whom Leo the second concurreth in his Epistle to Constantine the Emperour who anathematizing Theodorus Syrus Sergius Pyrrhus Paulus and other Monothelites addeth to them Honorius Bishop of Rome his predecessor saying we accurse also Honorius who did not lighten this Apostolicall Church with the doctrine deliuered by the Apostles but sought to subuert the vndefiled faith by prophane perfidiousnesse With whom also Pope Adrian agreeth who in the Synode of Rome called about the businesse of Photius of Constantinople saith that the Romane Bishop hath judged of the Bishops of all Churches but that wee reade not of any one that hath iudged him For though Honorius were accursed after his death by those of the East yet it was because he was accused of heresie in which only case the lesser may iudge the greater yet euen there it had not beene lawfull for any of them to giue sentence against him had not the consent of the first See gone before So that wee see the Epistle of Agatho doth not sufficiently proue that the Popes cannot erre Let vs therefore consider whether they haue any better proofes Nicholas the first saith Bellarmine in
his Epistle to Michael the Emperour pronounceth that the priuiledges of the See of Rome are perpetuall rooted and planted by Almighty God in such sort that men may stumble at them but cannot remoue them may pull at them but cannot pull them vp therefore he thinketh the Pope cannot erre which is a very bad consequence For the infallibility of iudgment in the Pope is not mentioned among the inuiolable priuiledges of the Church of Rome and therefore the priuiledges of that Church may be inuiolable and yet the Pope subiect to errour neither hath Nicolas one word of the Popes not erring The testimonies of Leo the ninth and Innocentius the third as being late and partiall in their own cause may iustly be excepted against yet do they not proue the thing in question For they speake of the See and throne of Peter in which the faith may continue without failing though the Popes erre and seeke to subuert the same so long as any other that are to gouerne the throne with them perseuere in the true faith Wherefore from the prayer of Christ made for Peter that his faith should not faile they descend to other proofes taken from the promise made to Peter by Christ that vpon him he would build his Church and his mandate requiring him to feede his sheepe and to feede his Lambes which are too weake to perswade vs that the Pope cannot erre or is more priuiledged then other Bishops in this respect First because it is most cleare and euident and confessed by our aduersaries themselues that the Church was builded vpon all the Apostles as well as vpon Peter and there is no kind of feeding of Christs sheepe and flocke that commeth not within the compasse of that office and commission which the other Apostles had in common with him as I haue elsewhere shewed at large Secondly because Peter and his colleagues were foundation stones vppon which the Church was builded in that their doctrine was receiued by immediate and vndoubted reuelation without mixture of errour vpon which the faith of all after-commers was to stay it selfe none of which things agree to the Romane Bishop So that it is no way necessary that there should be the same infallibility of judgment in him that was in Peter and in his colleagues Thirdly because we know and all that are in their right wits do acknowledge that a man may be a Pastor in the Church of God and yet subject to errour and that therefore Christs requiring Peter to do the duty of a Pastor will not proue that the Pope cannot erre Wherefore from the Scriptures they passe to the Fathers and among them first they produce Theodoret who in his Epistle to Renatus a Presbyter saith that among other things the reason why the Romane Church hath a kind of chiefety among other Churches is because it hath euer remained free from heresie From whence I thinke hardly any good proofe can be drawne of the Popes not erring For how will this consequence euer be made good There are many things that make the See of Rome great as the greatnesse of the city the Empire the sepulchers of those common Fathers and Doctors of truth Peter and Paule those two great lights that rose in the East cast forth their beames into all parts of the world but set in the West and sundry other things and among them the felicity and happinesse of it that till the time of Theodoret no heresie euer preuailed in it therefore the Bishop of Rome can neuer erre Seeing Theodoret doth not dispute what may be but sheweth only what by the happy prouidence of God had beene and besides speaketh not precisely of the Bishop of Rome but of the Romane See including the whole company of the Bishops of the West adhering to him which was a great part of the whole Christian Church and more glorious then the rest for that it was more free from hereticall novelties in those times then they To Theodoret they adde Saint Augustine who saith the succession of Bishops from Peters chaire to his time is that rocke against the which the proud gates of hell cannot preuaile His meaning is that what all those Bishops haue constantly and successiuely taught as true must needes be true and what they haue impugned as false must needes be false seeing it is impossible that any errour or the impugning of any trueth should haue bin found successiuely in all the Bishops of that or any other Apostolicall Church whatsoeuer But what is this to the Popes not erring Surely as litle as that of Gelasius in his Epistle to Anastasius the Emperour that the glorious confession of the Apostle Peter thou art the Christ the Son of the liuing God is the roote of all the faith and piety of the whole world that therefore the Apostolique See carefully looketh vnto it that no chinke be made in it that it be not spotted with any contagion for that if it should there were no meanes of resisting any errour But because this maketh not for them the Cardinall helpeth the matter with an vntruth saying that Gelasius proueth that the See of Rome cannot erre because the confession of it is the roote of al the faith piety that is in the world whereas he neither goeth about to proue the one nor speaketh any word of the other but of the excellencie of the confession that Peter made the necessity of preseruing it inuiolable and the care of the See of Rome in and before his time for the safe keeping of the same Wherefore let vs come to the places that are cited to this purpose out of Gregories Epistles which shew plainly they are past shame that manage the Popes affaires defend his cause For whereas Gregory saith that if he that claimeth to be vniuersal B doe fall all the whole Church is ouerthrowne and that therefore there must bee no such vniversall Bishop and particularly sheweth by the grieuous heresies that prevailed in the Church of Constantinople how ill it would haue beene for the Churches of God if the Bishops thereof had beene vniversall Bishops as they sought to be they bring this place to proue that the Pope cannot erre whereas they should haue brought it to shew how dangerous it is that there should bee any one vniversall Bishop such as their Pope desireth to be and that therefore as Cyprian obserueth Almighty God wisely foreseeing what euils might follow such vniversality of power and jurisdiction in one man ordained that there should bee a great number of Bishops joyned in equall commission that so if some fell the rest might stand and keepe the people from a generall downefall The next allegation is out of the Epistle to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria whereby the Reader may see with what conscience these Iesuited Papists doe cite the writings of the Fathers The wordes of Gregory are these Your most sweete Holinesse hath
neede sent vnto them Germanus and Lupus Bishops and brethren defenders of the Catholicke faith who cleared the I le from the Pelagian heresie and confirmed it in the faith both by the word of truth signes and miracles Besides this condemnation of Palagius by the French Britaines there were sundry Councels holden to condemne both him his wicked heresies in Palestina at Carthage at Mileuise and at Arausicum and it is most certaine that the Church of GOD and all posterities are more bound to Saint Augustine for clearing the points of doctrine questioned by the Pelagians then to any Bishop of Rome whatsoeuer So that it is most vntrue that the Pelagians were condemned onely by the Bishop of Rome for other were as forward in that businesse as he yea the Africans were more forward then the Romanes and drew them into the fellowship of the same worke with themselues The like may be said of the Priscillianistes for it is more then euident out of the Councell of Bracar that they were not condemned by the Bishop of Rome alone but by many Synodes for it is there reported that Leo did write by Turibius notary of the See Apostolike to the Synode of Galitia at what time the heresie of the Priscillianistes began to spreade in those parts and that by his prescription and appointment they of Tarracon of Carthage of Portugall and Boetica met in Councell and composing a rule of faith against the heresie of the Priscillianistes containing certaine chiefe heades of Christian doctrine directed the same patterne of right beliefe to the Bishop of Bracar that then was which heads of Christian doctrine were recited in the first Councel of Bracar the heresie of the Priscillianistes thereupoÌ more distinctly and particularly condemned then euer before In all which proceedings we may see that the Pope doth nothing of himselfe alone but being Patriarch of the West and hearing of a dangerous heresie spreading in some Churches subject to him hee causeth the Bishops vnder him to meete in Councels and to condemne the same Which as I thinke will not proue that the Pope alone condemned heresies or that some heresies were rejected onely because the Pope condemned them or that the Pope cannot erre which is the thing in question Touching Iouinian and Vigilantius their errours are so vncertainely reported some attributing to them one thing and some another and some condemning them for things for which they were not to be condemned that it is hard to say by what lawfull authority or by whom they were condemned but that in their errours justly disliked they were condemned onely by the Bishops of Rome and therefore taken to bee heretickes by the whole vniuersall Church our aduersaries will neuer be able to proue That the errours attributed vnto them are vncertainely reported it appeareth in that Austine chargeth Iouinian with two dangerous and wicked assertions touching the deniall of the perpetuall virginity of the blessed Virgin the mother of our Lord and the parity of sins whereof Hierome who yet was not like to haue spared him maketh no mention And that they were in somethings vnjustly condemned it is euident first in that Hierome blameth Iouinian for saying that married persons virgins widowes if they differ not in other workes of vertue and therein excell one another are of equall merit which the best learned both of the Fathers and Schoole-men do approue as I haue elsewhere shewed at large Secondly in in that he so bitterly inueigheth against Vigilantius for disliking the pernoctations in the Cemiteries and places of Saints buriall vsed in ancient times which a Councell for the same reasons that moued Vigilantius to dislike them took wholly away and forbade them to be vsed any more the Romane Churches haue long since disused But that the Popes peremptorie coÌdemning of an error in matter of faith was not taken in ancient times to be a sufficieÌt demonstration that they were heretickes that defended such errors after his coÌdemning of the same it is euident in that Austine saith that the Churches might doubt stil touching the matter of rebaptization because in the times of Stephen who condemned it and Cyprian who vrged it there was no generall Councell to end the controuersie betweene them and in that after the peremptory forbidding and condemning of rebaptization by Stephen Bishop of Rome Cyprian and his colleagues still persisted in the practice of it and in vrging the necessity of it and yet were neuer branded with the marke and note of heresie but euer were and still are reputed Catholiques Bellarmine to avoid the force of this argument feareth not to say contrarie to his owne knowledge that Stephen and his adherents neuer determined the question of rebaptization But that hee did and that in most peremptory sort and manner it is more cleare and euident then that the Sunne shineth at noone For Firmilianus a famous learned Bishoppe chargeth him that hee caused great dissentions throughout all the Churches of the world that hee grieuously sinned in that hee deuided himselfe from soe many flockes of Christs sheepe that hee was a schismaticke that hee had forsaken the communion of Ecclesiasticall vnity willing him not to deceiue himselfe but to bee well assured that in thinking hee could put all other from the communion he had put himselfe out of the communion of all that hee brake the bandes of vnity with many Bishoppes in all parts of the World as well in the East as in the South with the Africanes not admitting such as came from them vnto him into his presence or to any speech with him and farther commanding the brethren that none of them should receiue them to house So that he not only denyed the peace of the Church and the communion of Christians vnto them but the entring vnder the roofe of any mans house that would be ruled by him and that thus he held the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace rejecting them as damnable miscreants that dissented from him and calling blessed Cyprian a false Christ a false Apostle and a deceiptfull labourer or workman And Dionysius a famous and worthy Bishop reporteth that he wrote concerning Hellenus and Firmilianus and all the Bishops in Cilicia Cappadocia and Galatia and all the bordering countries that he would not communicate with them for the same cause of rebaptization which yet as hee saith was agreed on in many very great Synodes of Bishops If this bee not sufficient to proue that Stephen determined the question of rebaptization I know not what can bee For first he commaunded that none should be rebaptized when they returned from the societies and prophane conventicles of heretickes but that they should bee admitted with the onely imposition of hands Secondly he deliuered his owne opinion that rebaptization was vnlawfull confidently as hauing so learned of his elders not in doubting manner And thirdly he rejected all them
from his communion that thought and practised otherwise then he did as it appeareth by the testimonies of Firmilianus and Dionysius so that it is strange that Bellarmine should bee able so to harden his fore-head as not to blush when he saith that Stephen did not define any thing touching the question of rebaptization that he did not make it a matter of faith necessary to be beleeued of all and that he did not excommunicate those that were to her wise minded but onely threatned them that he would so doe It is true in deede that Cyprian howsoeuer hee definitiuely deliuered in a Councell of Bishops what hee was perswaded men were to beleeue and practise touching rebaptization and protested against Stephen as a proud ignorant and vnadvised man yet did not vrge this his decree so as to reject from his communion all that should dislike it but left euery Bishop to his owne judgement as being to giue an account to God onely But how the Iesuites can defend against all the former proofes that Stephens proceedings were like to those of Cyprian and that he also left euery man to his owne judgement and rejected no man from his communion for dissenting from him I cannot see By that which hath beene said it appeareth that the Ancients did not thinke euery thing to be heresie that the Romane Bishops defined to be so and that therefore they did not thinke him free from danger of erring Neither need we to marvaile saith Bellarmine if in former times men had not learned this lesson seeing to this day they are not judged to be heretickes that thinke the Pope may erre Yet so kinde is he to Cyprian that whereas Austine excuseth him in his errour and thinketh his sinne was veniall he pronounceth he sinned mortally and so without particular repentance whereof there is little likelyhood perished euerlastingly notwithstanding his martyrdome The reason of this difference of the censures of Austine and Bellarmine is because Austine looked onely or principally to his errour but Bellarmine to his contempt of the Bishop of Romes Decrees and determinations CHAP. 43. Of such Popes as are charged with heresie and how the Romanists seeke to cleare them from that imputation HAuing examined our Adversaries proofes of the infallibilitie of the Popes judgement taken from the acceptation of his judgement as right and good by all the world whensoeuer hee defined anything let vs come to the other proofe of the same taken from the felicity of the Romane See in former times Ruffinus saith that before his time no heresie had euer taken beginning in the Romane Church but our Adversaries proceede farther and feare not to pronounce after sixteene hundred yeares that no hereticke did euer sit in the See of Rome which their proud bragge will bee found much more vaine then true and many vnanswerable instances will bee brought of wicked heretickes possessing that chaire Tertullian in his booke against Praxeas speaketh of a Bishoppe of Rome but nameth him not that admitted and allowed the prophecies of Montanus and his two Prophetesses Prisca and Maximilla and held communion with the Montanists till he was disswaded by Praxeas Who as he saith caused the prophecies of Montanus and his Prophetesses to be banished and brought in heresie who banished their Paraclete and crucified the Father But because Tertullian was a Montanist and wrote partially in things that concerned them though Rhenanus say the Bishop of Rome did Montanize yet for my part no other history reporting any such thing of any Romane Bishoppe I will not vpon Tertullians bare word charge any of them with any such heresie But howsoeuer wee thinke of Tertullians report we finde in the Councell of Sinuessa in the Pontificall in the Epistle of Nicholas the first to Michael the Emperour in Platina and others that Marcellinus did sacrifice vnto idols and so at least in outward action shewed himselfe an infidell which is a higher degree of impiety then heresie If it be said he committed that execrable act of idolatry not out of any mis-perswasion of his minde but feare of death it will be replied that if the passion of feare bee able to worke so ill effects in Popes as the vtter abnegation of Christianity and the professing of themselues to bee Pagan infidels by publicke outward acts of idolatry there is little reason to be giuen but that some other sinister and vile affection may carry them as farre to make profession of heresie a thing not so ill as Paganisme Wherefore Baronius to prevent the worst and to make all sure inclineth to deny that euer Marcellinus committed any such act of idolatry and discrediteth the report of the Councell of Sinuessa in which he is said to haue beene condemned Wherein hee doth as much disaduantage the Romane cause another way in depriuing his friends of so good an authority as the resolution of that sacred Synode that Prima sedes á nemine iudicatur that is that the first See is iudged of none as hee advantageth it in the clearing of Marcellinus and therefore hee is rightly blamed by Binnius for his inconsiderate rashnes in this behalfe But that wee may be assured that Popes may be hereticks as well as infidells wee haue the confession of as good a man as Baronius acknowledging the same For Bellarmine saith that Liberius howsoeuer for a long time he continued constant in the profession of the true faith so that for the same his constancie he was banished and another by the Arrian faction put into his place yet in the end weary of banishment he was brought to subscribe to heresie and was in his outward courses an hereticke whatsoeuer his heart was whereof God onely is the searcher so that iustly as an heretick he was condemned pronounced to be no Pope any longer by his own Clergie This he proueth out of the testimonies of Athanasius and Hierome who say expressely that being weary of his continuance in banishment he was at last brought to subscribe to heresie And Hilary who speaking to Constantius the wicked Arrian Emperour hath these wordes Afterwards thou diddest turne the course of thy warre against Rome whence thou tookest the Bishop ô wretched Emperour I canne hardly say whether thy impiety were greater in sending him into banishment or in sending him home againe Thereby insinuating that he restored him vpon very ill conditions And that he was not restored but by some kinde of consenting with the Arrians it is most cleare in that Zozomen reporteth that the Arrian Bishops assembled at Sirmium sent their letter to Felix then Bishop of Rome the Clergy there kindly to receiue Liberius and that both Felix and he might sit as Bishops and gouerne the Romane Church together which they would neuer haue done if they had not found him tractable yeelding yet could not these two Bishoppes endure one the other long notwithstanding these letters
the influence thereof more powerfull yet is there a kind of influence vpon the waters wherein the Moon is more excellent then the Sun In like sort the power which is spirituall may do greater things then that which is temporall yet the temporall may do those things the spirituall cannot do And therfore it will not follow that the Ecclesiasticall state the principall Ministers of the Church may take vnto themselues the authority of Kings or take vpon them to do the things that pertaine to Kingly offices because they are greater in dignity and haue a greater power vnlesse they had a greater dignity power in the same kind Nowthey who most amplifie the greatnes of Ecclesiasticall power preferring it before the other which is ciuill neuer make the greatnes of it to consist in that in ciuill affaires it may do more then that but in that it hath a more noble object more wonderfull effects We also saith Nazianzen haue power and authority that farre more ample and excellent then that of ciuill Princes insomuch as it is fit the flesh should yeeld to the spirit things earthly to things heauenly Priesthood saith Chrysostome is a Princedome more honourable great then a Kingdome tell not mee of the purple diademe scepter or golden apparell of Kings for these are but shadowes and more vaine then flowres at the spring time If you will see the difference betweene them how much the King is inferiour to the Priest coÌsider the manner of the power deliuered to them both you shall see the Priests tribunall much higher then that of the King who hath receiued only the administratioÌ of earthly things But the Priests tribunal is placed in heaueÌ he hath authority to pronouÌce sentence in heaueÌly affairs And again Earthly Princes haue power to bind but our bodies onely but the bands which Priests can lay vpoÌ vs do touch the soul it self reach euen vnto the heaueÌs so far forth as that whatsoeuer Priests shal determin here beneath that God doth ratifie aboue in heauen and confirme the sentence of his seruants vpon earth When king Richard the first returning from the holy land was taken and holde as a prisoner by Duke Leopold of Austria and the Emperour Henry the sixth Queene Elenor his mother seeking all meanes to procure his deliuerance among other thinges wrote a letter to the Bishop of Rome intreating him to interpose his authority The words of her letter are these expressing the passion and earnest desire of her heart This onely remaineth ô Father that you draw forth the sword of Peter against malefactors which sword God hath appointed to be ouer nations and kingdomes The Crosse of Christ doth excell the Eagles that are in Caesars Banners the spirituall sword of Peter is of more power then was the temporall sword of Constantine the Emperour and the See Apostolicke is more potent then any Imperiall power or authority and I would aske whether your power be of God or of men did not the God of Gods speake to you in Peter the Apostle saying Whatsoeuer you shall binde vpon earth shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer you shall loose on earth shall bee loosed in heauen and why then do you so negligently or rather cruelly delay for a long time to lose my sonne or why dare you not do it perhaps you will say that the power giuen you by God of binding and losing is for soules and not for bodies Let it bee so truly it is sufficiont for vs if you will binde the soules of those that hold my sons body bound in prison By all these sayings of them that most admired the excellency of Priesthood it appeareth that the excellencie thereof aboue princely power is in respect of the object thereof which is more noble the effects thereof which are more wonderfull not in respect of greater power authority right to dispose of temporal affaires businesses either simply or vpon any abuse or negligence of ciuil Princes So that from hence it cannot be inferred that the chiefe ministers of the Church may depose the Princes of the world Hugo de sancto Victore sayth There are two kinds of power the one terrene the head whereof is the King the other spirituall the head whereof is the pope To the Kings power those things pertaine that are terrene to the Popes those that are spirituall and looke how much the spirituall life is better then the earthly so much doth the spirituall power excell the earthly in honour and dignity For the spirituall power doth constitute the terrene power that it may be and iudgeth it whether it proceede aright or not But it selfe was first instituted of God and when it goeth aside can bee judged of none but of God onely From hence as Waldensis sheweth some men tooke an occasion of errour affirming that the roote of terrene power doth so farre fotrh depend vpon the Pope that by commission from him the execution of things pertaining thereunto is deriued vnto the Prince and that when the Prince goeth aside or faileth to do his duty the chiefe Bishop may manage the ciuill affaires because hee saith the spirituall power doth institute the ciuil power that it may be But these men presume too farre and in so doing offend because the terrene power of Kings is not reduced into any other originally as hauing authority ouer Kings but vnto Christ onely and yet notwithstanding as the Priest joyneth the man and his wife in marriage and blesseth them that they may be man and wife and joyfull parents of happy children and judgeth afterwards whether they performe the duties of marriage or not So the chiefe Priest setteth the crowne vpon the head of the Empreor anointeth him with holy oyle taketh an oath of him for the defence of the Christian faith and religion putteth vpon him the royall robes and thereby inuesteth him with royall power putteth him in possession of his Imperiall state and dignity But it is not to be imagined saith Waldensis that the imperiall power is from the power of the Church or dependeth of it though certaine solemnities bee vsed by Bishops in the inauguration of Kings and Emperours neither may the chiefe Ministers of the Church any more challenge the disposing or managing of ciuill affaires vpon any defect or failing of ciuill Princes then they may the administration and dispensation of holy things vpon the defect or failing of the Ecclesiasticall Ministers Yet in case of necessity either of these two states may and ought to helpe and succour the other not as he sayth vt vtens potestate sed fraternitatis accessu that is Not as hauing authority or by vertue thereof presuming to doe any thing but as one brother maketh hast to helpe another in danger reaching forth the hand to stay him that is standing and to raise him that is fallen Both the brethren sayth Waldensis both
