Industry Yet could justify their Pretensions only by keeping these Worthies Pictures Though perhaps they expected even from these Pictures some Infusion of Learning as he that in Lucians days bought Epictetus's Lamp tribus drachmarum millibus hoped it would in a Dream inspire him with Epictetus's Wisdome * The story is in his Dialogue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus the Turks look'd for Valour in Scanderbegs bones and the Papists do still for Miracles in the Relicks of their Saints There 's a Parity of Reason for these Unorthodox Philosophers b M. Curius Dentatus for his wooden dish and his Rapes and his refusal of a Present made him by his vanquished Samnites became Exactissima Norma Romanâ— frugalitatis Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. And his Name is here an Expression of Temperance V. Sat. 11. v. 78. c Such as like Socrates disputed severely of Vertue Honesty Cinoedi interim erant Paâ—hici The Practice of Socrates's abusing himself with Boyes being as infamous as his Precepts of Vertue are renowned This allusion of the Poet is justify'd by the fossanotissima illa sc Corporis posterior non nominanda which regards Socraticâ—s Cinoedos d This some men among the Athenians industriously affected especially rough Armholes and would in their voteing at Elections which they call's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 endeavour to discover as they stretched out their Hands For as Casaubon observes Laudi ducebant habere illam partem fructicante pilo neglectam totum Latus horridum which is but the Latin of Theophrastus in his Char. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And the Schol. on Aristoph Concion confirmes it saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They nourished hair on purpose to seem the more men And I nothing doubt but these Hispida membra Durae setae and Hirsutum Collum v. 41. were Imitations of the others Gravity I may add slovinglyness e Two Tables or Rolls of Proscription Sylla proposed in the Forum at Rome presently on his victory at the Colline Gate of which and his other Cruelties see Florus L. 3. c. 21. Plut. in Syll. c. 21. The first of these was a list of 80000 the 2 d of if 5000 all whose lives any one that met them might take from them and their Goods were at Syllas's disposal which was generally the Condition a Proscription left men in f Here by the abstract we must understand the Concrete and Render Vitia ultima the debauchest persons Which in Nouns of the Neuter Gender especially is an elegant use of the Rom. Authors So Adulteria in Suet. is Adulteri and Servitia and Ergastala in Florus signify Slaves and Gaol-Birds Even these might justly return a reproach upon the ficti Scauâ—i Men who in shew were Vertuous but abounded with secret vices which is the Character of Aemilius Scaurus in Salust Bell. Jug 1. g Cato Major or Censorinus and Cato Vticensis his Nephew with the Grave reprehender of Vice in our Author are the three This last is Ironically supposed sent down from Heaven to War against the Sins of the times which in seriousness they aâ—firm'd of the two first who by their Gravity and severity gave Occasion to a Proverbial calling any rigid Censurer of another mans Life Tertius Cato Erasm Chil. Add to Must 8. after but from Scantinius who being accused by C. Marcellus for offering to force his Son a Law passed in Senatâ— that seta Fine of 10000 H.S. upon the like attempt And the foul Offender was either to pay the whole summ of our Mony 78 l. 2 s. 6 d. or his Life This manner of giving Laws c. as in the Illustrat h Multicia quasi Multilicia For the thred of the Woof or Licium being fine in thin silks must necessarily be the oftener doubled to fill the peice Upon this depends another Reason of the word from Multumicere because the Pecten or stay of the weavers Loom having teeth like a comb must the oftener strike and drive this Woof the oftner 'tis doubled Whence Multicia is called by Franc. Jun. on Terrull Vestis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And an old unprinted Scoliast with Vossius says t is mulia inenaâ—rabili textura expressa But this is not all that grounds the Reprehension of our Poet though even this delicacy of Apparel might justly be noted in a Crave Judge or the Noble Mitellus for the same Unprinted Schol. tells us that the Multiciâ— was only used innuptis puellis out viduis Matronis which as to the first part is confirm'd by the printed Old Schol. who say's Multicia est vestis Molli intexta Substamine quaâ—nti solent puelle This Womans Garment on Metullus's back mightily warms our Poet. In his times perhaps this garment began to be but not without a reproof what usually 't was in latter the common wear of both sexes Whence in Vopiscus's Aurel. we read Tunicas Multiciâ— viriles decem cap. 12. Whence Salmas Notes that Multicia is in the neuter Gender put substantively