Pope perceiuing his dislike promised that both the writing and the painting should bee taken away that it might giue no occasioÌ of contention discord These Romish practises making the Emperour and his Nobles to vnderstand the wordes of the Popes Letter in the worst sense caused the message of these Cardinals to bee very offensiue and a generall murmuring against them was heard among the Princes which growing more lowde and being heard and discerned by the Legates one of them adventured in the quarrell of his Master to demaund of whom the Emperour hath his Empire if hee haue it not of the Lord Pope Which speach of the Cardinall so inraged the Princes that one of them to wit Otto the County Palatine of Boiaria had with his sword runne him through had not Fredericke the Emperor interposed his authority pacified the present rage The Emperor seeing in what termes things stood tooke the best course he could for the security of the Legates and commaunded that they should presently bee had to their lodgings that the next morning they should be gon returne directly to him that sent them and not to wander vp downe in the Territories of Bishops Abbots as he thus happily dispatched them away in safety so after they were gonne providently by letters he caused it to be made known throughout the whole Empire what had passed betweene him the Pope The Tenor of his letters was this Whereas the diuine power from which all power proceedeth both in heauen and earth hath committed to vs his annoynted the rule of the Kingdome and Empire and ordayned that by Imperiall armes wee should preserue the peace of the Churches we are forced not without great griefe of heart to complaine vnto you that from the head of the holy Church in which Christ imprinted the Character of his peace loue the causes of dissention the seminary of euils and the poyson of a most pestiferous disease doe seeme to flow by meanes whereof if God turne not away this euill there is danger least the vnity betwixt the Priest-hood kingdome be broken and a schisme follow For of late as we were in the Court of Bisuntium consulting about things concerning the honour of the Empire good of the Churches there came vnto vs certain Legates from the Pope who professed to bring such a message as tended greatly to the increase of the honour of the Empire But when we had the first day honorably entertained them as the manner is and the second day sat with our Princes to heare their message They as it were puffed vp by reason of the MammoÌ of iniquity out of the height of their pride out of the haughtinesse of their arrogant mindes and out of the execrable elation of their swelling hearts presented vnto vs an Embassage contained in letters written by the Pope the tenor whereof was That wee should alwayes haue before the eyes of our mind in what sort the Lord Pope had conferred vpon vs the Ensigne of the Imperiall crowne and that yet notwithstanding it would no way repent him if he had done vs greater fauours and wee had receiued more benefits of him These thinges not onely much affected but so moued the Princes and inraged them in such sort that if we had not stayed them by our Princely authority the two wicked Priestes the Legates had neuer returned aliue Wherefore seeing they had many schedules sealed to be written in at their pleasure by which as formerly they were wont to doe they might scatter the poyson of their iniquity throughout all the Churches of the Germane kingdome make bare naked the holy Altars carry away with them the vessels of the house of God as a prey that they might proceede no farther in mischief we coÌmanded them without wandring or going aside to returne the same way they came For whereas we haue our kingdome by the election of the Princes from God only who in the passion of his son subiected the world to 2 swordâ⦠and the Apostle Peter informed the world with the same doctrine saying Feare God honour the King We are well assured that whosoeuer shall say that we receiue our Imperiall crowne as a benefit from the Pope he is contrary to the institution of God the doctrine of blessed Peter is a lyar and therefore our hope is that you will not suffer the honor of the Empire which hath continued from the Constitution of the Citty and the Institution of Christian Religion inviolable till our times to be diminished by such vnheard-of nouelties presumptuous pride But howsoeuer know yee that we will rather run into perill of death it self then suffer such a shamefull confusion to fall out in our times After the returne of the Cardinals their complaints made the Pope wrote letters to the Arch-bishops and Bishops of Germany telling them with what indignity the Emperour dismissed his Legates and how he forbad any to come to Rome out of his kingdome and prayed them to aduise him better and to let him know that the Church which is builded vpon a most firme sure rocke shall continue for euer howsoeuer it may bee shaken with windes and tempests The Bishoppes of Germany hauing receiued these letters from the Pope writ backe vnto him that howsoeuer the Church cannot bee moued yet they were greatly shaken by reason of these differences betweene him and the Emperour and tell him that the words of his letter were such as that neither the Emperor and Princes could indure them nor they knew how to defend them as being strange and vnheard-of before these times Notwithstanding they let him know that after the receipt of his letters they communed with the Emperour about these affaires and receiued from him such an answere as beseemed a Catholique Prince to wit that there are two things whereby his Empire must be swayed the Lawes of Emperors and the vse and custome of his ancestors These limits he is resolued not to passe and whatsoeuer will not stand with these he will vtterly refuse and reject he is willing to giue all due reuerence vnto his ghostly father but that he ascribeth the crown of his Empire to the diuine fauour onely the first voyce in the election to the Arch-bishop of Mentz and the rest to the other Princes in order that hee acknowledgeth to haue receiued the vnction of a King from the Arch-bishop of Coleyn and the supreme vnction which is that of an Emperour from the Pope and that whatsoeuer is besides these is more then ynough and proceedeth from that which is euill that hee had not sent away the Cardinals in contempt but forbad them to proceede any further with such writings as they had tending to the dishonour and scandall of the Empire and that hee had not restrained the going of men into Italy vpon necessary occasions to be allowed by their Bishops nor simply inhibited the comming of men from thence
detestable Beast of pride hath crept vp euen to the seate of Peter Prouide alwayes well for the peace of the Church and fare you alwayes well Thus wee see how the popes not contenting themselues with the fulnesse of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction though they had no just title vnto it proceeded yet further partly by the fauour of Christian princes and partly by fraud and violence got to be great princes in the world stayed not till they made challeÌge to be ouer the mightiest Emperors to dispose of their crowns dignities So shewing theÌselues to haue the perfect marke and character of him of whom the Apostle speaketh Who sitteth in the temple of God as God and is lifted vp aboue all that is called God Yet could they not so prevaile in these their hellish practises nor so carry away the truth of GOD and the liberty of his Church into captiuity but that there were euer found both Christian Emperours and learned Diuines to resist them in their vniust claimes CHAP. 48. Of generall Councels and of the end vse and necessity of them HAuing examined what may be said for proofe of the Vniuersality of the Bishop of Romes power and iurisdiction first we finde that the Sonne of GOD gaue him no power in the common-wealth but a Father-hood onely in the Church Secondly that in the Church hee neither gaue him an illimited power of commaunding nor infallible iudgement in discerning but that the greatest thing that either hee canne challenge or wee yeeld vnto him is to be the prime Bishop in order and honour the first and not of himselfe alone or out of the fulnesse of his owne power but with the joynt concurrence of others equall in commission with him to manage the great affaires of Almighty God and to gouerne the Christian Church so that the fulnesse of Ecclesiasticall power and iurisdiction is in the companies assemblies and Synodes of Bishoppes and Pastors and not in any one man alone I shewed before that in the churches founded and established by the Apostles contayning whole Citties and places adjoyning though there were many ministers of the word and sacraments yet one was so the Pastour of each of these Churches that the rest were but his assistants and might doe nothing without him and that therefore there was an inequality established euen from the beginning not of order onely but of degree also betweene such as are Pastours of Churches are named Bishops and such as are but their assistants named by the common name of Presbyters yet is the power of him that excelleth the rest in degree in each Church fatherly not Princely for things were so ordered in the beginning that as the Presbyters could do nothing without the Bishoppe so the Bishop in matters of moment might doe nothing without his Presbyters and thereupon the Councell of Carthage decreeth that the Bishoppe shall not presume to heare and sententiate any mans cause without the presence of his Clergie And though it bee said that the Bishop alone may heare and determine the causes of such Cleargy men as are below the degree of Presbyters Deacons yet that alone excludeth not his Cleargy but the concurrence of other Bishops which in the causes of Presbyters Deacons is necessarily required For without the presence and concurrence of his Cleargy the Bishop may proceede to no sentence at all If any difference grew betweene the Bishop and his Cleargy or if consenting any one found himselfe grieued with their proceedings there was a prouinciall Synode holdentwise euery yeare in which the acts of Episcopall Synodes might be re-ëxamined These prouinciall Synodes were subordinate to Nationall Patriarchicall Synodes wherein the Primate of a Nation or Kingdome or one of the Patriarches sat as President And in these Nationall or Patriarchicall Synodes the acts of prouinciall Synodes might bee re-ëxamined and reuersed Of all which I haue spoken before in due place and vpon fit occasion haue shewed at large of whom these Synodes doe consist So that it is euident that the power of Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction resteth not in Bishoppes alone but in Presbyters also beeing admitted to Prouinciall and Nationall Synodes and hauing decisiue voyces in them as well as Bishops nor in any one Metropolitane Primate or Patriarch within their seuerall precincts and diuisions but in these and their fellow Bishops joyntly and that much lesse there is any one in whom the fulnesse of all Ecclesiasticall power and the right to command the whole Church doth rest So that this fulnesse of power is found only in the generall assembly of Pastors called a generall Councell Wherefore now it remaineth that wee speake of Generall Councels Wherein first wee are to consider the vtility and necessity of such Synodall assemblies and meetings Secondly of whom they must consist Thirdly what assurance they haue of diuine assistance direction and Fourthly who must call them Toucing the first the causes why generall Councels are called are three The first is the suppressing of new heresies formerly not condemned The second a generall vniforme reformation of abuses crept into the Church The third the taking away of Schismes growing in Patriarchicall Churches about the election of their Pastors the reiecting of intruders violently and disorderly possessing themselues of those Patriarchicall Thrones And so wee finde that the Councell of Nice was called by Constantine for the suppressing of the damnable heresie of the Arrians the eight generall Councell by Basilius for the ending of the difference that was growne in the Church of Constantinople about Ignatius and Photius contending for the Episcopall chaire and that all Generall Councels intended and sought the reformation of abuses there being scarce any one wherein Canons were not made for the reformation of disorders in so much that the Fathers of the sixth Generall Councell hauing only condemned the Heresie of the Monothelites and made no Canons met afterwards againe many of them and made those Canons that are now extant and are the chiefe directioÌ of the Greeke Church vnto this day These being the causes for which Councels are called it is euident that the holding of them is not absolutely and simply necessary but in a sort onely For Heresies may bee suppressed by the concurrence of Prouinciall Synodes holden in the seuerall parts of the world as they were in the first 300. yeares when there were no Generall Councells But one part of the Christian Church seeking the helpe of another in common dangers and one part readily concurring with another as for the extinguishing of a dangerous fire threatning all or the repressing repelling of a common enemy by mutuall intelligence passing from one to another they abandoned Heresies newly springing vp and preserued the vnity of the common faith Neither was this course holden onely in the time of persecution during the first 300. yeares but afterwards also in the time of the Churches peace wee finde the same course to
in his place Which refusall though it were ill taken at the first yet were the fathers in the end perswaded by the mediation of the Iudges to forbeare their subscription till they might haue time to choose a new Patriarch so that it is not the personal presence or coÌcurreÌce precisely of those chiefe Bishops or Patriarches to whom all other Bishops are subject that is required to the fulnesse and perfection of a General Councell but the comming of some from the seuerall Synodes subject to the Patriarches or from the Patriarchicall synode where some out of all these doe meete or at the least the sending of Synodall letters that so the consent of all may be had The Prouinces that are neare the place where the Synode is holden sending the greater number and they that are most remote sending some few with instructions from the rest or at the least their Synodall letters expressing their opinion judgment resolution So in the Councell of Nice there were many Bs out of the East but out of the West only two Presbyters out of Italy one Bishop out of Spaine one Bishop out of France one out of Africa But in the second and third Councels there were many out of the East and none out of the West But the Bishops of Rome Damasus and Caelestinus as Patriarches of the West confirmed those Councels and gaue consent vnto them in their owne names and in the names of all the Bishoppes of the West whome they had gathered together in Synodes In the Councell of Chalcedon there were none present out of the West but the Legates of Leo but he sent by them the consent of the Bishops of Spaine France Italy and other parts of the West who hauing holden Synodes in their seuerall Prouinces wrote vnto him that they approued his judgment touching the point in controuersie which was to be debated in the generall Councell and that they would most willingly concurre with him in the forme of instruction which he meant to send to the Councell Touching the order that must be kept in generall Councels First the Booke of God must be layd in the middest of them that are present Secondly the meeting must be openly and not in secret Thirdly it must bee free and euery man must bee permitted boldly to speake what hee thinketh Whereupon Pope Nicholas when some obiected to him the number of Bishoppes that mette in the Councell of Photius answered that the great concurse of Bishops in the Councels of Nice and Chalcedon was not so much respected as their free and religious vttering of their iudgments and resolutions and Agatho writing to Constantine the Emperour touching the Bishops that were to meete in the sixt generall Councell hath these words Grant free power of speaking to euery one that desireth to speake for the faith which he beleeues and holdes that all men may most clearely see and know that no man desirous and willing to speake for the trueth was fobidden hindred or reiected by any terrors force threatning or any other thing that might auert and turne him away from so doing And as there must bee a liberty and freedome of speech in Generall Councels soe there must be a desire of finding out the trueth and an intending and seeking of the common good that priuate respects purposes and designes be not set forward vnder pretence of religion and therefore Leo the first writing to the Emperour of the error of the second Ephesine Counsell hath these words While priuate intendments and designes were set forward vnder pretence of religion that was effected by the impiety of a few that wounded the whole vniuersall Church wee finde by certaine report that a great number of Bishops came together vnto the Synode who being come together in such great multitudes might very profitably haue beene employed in deliberating and discerning what was fit to be resolued if hee who challenged vnto himselfe the chiefe place would haue obserued such Priestly moderation as that according to the manner and custome of such meetings all men hauing freely vttered their opinions that might peaceably and rightly haue beene decreed that might both agree with faith and bring them into the right way that were in error But here wee finde that when the Decree was to bee passed all they who were come together were not permitted to bee present for wee haue beene informed that some were rejected and others brought in who at the pleasure of the foresayd Bishoppe were brought to yeeld captiue hands to those impious subscriptions for that they knew that it would bee preiudiciall to their state vnlesse they did such things as were inioyned them Which kinde of proceedings our substitutes sent from the Apostolicall See discerned to be so impious and contrary to the Catholique faith that by no violent meanes they could bee inforced to consent thereunto but constantly protested and professed as beseemed them that that which was there agreed on and decreed should neuer bee admitted or receiued by the Apostolicall See And a little after hee hath these words All the Bishops of those parts of the Church that are subiect vnto vs as suppliants in most humble manner with sighes and teares beseech your most gratious Maiesty that seeing both those Substitutes which wee sent did most constantly resist against such impious and bad proceedings and Flauianus the Bishop offered a bill of appeale vnto them you would bee pleased to command a generall Councell to be holden in Italy Thus wee see what things are essentially required to the being of a Councell and what order is to be obserued in it The next thing that followeth in order to bee intreated of is the Presidentship of such and soe sacred an assembly CHAP. 50. Of the President of Generall Councels TOuching the Presidentship of Generall Councels it pertained in a sort to all the Patriarches and therefore Photius in his discourse of the seauen Synodes in diuers of them nameth all the Patriarches and their Vice-gerents Presidents as hauing an honourable preheminence aboue and before other Bishops in such assemblies yet wee deny not but that as these were ouer all other Bishops so euen amongst these also there was an order so that one of them had a preheminence aboue and before another For the Bishop of Alexandria was before the Bishop of Antioch and the Bishop of Rome before him anciently euen before the time of the Nicene Councell and afterwards the Bishop of Constantinople made a Patriarch was set before the other two next vnto the Bishop of Rome And as these were thus one before another in order and honour so they had preheminence of honour in Synodall assemblies accordingly in sitting speaking and subscribing though this were not alwayes precisely obserued For in the Councell of Nice there being two rankes of seates the one in the one side of the hall the other in the other where the Councell mette the Emperour sitting in the middest
a true and lawfull Generall Councell it appeareth by Gregory Bishop of Rome who hauing allowed of the first foure Generall Councels addeth these words I doe also in like sort reuerence and honour the fift Councell in which the Epistle of Ibas full of error is reiected in which Theodorus separating and diuiding the person of the Mediator of God and Men imagining two subsistences in Christ is conuinced to haue fallen into perfidious impiety and in which also the writings of Theodoret wherein the faith of blessed Cyril is reprehended are found pronounced to haue bin published by a boldfoolishnesse but I truely reiect all those persons which the forenamed reuerend sacred Councels doe reiect and embrace honour those which they reuerence and honour because being established and agreed vnto and things setled in them by generall consent hee destroyeth and ouerthroweth himselfe not them whosoeuer presumeth either to lose those whom they bind or to binde those whom they lose Whosoeuer therefore shall be otherwise minded let him bee anathema So that the Presidence and presence of the Bishoppe of Rome is not so necessary in Generall Councels but that in case of his wilfull refusall a Councell may proceed bee holden for lawfull without his consenting to it It is true indeede that the Canon of the Church prescribeth that no Generall Councell shall be holden without the Bishoppe of Rome and the Bishops subiect to him but the meaning of the Canon is not that all proceedings are voyde and vnlawfull wherein his presence is not had but wherein it is not sought expected for if he wilfully refuse to ioyne with the rest or his negligence be intollerable the state of the Church requiring that order be presently taken they may proceede without him as appeareth by the Eight Generall Councell wherein some things were resolued on before the comming of the Vicars of the Bishop of Rome and by this Fift wherein neither the Bishop of Rome nor any of his Bishops would be present nor giue any consent vnto it and yet it is reputed a lawfull Generall Councell And as a Councell may bee holden in such a case without the presence or concurrence of the Romane Bishop and those that are subiect to him so being present if he refuse to concurre in iudgement with the rest they may procede without him and their sentence may be of force though he consent not to it as we see in the Councell of Chalcedon And though Generall Councels wherein the Bishop of Rome with his Bishoppes refuse to be present or beeing present to giue consent to that which is decreed bee not so full and perfect as they are that haue his concurrence together with the Bishoppes subiect to him and therefore the like effect doth not presently followe yet wee shall finde that all such determinations consented and agreed vnto vniformely by all the other Patriarches doe in the end generally take place So that euen the Romanes themselues are forced to yeelde vnto them as wee see it came to passe that the Decrees of the Fift Generall Councell wherein the Romanes refused to bee present and to which they would yeelde no consent were soone after generally receiued the Romanes themselues yeelding vnto them and likewise the actes of the Fourth general CouÌcel wherein the Decree of equalling the Bishop of Constantinople to the Bishop of Rome and preferring him before the other Patriarches passing without the consent of the Bishoppe of Romes Legates and resisted by the Bishoppes of the West yet preuailed in the end and forced the Roââ¦e Bishoppe to yeild vnto it For after the time of Iustinian the Emperour none of the Bishoppes of Rome was euer found to contradict it any more Soe that to conclude and resolue this point euen as no Chapter-act is good wherein the meanest hauing voyce in Chapter is refused neglected or contemned and much lesse wherein hee that is chiefest and President is contemned and as the Actes of Prouinciall Synodes are voyde wherein the meanest Suffragan is not called expected so there is no question but that all the acts of general Councels are void wherein the Bishop of Rome so long as hee continueth Catholique keepeth his owne standing is not specially aboue all other expected and desired But as things may passe in these assemblies without their consent whose presence is so necessarily to bee sought as wee see in prouinciall Synodes the maior part swayeth all and the Metropolitane hath no negatiue see in a generall Councell things may passe by the consent of the greater part not only without the consent but euen against the liking of the Bishop of Rome and his Bishoppes In the Sixt and seauenth Generall Councels the Bishoppe of Romes Legates and Vice-gerents in a sort had the Presidentship yet so as that Tharassius Bishoppe of Constantinople rather performed the duty of a Moderator President in the seauenth then they as it will easily appeare to any one that will but take a view of the Actes of that Synode So that wee find that neither the Bishop of Rome had the Presidentship in all Councels nor that there was any certaine and vniforme course holden in giuing preheminences to the chiefe Bishops in the first seuen Generall Councells For in the Councell of Nice Hosius doth first suscribe after him the presbyters that supplied the place of the Bishop of Rome then Alexander Bishop of Alexandria the Bishop of Ierusalem after all the Bishops of Egypt Thebais and Lybia and the Bishop of Antioch after all these and the Bishops of Palaestina and Phoenicia also and yet he sate in the highest place on the right side In the second neither the Bishop of Rome nor any Westerne Bishops were preseÌt the first that subscribed was Nectarius the next Timothy of Alexandria and after him Dorotheus then Cyril of Ierusalem and Meletius of Antioch after him and after all the Bishops of Palaestina and Phoenicia In the third Cyril subscribed first and after him Iuuenall Bishop of Ierusalem for Iohn of Antioche came not before the condemnation of Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople to which they subscribed was past In the fourth to the condemnation of Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria First the Legates of Leo Bishop of Rome subscribed then Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople after him the Bishop of Antioch and Iuuenall Bishop of Ierusalem almost after all the Bishops in the Synode though in the order of sitting he was placed in the fifth place but where they subscribe to the decree touching matter of faith he subscribeth in the fourth place after Rome Constantinople and Antioch To the act for aduancing the see of Constantinople and setting it before the rest of the Patriarchicall thrones next to Rome the Legates of the Bishop of Rome subscribe not but Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople in the first place after him Maximus of Antioch and in the third place Iuuenall of Ierusalem In the fifth they sate and
Faith and manners may easily be proued by the proceedings of all ancient Councels For the Fathers of the Nicene Councell desire Syluester to confirme what they haue decreed and Leo professeth that he approueth all those things which the Councell of Chalcedon decreed touching the Faith and the Councell it selfe speaking to Leo saith Honour our iudgement with the concurrence of thy Decrees And the sixt Generall Councell saith Wee anathematize Theodorus Sergius Syrus c. And a little after All these things beeing determined by this holy Councell and confirmed by our constant subscription wee decree that no man make any farther adoe about matters of faith c. Are these the words of him that onely giueth aduice and counsell or of him that iudgeth and determineth what shall be beleeued and done and in all the rest the Fathers speake not as Counsellers that are to aduise but as Iudges that haue power to determine For the third chapter of the Nicene Synode hath thus The great Synode hath altogether forbidden c. Thus farre Melchior Canus learnedly and strongly prouing that Bishops are not present in Generall Councels as the Popes Counsellers to aduise him but as Iudges together with him to define and determine which if it be granted we may easily in the second place proue that the Pope may not determine things of himselfe contrary to the iudgement of all the rest For though the chiefe President of a Company may haue a negatiue voyce against the affirmatiue of all the rest yet neuer was there any company of Iudges hauing power to iudge and determine wherein one might not onely dashe what the rest agreed on but determine also what hee pleased though none concurred with him When in any commission some certaine number of men may determine and resolue and none hath power to contradict they are absolutely Iudges the power of iudging resteth wholy in them when in their resolutions they may bee so gain-said by others that yet others canne doe nothing without them they are Iudges in part the power of iudging resteth in part in them But when another may dash what they consent on and doe what hee pleaseth whatsoeuer they say to the contrary they may bee in the nature of Counsellers to aduise but not of Iudges to determine For wheresoeuer there are many Iudges either the power of determining both affirmatiuely and negatiuely resteth in the Maior part or else any one hath an absolute negatiue and onely the concurrence of all an affirmatiue as in Iuries here in England or thirdly either one man or some certaine men haue their negatiue and the affirmatiue is onely in the Maior part And therefore it is most fond and friuolous that Canus hath in answere to this our argument for whereas we say if Bishops be Iudges the Pope may not resolue against the Maior part of them hee hath these words I deny that it is necessary to follow the iudgement of the Maior part when we treat of matters of Faith neither doe wee here measure the sentence by the number of voyces as in humane elections or iudgements Knowing that oftentimes it comes to passe that the greater part doth ouercome the better that those things are not alwayes best which please most and that in things which pertaine to doctrine the iudgement of the wise is to bee preferred and the wise are exceeding few whereas there is an infinite number of fooles Foure hundred Prophets did lie vnto Achà b but the trueth came out of the mouth of one Michaeas alone and hee very contemptible and therefore the Iudgements of Diuine thinges are not to bee moderated by humane reasons The Lord saueth and deliuereth sometimes sooner with a few then many This saying of Canus is contrary to all course of Iudgement in the world and contradicted by his owne fellow and friend Cardinall Bellarmine who saith that in Councells things are to be carried by number of voyces and not by disputation that in the Councell mentioned in the Actes the question was defined by the voyces of the Apostles and that in the Councell of Chalcedon the tenne Bishoppes of Egypt were condemned as Heretickes because they yeelded not to the Maior part of that Councell Thus doth hee crosse his fellow Canus But let not Canus bee offended with him for so doing for he will presently crosse himselfe also for I hope he thinketh the Bishoppes of Egypt were rightly iudged Heretickes for refusing to subscribe to the Iudgement of the Maior part of Bishops in the Councell of Chalcedon seeing hee bringeth this censure to proue that the determinations of Councells doe bind the conscience and then it will follow that the greater part of Bishoppes in a Generall Councell cannot erre which yet hee presently denieth and saith the greater part of this Councell did erre and resolued that which was reuersed by the Pope If hee say that those tenne Bishoppes of Egypt refused to subscribe to that which was agreed on by the Maior part with the Legates of Rome and that therefore they might iustly bee iudged Heretickes as contradicting the Iudgement of them that cannot erre it standeth no better with his resolution else-where that the Maior part of Bishops in a Generall Councell with the Legates may erre But passing by these Contradictions and absurdities of the Cardinall let vs see if he can cleare this doubt any better which hath so much troubled Canus For the avoyding of this one poore argument hee is forced to diuide the Pope as otherwise finding no meanes to escape the force thereof The Pope therefore he saith may be considered two wayes either as hee is President of a Councell and so hee is tyed to follow the Maior part or as hee is chiefe Prince in the Church and so hee may goe against the Maior part and resolue what he pleaseth of himselfe and yet this diuided consideration no way deuideth or breaketh the force of our argument but leaueth it intire and whole as it found it For wee seeke not the difference betweene a President and a chiefe and absolute Prince but whether the Bishoppes sitting in Councell with the Pope be his fellow Iudges or not which they cannot bee if he may not onely dash what they would doe but also doe what he pleaseth without them And besides this if the Pope doe sit in Generall Councels as President and so as bound to pronounce according to the Maior part of voyces in all Decrees then hee sitteth not there as absolute Prince hauing power not onely to dash what others would doe but also to doe what he pleaseth of himselfe without them and contrary to their iudgements and so cannot define and determine contrary to the iudgement and resolution of the Maior part The onely answere that may bee imagined to this obiection is that as inferiour Iudges may determine a thing which yet by a superiour authority may bee reuersed and the contrary decreed so the Bishops in a Generall
Councell as Iudges may decree and determine and yet the power of re-examining and reuersing all if neede be may rest in the Pope as superiour Iudge vnto them which yet no way cleareth the doubt For howsoeuer it be true in Iudges and Iudgements distinct separate and subordinate one to another that one may dash that the other doth and doe the contrary without the consent of the other yet of Iudges ioyned in one Commission and of the same iudgment it cannot be so conceiued Now the Iudgement of the Generall Councell includeth in it the Iudgement of the Pope the Pope and Councell make one Iudge and are not separate distinct and subordinate Iudges and therefore no such thing can bee said of them If it be said that he who is joyned in commission with others in some inferiour Court and hath a Negatiue voyce in it onely and no absolute affirmatiue may in a superiour Court haue both and that therefore the Pope who hath no absolute voyce affirmatiue and negatiue in a Generall Councell may haue such a voyce in some higher Court it will be found to be too shamelesse a saying For there neither is nor can be any higher Court then that of a Generall Councell consisting of the Bishop of Rome and all the other Bishops of the World So that all answers failing wee may safely conclude that if Bishops bee Iudges Ecclesiasticall truely and properly as wee haue proued them to bee by vnanswerable reasons and our Adversaries confesse the Pope hath no absolute voyce affirmatiue and negatiue in Generall Councels that is to dash what the Maior part would doe and to doe that they by no meanes like of This Andradius saw and therefore hee disclaimeth the position of Bellarmine that all the assurance the Councell hath of finding out the truth is Originally in the Pope and from him coÌmunicated to the Councell and holdeth that the Councell hath as good assurance of finding out the trueth and better then the Pope himselfe And therefore hee saith that though he thinketh it impossible the Pope should dissent froÌ the councell so as to define contrary to it yet if it should so fall out as hee thinketh it not impossible that the Bishop of Rome should altogether dislike in his opinion that which the Councell resolueth on and which hee should consent vnto and though he define not the contrary yet despise the Decrees of the Councell and in his priuate opinion gainsay them he thinketh in such a case men were to conceiue none otherwise of him then if hee should depart from the faith and profession of the ancient Councels which the consent of all ages hath confirmed and Gregory professeth to honour and esteeme as the foure Gospels seeing the power and authority is as great in all Councels as in those which the same Gregory saith that whosoeuer holdeth not their certaine resolutions though he seeme to be a stone elect and precious yet he lyeth besides the foundation And because the authority of Cardinall Turrecremata is great with all those that defend the dignity of the Pope against the Bishops that were assembled in the Councell of Basil such as are of their judgement therefore he produceth his opinion in these words If such a case should fall out saith Cardinall Turrecremata that all the Fathers assembled in a Generall Councell with vnanimous consent should make a decree concerning the faith which the person of the Pope alone should contradict I would say according to my judgement that men were bound to stand to the judgement of the Synode and not to listen to the gainsaying of the person of the Pope for the judgment of so many and so great Fathers in a Generall Councell seemeth worthily to bee preferred before the judgement of one man In which case that Glosse vpon the Decrees is most excellent that when the faith is treated of the Pope is bound to require the Counsell of Bishops which is to bee vnderstood to bee necessary to bee done as often as the case is very doubtfull and a Synode may be called and then the Synode is greater then the Pope not truely in the power of jurisdiction but in the authority of discerning judgment and the amplitude of knowledge This is the opinion of this great champion who so mainely in defence of the Popes vniversall jurisdictioÌ impugned the Fathers that were assembled in the Councell of Basil. Whereby it is evident that the pope may not go against the consent of a Generall Councell that he may not dissent from it being greater in the authority of discerning and judgement then hee is and consequently that hee hath no negatiue voyce in Councels Which may further bee proued for that if he had a negatiue voyce as the Councell hath then were there two absolute negatiues but where there are two absolute negatiues it is vncertaine whether any thing shall be resolued on or not whereas yet the state of the Church requireth resolution and certain concluding of matters that men may know what they are to beleeue Therefore the Pope hath none but the onely negatiue is that of the Councell a part whereof the Pope is giuing a voyce as others doe And this the manner of other Synodes confirmeth For in Provinciall Nationall and Patriarchicall Councels the Metropolitanes Primates and Patriarches haue no absolute negatiue but giue only a single voyce and the absolute negatiue as also the affirmatiue is onely in the Maior part and as Cardinall Turrecremata learnedly and rightly maketh the authority of the Generall Councell in discerning and defining what is to be belieued greater then the authority of the Pope and that the Councel is ratherto be listened vnto then the Pope dissenting from the Councell so there is no doubt but that the authority of Councels being as great in making necessary lawes for the good of the Church as in resoluing doubtes and clearing controuersies the Councell is greater then the Pope in the power of making lawes and consequently in the power of jurisdiction which he denieth and they of Basil affirme The greatest allegation on the contrary side is the confirmation that ancient Councels sought of the Bishop of Rome for that may seeme to import that their decrees are of no force vnlesse they be strengthened by his authority whereunto Andradius answereth out of Alfonsus á Castro and others that Generall Councels carefully sought to be confirmed by the Bishop of Rome not as if in themselues without his confirmation they were weake and might erre nor for that they thought him to haue as much or more assurance of not erring then they but that it might appeare that he that hath the first place in the Church of God and the rest did consent and conspire together in the deliuery and the defence of the trueth But because happily this answer may seeme too weake therefore for the clearing of this doubt we must obserue that all the ancient Councels
in the sixth Generall Councell and Basileius in the eighth and when they pleased to bee absent to send some in their stead as Theodosius the yonger sent e Candidianus to be present for him in the councell of Ephesus and Martianus though present in the first Session yet being for the most part of the time absent appointed certaine secular Iudges to sit in the Councell of Chalcedon The second thing that they assumed to them was to sit in the highest place and so wee reade that in the councell of Nice all the Bishoppes being placed in order the Emperour some few going before him entred into the Councell at whose comming all the Bishops rose vp and did reverence vnto him and hee passed through the midst of them as an heauenly Angell of God hauing on a purple robe and shining vesture be-decked with gold pearles and pretious stones and stayed not till hee came to the highest place where a little seate of Gold was prepared wherein yet hee sate not downe but stood vpright till the Bishoppes had bowed and beckened vnto him to sit downe In like sort we reade of Martian that hee sate in the highest place in the Councell of Chalcedon with the Senatours and Iudges by his side And of Constantine the fourth that he sate in the highest place in the sixth Generall Councell And when they were not present in person the Senatours and secular Iudges deputed by them sate in the middest in the highest roome as wee shall finde they did in the councels of Chalcedon at such times as the Emperour was away The third thing which the Emperours tooke on them either in their owne persons or by such as they deputed besides the defence of the Bishoppes from outward violence was a kinde of direction of things that were to bee done in the councell This direction consisted in seauen things First in providing that nothing should bee done passionately violently and by clamour of multitudes but that the ground of each thing should be sought out Secondly in providing that nothing should bee extorted by feare and terror from them that meete to decree for truth justice without all priuate and sinister respects Thirdly in seeing that nothing should be omitted that the holy Canons require to bee done for the finding out of that which is true and right that so both errour and wrong might bee avoyded Fourthly in not suffering them to passe from one thing to another before that they had in hand were fully ended nor to digresse to things impertinent which might breed confusion and hinder the effecting of that which was intended And in putting an end to each action when they saw as much done as was fitte or otherwise deferring the farther deliberation to some other time Fifthly when they found an indisposition in them to agree to such and so cleare determination of matters in question as might satisfie all to dissolue the Councell and to call another Sixthly in judging pronouncing according to that they saw alleadged with the approbation and assent of the Councell Lastly in subscribing and confirming by their royall assent the thinges resolued and agreed on All these thinges as Cusanus rightly noteth the Emperours tooke on them in Generall Councels and the performance of euery of these we may finde in the Councell of Chalcedon but specially the First and the Fifth For whereas the tenne Bishops of Egypt that were there in the name of the rest refused to subscribe to the Actes of the Councell till they should haue a new Patriarch chosen and ordained not out of any dislike of that was done or as being of another iudgment but because the custome of their country permitted them not to subscribe vnlesse their Patriarch went before them in so doing there was a generall clamour against them of all the Bishops crying out alowde that they were to be excommunicated Anathematized And though they fell prostrate on their faces before the whole Councell professing their refusall to proceede from no priuate conceit desiring to be pittied and not vrged to any formall subscription for that if they should doe any such thing they were sure neuer to bee endured by the Bishoppes of their Country yet could they finde no fauour or relenting till the secular Iudges out of their discretion finding the true ground of this their stay to subscribe to bee such as they alleadged deliuered their opinion that it was a thing reasonable and in pitty to be granted vnto them that they should be foreborne and stay in the Citty till their Archbishop were chosen Which when Paschasinus the Legate of Rome heard hee said if your glorious excellency command that it bee so let them put in sureties not to depart the Citty till their Archbishop bee chosen and the rest of the Bishoppes agreed to him So that the matter which was ready to bee swayed by the whole Councell with clamour and out-cry in a very violent sort was stayed by the wisedome of the secular Iudges the poore distressed suppliants pittied and the hard proceeding of the Bishops against them hindred And in the same Councell we read that the Bishops hauing agreed on a forme of Confession of Faith were desired by the Emperours Deputies the secular Iudges for the satisfaction of all men to adde certaine wordes out of the Epistle of Leo to that forme of Confession which when they all some few of the East and the Legates of Rome excepted with great clamour refused to doe the Iudges tolde them the Emperour should knowe of their clamorous courses And that if they would not agree together to make some good end a Councell should be called in the West and they forced to walke thither Neither did Christian Emperours onely thus intermeddle in Generall Councells as chiefe Lords of the whole world but particular Kings and Princes likewise within their seuerall dominions and Kingdomes did as much For wee reade that Charlemaigne with the aduice counsell of the seruants of GOD and his Nobles gathered together into a Synode all the Bishoppes in his kingdome with their Presbyters that they might aduise him how the law of God and religion well established in the times of former Princes but now much fallen and decayed might be restored and Christian people attaine saluation and not bee misled by false Priests and by the aduise of his Bishoppes and Nobles according to this his good intent and purpose hee ordained Bishoppes in his citties and set ouer them Bonifacius as their Arch-bishop hee decreed that a Synode should be holden once euery yeare that in his presence the Decrees of the Canons and Lawes of the church might be restored and what should be found amisse in Christian religion amended he degraded false Priests Deacons clearkes that were whoremongers and adulterers he prescribed pennance to certaine offenders and subiected them to imprisonment other corporall punishments and corrections This Acte of Charlemaine is
this immunity And Sixtus Senensis saith that Hierome speaketh not of that tribute which subiects pay to their Princes here in this world but of that which we all owe to CHRIST so that this is that he saith why doe not we wretched men professing our selues to be the servants of Christ yeeld vnto his Maiesty the due tribute of our seruice seeing Christ so great and excellent payde tribute for our sakes S. Austine in his first book of Questions vpon the Gospels saith that Kings sons in this world are free that therefore much more the sonnes of that Kingdome vnder which all kingdomes of the World are should bee free in each earthly Kingdome which words Thomas and Sixtus Senensis vnderstand of a freedome from the bondage of sin but Iansenius rejecteth that interpretation because Austine saith the children of Kings are free from tribute and thinketh that Austines meaning is that if God the King of Heauen Earth had many naturall sonnes as hee hath but one only begotten they should all be free in all the Kingdomes of the world and other apply these words to cleargy-men though there bee nothing in the place leading to any such interpretation But whatsoeuer we thinke of the meaning of Austine Bellarmine saith it cannot bee inferred from these his wordes that cleargy-men by Gods Law are free from the duty of paying tribute because as Chrysostome noteth Christ speaketh only of naturall children and besides prescribeth nothing but onely sheweth that vsually among men Kings sonnes are free from tribute and therefore whereas the authority of Bonifacius the Eighth who affirmeth that the goods persons of Cleargy-men are free from exactions both by the law of God and man is brought to proue the contrary Hee answereth first that haply the Pope meant not that they are absolutely freed by any speciall graunt froÌ God but only that there is an example of Pharaoh an Heathen Prince freeing the Priests of his Gods mentioned in Scripture which may induce Christian Kings to free the Pastours of Christs Church Secondly that it was but the priuate opinion of the Pope inclining to the iudgment of the Canonistes and that he did not define any such thing So that men may lawfully dissent from him in this point So that we see by the testimonies of Scripture and Fathers and the confession of the best learned among our aduersaries themselues that Almighty God did not by any special exemption free either the goods or persons of Cleargy-men from the command of Princes and that in the beginning they were subiect to all seruices iudgements payments burdens that any other are subiect to and required by Christ the Sonne of God and his blessed Apostles to be so But some man happily will say that though Christ did not specially free eyther the goods or persons of Cleargy-men from the subiection to Princes yet there are inducements in reason and in the very light of nature such and so great to moue Princes to set them free that they should not do well if they did not so Whereunto wee answere that there is no question to be made but that the Pastors of the Church that watch ouer the soules of men are to bee respected and tendered more then men of any other calling and so they are and euer were where any sence of religion is or was The Apostle Saint Paul testifieth of the Galathians that they receiued him as an Angell of God yea as Christ Iesus himselfe that they would haue euen plucked out their eyes to haue done him good The Emperour Constantine honoured the Christian Bishops with the name and title of Gods acknowledged himselfe subject to their iudgment though he swayed the scepter of the World and refused to see what the complaintes were that they preferred one against another or to read their bils but professed that to couer their faults he would euen cast froÌ him his purple Robe Whence it came that many priuiledges were anciently graunted vnto them both in respect of their persons goods For first Constantine the Great not onely gaue ample gifts to the Pastors of the Churches but exempted them also from those seruices ministeries and imployments that other men are subiect to His Epistle to Anelinus the Proconsul of Africa wherein this graunt was made to them of Affrica is found in Eusebius Neyther is it to be doubted but that he extended his fauours to the Bishops of other Churches also aswell as to them The words of the Grant are these Considering that the due obseruation of things pertaining to true religion and the worshippe of God bringeth great happinesse to the whole state of the Common-wealth and Empire of Rome For the incouragement of such as attend the holy Ministery and are named Cleargy-men my pleasure is that all such in the Church wherein Caecilianus is Bishop be at once and altogether absolutely freed and exempted from all publicke Ministeries and Seruices Neither did the Emperors only exempt them from these seruices but they freed them also froÌ secular iudgements vnles it were in certaine kindes of criminall causes Wherein yet a Bishop was not to be coÌueÌted against his wil before any secular Magistrate without the Emperors coÌmand Neyther might the temporall Magistrates condemne any Cleargy-man till hee were degraded by his Bishoppe howsoeuer they might imprison and restraine such vpon complaints made And answerably hereunto the Councell of Matiscon prouideth that no Cleargy-man for any cause without the discussion of his Bishop shall bee wronged imprisoned by any Secular Magistrate that if any Iudge shal presume to doe soe to the Cleargy-men of any Bishoppe vnlesse it be in a criminall cause hee shall bee excommunicated as long as the Bishoppe shall thinke fitte This was all the immunity that Cleargy-men anciently had by any grant of Princes and as much as euer the Church desired to enjoy but that which in latter times was challenged by some and in defence of the claime whereof Thomas Becket resisted the King till his bloud was shedde was of another kinde For whereas it was not thought fitte by the King and State of the Realme at that time that Church-men found in enormous crimes by the kings Iustices should be deliuered ouer to their Bishoppes and so escape ciuill punishment but that confessing such crimes or being clearely conuinced of them before the Bishoppe the Bishoppe should in presence of the Kings Iustices degrade them and put them from all Ecclesiasticall honour and deliuer them to the Kings Court to be punished Becket was of a contrary minde and thought that such as Bishoppes degraded or putte out of their Ministery of the Church should not bee punished by the ciuill Magistrates because as hee sayd one offence was not to be punished twice The occasion of this controuersie betweene the King and the Arch-bishoppe was giuen by one Philip Brocke a Canon of Bedford Who beeing brought before
wils nor to force them to yeeld obedience and maintenance to any without their liking And therefore anciently as LEO sheweth the custome was that hee should bee chosen of all that was to bee ouer all that the wishes and desires of the Cittizens should bee expected the Testimonies of the people should be sought the will and liking of the noble and honourable should be knowne and the Cleargy should choose All which thinges are wont to be obserued and kept in ordinations by them that know the rules of the Fathers that the rule of the Apostle may be followed in all things who prescribeth that hee who is to be ouer the Church should not onely haue the allowance of the faithfull giuing witnesse vnto him but the testimony also of them that are without and that no occasioÌ of any scandall may be left while he who is to be the Doctor ofpeace is ordained in peace and concord pleasing vnto God with the agreeing and consenting desires of all And in the same Epistle hee addeth Teneatur subscriptio Clericorum honoratorum testimonium ordinis consensus Plebis That is Let the subscription of the Cleargy be had the testimony of the honourable and the consent of the order and people Cyprian to the same purpose writeth thus The people beeing obedient to the precepts of the Lord and fearing God ought to seperate themselues from a sinnefull and wicked Ruler and not intermingle themselues or to haue any thing to do with the sacrifices of a sacrilegious Priest especially seeing they haue power eyther to chuse such Priestes as are worthy or to refuse such as are vnworthy And a little after in the same Epistle hee hath these words For which cause it is diligently to bee obserued and kept as from the tradition of God and the Apostles which thing also is obserued and kept with vs and almost throughout all Prouinces that for the due performance of the worke of Ordination when any Ruler and Gouernour is to be ordained the Bishops of the same Prouince which are nearest should come together vnto that people ouer whom he is to be sette and that the Bishoppe should be chosen in the presence of the people which most fully and perfectly knoweth the life of euery one and hath perceiued by their conuersation what kind of workes they are wont to do Which thing also we see to haue bin don in the Ordination of Sabinus our Colleague to wit that vpon the voyces of the whole brotherhood and the judgment of the Bishops which came together which sent their letters expressing their opinioÌ of him the Episcopall dignity was coÌferred vpon him with the imposition of hands he was ordained into the voyd roome of Basilides That in the time of Chrysostome the people had interest in chusing their Pastors it is euident out of his booke of Priest-hood The Fathes of the Nicene Councell as wee finde in Theodoret write to the Church of Alexandria and to the beloued brethren of Egypt Lybia and Pentââ¦polis in this sort If haply any Bishop of the Church de fall asleepe let it be lawfull for such of the sect of Meletius as haue beene not long since restored to the Communion of the Church to succeede into the place of him that is dead if so be that they shall seeme to bee worthy and the people shall chuse them yet so notwithstanding that the voyce and consent of the Bishop of the Church of Alexandria bee added to seale and confirme the same And touching the election of Nectarius the Bishoppes of the first councell of Constantinople write thus Wee haue ordained the most reverend and beloued of God Nectarius Bishop before the whole Councell with all consent and agreement in the presence of Theodosius the Emperour beloued of God and of the whole cleargy the whole city likewise with vnanimous consentagreeing thereunto And Leo provideth and taketh order what shall bee done when they that should elect agree not His words are these When ye goe about the election of the chiefe Priest or Bishop let him be advanced before all vpon whom the consenting desires of the Cleargy and People concurre with one accord and if their voyces be divided betwixt twaine let him be preferred before the other in the iudgment of the Metropolitane which hath more voyces and merits but let none be ordained against their wils and petitions least the people despise or hate the Bishoppe which they neuer affected and lesse care for religion when their desires are not satisfied And Gregoââ¦y the Bishoppe of Rome long after allowing the election by the people hath these wordes If it be true that the Bishop of Salona bee dead hasten to admonish the cleargy and people of that city to choose a Bishoppe with one consent that may bee ordained for them And to Magnus about the election of the Bishoppe of Millaine hee saith Warne the Cleargy and people that they dissent not in choosing their Priest but that with one accord they elect some one that may bee consecrated their Bishoppe By all which testimonies wee see what interest aunciently the people had in the choyce of their Bishops and how carefull good Bishops were that they should haue none thrust vpon them against their wills that they should proceede to election with one accord if it might bee or otherwise that such should be ordained as were desired by the greater part and that all things might be done peaceably and without tumult But how much in time they abused this their power it is too evident For Nazianzene reporting the choyce of Eusebius to bee Bishoppe of Caesarea sayth the Citty of Caesarea was in a tumult and the people divided about the choyce of their Bishoppe and the sedition was sharpe and hardly to bee appeased and that as men distracted in many mindes some proposing one and some another as is often seene in such cases at length the whole people agreeing on one of good calling among them commended for his life but not yet baptized tooke him against his will and with the helpe of a band of souldiers that was then come to the Citty placed him in the Bishops chaire and offered him to the Bishoppes present mixing threates with perswasions required to haue him ordained and pronounced their Bishop Likewise at Antioch as Eusebius reporteth there was raised a grieuous sedition about the deposing of Eustathius and after when another was to be chosen the flame therof so increased that it was like to haue consumed the whole city For the people being diuided into two parts the Magistrates of the citie supported the sides and bandes of souldiers were mustered as against an enemy and the matter had vndoubtedly beene tryed by the sword if God and the feare of the Emperour writing to them had not asswaged the rage of the multitude But howsoeuer such was the dissention that eight whole yeares the place was without a Bishop When