For otherwise there is Multicia Vestis and Multicium Vestimentum i Here begins a description of men though one would scarce think it by their Garb or their Religion For first their Habits were the same that Women wore viz. α their Redimicula Fillets that is on their foreheads β Monilia Necklaces γ Supercilium suligine tactum black'd Eyebrows and crisped too δ obliqua Acu. ε Nay the balls of their very Eyes were coloured Pingitque trementes Oculos which St. Hierome call's Orbes Stibio fuliginatos and Pliny makes it a Beauty calling it Decoris affectatio L. 11. c. 37. Arnobius notes the Custome L. 2. Adv. Gent. Vt imminuerent frontes Limbia the same as Redimicula here fuligine Oculos obumbrarent ζ Next they wore the Womans Reticulum Auratum or Caul κ Their Caerulea Scutulata Net work Garments so thin that the mashes of them represented distinctly the form of the Roman Scutum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 something very like is seen in the spiders Web the Invention may be parallell'd in our Ladies new net hoods which one might well call Scutulata Of the same nature though the name expresses the roundness of the Mashes I take the Tenuis Cyclas to be Sat. 6. v. 26. Then θ their Galbanarasa white smooth sarcenet without hair or shag fine pilis out villis extantibus of this our Women now wear hoods Galbamum as Isidor L. 19. c. 9. was a kind of white paint crescens in monte Amano Syriae alias succus est ferulae But Salmas Thinks Galbamun derived from Galba and thence by the Analogy of the Latin its Penultima should be long and so unfit for this verse Wherefore on Vopisc Aurel. he reads it Galbina rasa and derives it from Galbus which Philoxenus renders by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a grass-green such as Mart. Calls Herbarum colores Ep. 24. L. 5. And that this was a Womanish wear may be seen by the same Authors 97. Ep. of his 1. L. Habeat licet semper Fuscos colores
does swell VVith slender yarn you whirle-about as well Nay better then Penelope could and Then fine Arachne with her nimble hand Or then a trembling Harlot 11 whose wrong'd dame Makes her sit spinning on a clogge with shame 'T is now well known why Hister left his fair Freed-man in his last VVill for his Sole Heir 12 Heir of his wealth and Crimes yet in his life Paid Tribute-brides to his own Conscious wife She shall be rich that seemingly can sleep A third in a large bed and Counsel keep VVed and be Mute Thy Silence and his Fear VVith rich Cylinders 13 then shall grace thine ear Yet falls the heavy Censure on our necks And pard'ning Crows 14 the harmless Doves does veâ— The feigned Stoicks fled They durst nor hear Their true and known Crimes with a guilty ear For did Laronia slander them But now VVhat shall not others venter-on when Thou Cretian Metellus 15 goest in cloaths so thin VVe see through thy transparent gown thy sin h The People at the sight are struck with shame Insteed of Rev'rence yet dost Thou declame Against a Procula or Polinea Fabula's an Adult'ress and Carsmia Condemn her if thou wilt yet lost to Fame Shee 'l ne're wear such a gown 16 for very shame Of Nature But Iuly is Fire I Boil 17 Go Naked then the Madness were less vile VVhen our good Mountain-people left the Plow In ancient times to make our Enemies bow And after from the field victorious came Adorn'd with happy wounds fresh as their fame O this had been a brave attire for thee To ' have sate in Then their Judge what may not we Proclame then when such Dress the Judge does wear I aske were 't fit a witnesse should Thus Swear Yet Thou fierce Cretian the stout Patron too Of Freedom art Transparent Thee this nâ—w Contagion has thus touch'd and this Thy stain Shall as Example be diffus'd again Thus one foul Hogg infects a Heard of Swine And one stain'd Grape does farther stain the Vine Hereafter thou wilt dare some fouler Crime No man at First is Monstrous They with Time Will win thee who at Home like the Shee-Sex i With tires α their brows with Jewels β dress their Necks A Sows soft belly peice λ and large bould of VVine μ They bring to the Good Goddess's χ Chast shrine 18 But their thwart Custome lets no Female ν venter To ' approach their Altar only Males must enter Prophane VVomen begon with a loud scorn 'T is Cry'd No She-Priest here lows in a horn â— Such Orgia by night the Baptae kept VVhiles tir'd Cecropian Cotytto slept One with his crisping pine δ his eye-brows dies γ VVith black Paint too prides-up his Lustful eyes ι This in a Glasse Priapus drinks His Call ζ Of gold his huge locks fill his gown is all Shield-work on Azure â— or white Silk θ he wears Most sleek His Servant too by Juno ι swears 19 The Pathick Otho's shield a Looking-glass 20 A third does hold A Spoil that does surpass Actor Aruncus's Spear Before the Fight In this he view'd if he were Harness'd Right New Annalls and fresh Story this Glass claims This Baggage