the Councell of Constance Wherefore seeing so many Councells Popes yeelded the power of electing or at least of allowing and confirming the Popes to the Emperours and seeing so good effects followed of it and so ill of the contrary there is no reason why our Aduersaries should dislike it For seeing the people aunciently had their consent in these affaires Fredericke the Emperour had reason when hee said that himselfe as King and ruler of the people ought to bee chiefe in choosing his owne Bishop Neither had the Emperours onely this right in disposing of the Bishopricke of Rome and other dignities Ecclesiasticall but other Christian Kings likewise had a principall stroake in the appointing of Bishops For as Nauclere noteth the French Kings haue had the right of Inuestitures euer since the time of Adrian the first and Duarenus sheweth that howsoeuer Ludouicus renounced the right of choosing the Bishop of Rome yet hee held still the right of Inuestiture of other Bishops into the place whereof came afterwards that right which the King vseth when in the vacancie of a Bishopricke hee giueth power to choose and some other royalties which the Kings of France still retaine It appeareth by the twelfth Councell of Toledo that the Kings had a principall stroake in elections in the Churches of Spaine and touching England Matthew Paris testifieth that Henry the first by William of Warnaste his agent protested to the Pope he would rather loose his kingdome then the right of Inuestitures and added threatning words to the same protestation Neither did he onely make verball protestations but hee really practised that hee spake and gaue the Arch bishopricke of Canterbury to Rodolphe Bishoppe of London inuesting him by Pastoral staffe ring Articuli cleri prescribe that elections shall be free froÌ force feare or intreaty of Secular powers yet so as that the Kings license bee first asked after the election done his royall assent and confirmation bee added to make it good Whereupon the Statute of prouisors of Benefices made at Westminster the fiue and twentith of Edward the third hath these wordes Our Soueraigne Lord the King and his heires shall haue and enioy for the time the collations to the Archbishoprickes and other dignities electiue which bee of his aduowry such as his progenitors had before free election was granted sith that the first elections were granted by the Kings progenitours vpon a certaine forme and condition as namely to demaund licence of the King to choose after choyce made to haue his royall assent Which condition being not kept the thing ought by reason to returne to his first nature So that we see that at first the Cleargy people were to choose their Bishops Ministers yet so that Princes by their right were to moderate things and nothing was to be done without them But when they endowed Churches with ample revenewes possessions disburdened the people of the charge of maintaining their Pastors they had now a farther reason to sway things then before And thence it is that the Statute aboue-mentioned saith the Kings gaue power of free elections yet vpon condition of seeking their licence confirmation as hauing the right of nomination in themselues in that they were Founders Likewise touching Presbyters the auncient Canon of the Councel of Carthage which was that Bishops should not ordain clearks without the consent of their Cleargie that also they should haue the assent and testimony of the Citizens held while the Cleargy liued together vpon the common contributions and divident but when not onely titles were divided distinguished and men placed in rurall Churches abroad but seuerall allowance made for the maintenance of such as should attend the seruice of God by the Lords of those Countrey townes out of their owne lands and the lands of their tennants they that thus carefully provided for the Church were much respected And it was thought fit they should haue great interest in the choosing and nominating of Clearkes in such places Iustinian the Emperour to reward such as had beene beneficiall in this sort to the Church and to incourage others to doe the like decreed That if any man build a Church or house of Prayer and would haue Clearkes to be placed there if hee allow maintenance for them and name such as are worthy they shall be ordained vpon his nomination But if he shall choose such as bee prohibited by the Canons as vnworthy the Bishop shall take care to promote some whom he thinketh more worthy And the Councell of Toledo about the yeare of Christ 655 made a Canon to the same effect The words of the councell are these We decree that as long as the Founders of Churches doe liue they shall be suffered to haue the chiefe and continuall care of the said Churches shall offer fit Rectors to the Bishop to be ordained And of the Bishop neglecting the Founders shall presume to place any others let him know that his admission shall be voyde and to his shame but if such as they choose be prohibited by the Canons as vnworthy then let the Bishop take care to promote some whom he thinketh more worthy Whereby we see what respect was anciently had to such as founded Churches gaue lands and possessions to the same yet were they not called Lords of such places after such dedication to God but Patrons onely because they were to defend the rights thereof and to protect such as there attended the seruice of God though they had right to nominate men to serue in these places yet might they not judge or punish them if they neglected their duties but onely complaine of them to the Bishop or Magistrate Neither might they dispose of the possessions thus giuen to the Church and dedicated to God but if they fell into poverty they were to be maintained out of the revenewes thereof This power and right of nomination and presentation resting in Princes and other Founders can no way prejudice or hurt the state of the Church if Bishops to whoÌ examination and ordination pertaineth doe their duties in refusing to consecrate ordaine such as the Canons prohibite but very great confusions did follow the Popes intermeddling in bestowing Church-liuings and dignities as wee shall soone finde if wee looke into the practise of them in former times CHAP. 55. Of the Popes disordered intermedling with the elections of Bishoppes and other Ministers of the Church their vsurpation intrusion and preiudicing the right and liberty of others THe Popes informer times greatly preiudiced the right and liberty of other men and hurt the estate of the Church of God three waies first by giuing priuiledges to Fryers a people vnknowne to all antiquity to enter into the Churches and charges of other men to do Ministeriall acts and to get vnto themselues those things which of right should haue beene yeelded to other Secondly by Commendams and Thirdly by reseruations
wife which hee marryed while hee was yet a Lay-man hee should bee put out of the Ministery of the Church Whereas all the most famous Presbyters and Bishoppes also in the East might if they pleased but were no way by any Law constrained to refraine from the company of their wiues So that many of them euen when they were Bishoppes did beget children of their lawfull wiues A particular and most approued example whereof wee haue in the Father of Gregory Nazianzene who beeing a Bishoppe not onely liued with his wife till death divided them but became the Father also of Gregory Nazianzen as worthy and renowned a man as any the Greeke Church euer had after he was entered into the priestly Office as appeareth by his owne wordes reported by Gregory Nazianzen For after many motiues vsed by him to Gregory Nazianzen his sonne to perswade him to assist him in the worke of his Bishoply Ministery the last that hee most insisteth on is taken from the consideration of his olde age dis-inabling him to beare that burden and performe that worke any longer that hitherto hee had done And therefore intreating him to put to his helping hand he breaketh out into thesewords Thou hast not liued so long a time as I haue spent in the priestly office therefore yeeld thus much vnto mee and helpe mee in that little time of my life that is yet behinde or else thou shalt not haue the honour to bury mee but I will giue charge to another to doe it Heere we see Gregory Nazianzens father was employed in the priestly function before hee was borne and that therefore hee became the father of so worthy a sonne after hee was a Bishoppe or at least after hee was a Presbyter Neither was the father of Gregory Nazianzene singular in this behalfe For Athanasius writing to Dracontius who beeing greatly in loue with a retyred and monasticall kinde of life refused the Bishoply Office when hee was chosen vnto it for that hee feared hee might not in that state liue so strictly as formerly hee had done controuleth this his conceit and telleth him that hee may in the Bishoppes office hunger and thirst as Paul did drinke no wine as Timothy and fast often as did the Apostle So that the Bishoppes Office is no cause of doing ill or doing lesse good then may bee done in other states of life and there-upon assureth him that hee hath knowne Bishoppes to fast and Monkes to eate Bishoppes to drinke no wine and Monkes to drinke it Bishoppes to worke miracles and Monkes to doe none lastly many Bishoppes neuer to haue married and Monkes to haue become fathers of children and on the contrary side Bishoppes to haue become fathers of children and Monkes to haue liued altogether as Monkes without desire of posterity Neither can this authority of Athanasius bee avoyded as Bellarmine seeketh to avoyde it namely that those Bishoppes did ill which hee sayth became fathers of children For Clemens Alexandrinus an auncient Greeke Father sayth expressely The Apostle admitteth the husband of one wife to bee a Bispoppe and that though hee bee a Presbyter Deacon or Lay-man if hee vse marriage aright and so as not to incurre iust reprehension hee shall be saued by the procreation of children Chrysostome accordeth with Athanasius and Clemens Alexandrinus and sayth that mariage is in so high a degree honourable that men with it may ascend into the Episcopall chayres euen such as yet liue with their wiues For though it be an hard thing yet it is possible so to performe the duties of marriage as not to be wanting in the performance of the duties of a Bishoppe wherevnto Zozomen agreeth saying of Spiridion that though hee had wife and children yet he was not therefore any whitte the more negligent in performing the duties of his calling and of Gregory Nyssene it is reported that though he were marryed yet he was no way inferiour to his worthy brother that liued single But some haply will obiect that Epiphanius is of another minde and that hee sayth where the strictnesse of the canon is obserued none but such as are vnmarried or resolued to refraine from matrimoniall society with their wiues are admitted into the ministery of the Church Wee deny not but that he sayth so But hee confesseth in the same place that many in the Church did liue with their wiues in his time and beget Children euen after their admission into the ministery Soe that the strictnesse of the Canon hee speaketh of was not generall but in some certaine places onely as I noted before out of Socrates Nay it is euident by Socrates that howsoeuer in Thessalia Thessalonica Macedonia and Hellas this strictnesse preuailed yet all the Bishoppes of the East besides were left to their owne liberty and howsoeuer some in diuerse places went about to take away this liberty yet the worthyest men the Church had stood in defence of it protesting they would not suffer themselues to bee inthralled in this behalfe to which purpose that of the famous and renowned Synesius is most excellent who when they of Ptolemais would needes haue him to be their Bishoppe which thing hee little desired hee made them acquainted with his present condition and resolued purpose for the time to come God sayth hee the Law and the sacred hand of Theophilus hath giuen vnto mee a wife I therefore tell all men afore-hand and testifie vnto all that I will neither suffer my selfe to be altogether estranged and seperated from her neyther will I liue with her secretly as an adulterer For the one of these is no way pious and godly and the other no way lawfull but I will desire and pray vnto God that exceeding many and most good and happy children may be borne vnto mee Neyther will I haue him that is to be chiefe in ordayning of mee to be ignorant hereof This liberty the councel in Trullo impeached in respect of Bishops but in respect of Presbyters it continueth in all the East Churches of the world euen till this day Greeke Armenian and Ethiopian warranted vnto them by the Canons of the Apostles Iudgment of Bishops Decrees of Councels and the consent of all other partes of the World For first the Apostle Saint Paule telleth the Corinthians hee had power to lead about a wife a sister as well as the brethen of the Lord and Cephas Which words Clemens Alexandrinus interpreteth in this sort Paul feareth not in a certaine Epistle to speake to his yoake-fellow which hee did not lead about with him because he had no neede of any great seruice Therefore hee sayth in a certaine Epistle Haue wee not power to lead about a sister a wife as the rest of the Apostles but they truely as it was meete because they could not spare their Ministery attending without distraction to preaching lead their wiues about not as wiues but as sisters which should minister together with them
their places onely debarring them from further promotion and prescribing that the Decree of Syricius shall take place in time to come and that such as knowe of it and disobey it shall bee remoued from their places The first Councell of Turon holden in the yeare foure hundred foure score and two sought to remitte something of the seuerity of some particular Councels wherein the Bishoppes directed by the prohibition of Syricius and Innocentius had gone too farre The words of the Councell are these Though our Fathers out of the authoritie committed to them decreed that what Priest or Deacon soeuer should bee found to begette children of their wiues should bee put from the communion of the Lord yet wee moderating this extreame seuerity and by a more equall constitution mollifying and mitigating that which was too hard haue decreed That a Priest or Deacon continuing in Matrimoniall society with his wife and not ceasing from the procreation of children shall not bee lifted vp to any higher degree nor offer sacrifice vnto God nor minister to the people but let this be enough for them that they are not put from the Communion Thus wee see that within a short time after the publishing of these Decrees the Bishoppes were forced out of due consideration to remit something of that seuerity that some other set on by Syricius and Innocentius had vsed till at length the execution of these Decrees was in a manner wholy neglected as vnprofitable and too heauy a burthen for the Ministers of the Church to beare Whereupon we shall finde that in all the Prouinces of the West the Presbyters and Deacons of the Church were married at that time that Hildebrand climed vp into the Papall Chaire and had beene long before Priests in those times saith Auentinus had wiues publickly as all other Christians and begate sonues and daughters of them as it appeareth by the instruments of donations made to Churches and Abbaies wherein these Priests wiues together with their husbands are brought as witnesses and are stiled by the name of Presbyterissae Yea so generall and so well setled was the mariage of Cleargy-men in those times that when Hildebrand beganne to restraine and forbid it the whole Nation of Cleargie-men rose vp against him called him Monster and enemy of man-kinde and pronounced him to bee Antichrist And such was the resistance against this rash and inconsiderate attempt of the Pope that hee could by no meanes prevaile though hee caused so great confusions tumults and disorders in the Christian worlde as the like had neuer beene seene in any of the bloudy persecutions that were in the time of the Primitiue Church and was forced to confesse a little before his death that hee had caused grieuous scandals in the Christian world The circumstances of the whole narration found in the Historians are these So soone as the Decree of Hildebrand was published presently the whole faction of Cleargy-men was enraged against him crying out that hee was an hereticke and a man damnably erring in his judgement who forgetting the speach of our Lord that saith All men receiue not this word Let him that can receiue it receiue it and of the Apostle who saith Let him that cannot containe marry for it is better to marry then to burne would by violent inforcement constraine men to liue after the manner of Angells and while hee denyed and sought to restraine the ordinary accustomed course of nature loosed the reines and gaue free liberty to whoredome and vncleannesse protesting that if hee should goe forward to vrge the execution of this his Decree they were resolued rather to forsake the Ministery then their marriage And that then hee before whom men did stincke should see whence Angels are to be had to vndertake the gouernment of the Church and people of God Notwithstanding all this resistance and these earnest protestations Hildebrand went forward vrged the matter and reproued the Bishops as carelesse and negligent The Arch-bishop of Mentz fearing the Popes displeasure and yet considering that it would bee no easie matter to alter a custome so strongly and by so long tract of time confirmed proceeded moderately in those parts where he had to doe giuing those of the Cleargy halfe a yeares respite to aduise themselues praying and beseeching them to resolue to doe that willingly which of necessity they must doe But after the time expired which hee had giuen vnto them hee called a Synode and was earnest with them that without all further delay or excuse they would presently either abiure their marriage or put themselues from seruing any longer at the Altar They on the contrary side alleadged many reasons to perswade him not to vrge them to any such extremities and when they found that neither intreaty and humble petition nor weight of reason would prevaile but that though professing himselfe vnwilling thus to vrge them yet he was forced so to doe by the Popes mandate and that therefore hee must haue no deniall but that they must yeelde they went out of the Councell-house as if it had beene to deliberate and resolued among themselues either never to returne or otherwise so to returne as to pull him out of his chaire before hee should pronounce so cursed a sentence against them and to take away his life from him that so his vnhappie end might be a warning to all posterities that no succeeding Bishoppe might euer dare to attempt so to wrong and dishonour the Priestly degree and order The Arch-bishop by the meanes of some that wished well vnto him vnderstanding of this conspiracy to preuent the tumult which hee saw to bee vnauoydable if hee did not speedily giue them some satisfaction and contentment sent vnto them besought them to bee quiet and to returne into the Synode and promised that as soone as any opportunity should bee offered hee would doe his best endeauour to perswade the Pope to desist from these courses These things were done in the yeare 1074. The yeare following the Arch-bishoppe againe vrged by the Pope called another Councell at Mentz to which the Popes Legate came bringing his letters and mandates and requiring him to vrge them presently to yeeld and if they should refuse so to doe to punish them with the losse of their degree and order which thing when hee was about to doe presently all the Cleargy-men which sate round about rose vp and so refuted and reiected that hee said with words and by the violent moving shaking of their hands and gesture of their whole bodies shewed themselues to bee so moued against him as that hee feared euer to goe out of the Synode aliue and so at last ouercome with the difficulty of this atttempt hee resolued to desist from medling with this matter any more which hee had so often to no purpose taken in hand and to leaue it wholly to the Pope to doe what hee would These were the vaine attempts of the Romanistes for the restrayning of
highest and if it be a fault that I descend and performe not that I purposed I will repent of this my fault and by all due satisfaction pacifie and appease my God nothing shall seeme hard vnto mee so that I may avoyde this passion and decline this death in quâ viuens teneor that is in which I am holden though I liue These reasons he saith must needes preuaile and cannot bee resisted if mariage after a vow made to the contrary be lawfull if the Church may not dissolue it and if saluation may bee attained by men liuing in it as I haue sufficiently proued they may and therefore our Aduersaries rashly condemne such as in our time haue maried notwithstanding their vowes If a man saith Frisius shall vndertake to carry a burden to a certaine place and after finding his inability to performe it shall desire to be excused and that some lighter burden may be laid vpon him hee is much better to be allowed of then hee that goeth on in that hee vndertooke and fainting by the way hurteth himselfe and disappointeth him that set him on worke and in like manner hee is rather to bee approued that prayeth to bee eased of the ouer-heauy burden of single life and resolueth to liue honestly in mariage then hee that will still liue single though neuer so wickedly whatsoeuer Pighius and Eckius prate to the contrary who feare not to preferre a Priest that liueth in adultery before him that marieth a wife Besides all this which hath beene said seeing single life is not simply good and to bee desired but respectiuely to certaine endes therefore they that chose to liue single intended not the glory of GOD the good of his Church and the more opportunities of doing good without distraction did not make any lawfull vow seeing a vow must bee of that which is good and properly of the better good and consequently were not tyed to the keeping of it it being resolued that the vowes of fooles that is such as are made without respect to the right end without due consideration of their owne strength and a free and voluntary purpose of performing that they promise are not to bee kept Whence it will follow that the most part of the vowes men made in latter times not intending the right end are not to be kept CHAP. 58. Of Digamie and what kinde of it it is that debarreth men from entering into the Ministery HITHERTO wee haue proued the lawfulnesse of Ministers mariage and sufficiently shewed that no Law of GOD or the Church forbiddeth it and that no rash and inconsiderate vowe hindereth it if men cannot containe Now let vs proceede to see whether they bee any more restrayned and limited in their mariage then other men Some there bee who thinke they are and teach that they must marry but once onely whereas other may lawfully marrie as often as they please And further they suppose that if any man haue beene twice maried or haue maried a Widow hee may not beé admitted into the Ministery The ground of which conceit is that of the Apostle where hee saith A Bishop must be the husband of one wife But the meaning of the Apostle is that he who is to be chosen a Bishoppe must not haue more wiues then one at one time So that the Digamie the Apostle condemneth is not the hauing of two or more wiues successiuely but the hauing of more then one at the same time Of which it is that Iustine Martyr speaketh when expounding that saying of our Sauiour Hee that marieth her that is for saken committeth adultery hee concludeth that they who according to mans lawe runne into Digamies by our Masters judgement are found to bee sinners And therefore Chrysostome expoundeth the text of the Apostle as meant of Polygamy which is the hauing of many wiues at once His wordes are these The Apostle saith not this as making a Law that none without a wife may bee made a Bishoppe but appointing a measure of that matter For it was lawfull for the Iewes to be joyned in the second mariage and to haue two wiues at once Thus doth hee interpret the Apostles words though he were not ignorant that some followed another interpretation And therefore Bellarmine vntruely denyeth that any of the Ancient followed this interpretation but Theodoret. And the Rhemistes confesse that Chrysostome so interpreteth them but they say that writing vpon Titus hee followeth the other interpretation but surely it were strange if hee should so soone forget himselfe Let vs heare therefore what he saith that so we may the better discerne whether he dissent from himselfe and interpret the wordes of the Apostle to Titus as they would haue him or not His wordes are these The Apostle purposeth vtterly to stoppe the mouthes of heretickes which condemne marriage shewing that marriage is without fault and so precious that with it a man may bee preferred euen to the holy seate and chaire of a Bishoppe Also with this saying hee chastizeth vnchast persons while he suffereth them not after their second mariage to bee taken to the gouernment of the Church For hee which is found not to haue kept his beneuolence towardes his wife which is gone from him how should hee bee a good teacher of the Church Nay rather to vvhat crimes shall hee not daily bee subiect for you all knovv that although by the Lavves such second Mariages are permitted yet that thing is open to many accusations Therefore he will haue the Bishop to giue no occasion to them that are vnder him These are the wordes of Chrysostome Neither can any man doubt that will advisedly consider them but that hee speaketh of a second mariage while the first wife liueth but is gone away for so are the wordes and not defunct or dead as our Adversaries translate for their advantage and not of a second mariage after the death of the first wife For if he did he would not condemne them that marrie the second time as vnchaste and wanton or make them subject to any crimes With Chrysostome agreeth Theodoret his wordes are these The preaching then beganne and neither did the Gentiles exercise Virginity nor the Iewes admit it for they esteemed the procreation of children to be a blessing And therefore for as much as at that time they were not easily to bee found which exercised continencie of such as had maryed Wiues he commandeth them to be ordayned which had honoured Temperancie And concerning that saying the husband of one Wife I thinke certaine men haue saide well For of olde time both Greekes and Iewes were wont to be maryed to two three or more wiues at once And euen now when the Imperiall Lawes forbid men to marry two Wiues at one time they haue to doe with Concubines and Harlots They haue saide therefore that the holy Apostle sayth that he that dwelleth honestly with one onely Wife is worthy to bee ordained a
the two and twentith were of the opinion I speake of to whom I might haue added Irenaeus Bernard Theophylact and many more That all these should be charged with this opinion or with this folly as hee will haue it it neuer troubleth him onely he is much moued that Ambrose should be charged with any such thing It seemeth he is not of the Gregorian but of the Ambrosian Church in that hee is carelesse what becommeth of his Popes Clement and Iohn so all bee well with Ambrose Hee was tormented he saith with a necessary suspicion rather of my vnfaithfulnesse in this report then of Saint Ambrose his folly in this matter Surely if hee were as wise as hee is wilfull hee would not passe his censures as he doth for it is no such folly but that as wise a man as S. Ambrose might fall into it to thinke as so many learned worthy and renowned Diuines did and therefore Alfonsus á Castro hauing charged the Graecians and Armenians with this error saith that after these Iohn the two and twentith rose vp and embraced the same opinion and least any man might giue lesse credit to his words hee sayth hee will report the words of Pope Adrian who writeth thus Last of all it is reported of Iohn the 22 that he publikely taught declared and commanded all to hold that soules though purged from sinne haue not that stole which is the cleare vision of God face to face before the last iudgement and it is sayd that hee brought the vniuersity of Paris to that point that no man could take any degree in Diuinitie there vnlesse first he did sweare to defend this error and to adhere to it for euer thus far Pope Adrian Besides these there are other Patrons of this errour men of renowne and famous both for sanctity and science to witte the most blessed Martyr of Christ Irenaeus Theophylact Bishoppe of Bulgaria and blessed Bernard Neither should any man maruaile that soe great men fell into so pestilent an errour seeing as blessed Iames the Apostle sayth Hee that offendeth not in words is a perfit man Notwithstanding the Reader is here to be admonished that hee thinke not that this error detracteth any thing from the holynesse or learning of so great men so that it is no such imputation of folly to attribute this opinion to Ambrose as wise M Higgons maketh it for whereas at that time the Church had defined nothing touching that matter neyther had it euer bin called in question the testimonies of Scripture for that which is now defined were not soe expresse but that they might bee wrested into another sence they might teach the one or the other without note of heresie especially seeing there wanted not testimonies of Scripture that seemed in some sort to fauour them Thus farre Alfonsus a Castro But let vs see how Maister Higgons will conuince mee that I haue wronged Ambrose which in soe clamorous manner hee vndertaketh to doe Surely this is the ground of his quarrell against mee that hauing imputed this opinion to Iustine Martyr Tertullian Clemens Romanus Lactantius Victorinus and Ambrose in the margent I referre the reader to Sixtus Senensis who yet excused Ambrose from this error But the silly Nouice should know that I doe not say Sixtus Senensis attributeth that opinion to Ambrose and that I put not his name in the margent as if I grounded my imputation vppon his authority For if I would haue done soe I could haue mustered together a farre greater number then I haue done But because it had bin tedious to haue sette downe the words of all those I mention wherein they expresse their opinion in the margent I referre the reader to Sixtus Senensis who reporteth their wordes at large according to the course of times wherein they flourished that the reader within the compasse of one page may see what they say without turning ouer their large volumes and among other the wordes of Ambrose which I thinke will strongly perswade him hee was of that opinion which I impute vnto him howsoeuer Sixtus Senensis by a fauourable construction labour to excuse him Let vs see therefore if Ambrose will not witnesse for mee that I haue done him no wrong but truly reported his opinion The first thing I imputed vnto him is that hee thinketh as many other did before and after him that there is no iudgement to passe vpon men till the last day If this be not cleerely prooued out of Ambrose his owne wordes lette the Reader thinke I haue wronged him In his second booke of Caine and Abell he hath these words The Maister of a Shippe when hee hath brought his Shippe into the hauen scarce thinketh hee hath ended his labour before hee beginne to seeke the beginning of a newe the soule is loosed from the body and after the end of this life it is still holden in suspence vpon the vncertainty and doubtfulnesse of the future iudgement soe is there no end where there is thought to be an end The second thing I attribute to Ambrose is that hee thinketh the soules of men are kept in some place appointed for that purpose soe that they come not into heauen till the generall iudgment Let vs heare him speake him-selfe and then lette the Reader iudge whether hee say not all that I impute vnto him In his booke de boâ⦠mortis he hath these words In the bookes of Esdras wee read that when the day of iudgement shall come the earth shall restore the bodies of the dead and the dust shall restore those reliques and remaines of the dead which rest in the graues and the secret habitations shall restore the soules which haue beene committed to them and the most High shall be revealed vpon the Seate of Iudgement From hence hee saith the Gentiles tooke those things which they admire in the bookes of Philosophers and blaming them that they mingled superfluous and vnprofitable things with those that are true as the demigration of soules into bees birds and the like fancies saith it had been sufficient for them to haue said that soules deliuered out of mortall bodies petunt Haden that is goe into an invisible place which place in Latine is called Infernus and farther addeth that the Scripture calleth these secret habitations of soules Store-houses Heere we see Ambrose saith there are certaine secret habitations of soules which though they be higher then the receptacles of dead bodies yet are rightly called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in Greek Infernus in Latin that these are Storehouses keeping those soules that are committed to them till the Resurrection and then restoring them If M. Higgons doe thinke that Infernus is Heauen then I haue no more to say to him otherwise I thinke the evidence of this place cannot be avoyded The third thing I impute to Ambrose is that the soules of the Iust receiue not the reward of their labours till the Generall Iudgement Touching which point
communicating with the Priest in the Sacrament into a priuate masse which indeede if wee will speake properly is no masse or that hee helde it to bee a new reall sacrificing of CHRIST as the Iesuited Papistes doe at this day A sacrifice wee confesse it to bee of praise and thankes-giuing and a commemoration of the bloudy sacrifice of CHRIST vpon the Altar of the Crosse say that therefore it may bee named a sacrifice because signes haue the names of the things whereof they are signes as also for that there is in this Sacrament an offering or presenting of CHRIST and his passion to GOD by the faith of the Church that by it wee may obtaine grace and remission of sinnes but a new reall sacrificing of CHRIST wee denye and thinke with Luther that it is a hellish abomination so to doe That Gerson thought that there is a Purgatory doth no more prejudice his being a worthy guide of Gods Church then the errour of Cyprian and other before-mentioned Touching invocation of Saints though hee did not absolutely condemne it yet hee reprehended the abuses and superstitious observations then prevailing in the worshipping of Saints very bitterly as I shewed before sought to bring men to a truer sense of piety in that point then was ordinarily found amongst men in those times The like he did for indulgences restraining them more then was pleasing to the Popes faction and for the communion vnder one kinde howsoeuer hee thought the Church might lawfully prescribe the communicating in one kinde alone which wee cannot excuse yet hee acknowledgeth that the communion in both kindes was aunciently vsed and that when it may bee had with the peace of the Church it is to bee allowed But to what purpose doth Master Higgons alledge these things shall it bee lawfull for him and his to repute Iohn Gerson a worthy and godly man notwithstanding that he held that the Pope may erre that he is subiect to Generall Councels that he medleth with things no way pertayning to him when hee taketh vpon him to dispose the Kingdomes of the world that all our inherent righteousnesse is imperfit and as the polluted ragges of a menstruous woman that all sins are by nature mortall and the like and may not wee take him to haue beene a member of the true Church a good man and one that desired the reformation of things amisse notwithstanding his errour in some things and his not discerning all that was amisse The insufficiencie of this allegation it seemeth Master Higgons himselfe perceived and therefore saith hee will come to the supreame difference to which all other points as hee conceiueth are subordinate and inferiour that is to say the soueraigne primacy of the Romane Bishop and bringeth two very effectuall testimonies as hee thinketh of Gerson to proue the Popes soueraigne primacie The First is out of his booke De auferibilitate papae his words are these The formes of ciuill government are subiect to mutability and alteration but it is otherwise in the Church for her gouerment is Monarchicall and is so appointed by the institution of our Lord if any man will violate this sacred ordinance and persist obstinately in his contempt hee is to bee iudged an Hereticke as Marsilius of Padua and some other consorting with his fancie The second is out of his tract De vnitate Graecorum where prescribing many directions for the composing of the differences betweene the Greeke and Latine Churches hee layeth it downe as a foundation that there must bee one head on earth vnto which all men must bee vnited In these sayings Master Higgons saith Gerson shewed himselfe a worthy guide of Gods Church and a singular enemy of the Protestanticall reformation which violently impugneth the supremacie of the Pope in so much that Luther affirmeth that a man cannot be saued vnlesse from his heart hee hate the Pope and Papacie These things truely carrie a very faire shew and may deceiue such as cannot or will not throughly looke into them But whosoeuer knoweth what Gersons opinion of the Pope is and what Luther hath written against the Papacie will soone perceiue there is no contradiction betweene them or at least not in any essentiall and materiall point For Gerson was of opinion that the Pope is subiect to a Generall Councell and that hee is not free from daunger of erring and this hee thought to bee a matter of faith defined in the Councell of Constance and therefore would haue detested all claimes of infallible iudgement and vncontrouleable power of Popes as much as Luther did and would haue accursed his words of blasphemie if once hee should haue heard him say as wee doe and as before the holding of the Councell of Constance he did All the world cannot iudge mee though I ouerturne the whole course of nature no man may say vnto mee why doe you so I onely haue power to make lawes and to voide them againe I haue authority to dispence with the Canons of all Councels as seemeth good vnto mee and which is more to dispose of all the kingdomes of the world the assurance of finding out the trueth and not erring is not partly in mee and partly in the Councell but wholy in mee whatsoeuer all the world shall consent on is of no force if I allow it not Hee would haue said doubtlesse as I haue done if hee had heard him thus speake that wee are not bound to take the foame of his impure mouth and froath of his words of blasphemie as infallible Oracles This is that Pope and this is that Papacie which Luther saith euery one that will be saued must hate from his heart for otherwise if hee would onely claime to bee a Bishoppe in his precinct a Metropolitane in a prouince a Patriarch of the West and of Patriarches the first and most honourable to whom the rest are to resort in cases of greatest moment as to the head and chiefe of their company to whom it specially pertaineth to haue an eye to the preseruation of the Church in the vnity of faith and religion and the actes and exercises of the same and with the assistance and concurrence of the other by all due courses to effect that which pertaineth thereunto without clayming absolute and vncontrouleable power infallibilitie of iudgement and right to dispose the Kingdomes of the world and to intermeddle in the administration of the temporalties of particular Churches and the immediate swaying of the iurisdiction thereof Luther himselfe professeth hee would neuer open his mouth against him This kind of Primacie the Grecians likewise professed they would bee content to yeeld vnto him if other differences betweene them might be composed Cassander saith Hee is perswaded there had neuer beene any controuersies about the Popes power if the Popes had not abused their authority in a Lordly and ouer-ruling manner and through couetousnesse and ambition stretched it beyond the bounds and
Councell against VVickliffe simply but in comparison and so doth Gerson and disliketh it as much as I doe condemning it of partiality To the fifth and sixth I say that Gerson affirmed the one to witte that no good was to bee expected by a generall Councell that the seuerall parts of the Christian world were to reforme them-selues and feared the other namely that too great diuersity would follow vppon such diuided reformations as it will easily appeare to any one that will take the paines to peruse the places cited by Mee Neither was it hast and precipitation as Maister Higgons is pleased to censure it but necessity that made our men to doe as they did hauing no meanes to meete for common deliberation To the seauenth I answere that Gerson Grosthead and the rest were members of the Church that was vnder the Papacie but that they were not of the papall faction nor vassals of the man of sin but men of a better spirit To the eighth I answere breefely that I haue most sincerely and truly alleaged the testimony of Gerson and noe way varied from his intention which that the reader may the better be able to discerne I will first set downe what my allegation is and then what exceptions Higgons taketh to it My words are these Touching the second cause of the Churches ruine which is the ambition pride and couetousnesse of the Bishoppe and Court of Rome Gerson boldly affirmeth that whereas the Bishoppes of Rome challenging the greatest place in the Church should haue sought the good of Gods people they contrarily sought onely to aduance themselues his wordes are these In imitation of Lucifer they will bee adored and worshipped as Gods neither doe they thinke themselues subiect to any but are as the sonnes of Belial that haue cast off the yoake not enduring whatsoeuer they do that a man should aske them why they do soe they neyther feare God nor reuerence men This is my allegation now let vs see what it is that Maister Higgons excepteth against in it Are not these the wordes of Gerson Hee cannot deny but that they are but hee sayth Gerson vttered them when there was a Schisme in the Church It is true hee did soe but what then Did not the true Pope whosoeuer hee was amongst those pretenders take as much on him as the rest and is not this note of disgrace fastned vpon all but that Maister Higgons may know that Gerson spake as much of the Pope simply as I haue cited out of him without any reference to pretenders as hee would faine avoyde the evidence of his heavy sentence let him consider what Gerson hath written in his Tract de potestate Ecclesiae where hee goeth about to stop the mouth of flattery giuing too much to the Cleargy and vile Detraction taking too much from it and bringeth in flattery speaking in this sort to them of the Cleargy especially the Pope O how great how great is the height of thy Ecclesiasticall power O sacred Cleargy how is secular power nothing if it be compared vnto thine Seeing as all power both in Heauen Earth was giuen to CHRIST so CHRIST left it all to Peter and his successors so that Constantine gaue nothing to Pope Sylvester that was not his before but restored to him that which had bin vnjustly with-holden and there is no power temporall or Ecclesiastical imperial or regall but froÌ the Pope in whose thigh CHRIST did write King of Kings and Lord of Lords of whose power to dispute it is sacrilegious to whom no man may say why doe you so though he ouer-turne teare in sunder and ouer-throw all states possessions and dominions temporall and Ecclesiasticall let Mee be reputed a lyar saith hee if these things bee not found written by them that are wise in their owne eyes and if they bee not found to haue beene beleeued by some Popes He addeth notum est illud satyrici Nihil est quod credere de se Non possit cum laudatur diis aequa potestas That is according to that knowne saying of the Satyricall Poet what should not hee perswade himselfe of himselfe that is magnified as equall to God in power For that of the Comicall Poet is true of the flatterer that he maketh fooles to be starke madde These are the sayings of Gerson which I haue laid downe at large that the Reader may judge whether I haue depraued the intention of Gerson or not and whether Higgons had any cause to traduce Mee in such sort as he doth It seemeth the poore fellow was hired to say something against Mee or else he would neuer haue adventured to vent such fooleries yet the last accusation against Mee is not to be passed ouer Gerson saith the Popes will be adored as God and I feare not to adde that the English Reader may vnderstand Mee that they will be adored and worshipped as God out of these premises he maketh an excellent conclusion comparing Gerson to Dauid that commaunded Ioab to saue the life of Absalom and Luther to Ioab that had no pitty on trayterous Absalom in that the one would haue the Pope well dealt withall though he disliked his faults and the other sought to tread him vnder his feete But let the Reader know that as Gerson so Luther was willing to giue all due honour to the Pope contenting himselfe with that which of right pertaineth to him but if hee dishonour God wrong the Church suffocate and kill her children and heretically refuse to be subiect to the Church and Councell if he challenge infallibility of iudgement from which no man may appeale Gerson will tread him vnder feete and reiect him as an Hereticke as well as Luther The Fourth Part. §. 1. IN the fourth part of this Chapter Master Higgons vndertaketh to proue that I haue abused the name and authority of Grosthead to iustifie the Lutheran reformation which he performeth full wisely in this sort Grosthead was iudged a Catholicke and a good man by some Cardinals in Rome therefore hee could not desire that reformation of things amisse that now is wrought If the consequence of this Argument be denyed hee knoweth not how to proue it but willeth his reader to demaund of Mee whether these Cardinals which iudged Grosthead to bee a Catholicke and of the same Religion with them-selues were not reall members of the Antichristian Synagogue proud Romanists factious Papists c. which question is soone answered For I haue distinguished as he knoweth right well the Church in which the Pope tyrannized and the faction of Papists that flattered him and applied themselues to sette forward his proud and vniust claimes till they lifted him vp into the throne and seate of Antichrist the members of the Church and of the faction and though both these liued for a time in the same outward Communion as did the right beleeuers and they that denied the resurrection of the dead amongst the Corinthians yet did they
tenthes and such like extraordinary taxes vppon the poore Cleargy And as if nothing would suffice ouerthrew all the iurisdiction of other Bishops brought all matters of suite to the Court of Rome and thereby also filled their coffers and that nothing might bee wanting to make the Church most miserable the proud spirits of Cardinalls the Popes Assessors their swelling words and their insolent gestures were such that if a man would draw a perfit picture of pride the best way to expresse the same were to paint a Cardinall For though these men at the first were but of the inferiour Cleargy yet in time they so enlarged their Phylacteries that they do not onely despise Bishops whom in contempt they call Episcopellos but also Patriarches Primates and Arch-bishops as their inferiors and almost suffer themselues to be adored of them Yea they think themselues to be Kinges fellowes neyther did they content them-selues thus proudly and insolently to aduance themselues aboue these vnder whom they should haue bin but to maintaine their state the vnmeasurable and inextricable gulfe of their couetousnes was such that no words can expresse it For they got diuerse kindes of liuings that do not well stand together they became Monkes and Canons Regulars and Seculars and vnder one habit possessed the liuings of all religious orders and professions not 2. or 3. 10. or 20. but a hundred 2. hundred yea sometimes 4. hundred or more and those not small and poore but the best and fattest that could be gotten Gerson speaking of the incroaching of the Court of Rome writeth in this sort In processe of time the Pope drew many things to himselfe so that in the end vppon occasion giuen and taken which it is not needfull heere to rehearse almost the whole collation of liuings and iurisdiction of the Church rested in the Pope and his Court in such sort that scarce was there any Prelate found that had power to giue any the least benefice Together with these thinges concurred many fold exactions to maintaine the state of the Pope and Cardinals and whether there were not many fraudes abuses and symonies committed I referre to the iudgment of such as are of experience These things I haue therefore insisted vppon because happily it may seeme to some more expedient for the Vniuersall Church that all thinges should be brought backe to their auncient estate wherein they were in that Church that was in the Apostles times as much as conueniently might be the greater part of these iurisdictions being reiected which haue made the Church meerely brutish and carnall sauouring almost nothing of the things that concerne the saluation of soules not of them-selues but thorough the fault of such as abuse them or at the least that things should be brought to the state they were in in the time of Syluester or Gregory when euery Prelate was left to him-selfe in his owne jurisdiction and that part of the Church that was committed to his charge and the Pope held that which was his owne without soe many reseruations and so many great exactions for the maintenance of that Court and Head growing happily too great for the other states and parts of the body to beare So that as there were worthy men that conspiring with vs in matter of faith opposed themselues against errors and false opinions soe there wanted not that disliked and reproued the Popes incroaching tending to the dissoluing of the whole frame of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie and the ouerthrow of the forme of gouernment setled by Christ which is no lesse hurtfull then the bringing in of heresie and false Doctrine And this is that Babylonicall captiuity of which Grosthead complained and in respect of these confusions and not onely in respect of ill life as Maister Higgons vntruly telleth vs Bernard and other complained that the seruants of Christ serued Antichrist From the tyranny and vsurpations of the Pope soe much complayned of in the dayes of our Fathers let vs come to abuses and superstitious obseruations remoued by vs and see whether they that went before vs will not giue testimonie to that which wee haue done And first to begin with the Sacrament of the Lords body and bloud the first abuse in the celebration of that Sacrament disliked by vs is the mangling of it and giuing it to the Lay people onely in one kinde Touching the ministration of the holy Sacrament of the Eucharist it is euident sayth Cassander that all other Churches of the World euen vnto this day and that the Roman or West Church for more then a thousand yeares in the solemne publike and ordinary dispensation of this Sacrament gaue both kindes to all the members of the Church The same doth Rhenanus proue at large writing vppon Tertullian and sheweth that for feare of shedding the Challices wherein the consecrated wine was and out of which the people were to drinke the bloud of CHRIST had certaine pipes of siluer Afterwards in processe of time the consecrated breade was dipped into the wine and soe giuen to the people that they might receiue the whole Sacrament But this kinde of dipping Micrologus sayth Ordo Romanus condemneth and therefore prescribeth that on Good fryday when there is no consecrating but a receiuing of the mysticall breade that was consecrated the day before they should by saying the Lords Prayer and dipping the body of our Lord into Wine not consecrated consecrate the same that soe the people might bee partakers of the whole Communion which thinge were superfluous if the body of our Lord kept from the day before and soe dipped might suffice for a full and entire Communion and he sheweth that Iulius the Pope writing to the Bishoppes of Aegypt condemned this kind of dipping and commaunded them to giue the bread and wine apart as Christ did institute yet in time they proceeded farther and gaue the Sacrament onely in one kinde to the people which custome when some condemned the Councels of Constance and Basill thought good to confirme and allow yet so that the Bohemians vppon certaine agreements were permitted to haue the communion in both kindes and it is reported of Pope Martin chosen in the Councell of Constance that hee went home from the Councell and ministred the communion in both kindes to diuerse not of the Cleargy onely but of the Laitie also VValdensis also testifieth that heere in England some deuout men of the Laitie were permitted to communicate in both kindes in his time and Cassander assureth vs that all the best men that professed them-selues to bee Catholiques especially such as were conuersant in reading the ancient writers and monuments of antiquity vppon great reason desired to haue the Communion in both kindes The next abuse was that of priuate Masses I haue shewed already that the name of Masse was giuen to the holy Sacrament for that all non-communicants were dismissed and all that staid were to communicate And as Cassander fitly noteth
the whole composition and forme of the sacred prayer called the Canon agreeth onely to a publike ministration there being often mention made in it of the people standing round about offering and communicating so that some ancient expositors of the Roman order thinke the Canon ought not to bee vsed but in a publike ministration To which purpose Micrologus obserueth that the prayers vsed after the communion are appliable onely to such as haue communicated and therefore willeth them not to neglect to communicate that desire to enioy the blessing of these praiers Clichthoueus vppon the Canon of the Masse sayth that which some note that the Priest soe often as hee celebrateth should giue the Sacrament to all that stand by is Auncient and agreeable to the custome of the Primitiue Church when the faithfull did euery day receiue the Sacrament according to that Sanction of Calixtus the Pope After the consecration let all communicate and that of Anacletus who willeth them to bee excommunicated that beeing present at the consecration communicate not which Andradius will not haue to be restrained to the Ministers assisting but extended to all the people and that by the authority of Dionysius and Iustine Martyr Cochlaeus against Musculus de sacrificio missae hath these wordes In olde time both Priest and people as many as were present at the sacrifice of the Masse after the oblation was ended communicated with the Priest as it is evident by the Canons of the Apostles and the Epistles of the most ancient Doctors c. Afterwards the devotion of the people decayed yet the Cleargy and Ministers communicated still when all they did not communicate yet at least the Deacons and Subdeacons communicated as the Authour of the Romane Breviary testifieth Whereupon saith Cassander some godly and learned men doe wish that this ancient custome were restored that at least the Ministers might communicate with him that celebrateth as agreeable to the practise of the Primitiue Church and making much for the dignity and gravitie of this Mystery In the Churches of Aethiopia all communicate in both kindes twise euery weeke to this day Iohn Hofmeister expounding certaine prayers of the Masse hath these wordes the thing it selfe proclaimeth it that as well in the Greeke as Latine Church not the Priest that celebrateth onely but the rest of the Presbyters and Deacons the whole people or at least some part of the people was wont to communicate which custome how it ceased and grew out of vse may seeme strange but it were greatly to be wished that it were restored againe which thing might easily be effected if the Pastors of the Churches would do their duty for the Priests themselues are in fault that few or none of the people are found to communicate in that they doe not invite stirre them vp to communicate more often as appeareth by the writing of a certaine Diuine not vnlearned in the former age in which he reprehendeth certaine Pastours of that age wherein hee liued who tooke it ill that some of their Parishioners though liuing very laudably desired to communicate euery Sunday That the Sacrament was ministred in former times in loafe bread as we minister it at this day it is evident by the booke called Ordo Romanus by Durandus sundry other authorities In auncient times the manner was to giue the holy Sacrament into the hands of the communicants as wee doe and not to put it into their mouthes as the Papists doe What shall I speak saith Andradius of the vse of the holy Eucharist which now no man may lawfully touch but the Priests whereas it was wont to be carryed by the Deacons to such as were absent and to be giuen to Laymen into their hands whence proceeded that exhortation of Cyrill of Hierusalem full of piety and religion that each communicant should fasten his eyes vpon those hands that receiued the holy Eucharist and kisse them with the kisses of his mouth that so he might communicate to the rest of the members the holynesse of the Eucharist The custome of circumgestation saith Cassander is contrary to the manner of the Auncient and would neuer haue beene liked of them who held this mysterie in so great respect that they admitted none to the sight of it but such as they thought worthy to be partakers of it whereupon all such as might not communicate were ejected before the consecration and therefore it seemeth that this circumgestation might be omitted Crantzius praiseth Cusanus who being the Popes Legate in Germany tooke it away vnlesse it were within the Octaues of the feast of Corpus Christi the Sacrament being instituted for vse and not for ostentation Touching the honour of Saints Gerson Contarenus and others reprehend sundry superstitious obseruations wish they were wisely abolished Whether the Saints particularly know our estate and heare our cryes groanes not onely Augustine the Author of the Interlineall Glosse but Hugo de sancto Victore also will tell vs it is altogether vncertaine cannot be knowne whence it followeth that howsoeuer being assured they pray for vs in a generality wee may safely desire to bee respected of God the rather for their sakes yet it is not safe to pray to them Neither is this a new conceipt of ours but Guilielmus Altisiodorensis saith it was a common opinion in his time that neither we doe properly pray to Saints nor they in particular pray for vs but that improperly we are said to pray to theÌ in that we pray vnto God that the rather for their sakes at their suite we may finde fauour and acceptation with him Touching the abuse of Images and how much it was disliked in former time let the Reader see Cassander How great complaints were made long since against the forced single life of the Cleargy and how many and great men desired the abrogation of the law that forced men so to liue I haue shewed at large else-where That in the Primitiue Church they had their prayers in the vulgar tongue Lyra confesseth and Caietane professeth that he thinketh it would be more for edification if they were so now and confirmeth his opinion out of the Apostle Saint Paul Thus haue I giuen the Reader a taste of the iudgement of those that liued in former times both concerning matters of doctrine now controuersed the Popes incroachments now by vs restrained and also such abuses as we haue remoued by which I thinke it will appeare to be most true that amongst many good proofes of the equitie of our cause there can no better be desired then that what wee haue done in the reformation of thinges amisse the worthiest men in the Church wished to be done before wee were borne And therefore Master Higgons hath little cause to say Our cause is bad and the Patrons worse That which hee addeth that