quite All Civil VVar out-shames O to kill Galba was a Generall 's Art To smooth his Skin too a Great Citizens part In Bebraick field to aim at Royal Spoil And with sopp'd Bread k his Face to Trimme and Soil Quiver'd Semiramis th' Assyrian ne're Did Thus nor Cleopatra's Actian Fear At Sea Their Talk and Table 's Foul they l speak VVith Cybel's License with loud voice they screak Their Hoary inspir'd Priests of throat so ample They well may hire him for their grand Example m But what 's the stay They should with Phrygian art E're this have cut-off their superfluous part Four hundred as his Portion Gracchus gave To a dear Cornet-winder or a brave Trumpeter Deeds they Seal Heaven bless the Paire All Crie Vastly they Feast Nay this so Rare A Bride 21 enjoys his Husband Need our Times A Censor or th' Aruspex 22 for These Crimes Could Fear or VVonder more exceed a Mean To see a VVoman calve or a Cow yean The fring n long gown 23 and flamy vail He wears VVho Mars his Shields staid with close thong oft beats VVith jolts and sweat Father of Rome what clime Brought to thy Latian Shepheards this wild crime VVhat nettle thus Great Marcher 24 does inflame Thy Nephews Loe a very Male of Fame And wealth does wed a Male yet dost not shake Thy crest Nor with Spean pâ—irce the Farth Nor make Complaint to Jove Go then leave thy severe Acres thy Field which thou neglectest E're The Sun 's scarce up to morrow I must tend In our Quirinus's valley on a friend The Business Askes the other Oh He 's Marry'd To ' a Male says This And 't must be closely carry'd Let these men Live hereaster men will do The like in Publick they 'd record it too o Yet this sore greif does to these Brides adhere Children the Husbands Bonds they can not bear 'T is well that o're the Body yet the Mind This pow'r has Not No Babes they leave behind Big Lyde's Physick-Box can This ne're gain 25 Pan's running Priest their palmes does touch in vain The coated Gracchus's Trident this surpass'd 26 About the Sand this Fencer ran agast Though Nobler than the Manlii Catuli Marcelli Fabii Aemilii Then the First Rank at Shews 27 or He that set Them forth when this Great Gracchus cast the Net That there are Ghosts and Subterraneous caves A ferry-poal and Frogs in Stygian waves That one boat wafts-o're thousands is now made Fable by Boys if they 've the Bath-fee paid 28 But believe Thou they 're True Could we disclose The thoughts of Curius now the Sciplo's Fabricius and Camillus or the bold Legion of Cremera 29 or the Youth behold That fell at Cannae Spirits of VVar when we Send a Foul Ghost to Them They fain would be New-purg'd if Sulphur and the Pine-tree were VVith Them 30 and if they had wet Laurel there Thither alas we all are wafred tho' Our Armes we stretch beyond the Irish foe 31 The late tam'd Orcades the Britans too Content with their short night But what we do In our Victorious Rome ev'n They do hate VVhom we have conquer'd Fame does yet relate That one Armenian Zalates worse kind Then all our Smooth-ones foully was inclin'd To a fir'd Tribune See what commerce can He came an Hostage Here he 's made a Man 32 For if these Guests long in the City dwell They cannot want a Tempter then farcwell Slops knives whips bridles Thus they trade-away Rome's Noble Crimes to Rude Artaâ—ata NOTES on JUVENAL Sat. II. a HE was a most acute Stoick and so good at Logick that he could sooner find proofs then other men Opinions for him to prove This was a Quality the grave sinners of these times thought worth pretending to as they did Aristotles Learning Pittacus's Wisdome and Cleanthes's
to be detested which pretend the Love and knowledge of Vertue but are destitute of both 3. Bids a first-form'd Cleanthes Et jubet archetypos plutenm servare Cleanthas the antique images of Cleanthes such pictures and statues being called â—â—chetype as are first form'd and those ectype which are made by the first The first as most ancient and true were held in great estimation and therefore with the more curiositie sought-after by these hypocrites But this passage is not without some difficulties arising from the diverse fignifications of pluteus and the ambiguous order of the construction Pluteus is properly taken for a Desk figuratively for a studie or the books in it The Manuscript Commentary takes it in the first sense telling us that they us'd anciently to draw the pictures of learned men upon their desks whereon they writ The Scholiast takes it according to the second for a study so likewise Britannicus who though the opinion be in a sort true illustrates it ill from that of Persius Nec pluteum caedit as if the Poet had there implied that Poets when their compositions were not easy but with violence us'd to knock their knuckles against their studie-walls But the whole difficulty may be best removed by taking notice of the custome of the Romans who orderd several sorts of Images into several places