the Trueth whom hee giueth vp into a reprobate sence Secondly in opposition to that which I alleadge hee vndertaketh to proue there were no such differences betweene the Ancient as those betweene the followers of Luther and Zuinglius but demeaneth himselfe like a false gamester for whereas I place the differences and conflictes betweene Epiphanius and Chrysostome in the front as hottest and most violent the one of them refusing to pray with the other the one challenging the other for manifold breaches of Canons and the one professing he hoped the other should neuer die a Bishop the other that he should neuer returne to his country aliue both which things fell out according to their vncharitable wishes desires Epiphanius dying by the way as he was returning home and Chrysostome being cast out of his Bishopricke and dying in banishment he scarce taketh any notice hereof but saith only the differences betweene Luther and Zuinglius exceeded the conflicts betweene Chrysostome and Epiphanius which yet I thinke hee will hardly proue Touching Ruffinus and Hierome it is certaine the one of them charged the other with heresie and vsed most bitter speaches one against another to the great scandall of the world The differences betweene Augustine and Hierome were carried more temperately neither doe I say they exceeded in passion as Luther and Zuinglius did yet did Augustine charge Hierome with taking on him the Patronage of lying and affirming that the Authours of Canonicall Scriptures lyed in some passages of the same the consequence whereof he thinketh to bee most dangerous and damnable Besides this they differed about the ceasing of the legall obseruations so that their differences were greater then those of Luther and Zuinglius if they had rightly vnderstood one another Yet will Master Higgons shew a great difference betweene the differences of the Auncient and those of Luther and Zuinglius First because Chrysostome and Epiphanius Hierome and Ruffinus had an ordinary vocation whereas Luther and Zuinglius are supposed to haue beene raysed vppe extraordinarily Secondly for that they quarrelled onely about the bookes of Origen and the improbation thereof but the differences betweene Luther and Zuinglius were founded originally in matters of faith pertaining to the necssity of saluation Thirdly in respect of extent in that their differences were not the differences of whole Churches as these are and of duration in that their divisions were soone extinguished but these are propagated in succession and increased with continuall addition To euery of these pretended differences I will briefly answere first to the first that we neuer thought that Luther and Zuinglius had an extraordinary calling as the Apostles other sent immediatly of God had but that God stirred and moued them extraordinarily with Heroicall resolution to vse that ordinary ministeriall power which they had receiued in the corrupt state of the Church for the reprehending and reforming abuses in the same and therefore they might be subiect to errours and infirmity as Chrysostome and Epiphanius were notwithstanding any thing wee say or conceiue of them To the second wee say Master Higgons sheweth himselfe in it either faithlesse or ignorant For we know Epiphanius was an Anthropomorphite that hee was willing for that cause to condemne the bookes of Origen wherein this grosse errour is condemned besides took part with Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria who though hee were of another minde yet fained himselfe to be an Anthropomorphite to condemne the bookes of Origen as contrary to that conceipt deposed Chrysostome for which his temerity hee was anathematized by the Church of Rome if we may beleeue Nicephorus Neither were these the priuate differences of particular men but of the greatest Churches of the world as Chrysostome confesseth in his Epistle to the Bishop of Rome saying that all the Churches euery-where by reason heereof were brought vpon their knees Touching Ruffinus it is evident that he was challenged for fauouring the heresies of Origen whose workes he translated so that it was no matter of circumstance but of substance in highest degree about which Hierome he calumniated one the other for proof heereof Anastasius Bishop of Rome writing to the Bishop of Hierusalem touching Ruffinus saith he had so translated the books of Origen out of Greek into Latin as that he approued the errors contained in them was like a man that consenteth to the vices faults of other men Yea Hierome feared not directly to pronounce him to be an Hereticke and more blinde then a Mole We reade that in the time of the first Councell of Ephesus called for the suppressing of the heresie of Nestorius there grew most bitter contentions betweene Cyrill of Alexandria and Iohn of Antioch so that the Churches subiect to them were deuided one from another in such sort that they Anathematised one the other imputing heresie each to other yet were they in truth and indeede of the same judgment and in the end it was found that these contentions grew out of dislikes mistakings and mis-constructions of things well meant but not so taken The like may be sayd of Theodoret who notwithstanding all the conflicts betweene him and Cyrill and the condemnation passed vppon him as if hee had beene an Hereticke was in the end found to be an Orthodox by Leo and the Bishoppes of the West and vppon a full and cleare declaration and profession of his faith receiued as a Catholicke Bishoppe into the Councell of Chalcedon Gregory Nazianzen in his oration made in the praise of Athanasius sheweth that there was a maine diuision of the Christians of the East and the Romanes or those of the West the one part suspecting the other of heresie vpon a meere not vnderstanding one another the Romans professed to beleeue that there are three persons in the blessed Trinity but could not bee induced to acknowledge three Hypostases whence the Orientall Christians thought them to bee Sabellians who thought that there is but one person in the Godhead called by three names on the otherside the orientall Christians professed that they beleeued three Hypostases in the God-head but would not admitte three persons whence they of Rome thought them to bee Arrians who beleeued that there are three distinct substances in the God-heade the word Hypostasis in the Schooles of secular learning importing substance as Hierome noteth but Athanasius perceiuing that they differed not in iudgment and that the Greekes meant the same by their Hypostases that the Latines did by their name of Persons left them free for the manner and forme of speech and made a peace betweene them by letting them know they all meant one thing though they expressed the same differently whereas otherwise it was to bee feared they would haue beene diuided with endlesse diuisions about these fewe Syllables About this matter Hierome liuing in the East parts wrote to Damasus Bishoppe of Rome his wordes are these They vrge vs to acknowledge
three Hypostases wee aske them what they meane by the Hypostases they speake of and they tell vs three persons subsisting wee answere that wee beleeue so but the sense satisfieth them not they vrge vs to vse the word it selfe some poyson lying hid in the very syllables c. Let it bee sufficient for vs to say there is one substance in God and three subsisting Persons perfit equall and coeternall if it seeme good vnto you let vs speake no more of three Hypostases but let vs acknowledge one only there is some ill to be suspected wheÌ in one sense diuersity of words is found let it suffice vs to beleeue as I haue sayd or if you thinke it right that wee admitte three Hypostases with their interpretation we will not refuse soe to doe but beleeue mee there lyeth some poyson hid vnder their wordes the Angell of Sathan hath transfigured himselfe into an Angell of light By this which hath been said it is euident that there haue bin as great and hot contentions in former times amongst right beleeuers as are now between the professors of the reformed religion and that those diuisions were not about matters of circumstance or personall onely as Higgons falsely pretendeth but of whole Churches disliking condemning and refusing to communicate one with another vppon supposed differences in mattersof faith and religion Wherefore to draw to a conclusion we deny not but that Luther and some other adhering to him vpon some misconstruction of the opinion of Zuinglius and the rest were carried too farre with the violence of their ill-guided zeale but we say also that there were as fiery conflicts in former times betweene Cyrill and Theodoret betweene Cyrill and Iohn of Antioch betweene Chrysostome and Epiphanius who yet were Catholicke Christians all of them as I take it notwithstanding the vnkindnesses that passed betweene them and as Iohn of Antioch and Theodoret were reconciled to Cyrill and those of that side vpon a more ful explication of their positioÌs formerly disliked so it is reported by Melanchthon that Luther a litle before his death coÌfessed vnto him that he had exceeded gone too far in the coÌtrouersies between him his opposits about the SacrameÌt that thereupon being wished to publish some qualification of his former writings that were too violeÌt and bitter he said hee had thought vpon that matter and would so doe but that hee feared the scandall that might grow vpon such his retractation and that therefore he was resolued to referre all to God and to leaue the matter to Melanchthon who might doe something in it after his death This conference betweene Luther and him Melanchthon made knowne to many and euer constantly shewed himselfe a most godly peaceable and religious man carefull to hold the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace howsoeuer it pleaseth pratling Higgons to wrong him and to compare him to the Moone in mutability Wherefore leauing my first allegation let vs come to the second which is that there are more and more materiall differences amongst Papists then amongst vs which Higgons saith is a poore recrimination For that the eye being iudge there is a comfortable Harmony in the Roman Church the same Doctrine preached the same Sacraments ministered and the same Gouernment established whereas Protestants are diuided in iudgement touching matters of faith and haue a distinct gouernment in England Scotland Heluetia and Saxony This exception consisteth of two parts the first clearing the Papistes from the differences and diuisions they are charged with The second charging Protestants with diuisions and differences both in matters of faith and gouernment For answere to the former part of this exception first I say if there be no contradiction betweene these assertions the Pope is aboue Generall Councels the Pope is not aboue Generall Councels the Pope hath the vniuersality of all Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in himselfe the Pope is but onely prime Bishoppe in order and honour before other equall in commission with him and at the most but as the Duke of Venice amongst the senators of that state the Pope may erre iudicially the Pope cannot erre iudicially the Pope is temporall Lord of all the world the Pope is not temporall Lord of all the world the Pope if not as temporall Lord of the world yet in ordine ad spiritualia may dispose the Kingdomes of the world the Pope may not meddle with Princes states in any case men are iustified by imputed righteousnesse men are not iustified by imputed righteousnesse men are iustified by speciall faith men are not iustified by speciall faith men may be certaine by the certainety of faith that they are in state of grace men cannot bee so certaine there is merit of condignity properly so named there is no merit of condignity the blessed Virgine was conceiued in sinne the blessed Virgine was not conceiued in sinne then doubtlesse all the Pastours and Bishoppes of the Roman Church preach the same Doctrine otherwise let the reader assure himselfe Master Higgons hath stretched his stile to vse his owne wordes till hee forced it to breake into a vast and notable vntrueth Secondly I say the forme of ministring the Sacraments hath not beene alwayes the same in the Romane Church For as Cassander noteth in his preface before the booke called Ordo Romanus published by him the auncient formes of diuine service were abolished new imposed and prescribed violently so that all that resisted were sent into banishment and since that first alteration as Platina noteth a number of Tautologies and Barbarismes are crept in making ingenuous men abhorre from the celebration of the holy mysteries Thirdly I thinke it will easily appeare there was no such sweet harmony in the Romane Church touching matters of gouernment as Master Higgons speaketh of when the Pope was not onely resisted but called Antichrist in respect of his infinite reseruations admittances of appeales his prouisions and graunting of expectatiue graces and the like vsurpations preiudiciall to the right of all other Bishoppes and the liberty of the Church For answere to the second part of his exception first I confidently affirme and the proudest Papist vnder heauen shall neuer proue the contrary that Protestants haue no reall and essentiall differences in matters of faith and doctrine Secondly I say that their differences in the forme of gouernment are not such as our Aduersaries pretend For they that admitte gouernment by Bishoppes make their authority to bee fatherly not princely directing the rest not excluding their aduise and assistance subordinate to Prouinciall Synodes wherein no one hath a negatiue voyce but the maior part of the voyces of the Bishoppes and Presbyters determineth all doubtes questions and controuersies and they that retaine not the name of Bishops yet haue a president in each company of Presbyters and thinke it a part of Gods ordinance that there should bee such a one to goe before the rest and to be
in a sort ouer them who though they giue not the name of Bishops nor so much authority to these Presidents as Antiquity did yet is not their errour in this point matchable with the errours that are amongst Papists contradicting one another touching the Pope and his gouernment in things most essentially concerning the power and authority of that supposed Ministeriall head of the Church Wherefore let vs come to my last allegation excepted against by Master Higgons which is that we want not a most certaine rule to end all controversies by which is the written word of God interpreted according to the rule of faith the practise of the Saints from the beginning the conference of places and all light of direction that either knowledge of tongues or any parts of good learning can yeeld In excepting against this rule Master Higgons sheweth the weakenesse of his braine for what if Luther Zuinglius and other complained against such as they thought to bee opposite to them in opinion touching some particular points that they had not due regard to this rule or that they vsed it not aright What if all bee not presently of one minde and judgement in all things will that improue the rule of judging which wee propose and not rather argue the imperfection of such as should judge according to it But hee craueth leaue to except against the rule proposed by Mee for three respects first because the principles of our religion exclude the meanes of reconciliation to wit the gravity of Councels the dignity of Fathers and the authority of the Church For answer wherevnto wee say that wee exclude not the gravity of Councels for wee absolutely without all restriction receiue all the lawfull Generall Councells that euer were holden touching matters of faith and though wee make God speaking in his word to bee the onely judge authentically defining and prescribing what men shall beleeue vnder paine of condemnation yet wee thinke Councells haue a judgement of jurisdiction and that they may subject all gaine-sayers to excommunication and like censures Neither doth it any way derogate from the authority of Bishoppes assembled in Councels that we make them iudges to determine according to the word of God the resolutions of the Church from the beginning not the rule it selfe for what man in his right wits will attribute any more vnto them and make them iudges at liberty tied to the following of no rule of direction or like God that is a rule to himselfe in all his actions and hath no Law prescribed to him by any other Yet because Master Higgons willeth the reader to compare Campians fourth reason with my assertion I will likewise intreat him to see a worthy discourse of Clemangis wherein he proueth at large that Bishoppes assembled in Generall Councels must proue and confirme their determinations by other arguments then by their own authority and giueth many reasons by which a man may reasonably perswade himselfe that such Councels are not absolutely generally free from danger of erring whence it followeth that they neither are the rule that is to be followed in determining controuersies nor after they are determined Touching the dignity of Fathers authority of the Church wee esteeme them both as beseemeth vs for whatsoeuer the Fathers generally with one consent deliuer in matters of faith we admit receiue as true without father examination as likewise whatsoeuer the Church consisting of all Christians not noted for heresie or singularity that are and haue beene since the Apostles times but of particular Fathers parts of the Church we iudge according to the rule of Gods word and the generall resolution of the Fathers and the whole Church that hath beene since the Apostles times His next exception against our rule is because wee admitte not the Pope to bee iudge of all controuersies in CHRISTS steed which hee must frame in this sort The Pope is supreame iudge of controuersies in religion therefore the Word of GOD interpreted in sorte before expressed is not the rule that is to bee followed in determining thinges doubtfull and then the consequence will be naught and the antecedent false for though we should grant the Pope to be appointed judge of controuersies in Christs stead yet I hope his Holinesse is bound to follow some rule of direction in iudging and if any what other then that mentioned by Mee I cannot conceiue But whatsoeuer become of the consequence the antecedent is false for he shall neuer proue while his name is Higgons that the Pope is supreame iudge of coÌtrouersies And the ignorance or impudencie of the man deserueth iust reproofe in that hee feareth not to abuse the authority of Cyprian to that purpose who was so far froÌ taking the Pope for his iudge that he freely disséted froÌ him and professed that one Bishop is not to judge another but that they are to be iudged of God onely and the whole company of Bishoppes neyther doth the place produced by him out of Cyprians Epistles proue any such thing as hee would enforce for it is most euideÌt that Cyprian speaketh of one Bishop in each Diocesse not of one Bishop in the whole Christian Church when he sayth Heresies arise from no other cause then that the Priest of God is not obeyed and that men think not of one Priest iudge in Christs steed as it will easily appeare to any one that will take the paines to see the place But saith Higgons the Lutherans seeke to predominate and the Caluinistes will not obey therefore there must be an vmpier betweene them and consequently the Pope must end the quarell Whereunto I answere in a word that howsoeuer the violent humors of some men make a rent in the Church yet there is no difference in iudgement amongst those whom he calleth Lutherans and Caluinists in any matter of faith and therefore the mediation of moderate men interposing themselues or the authority of Princes professing the reformed Religion may in that good time that God shall think fitte easily make an end of these contentions without seeking to the Romish Babilonicall Monarch His third exception is a meere begging of that which is in controuersie which shal neuer be graunted him For I say confidently as before that the matters wherein the followers of Luther and the rest professing the reformed religion seeme to differ are neyther many in number reall in euidence nor substantiall in waight as he vainely braggeth hee can proue out of Luther Hunnius and Conradus on the one part and Zuinglius Sturmius Clebitius c. on the other part And therefore here is noe reproofe of that I haue sayd of the reconciling of these differences but a proofe of his vanity in bragging of that which hee will neuer be able to performe That which I haue written touching the reconciling of these men in shew so opposite in the matter of the Vbiquitary presence and the
Augustine saith he would not beleeue the Gospell if the authoritie of the Church did not moue him hee vnderstandeth by the name of the Church the Primitiue congregation of those Faithful ones which saw heard Christ and were his witnesses Thirdly Driedo writeth thus when Augustine saith hee would not beleeue the Gospell if the authoritie of the Church did not moue him hee vnderstandeth that Church which hath beene euer since the beginning of the Christian Faith hauing her Bishops in orderly sort succeeding one another and growing and increasing till our times which Church truly comprehendeth in it the blessed company of the Holy Apostles who hauing seene Christ his miracles and learned from his mouth the Doctrine of Faith deliuered vnto vs the Evangelicall Scriptures And againe the same â Driedo saith that the authority of the Scripture is greater then the authoritie of the Church that now is in the world in it selfe considered But if wee speake of the vniversal Church including all Faithfull ones that are and haue beene the authority of the Church is in a sort greater then the Scripture and in a sort equall For explication whereof he addeth that as touching things that cannot bee seené nor knowne by vs we beleeue the sayings writings of men not as if they had in them in themselues considered a sufficient force to moue vs to beleeue but because by some reasons we are perswaded of them who deliuer such things vnto vs thinke them worthie to be beleeued So S. Augustine might rightly say hee would not beleeue the bookes of the Gospel if the authority of the Church did not moue him vnderstanding the vniuersal Church of which he speaketh against Manicheus which including the Apostles hath had in it an orderly course of succession of Bishops till our time For the faithfulnes trueth credit of this Church was more evident then the Trueth of the books of the New Testament which are therefore receiued as sacred true because written by those Apostles to whoÌ Christ so many waies gaue testimony both by word and worke and the Scriptures are to be proued by the authority of that Church which included the Apostles but in the Church that now is or that includeth only such as are now liuing God doth not so manifest himselfe as hee formerly did so that this Church must demoÌstrat herself to be Orthodox by prouing her faith out of the Scripture With Driedo Ockam coÌcurreth his words are these sometimes the name of the Church coÌprehendeth not only the whole coÌgregation of Catholiques liuing but the Faithful departed also in this sense blessed Augustine vseth the name of the Church in his book against the Manichees cited in the Decrees 2. dist c. palà m where the Catholique Church importeth the Bishops that haue succeeded one another froÌ the Apostles times the people subiect to theÌ And in the same sense Augustine vseth the name of the Church when he saith he would not beleeue the Gospell if the authoritie of the Church did not moue him for this Church comprehendeth in it the Writers of the bookes of the Gospell and all the Apostles so that from the authoritie of Augustine rightly vnderstood it cannot be inferred that the Pope the maker of the Canons is rather more to be beleeued then the Gospel yet it may be granted that wee must more rather beleeue the Church which hath beene from the times of the Prophets Apostles till now then the Gospel not for that men may any way doubt of the Gospell but because the whole is greater then the part So that the Church which is of greater authoritie then the Gospel is that whereof the Writer of the Gospel is a part Neither is it strange that the whole should bee of more authority then the parts These are the words of Ockam in the place cited by me Wherfore let the Reader judge whether that I cite out of Ockam be impertinent as the Treatiser saith or not To Durandus Gerson Driedo Ockam we may adde Waldensis who fully agrees with theÌ shewing at large that it pertayned to the Church onely in her first best and primitiue state age to deliuer a perfect direction touching the Canon of the Scripture so that shee hath no power or authority now to adde any more bookes to the Canon already receiued as out of her owne immediate knowledge But it sufficeth to the magnifying of her authority in her present estate that euen now no other bookes may bee receiued but such only as in her first and best estate shee proposed Farther adding that the saying of Augustine that hee would not beleeue the Gospell if the authority of the Church did not moue him is to bee vnderstood of the Church including the primitiue Fathers and Pastors the Apostles Scholers By this which hath bin sayd it is euident as I thinke that the former of those two constructions which I make of Augustines words hath bin approued by far better men then this Treatiser And that therefore he sheweth himself more bold then wise when he pronounceth it to be frivolous And surely if we consider well the discourse of S. Augustine I thinke it may be proued vnanswerably out of the circumstances of the fame that hee speaketh not precisely of the present Church For it is that authority of the catholicke church hee vrgeth that was begun by miracles nourished by hope increased by charity confirmed strengthned by long continuance And of that Church he speaketh wherin there had bin a succession of Bishops from Peter till that present time So that he must needs meane the Church including not onely such faythfull ones as were then liuing when hee wrote but all that either then were or had bin from the Apostles times Wherefore let vs passe to the other construction of Augustines words which is that the authority of the present church was the ground reason of an acquisit fayth an introduction leading him to a more sure stay but not the reason or ground of that faith whereby principally he did beleeue This constructioÌ the Treatiser sayth cannot stand because Aug saith if the authority he speaketh of be weakned hee will beleeue no longer Whence it seemeth to be consequent that it was the cause of all theÌ perswasion of fayth that he had then when he wrote not only of an acquisit fayth preparing fitting him to a stronger more excellent farther degree or kind of faith For the clearing of this poynt we must note that there are 3. sorts of such meÌ as beleeue for there are some that beleeue out of piety onely not discerning by reason whether the things they beleeue be to be beleeued as true or not the 2d. haue a light of diuine reason shining in them causing an approbation of that they beleeue the 3d. sort hauing a pure heart conscience begin already inwardly to taste that which hereafter