The first of which was before their Gates where they placed the Images of their Ancestours expressed in brass or such solid matter The second was in their Halls as in a conspicuous part of their house and here they set the like statues but curiously wrought in waxe The third was in their Chamber where they placed their Lares for the careful keeping of which a servant was appointed then the Images of those friends whom they lov'd most dearly as also the Deities which had the care of the Marriage bed The Roman Emperors in latter times kept here also a golden Image of Fortune yet Domitian had not an Image of Fortune but of Minerva as before him Tully also had The fourth place was their pinacotheca by comparison of the use we may call it a gallerie of pictures and in this they placed the representations of their Gods and their Heroës and likewise painted fables and histories The fift and last was their study wherein they kept the Images of Learned men Of which two last that place of Lampridius may seem properly to be understood in his Alexand. where he speaks of the Emperor's two-fold Lararium in the one of which he says he had the Images of Apollonius Abraham and Orpheus and this agrees with the use of their pinacotheca in the other he says he had the Images of Virgil and Tully and this agrees with the propertie of their bibliatheca or study By this then we may avoid the error of Calderine who says that pluteus here signifies pinacotheca for proof alleging that of Pliny Pinacothecas veteribus tabulis consumunt as he reads it or consnuâ—t as the common copies have it as ill or rather as Dinoâ—sius Peravius in his Notes upon Synes Caâ—â—it Encom p 27. better conjectures construunt Lubin likewise though he delivers and chooses the true opinion says this also may stand which cannot be For since the Images of learned men were kept only in their studies not in their galleries and that pluteus according to themselves signifies the place where such Images were kept it follows that pluteus here cannot fignifie pinacotheca but bibliotheca That place of Pliny shews only that in their pinacotheca they kept Images but that they were not of learned men appears from the distinction of places See also Beroald upon Sucron's Augustus cap. 7. and Casaubon on the same place To applie this Pluteus may be taken conveniently in the second or third sense for a studie or the books in it the figure and sense bearing boâ—h As for the Order of the construction some would have it that the study should keep the Images but this is cold and without life the contrary order more happily expressing the vigour of Ironie According to which way of interpretation our Poet then says That this ignorant hypocrite never applying himself to his book bids his Images take care that his studie and Books run not away 4. Their locks Supercilio brevior coma By this passage it is commonly conceived that the Severe Philosophers cut the hair of their head as short as that upon their eye brow But with what truth then could Seneca have said Epist 5. describing the form of the severe Philosopher Asperum incultum intonsum caput negligetiorem barbam devita For the removing therefore of this scruple we may take notice of the Scholiast upon Aristophanes his Nâ—â—â—â— Act. 1. sc 1. writing thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which last words implie as Heraldus observes in his Adversar lib. 2. cap. 16. that the Stoicks were close-cut only in the lower part of the head where locks were by others nourished but that upon the upper part of their head their hair was negligently rough The sense then of this place lies in the special acception of Coma which is not here in a general acception the same with cupiâ—â—us the hair of the head but rather as much as compta caesaries the ornament of locks which the negligent Roughness of these Stoicks avoided 5. With a Herculean style Verbis Herculis Some make this an allusion to a passage in Xenophon in which Hercules is described severely checking the Woman that offerd him Pleasure and following her that represented Vertue according to which this may be expounded and the rather because it follows Et de virtute loqunti which seems aptly to express that story of Hercules Yet to speak with libertie I think this not to be the Poets intent and that this verse does only casually agree with that description For we must suppose that the Poet's meaning was in his own time commonly understood and that therefore probably it had not a special reference to a private story with which few were acquainted More likely therefore it is that he alludes to the famous labours of Hercules whose hand known to be dreadful in the taining of Monsters these false Stoicks whom Juvonal detested would seem to emulate using as terrible language against the monsters of Vice and so striving in a diverse kind to be as fierce as Hercules himself and thus Hercules his words or style are such as might seem sutable to Hercules his Courage 6. The three Scholars of Sylla These by the Scholiast are said to be Caesar Pompey and Crassus yet by way of probability he changes them into Angustus Lepius and Antonie Indeed though the instance in the three first be a truth yet we may say that the three last not so nere to Sylla in Time were nearer to him in Imitation 7. A serve Adulterer Nuper pollutus adulter Inverpreters differ much in defining the person here intended Diverse think it to be Caligula
conversation was with Men though their crimes were hellish and in the language of Rome he speaks unto them Creticus therefore in this place most probably signifies as it does in another place of Juvenal who in Sat. 8. vers 90. says to a Moble Roman by way of advise and under this name ne sic tu Creticus aut Camerinus deserve not thou to be ironically call'd Creticus or Camerinus and thus he uses these two words in a like kind that is as the names of Noble persons By some here is understood Julius Creticus a great Lawier in the time of the Caesars but we may more safely and generally take it for any that were descended of this familie the familie of Metellus noble as much by Vertue as by blood who for his conquest of Creet had the honour in his name and was call'd Creticus as Scipio was call'd Africanus Thus a few verses before in the same 8th Satyre Juvenal calls another Nobleman for a like reason Getulicus in those words salve Getulice he being of the famous familie of Him that had gotten that name from his conquest of the Getulians So here he speaks of Creticus as of Metellus aggravating the levitie and filthiness of wearing transparent and so immodest apparel from the Nobleness of his Person as if he should say Wilt Thou do this that should'st remember that thy Ancestor was a noble warrior severely detesting such effeminacy This seems the least constrain'd exposition and for advantage I add the Name Metellus to enlighten the epithet and the sense 16. Shee 'll ne're wear such a gown Talent Non sumet damnata togam Toga the Gown was properly the Man's garment as stola was the Woman's especially in the latter time of the Roman Commonwealth Yet the obscurer sort of Women also and maid-servants and dishonest Women cheifly those that were convicted of adultery were enjoined publickly to wear the gown as Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist lib. 3. Epist 1. shews out of Porphyrio upon that of Horace Sat. 2. lib. 1. quid inter Est in matronâ ancillâ peccesve togatâ opposing Matrona and Togata He brings this also of Juvenal as an allusion to that marvailing at Servius and Nonius Marcellus for delivering the contrary and thinking that they speak only of the most ancient times of the Roman Commonwealth Indeed Tully implies as much for His times as Manutius notes Philip. 2. Sumpsisti virilem togam quam statiâ—â— mullebrem reddidisti primo vulgare scortum certa flagitii â—â—erces nec ea parva 17. But July 's Fire I Boil Sed Julius ardet Aestuâ— These words are an objection supposed and presently answer'd by the Poet. 18. The Good Goddesse's chast shrine Atque bonam tenerâ placant c. As the Goddess Cotytto was worshipp'd at Athens the first King whereof was Cecrops by her Preists the Baptae so called because they were washed in hot water before they were admitted to her filthy Sacrifices call'd Orgia from the furious raptures wherewith her preists were thought to be inspir'd and as to add opportunitie to leudness these Rites were celebrated by night a time fitter for sleep then for service so at Rome the Goddess Bona or the Good Goddess was worshipp'd by Women who were usually summon'd to such service by the noise of a horn or the like instrument men being excluded In imitation whereof some filthy Men perform'd by night and stealth such sacrifices to the same Goddess excluding Women but not pleasure To these Juvenal here alludes saying that they which first would not blush to wear wanton Apparel would at the next degree be partakers of those odious Rites and wear Women's apparel and not only be thus unmanly in their Attire but worse in their Behaviour 19. By Juno swears The Poet here saith Politian in his Observations reprehends Men for Swearing after the manner of Women by Juno whereas they should more properly have sworn per Genium Seneca implies the reason of this Epist 110. speaking of former times Singulis enim Genium Junonem dedêâ—unt Which words Dempster de Juramento lib. 1. cap. 8. p. 145. mends thus lege aut Genium scilicet viris aut Junonem foeminis but before Him Lipsius on that Epistle mended them so Where we may farther note that some Oaths were observ'd to have been peculiar to Men as to swear by Jupiter Hercules Fides Genius Others to Women as Aedepol Mecastor and by Juno for so Lubin delivers out of Politian Yet I find Valentinus Acidalius an accurate