example of it in Scripture yet I affirme that it is no vnwritten tradition in that the grounds reasons and causes of the necessity of it are there contained the benefites that follow it Neither doth the place alledged by him out of Augustine proue the contrary the words of Augustine as commonly we reade them are these the custome of the Church in baptizing infants which is not to be despised or lightly regarded were not to be beleeued were it not an Apostolique tradition But whosoeuer shall consider the place will soone perceiue that Augustines meaning is that the custome of the Church in baptizing Infants which he saith is not to be despised or lightly regarded is to be beleeued to be no other but an Apostolical tradition not that it were not to be beleeued if it were not an Apostolicall tradition howsoeuer as it seemeth esset in stead of esse is crept into the text For it is something harsh to say the custome of the Church in baptizing infants is not to be beleeued vnlesse it were an Apostolicall Tradition Seeing such a custome might be beleeued though it were not an Apostolicall Tradition And besides the drift of Augustine in that place is to vrge the necessitie of this custome and to haue it beleeued to be Apostolicall and not to weaken it as if it had no support but bare tradition which can neither stand with the opinion of Augustine the truth of the thing it selfe nor the iudgement and resolution of our Adversaries themselues who thinke that the Baptisme of Infants may be proued vnanswerably out of Scripture in that CHRIST saith the Kingdome of Heauen belongeth to litle children and yet pronounceth that except a man bee borne a new of water of the spirit he cannot enter into the Kingdome of Heauen Wherein yet they contradict themselues as they doe likewise in some other things which they produce as instances of vnwritten traditions and yet goe about to proue them by Scripture Neither will the Treatisers evasion serue the turne that they goe not about to proue any thing necessarily out of Scripture that they pretend to be holden by vnwritten tradition but probably only for we know they bring Paedobaptisme as an instance of vnwritten traditions and yet say it may bee vnavoydably proued out of Scripture as they propose the testimonies of it The like may be said of the consubstantiality of the Sonne of God with the Father and the proceeding of the Holy Ghost from them both brought by them as instances of vnwritten verities and yet prooued as strongly by them out of Scripture as any other point of Faith For if they shall say an Heretique will not yeeld himselfe convinced by such proofes it will bee answered that no more he will by any other in any other point nor by the tradition of the Church neither which yet I suppose they will not make to be a weake proofe in that respect §. 9. THe next exception taken against Me is that I haue not well said that a man may still doubt and refuse to beleeue a thing defined in a Generall Councell without Hereticall pertinacie and that Generall Councels may erre in matters of greatest consequence What I haue written I will make good against the Treatiser For it is not so strange a thing as he would make vs beleeue to thinke that Generall Councels may erre that a man may doubt of things defined in theÌ without heretical pertinacie seeing not onely our Diuines generally so thinke but sundry of the best learned in the Romane Church informer times were of the same opinion as I haue else-where shewed at large Neither were it hard to answere the authorities hee bringeth to prooue that Generall Councels cannot erre if a man would insist vpon the particular examination of them But this may suffice in a generalitie that the Fathers produced by him blame and condemne in particular the calling of things in question that had beene determined in the Councell of Nice and some other of that sort and not generallie the doubting of any thing determined in any Councell how disorderly soeuer it proceeded In the second Councell of Ephesus there wanted not a sufficient number of worthy Bishops yet because hee that tooke on him the Presidentship vsed not accustomed moderation neither permitted each man freely to deliuer his opinion it was not accepted nor the Decrees of it receiued From the not erring of Councels the Treatiser passeth to the question concerning the Churches authority in making new Articles of faith and seeketh to cleare the Romane Church from the imputation of challeÌging any such authority by my confession my words alleadged by him to this purpose are these Our aduersaries confesse that the approbation and determination of the Church cannot make that a truth which was not nor that a Diuine or Catholique truth that was not so before But the good man hath vsed this poore sentence of mine as Hanun vsed the messengers of Dauid whose garments he cut off in the middle a wrong afterwards seuerely and yet most iustly reuenged by Dauid For it followeth in the same sentence that Papists do thinke that the Church by her sole and bare determination may make that veritie to be in such sort Catholique that euery one must expressely beleeue it that was not soe and in such degree Catholique before Whereby it appeareth that they attribute a power to the Church in a sort to make new Articles of faith in that shee may make things formerly beleeued onely implicite to bee necessary to bee expressely beleeued not by euidence of proofe or apparant deduction from thinges expressely beleeued but by her bare and sole authority which not onely wee but sundry right learned godly and wise in the middest of the Church of Rome euer denied Wherefore let vs passe from this imagined aduantage to consider the rest of his exceptions §. 10. IN my third booke and first Chapter speaking of the Patriarche of Constantinople I haue these words In the second generall Councell holden at Constantinople he was preferred before the other Patriarches of Alexandria and Antioch and set in degree of honour next vnto the Bishoppe of Rome in the great Councell of Chalcedon hee was made equall with him and to haue all equall rights priuiledges and prerogatiues because hee was Bishoppe of new Rome as the other was of old Hereupon the Treatiser breaketh out into these wordes I cannot doe otherwise but maruaile that a man of his place and learning doth not blush to committe such a notorious vntrueth to the Print and view of the world For not to speake of the falshood of the first part of his affirmation because it is in some sort impertinent that which hee saith of the Councell of Chalcedon is most vntrue repugnant to all antiquity and not onely contrary to all proceedings and the history of the sayd Councell but also to the wordes of the Canon by him alleaged
Who would not thinke that there were some grosse ouersights committed by Mee in these passages vppon such an outcrie Wherefore lette vs consider the seuerall parts of this his exception against Mee First hee sayth the Bishoppe of Constantinople was not preferred before the other two Patriarches of Alexandria and Antioch and set in degree of honour next vnto the Bishop of Rome in the first Councell of Constantinople as I haue sayd and that I say vntruly when I say hee was Let vs therefore heare the wordes of the Canon it selfe and then let the Reader iudge betweene vs. The words of the third Canon of that Councell are these Constantinopolitanus Episcopus obtineat praecipuum honorem ac dignitatem secundum ac post Episcopum Romanum ideo quòd Constantinopolis noua Roma est that is Let the Bishop of Constantinople haue the chiefest honour and dignity after the Bishoppe of Rome because Constantinople is new Rome If the words of the Canon suffice not to iustifie my assertion let vs heare the Treatiser himselfe in the same page hee citeth these words of the Bishoppes assembled in the Councell of Chalcedon in their Synodall Epistle to Leo Bishoppe of Rome Wee haue confirmed the rule of the hundred and fifty holy Fathers which were gathered together at Constantinople vnder Theodosius of happie memory which commaunded that the See of Constantinople which is ordained the second and to haue second honour after your most holy and Apostolique See c. Is not here as much sayd as I haue written Did not the holy Fathers assembled at Constantinople decree that the Bishoppe of Constantinople shall bee preferred before the Bishoppes of Alexandria and Antioch and set in degree of honour next vnto the Bishoppe of Rome and doe not the Fathers in the Councell of Chalcedon say they decreed soe Haue all these holy Fathers committed notorious vntrueths to the Print and view of the world It is well the Treatiser concealed his name for otherwise hee must haue heard further from Mee But happily I mis-reported the Councell of Chalcedon when I sayd that in that Councell the Bishoppe of Constantinople was made equall with the Bishoppe of Rome and to haue equall rights priuiledges and prerogatiues because hee was Bishoppe of new Rome as the other of old Let vs therefore heare the words of the Bishoppes assembled in that Councell The Fathers say the Bishops of that Councell did rightly giue preeminences and priuiledges to the Throne of old Rome because that ââ¦ittie was Lady and mistresse of the world and the hundred and fifty Bishops most deeââ¦ely beloued of God moued with the same respect gaue equall preeminences and priuiledges to the most holy throne of New Rome thinking it reasonable that that Cittie honoured with the inperiall seate and Senate and enioying equall preeminences and priuiledges with the elder Princely city should bee made great as the other in ecclesiasticall affaires being second after it Out of this decree Nilus in his booke of the Primacie of the Pope obserueth first that in the iudgement of these holy Bishoppes the Pope hath the primacie from the Fathers and not from the Apostles Secondly that he hath it in respect of the greatnesse of his Citty beeing the seate of the Empire and not by reason of his succeding Peter which vtterly ouerthroweth the Papacie And therefore this good man after all this outery raised against Mee as if I had mis-reported the Councell is forced to deny the authority of the Canon as not beeing confirmed by the Bishoppe of Rome See then how hee demeaneth himselfe First hee vrgeth that the Bishoppe of new Rome or Constantinople could not haue equall priuiledges with the Bishoppe of old Rome because hee was to bee second and next after him where-unto Nilus answereth that if that reason did hold the Bishoppe of Alexandria could not bee equall to the Bishoppe of Constantinople in power and authority nor the Bishoppe of Antioch vnto him one of these beeing after another in order and honour and thence concludeth that if the Bishop of Antioch might bee equall to the Bishoppe of Alexandria and the Bishoppe of Alexandria to the Bishoppe of Constantinople notwithstanding the placing of one of them in order and honour before another the Bishoppe of Constantinople might bee equall to the Bishoppe of Rome though he were the second and next after him Soe that that which this Treatiser alleageth that by the confession of these Fathers the Bishoppe of Rome had alwaies the Primacy is to no purpose seeing the Primacie hee had was but of order and honour which may bee yeelded to one amongst them that are equall in power in which sense the Bishoppes assembled in the Councell of Chalcedon in their relation to Pope Leo call him their head Secondly hee confesseth it may be gathered out of some Greeke copies of this Councell hee might haue sayd out of all copies Greeke and Latine that by this Canon the Bishop of new Rome or Constantinople was soe made second after the Bishop of old Rome that equall priuiledges were giuen vnto him But addeth that they were onely concerning iurisdiction to ordaine certaine Metropolitans of the East Church as the Bishoppe of Rome had the like in the West which euasion serueth not the turne For the Bishops in this Councell supposing that the reason why the Fathers gaue the preeminence to the Bishoppe of Rome was the greatnesse of the Citty doe the ââ¦pon giue him the like preheminences Soe that they meant to make him equall generally and not in some particular thinges onely Besides if they did equall him in iurisdiction and in the ordination and confirmation of Metropolitans it will follow that they equalled him simply and absolutely For in the power of Order there canne bee noe inequalitie betweene him and any other Bishoppe Thirdly hee sayth That the Canon of this Councellis of no authority and the like he must say of the Canons of the first Councell of Constantinople and that in Trulto and so beare downe all that standeth in his way as Binnius and other of his fellowes do who feare not to charge these holy Fathers and Bishops with lying falshood But how doth he proue that this Canon is of no authority Surely the onely reason he bringeth is because the Legates of the Bishop of Rome resisted against it and the Bishop himselfe neuer confirmed it which is of litle force For we know that notwithstanding the long continued resistance of the Romane Bishops yet in the end they were forced to giue way to this constitution So that after the time of Iustinian the Emperour who confirmed the same they neuer made any word about it any more The words of Iustinians confirmation are these Wee ordaine according to the decrees of the holy Councels that the most holy Bishop of olde Rome shall be the first of all Bishops And the most blessed Bishop of Constantinople which is new Rome shall haue the second place after
bring vs forth vnlesse her pappes doe giue vs sucke and vnlesse shee keepe vs vnder her custodie and gouernement till hauing put off this morâ⦠flesh we become like the Angels in Heauen Adde hereunto saith he that ouââ¦ââ¦r lappe and bosome there is no remission of sinnes nor saluation to be looked for as both Esaias and Ioel testifie to whom Ezekiel subscribeth when hee denounceth they shall not bee reckoned amongst the people of God whom he excludeth from eternall life The onely thing that is any way doubtfull is how far we are bound to rest in the iudgment of the church For the clearing whereof the Author of these proofes hauing taken so much paines to reade ouer my bookes of the church to take some advantage by them against the truth of Religion professed amongst vs might haue beene pleased to remember those different degrees of obedience which wee are to yeeld to them that commaund teach vs in the church of God Which I haue noted in the Fourth Booke and fifth chapter out of Waldensis excellently described and set down by him in this sort We must saith he reuerence and respect the authority of all Catholique Doctors whose doctrine and writings the church alloweth We must more regard the authority of Catholique Bishops more then these the authority of Apostolique churches amongst them more specially the church of Rome of a generall councell more then all these yet must wee not so listen to the determinations of any of these nor so certainely assent vnto them as to the things contained in Scripture or beleeued and taught by the whole vniuersall church that hath beene euer since the Apostles times but as to the instructions of our elders and fatherly admonitions and directions wee must obey without scrupulous questioning with all modesty of minde with all good allowance acceptation and repose in the words of them that teach vs vnlesse they teach any thing which the higher and superiour controlleth And yet if they doe the humble and obedient children of the church must not insolently insult vpon them from whom they are forced to dissent but they must dissent with a reverent child-like and respectfull shamefastnesse And else-where hee saith The church whose Faith neuer faileth according to the promise made to Peter who bare the figure of the church when CHRIST saide vnto him I haue prayed for thee that thy faith faile not is not any particular church as the church of Africa within the bounds whereof Donatus did include the whole nor the particular Romane church but the vniuersall church not gathered together in a generall councell which hath sometimes erred as that at Ariminum vnder Taurus the gouernour and that at Constantinople vnder Iustinian the yonger but it is the catholique church dispersed through the whole world from the baptisme of CHRIST vnto our times which doeth vndoubtedly holde the true faith and faithfull testimony of Iesus Yea the same authour is of opinion that though it argue great contumacy for a man to dissent from a generall Councell without conuincing reason yet not perfidious impiety vnlesse he know or might know if the fault were not in himselfe that in so dissenting hee dissenteth from the Scripture or the determination of the vniuersall Church that hath beene since the Apostles times which onely is absolutely priuiledged from erring Thus then I hope the indifferent Reader will easily discerne that hitherto the authour of Protestant proofes hath found no proofe for Romish religion in any thing that I haue written let vs come therefore to the second chapter CHAP. 2. IN the second chapter wherein he endeauoureth to proue by the testimonies of Protestants that the Romane Church euer was and still is the true Church of Christ he citeth foure things as written by mee The first is touching the supreme binding commanding authority that is in the Church His words are these Doctour Field writeth that the supreame binding commanding authority is onely in Bishops in a generall Councell The second is touching the definition of the church set downe in the Articles of religion Art 19. that it is the congregation of faithfull ones in the which the pure word of God is preached and the Sacraments duely administred according to Christs institution in all those thinges that of necessity are requisite to the same whereunto he saith I agree The third is that the true Church of God is subiect vnto errours of doctrine which are not fundamentall The fourth that the Romane Church is the true Church of God His words are these I thinke no man will deny the Church of Rome to be the same it was at the comming of Luther and long before and Doctor Field writeth that the Romane and Latine Church continued the true Church of God euen till our time And again We doubt not but the Church in which the Bishop of Rome exalted himselfe with more then Lucifer like pride was notwithstanding the true Church of God that it held a sauing profession of the trueth in Christ and by force thereof conuerted many countries from error to the way of truth and he farther acknowledgeth with Doctor Couel others that Luther and the rest of his religion were baptized receiued their Christianity ordination and power of ministery in that Church as the true visible and apparant Church of Christ. Hee telleth farther that divers of the Romane Church not only of the ignorant but of the best learned were saued and are Saints in heauen These are his allegations Now let vs see what is to be said vnto them Touching the first it is most vndoubtedly true that the supreame and highest externall binding commanding authority is onely in Bishops and others assembled in a generall Councell but what will he inferre from hence All men saith he doe know Doctor Sutcliffe with others acknowledge that the Protestants haue had no such councell and what then therefore they are not the Churches of God O impious and wicked conclusion For hereby all the churches of the world 300. yeares after Christ are proued not to haue beene the true churches of Christ seeing as it is euident there was no generall Councell all that while so that Christianity was rent into factions for want of this remedy as Isidorus testifieth But saith hee the Protestant Relatour of religion teacheth that this preheminence meanes and remedy is onely in the Church of Rome This is most false for howsoeuer he thinketh it not impossible for the Romanists to haue a generall Councel of those of their own faction yet he knoweth it lieth not in them to procure a Councell absolutely generall or Oecumenicall Nay we see that for many hundred yeares there hath not beene any generall Councell of all Christians wherin a perfect consent and agreement might be setled but the greatest parts of the Christian world haue remained diuided from the Romane Church for the space of 6. or 7. hundred yeares If the Author of these proofes shall say they
Apostles and in many places we finde the same to haue beene done rather for the honour of Priest-hood then the necessity of any Law otherwise if the Spirit descend not but onely at the prayer of the Bishop they are to be lamented who in villages castles and remote places baptized by Priests or Deacons dye before they are visited by the Bishop and then follovve these words The safety of the Church depends on the dignity of the chiefe Priest to whom if an eminent power be not giuen there will bee as many schismes in the Church as there are Priests So that this is that which he saith that it is rather for the honour of the Bishop or chiefe Priest of each Church that the imposition of hands vpon the baptized is reserued vnto him alone then the necessity of any law because if he had no such preeminences things peculiarly reserued vnto him in respect whereof he might be greater then the rest of the Priests Ministers in the Church there would be as many schismes as Priests and hence he saith it commeth that without the command of the Bishop or chiefe Priest neither Priest nor Deacon haue right to baptize So that it is manifest the chiefe Priest he speaketh of whose power is eminent peerelesse is so named in respect of other Priests in the same church that may not so much as baptize without his mandate not in respect of the pastors of the whole vniuersall church Wherefore if this pamphleter would haue dealt truly honestly he should haue said VVhereas heretofore some vnchristian Sermons books termed the Bishop of Rome the great Antichrist we shal now receiue a better doctrine more religious answer that there must be one chiefe Priest or Bishop in euery Diocesse hauing a more eminent authority then the rest then whereas men now detest his falshood they would but onely haue laughed at his folly But let vs come to his second allegation and see if there be any more truth in that then in this His wordes are these Doctor Field telleth vs from Scripture that Christ promised to build his Church vpon Saint Peter then no Christian will doubt vnlesse he will doubt of Christs truth and promises but it was so performed Let the reader peruse the place and hee shal find that I doe not tell them from Scripture that CHRIST promised to builde his Church vpon Peter as this man adding one falshood to another most vntruely sayth I doe but onely cite a place of Tertullian to proue that nothing was hid from the Apostles that was to be reuealed to after-commers where hee hath these words What was hidden and concealed from Peter vpon whom Christ promised to build his Church from Iohn the Disciple hee so dearely loued that leaned on his breast at the mysticall supper and the rest of that blessed company that should be after manifested to succeeding generations But he will say that I approue the saying of Tertullian and therefore thinke the Church was built vpon Peter Truly so I doe but I thinke also as Hierome doth that it was built no more vpon him then vpon all the rest and therefore the supremacy of Peters pretended successour will not bee concluded from thence Dicis saith Hierome super Petrum fundatur Ecclesia licet idipsum in alio loco super omnes Apostolos fiat Super omnes ex aequo Ecclesiae fortitudo solidatur that is Thou wilt say the Church was built vpon Peter It is true it was so but we shall find in another place that it was builded vpon all the Apostles Surely the firmenesse of the Church doth equally stay and settle it selfe vpon them all This is so cleare and evident that Bellarmine himselfe confesseth that all the Apostles may be said to haue beene foundations of the Church and that the Church may bee truely said to haue beene built vpon them all First because they preached Christ to such as had not heard of him before and were the first that founded Christian Churches Secondly in respect of their doctrine which they learned by immediate reuelation from the Sonne of God in which the Church is to rest as in the ground and rule of her faith Thirdly in respect of gouernmeÌt in that they were all heads rulers of the vniuersal Church Thus wee see if I had told them out of Scripture that Christ promised to build his Church on Peter our Aduersaries could not from thence haue inferred the supremacie of the Pope his pretended Successour Wherefore let vs come to his next allegation His words are Doctor Field and the rest doe ordinarily yeelde that the Romane Church continued the true Church of God till the yeare of Christ sixe hundreth and seauen when Bonifacius the Pope there claimed as they say supremacie first in the Church This is a meere imagination of his own for I no where speake of the ChurchcoÌtinuing till the time of Bonifacius the Pope or till the yeare sixe hundred and seauen as if it had then ceased and therefore hee doth not here cite any page of my booke as in other places but citeth it at large But saith hee Doctor Field plainly acknowledgeth that the supremacy belonged to the Popes of Rome before the first Nicene Councell and then by the rules which hee giueth to knowe true traditions custome of the Church consent of Fathers or an Apostolicall Churches testimony this must needes bee of that first kinde and then of equall authority with Scripture as hee acknowledgeth of such traditions Such is the intollerable impudency of this man that I protest I canne scarce beleeue mine owne eyes or perswade my selfe that hee writeth that which I see hee doth For doe I any where acknowledge the supremacy belonged to the Popes of Rome before the Nicene Councell Nay doe I not in the place cited by him say that before the Nicene Councell there were three principall Bishoppes or Patriarches of the Christian Church to witte the Bishoppes of Rome Alexandria and Antioche as appeareth by the actes of the Councell limiting their bounds Had these their bounds limited and set vnto them and was there one of them an vniuersall commander If hee say I acknowledge the Bishop of Rome was in order and honour the first amongst the Patriarches before the Nicene Councell and thereupon inferre that I acknowledge his supremacie and commaunding power ouer the rest hee may as well inferre that I giue to the Bishop of Alexandria a commanding authority ouer the Bishoppe of Antioche because before the Nicene Councell he was before him in order and honour That which hee addeth as a Corollary that by the rules I giue to know true traditions this must bee of that kinde and coÌsequently of equall authority with Scripture argueth in him a greater desire of saying something then care what he saith For first it no way appeareth out of any thing that I haue said touching the primacy of the Pope before the
in that they offend him and this is proper to God in that he onely hath power not to punish that hath power to punish and the Ministers of the Church concurre hereunto no otherwise but onely by bringing men by force of the Word and Sacraments into such an estate wherein God finding them will not punish them The second kinde of absolution is the freeing of men from the censures of suspension excommunication penitentiall corrections and such punishments as the Church may inflict and in this kinde the Church may properly bee saide to absolue The third kinde of absolution is the comfortable assuring of men vpon the vnderstanding of their estate that they shall escape Gods fearefull punishments In these two later sorts the Ministers of the Church haue power to absolue and personall absolution in either of these senses is rightly said to be an Apostolicall and godly ordinance but it is a written ordinance and not an vnwritten tradition which is the thing that this man should proue There is another kinde of absolution imagined by the Papists which is a Sacramentall act giuing grace ex opere operato to the remission of sinnes which is not an Apostolicall ordinance but an invention of their owne whereof I haue spoken elsewhere Touching the ministration of baptisme by priuate persons in the time of necessity it is not said to bee an vnwritten tradition by the Bishoppe of Winchester and therefore it is not to this purpose no more then that Bishoppes are saide to bee Diuinae ordinationis seeing the distinct degrees of Bishops and Presbyters are proued out of the Scripture That confirmation is an Apostolicall tradition wee confesse but it is a written tradition both in respect of the first practise of it by the Apostles who laid their hands on such as were baptized by others from which authority the custome of imposing hands doth come as Hierome testifieth as also in respect of the necessity of the continuance of it in that the Apostle to the Hebrewes reckoneth the imposition of hands together with the doctrine of baptismes amongst the foundations of Christian religion We doubt not therefore but it is a fitting thing that the Bishop should confirme by imposition of hands those that are baptized by others but it is rather for the honour of Priest-hood then the necessity of any law as Hierome testifieth for that otherwise they were in a wofull case who in places farre remote die before the Bishop can come to them if none could receiue the spirit of God but by the imposition of his hands It is therefore a sacramentall complement not to be neglected but not a Sacrament But this good man will proue it to be a Sacrament First because as hee saith it is so ioyned by vs with baptisme And secondly because it hath both a visible signe and grace by the communion-booke reviued It seemeth hee was neuer any good disputer he bringeth so many weake silly arguments and yet vrgeth them as if they were vnanswerable Surely these reasons will be found too weake to proue confirmation a Sacrament if they fall into the hands of any one that will take the paines to examine them For first if hee meane that it is joyned by vs with baptisme as a Sacrament hee is greatly deceiued seeing wee joyne it only as a Sacramentall complement And secondly though it haue an outward signe and inuisible grace yet the signe is not so much a signe of that grace which the Bishop imposing hands by his prayer obtayneth for the confirmation of the parties he layeth his hands vpon as a signe of limitation or restraint specifying and setting out the partie on whom hee desireth God to powre his confirming grace and therefore it hath not the nature of a Sacrament wherein there must be a visible signe of that grace that is conferred Secondly because though the Bishop ouershadowing the party by the imposition of his hands doe in a sort expresse resemble the hand of God stretched forth for the protecting assisting and safe keeping of the party which is an inuisible grace yet it followeth not that it is a Sacrament for the fiery and clouen tongues were a visible signe of that gracious gift of the spirit which the Apostles receiued in the day of Pentecost enabling them with all fiery zeale to publish the mysteries of Gods kingdome in all the seuerall languages of the world yet were they no Sacraments as Bellarmine noteth because the grace whereof these fiery tongues were a signe was not giuen by force of this signe as a set meane appointed by almighty God So in like sort the imposition of hands is a signe of protecting assisting and safe keeping grace not giuen or obtayned by the due vse of this signe as in Sacraments but to be obtained by the prayers of the Bishop and Church of God That which he hath out of Basil is to little purpose for I hope he thinketh not the doctrine of the Trinity to be holden by bare and onely tradition without the warrant of the written word or God And if Saint Basil reckon the forme of wordes wherein we professe our faith in the blessed Trinity to bee a tradition it proueth nothing against vs seeing the thing so professed is contayned in Scripture That the ordaining of Bishops in Diocesses to rule their churches and Metropolitanes in prouinces to call and moderate Synodes was an Apostolicall tradition we make no question but we deny it to be an vnwritten tradition For whereas in the Acts Paul sendeth for the Presbyters of Ephesus to Miletum in the Reuelation it appeareth by the Epistles of the Spirit of God directed to the seauen churches of Asia that amongst many Presbyters feeding the flocke of Christ in Ephesus there was one chiefe who had a kinde of eminent power who is named the Angell of the Church and who is commended or reproued for all thinges done well or ill within the limits and bounds of the same That the Bishop of Winchester saith the Article of Christs descending into hell and the Creede wherein it is contayned is an Apostolicall tradition deliuered to the Church by the direction and agreement of the Apostles is nothing but that we all say Neither is the Popish conceit touching vnwritten Articles of religion thereby confirmed for howsoeuer the Creede of the Apostles may be said to be a tradition in respect of the orderly collection of the principall heades of Christian faith into a briefe summe and Epitome which are scattered here and there in Scripture yet no Article of this Creed is beleeued or receiued by bare and onely tradition but they are all proued out of Scripture as that worthy and learned Bishop doth most excellently confirme and proue the Article of Christs descending into hell out of the same After these particular instances this authour groweth to a generall conclusion and asketh why we may not say with the Councell of Florence cited by
grouÌded vpon it is ouerthrown If this be all I hope the worst is past for if I should grant as he maketh me absurdly to doe that we haue neither Scripture nor tradition but by tradition yet cannot those rules I assigne to know true traditions by propose vnto vs false Scriptures or traditions For what are they but the constant practise of the whole Christian church from the beginning the consent of the most famous learned in all ages or at least in diuerse ages no man contradicting or doubting and the constant testimony of the pastors of Apostolicall churches from their first establishment successiuely witnessing the same things Indeed if these rules could propose vnto vs false traditions false Scriptures or expositions of the difficulties thereof our faith could not be certaine all religion were ouerthrowne but neither he nor all the Diuels in hell shall euer force vs to acknowledge any such thing neither is there any point of Romish superstition proued by any such traditions as are found to bee true traditions by these rules But will some man say doth he make no shew of proofe that we acknowledge these rules may propose vnto vs false traditions false Scriptures expositions of the difficulties in them Doubtlesse he doth For thus he concludeth very terribly against vs. The testimony and iudgment of the Patriarches or Bishops of Apostolicall Sees is one of the rules assigned to know true traditions by but wee acknowledge that the Patriarches of Apostolicke Sees did erre in the Councell of Florence propose vnto vs false expositions of Scripture therefore we must confesse whether we will or not that the rules we assigne may propose vnto vs false Scriptures false expositions of Scripture Vnto this concluding argument wherein the force of the whole chapter lieth we answere briefly and peremptorily First that the maior proposition is most false as hee well knoweth for I neuer make the judgement and opinion of the present Bishops of Apostolicall churches to be the rule to know true traditions by but deny it and professe the contrary against the Papists and make onely the testimony of the Pastours of Apostolicall churches successiuely from the beginning witnessing the same things to bee a rule in this kinde Secondly that the Patriarches of the Apostolicke Sees hee speaketh of were not at the councell of Florence in their owne persons but had others to supply their places whose proceedings they disclaimed and voyded whatsoeuer they did in their names because they presumed to discusse and determine diuers matters of controuersie without directions and instructions from them But howsoeuer we thinke of the proceedings in this Councell yet he sayth no Protestant church can shew any such authority for their cause as that of the Councels of Florence Constance and Trent It had beene well if hee had beene better aduised before hee had so much disenabled vs for he shall finde that we can and will shew farre greater authority for our cause then the late Councels of Florence Constance and Trent and that in the weightiest points of all other For did not the Bishops in the great Councell of Chalcedon professe openly that the reason why the Fathers gaue the preëminence to the Bishoppe of Rome was the greatnesse of his city being the seate of the Emperours and that they thought it fit to giue equall priuiledges to the Bishop of Constantinople for the same cause seeing it was become the seate of the Emperors and named new Rome Did not the 6. generall Councell in Trullo confirme the same parity of the B. of Constantinople with the B. of Rome and doe not the decrees of these two Councells shake in peeces the whole frame fabricke of the Papacy Did not the second fourth and sixth Councels c. make the B. of Constantinople a patriarch and set him in degree of honour before the other two of Alexandria and Antioche notwithstanding the resistance of the Romane Bishops their claime from Peter Did not the sixth generall Councell blame the Church of Rome for sundry things and particularly among other for forcing married meÌ entring into the orders of ministery to forsake the matrimoniall society of their wiues Did not the Councell of Nice referre both Bishops and other inferiour clergy-men to be ordered by their owne Metropolitanes and the Councels of Africa therevpon condemne appeales to Rome Did not the Councell of Eliberis forbid the lighting of tapers in the Coemiteries or places of buriall to the disquieting of the spirits of the Saintes departed and did it not abolish those pernoctations in the places of buriall which Hierome vrged so violently against Vigilantius and forbid the hauing of any pictures in churches Ne quod colitur aut adoratur in parietibus depingatur Doth not the Canon of the Apostles prescribe that all the faithfull that come together in the Church and communicate not in the Sacrament shall be excommunicate which also the Councell of Antioche reuiveth and confirmeth Doth not Gelasius command all them to bee excommunicated that receiuing the Sacrament of the Lords body abstaine from the participation of the cuppe Did not the church of Rome thinke it so farre necessary that the people should communicate in both kindes that Ordo Romanus prescribeth on good Friday when they consecrate not but receiue that which was reserued being consecrated the day before they should take wine consecrate it by putting or dipping the body of the Lord into it with pronouncing the Lords prayer that so the people might receiue the whole Sacrament and yet now the halfe communion is sufficient Did not the Mileuitane and Arausicane Councels condemne those errours touching the strength of nature and power of free-will to performe the workes of vertue without assistance of speciall grace which since haue beene receiued in the Romane Schooles as if they had beene catholicke verities The like might bee shewed in many other particulars but these may suffice Wherefore let vs proceed to his eigth chapter CHAP. 8. IN this chapter first hee sheweth that generall Councels are of highest authority in the Church of God and secondly laboureth to proue that they testifie for Romish Religion To proue that Councels are of highest authority in the Church of God which no man denyeth he produceth the testimonies of the Bishop of Winchester Doctour Morton the Protestant Relator of Religion and Doctour Sutcliffe And lastly addeth that I am clearely of the same opinion assuring all men that the interpretations of Scripture proposed by priuate men are not so proposed and vrged by them as if they would binde all others to receiue them and that none but Bishops assembled in a Generall Councell may interprete Scriptures in such sort as by their authority to suppresse all them that gaine-say such interpretations For so are my words which hee hath altered to make men thinke I allow none in any sort to interprete Scriptures but generall Councels wherein he wrongeth me as he well knoweth seeing I
daret diligentibus seââ¦suisse tamen Prophetas alios quosdam intellectores regââ¦i coeleââ¦is aeââ¦i qui non pro temporalibus sed spiritualibus bonis Domino servirent Calvin institut lib. 2. cap. 10. 1. i Hebr. 11. 13. 14. 15. 16. k Aliud est Etymologia nominis aliud significatio nominis Etymologia attenditur secundum id à quo imponitur nomen ad significandum Nominis vero significatio secundum id ad quo significandum imponitur 2. 2. q. 92. art 1. l verse 25. m 1. Cor 5. 4. n Ignatius Epist ad Tralliââ¦nos saith that without the Bishop and Prââ¦yters there can be no congregation of ãâã ãâã where the word is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã o Religio Christiana quamvis extendat se ad omnem Christianum attamen appropriato quodam vsu loquentium restringitur ad religiones quas Anselmus appellat Factitias Gerson de Relig. perfectione moderatione Consid. 3. et ibid. addit ecclesiae nomen ad Clerum solere restringi sicut religionis ad Religatos circa consilia Christi p Sermo in die Circumcisionis Dom. Consid. 1. q De origine iuris et legum consid 13. a Heb. 12. 23 b Ecclesia praecipuè ex intentione sideles tantum colligit qui veram fidem in corde habent Cum autem admiscentur aliqui ficti qui verè non credunt id accidit praeter intentionem Ecclesiae Si enim eos nosse posset nunquam admitteret aut casu admissos continuo exclude et Bellarm. de Ecclesia lib. 3. cap. 10. a Lib. 3. de Eccles milit cap. 2 b Cont. 1. q. 2. art 2. c Lib. 4. de Baptismo cont Donatistas Cap. 45. Electorum quidam adhue in haeresibus aut Gentilium superstitionibus sunt tamen etiam illic novit Dominus qui sunt ejus Aug. lib. 1. de Baptismo contra Donatist a De Baptismo lib. 7. c. 51. de Ciuitate Dei l. 20. cap. 9. Regnant cum illo qui eo modo sunt in regno ejus vt sint etiam ipsi regnum eius b Stapleton Relect Contr. 1. de Ecclesia in se. q. 2. art 1. in explicat articuli notabili tertio c Aug. lib. 5. de Baptismo contra Donatistas cap. 27. ib. Est certus numerus sanctorum praedestinatus ante mundi constitutionem qui est tanquam lilium inter spinas multitudo vero spinarum siue occultis siue apertis separationibus extrinsecus adiacet sup ãâã numerum d Munera concessa divinitus partim sunt propria electorum sicut in hoc tempore infatigabilis charitas in suturo vita aeterna partim vero cum malis perversis communia sicut omnia caetera in quibus sunt sacrolancta mysteria Aug. ibid. a Ioh. 2. 47. b Tunc Ousiae nomen abolitum est tum Nicenae fidei damnatio conclamata est ingemuit totus orbis Arrianum se esse miratus est Igitur alij ãâã suam communionem remanere alij ad eos coââ¦fessores ãâã sub Athanasij nomine exulabant coeperunt literas mittere c. Hieron contra Luciferianos c Hillarius contra Auxentium d Aug. ep 48. Chrisu temp ore deficientibus in fide Apostolis integra omnino perfectissima fides in sola virgine Domini matre remansit Arrianae haereseos fervente persecutione Athanasius ferè solus pro Catholica fide agens inventus est Francise Picus Mirand Theorem 13. e Tom. 1. contr 4. lib. 3. cap. 13. f Dialog l. 5. 1. part c. 32. g Quaest. Vesperiatum de Reââ¦umpta h Canus lib. 4 c. 5. ostendit Turrecremat alios putasââ¦e in sola virgine fidem permansisse idque significare dixisse candelam quae ãâã corum dierum sola non extinguitur vnde discipuli lumen quod amiserant receperunt Idem Turrecremat ãâã ãâã Summâ⦠cap. 16. ãâã Apostolos omnes fuisse infideles tempore mortis Christi vid. Câ⦠ibidem a 2 Tim. 2. 20. b Phil. 3. 16. 17. c 1 Thes. 2. 12. d 2 Thes. 3. 11. e Mat. 13. 25. f Mat. 3. 12. g Mat. 25. 2. h Mat. 13. 47. i Non omnibus ââ¦aequè conveniunt praeconia filiorum sed vocabula summae laudis excellentiae tituli quamvis indistinctè per Scripturas de tota legantur Ecclesia tamen de sola gloriosa parte ejus debent intelligi vt quod sit sponsa agni quod sit civitas sancta Hierusalem nova descendens decoelo a Deo parata c. VValdens lib. 2 art 2. c. 11 k Revel 19. 7. l 1 Pet. 2. 9. n Distinguenda est Ecclesia Christi in sua latitudine à corpore Christi mystico propriè dicto Inprimis enim etsi malus non sit membrum corporis Christi in quo perpetuus est influxus participatio gratiae vivum operativum adeoque reipsa vnivocè dictum tamen ipsius Ecclesiae Christi quae ut est corpus Christi in vno sensu propter internam gratiam ita est domus magna Christi est area ager Dominicus in alio sensu propter externam collectionem professionem societatem per Sacramenta hujus inquam Ecclesiae in hoe sensu qui-etiam verus proprius est verè proprie membrum est Stapleton Contro 1. q. 2. art 1 notab 5. Ad vnionem corporis mystici siue Ecclesiae nunquam propriè pertinent existentes in peccato mortali tamen refert dicere vnitatem Ecclesiae et corporis Ecclesiae In vnitate Ecclesiae sunt boni mali vnitas verò corporis Ecclesiae non est nisi per fidem Charitate formatam Alexan. de Hales part 3. q. 12. memb 3. artic 3. Hieron Non audeo ãâã peccatores gehennae reos negare mââ¦bra magni corporis Christi grandis Ecclesiae speciosae fuscae quos Apostolus dicit Cum to oââ¦es in vno spiritu baptizatos vt vnum corpus efficerentur in Christo membra de membro nec tamen ââ¦io introducere eos in Ecclesiam Electorum quam dicit Apostolus gloriosam vt membra cjus quamvis inter eos corporaliter habitent sed vt mali humores non vt membra in corpore minus sano August Tom. 9. Quidam sic sunt in corpore Domini vt membra in non sano quidam vt humores mali Corpus non plenè curatur nisi istos evomuerit exierunt ex me humores isti sed non erant ex me Non sunt ergo membra in Christi corpore glorioso qui forsan in Christi corpore magno illo regno coelorum sunt membra VValdensâ⦠lib. 2. artic 2. cap. 11. haec verba Hieron Aug. citat Augustinus de doctrina Christiaâ⦠lib. 3. cap. 32. negat esse de corpore Christi qui cum illo non erunt in aeternum fatetur tamen esse in Ecclesia ideoââ¦e Ecclesiam vocari posse permixtam non autem corpus Christi permixtum ãâã bipââ¦titum Stapleton
the Patriarch of Constantinople the second which conclusion was not of such force but that the succeeding Bishops of Constantinople coÌtinued the same challeng their predecessors made as any oportunity was offered sought to aduance their pretended title till at length there growing some difference between theÌ in the matter of the proceeding of the holy G whome the Latines affirmed to proceede from the Father and the Sonne the GREEKES from the Father only either pronounced the other to be heretickes schismatickes Wherefore let vs see what the religion of the Greeke Church is and whether these Christians be so farre forth orthodoxe that wee may account them members of the true Catholicke Church of God or so in errour that we may reject them as schismaticks hereticks though in number never so many Bernard speaking of them sayth nobiscum sunt non sunt iuncti fide pace diuisi quanquam fide ipsa claudicaverint à rectis semitis That is they are with vs and they are not with vs they are of the same profession with vs touching matters of faith but they hold not the vnity of the spirit in the band of peace although they haue halted also and in some sort declined from the straight pathes in matters pertayning to the Christian faith Touching the state of these Christians the Romanists lay downe these propositions First that there is a double separation from the Church of God the one by heresie ouerthrowing the fayth the other by schisme breaking the vnity The second that schismaticks though they fall not into heresie are out of the Church cut off from being members of the same and consequently in state of damnation Beleeue certainely and no way doubt sayth St Augustine that not onely all Pagans but all Iewes hereticks schismaticks also dying out of the communion of the Catholicke Church shall goe into everlasting fire The third that the Graecians are Schismatically divided from the Roman Church that they haue long continued so that they are excommunicate with the greater excommunication thundred out against all Schismaticks in bulla coenae Domini and consequently are in state of damnation But whether they bee not only Schismaticks but haereticks also as some feare not to pronounce they are not yet agreed Azorius thinketh they are not to bee censured as hereticks and yeeldeth a reason of his so thinking because in those articles of the faith where they are thought to erre they differ verbally onely and not really from those that are vndoubtedly right beleevers and giueth instance first in the question touching the proceeding of the holy Ghost wherein hee thinketh they differ but in forme of words from them that seeme to bee their opposites and secondly in the questions touching the Pope his power priviledges and authority concerning all which hee affirmeth they haue no other opinion then Gerson the Parisians who were neuer yet pronounced heretickes for they yeeld a primacie to the Bishop of Rome but no supremacy They acknowledge him to bee Patriarch of the West amongst all the Patriarches in order honour the first as long as hee continueth orthodoxe and seeketh not to encroach vpon the jurisdiction of others But they deny as also the Parisians doe that his judgement is infallible or his power authority supreame absolute they teach that hee must doe nothing of himselfe in things pertayning to the state of the vniversall Church but with the concurrence of others his colleagues and that hee is subject to a generall Councell All which things were defined in the Councells of Constance and Basil and the contrary positions condemned as haereticall Neither want there at this day many worthy Diuines liuing in the Communion of the Roman Church who most strongly adhere to the decrees of those Councells and peremptorily reject those of Florence and Trent wherein the contrary faction prevayled For the whole kingdome and state of France admit those and reject the other and would no lesse withdraw themselues from all communion with the Roman Bishoppe then the Grecians doe if they should once bee pressed to acknowledge that his power and authority is supreame and absolute that hee cannot erre and that hee may dispose the kingdomes and depose the kings soveraigne princes of the world as the Iesuites and other the Popes flatterers affirme and defend Whence it will follow that they are not onely free from heresie as Azorius resolueth but froÌ schisme also So that after so great clamours and so long contendings they must of necessity bee forced in the end to confesse they haue done them infinite wrong and sinned grievously against God in condemning to hell for no cause so many millions of Christian soules redeemed with the most precious blood of his dearest Sonne There are sayth Andreas Fricius who thinke that the Russians Armenians and other Christians of the East part pertaine not to the Christian Church but seeing they vse the same sacraments which wee doe seeing they professe to fight vnder the banner of Christ crucified and rejoyce in their sufferings for his sake farre bee it from vs ever to thinke that they should bee cast off and rejected from being fellow citizens with the Saints and of the houshold of God having borne the burden endured the heate of the day so many ages in the vineyard of the Lord. Nay rather I thinke there can be no perfect coÌsociation vnion of the whole Church without them For the Latine Church alone caÌnot be takeÌ for the vniversall Church that which is but a part caÌnot be the whole But some man happily will say whatsoeuer we think of these differeÌces touching the power authority of the B. of Rome yet in the article of the proceeding of the holy ghost they erre damnably so are hereticks that Azorius was deceived when hee thought otherwise Wherefore for the cleering of this poynt first I will make it evident that not onely Azorius but sundry other great and worthy Divines thinke the difference about the proceeding of the holy Ghost to bee meerely verball Secondly I will shew how the seeming differences touching this poynt may bee reconciled Thirdly I will note the beginnings and proceedings in this controversie The Grecians sayth Peter Lombard affirme that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father onely not from the Sonne yet wee must know that the Greekes doe acknowledge the holy Ghost to bee the spirit of the Son aswell as of the Father because the Apostle sayth the spirit of the Son And trueth it selfe in the Gospell the spirit of trueth Now seeing it is no other thing to bee the spirit of the Father and the Son then to bee from the Father the Son they seeme to agree with vs in judgement touching this article of faith though they differ in words Grosthed the famous and renowned Bishop of Lincolne writing vpon a part of Damascen deliuereth his opinion touching this controuersie
in these words The Grecians are of opinion that the holy Ghost is the spirit of the Sonne but that hee proceedeth not from the Son but from the Father onely yet by the Son and this opinion seemeth to bee contrary to ours For wee say the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father the Son But happily if two wise and vnderstanding men the one of the Greeke Church the other of the Latine both true louers of the trueth and not of their owne sayings because they are their owne might meete to consider of this seeming contrariety it would in the end appeare that this difference indeede and in trueth is not reall but verball onely For otherwise either the Grecians or wee that are of the Latine Church are truely Heretickes But who dares charge this Authour Iohn Damascen or those blessed ones Basil Gregorie the Diuine or Gregorie Nazianzen Cyril and other Greeke Fathers of like esteeme with heresie And again on the other side who dares brand blessed Hierome Augustine Ambrose Hilarie and other like Latine Fathers with the note of heresie Therefore it is likely that though there be contrariety in the words of these fathers so that they seem to bee contrary one to another yet in judgement meaning they agree Stanislaus Orichovius as Andreas Fricius reporteth a man renowned for wit eloquence profound science in divers kinds hath written of the opinions of the Russians and in an epistle to Peter Gamrat an Archbishoppe in Polonia he sheweth how the differences touching the proceeding of the holy Ghost where they seeme especially to bee contrary vnto vs may bee agreed and composed Thomas à Iesu resolueth cleerely that this question touching the proceeding of the holy Ghost is onely de modo loquendi and that the difference is not reall which hee sheweth to be true in this sort The Greekes who deny the holy Ghost to proceede from the Sonne acknowledge that hee is the spirit of the Sonne and that hee is given vnto vs by the Sonne Wee doe not say sayth Damascen that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Sonne but wee name him the spirit of the Son If any man sayth the Apostle haue not the spirit of Christ hee is none of his And wee affirme that hee appeared by the Sonne was given vnto vs by him for hee breathed vpon his disciples sayd vnto them receiue the holy Ghost but wee neuer say that the Sonne is the son of the holy Ghost or proceedeth from him They teach therefore that the spirit is proceedeth from the Father by the Son as the brightnesse is from the Sun by the beame And that as wee may say the brightnesse is the brightnesse of the Sun-beame aswell as of the Sun but not that the beame is the beame of that brightnesse so the spirit is the spirit of the Son but the Son is not the son of the spirit So then they say the holy Ghost proceedeth or receiueth essence being from the Father onely as from the originall fountaine but by the Son as a middle person in order of subsistence betweene them receiving being immediatly from the Father so mediately deriving coÌmunicating it to him Neither Greekes nor Latines therefore deny the holy Ghost to receiue being essence from the Sonne and consequently to proceede from him as from a middle person in order of subsistence betweene the Father him in such sort as the brightnesse that floweth from the sun is from the sun-beame betweene the sun and it Neither of them deny the Father to be the fountaine and the originall as the sunne is the fountaine whence floweth both the beame brightnesse of light And both agree that the Father from whom the Sonne by whom the spirit receiueth being are one cause or one beginning and that by one eternall breathing the spirit receiueth essence or subsistence from them both in such sort as the sonne and beame are one cause and doe by one action send forth that shining brightnesse that floweth from them By that which hath beene spoken sayth Thomas à Iesu it is easie to vnderstand that those Greekes which seeme to differ from the Latines differ but in words only and that the Churches may easily be brought to a reconciliation and agreement if they will but endeavour to vnderstand each the other But the Latines and those Greekes that agree with them speake more fitly expresse the thing whereof they speake better then the other Howsoever it is certaine that some of the Fathers expressed that they conceiued of this mystery in one sort and some in another Tertullian sayth the holy spirit is from the Father by the Son his words are Spiritum non aliunde puto quam a Patre per Filium Hilarie sayth he is from the Father and the Son His words are de patre filio authoribus confitendus est c. When the holy spirit is sent sayth Hierom he is sent of the Father and the Son and in Scripture hee is called sometimes the spirit of the Father sometimes of the Son And again Spiritus à Patre egreditur propter naturae societatem à filio mittitur That is the spirit proceedeth from the Father and in that he is of the same nature and essence with the Son he is sent of him Why should wee not beleeue sayth Augustine that the holy spirit proceedeth from the Sonne also seeing hee is the spirit of the Sonne The Greekes say not expressely that hee proceedeth from the Father and the Sonne for in the creede of Athanasius as it is found in the Greeke the words are the spirit is of the Father not made nor created nor begotten but proceeding without the addition of the Sonne But some of them say he is or receiued being from the Father that he appeared by the Son and is a perfect image of the Son Others that not only the Father but the Son also sendeth the holy spirit Some that hee proceedeth from the Father and receiueth of the Sonne And others that hee is from the Father by the Sonne In all which diversitie of words and formes of speaking there was one the same meaning and therefore no exception was taken by one against another But the controversie that now is touching this point began in this sort The first publishers of the Gospell of Christ deliuered a rule of faith to the Christian Churches which they founded comprehending all those articles that are found in that epitome of Christian religion which wee call the Apostles creed But in processe of time when Arrius and his complices questioned the deity of Christ and denied him so to bee the sonne of God as to bee coequall coeternall and coessentiall with the father Constantine called a Councell and assembled the Bishops of the Christian world at Nice a city in Bithinia these Bishops cleared the poynt in controversie and with vnanimous consent composed a