Critick in his Annotations on Plautus his Asinaria cap. 10. making Aedepol a common Oath to Men and Women M. OTHO CAESAR AVG. TR. P. IMP. 21. Vastly they feast Nay This so Rare a Bride c. The Poet having expressed the portion which this execrable Gracchus brought to his dear Cornet-winder namely 400. sestertia 3125 l. proceeds saying as the common copies here have it Ingens coena sedet gremio jacuit c. In which passage Lubin takes coena sedet for convivae sedent which is but a hard acception and whereas he once thought with Lipsius as he says in his Epist Quast p. 133. that it should be read Sed gremio in English as much as Nay even to bed went this bride and so to be an aggravation yet he tells us that now he likes of the other Reading Coena sedet expounding sedet by posita and parata est making this phrase or manner of speech peculiar to Juvenal who as he alleges speaks on this fashion also in that of the first Satyre nunc sportula primo Limine parva seder He might have taken that other instance also from our Author Sat. 8. vers 63. Rara juâ—o victoria sedit But I approve not of his change of opinion for these reasons first it is a new expression to say coena sedet for coenantes and Lubin is fain to say that it is peculiar to Juvenal Secondly his proof out of Juvenal and the other of the like form which I allege do not advantage his exposition of coena by coenantes nay they rather make it the more harsh because then it should be coenantes sedent mensâ which if expounded like the other juga victoria sedit the guests would be placed as well upon the table as at it Thirdly though the learned Pithaeus in the text of Juvenal reads coena sedet yet in his Var. Lection on this place he gives this note An potius distinguendum fuit ingens Coena sedet gremio jacuit c. and then adds out of Aâ—uleius Accumbit ad summum thorum maritus Psychen greâ—io suo complexus intending it as a like sense whereby it appears that he disliked the insolency of the phrase coena sedet and sought to avoid it by the varietie of Reading according to which coena cannot be the word that must agree with sedet but either the Bride-groom or Gracchus the new Bride or both of them that so it may answer to
of the Pleasures it afforded the Capena by it's Springs c Philosopher's divide the time of Mans Life according to the several changes which at certain stages happen to it And first PVERITIA they stretched to 25. years of Age and made it include 1. Infantia from ones birth to three or four years of Age within which time all children speak 2. Pueritia strictly so call'd thence to 10. All this space of Time they were puri i. e. impubes Censide Die Nat. Isid L. 11. c. 2.3 From 10. to 18. was the time Pubem Emittendi thence call'd Pubertas 4. And thence to 25. is Adolescentia for then they are full grown Secondly INVENTVS which was properly from 25 to 35 or 40. Quòd tunc aetatis Beneficio ad juvandum Rempub. apti erant Or else Virilis Aetas thence to 50 so call'd Quòd Viri tunc sunt h. e. viribus pollentes Thirdly SENECIVS which was either Prima Recta as our Poet calls it from 50 to 65. or Vltima and Decrepita till death Hence the meaning of the Poet is clear Only note that Servius Tullius in A. Gell. L. 10. c. 28. upon another Consideration made another Division of the Ages of Men. d These Cornicines as if they were nothing else are prettily here described by their Cheeks which in such kind of People are often much swoln and Protuberant Or Buccae may signify as Buccones when 't is put for Parasites and Buffoons Sat. 11. Curtius Matho Buccae And even these here Nigra in Candida vertunt v. 30. Et Librum si malus est Laudant v. 42. which were agreeable employments to Arturius and Catulus Persons that in antient times with the rest of their Gang had not the Honour of Attendants on that Theater which now at their costs they fill'd But were per Oppida in the Country Towns content to act on an Herbosum Theatrum v. 163. e Ranarum viscera i. e. Rubetarum which were a strong Poison and Locusta could well use it Viro miscet sitiente Rubetam Nay she was Communicative too and did not bury the secret Instituitque Rudes melior Locusta Propinquas This Honest Aruspex never veiwed such entrails f Under the seats of the Circus Max. There were Cells or Vaults wherein women did make the most gainful use of what they had Particularly near the Aedificium Menianum whence Spectators beheld the sports of the Circus there were plenty of immodest women thence call'd Menianae and Summenianae Mart. L. 3. Epig. 61. And here observe that this vile Custome was begun by strangers who are seldome of good report This forces a Thracian in Theoph. Char. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to speak thus of his mother 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obscurely intimating says Casaubon That at Athens Thracian Women were thought ignoble or whores Et certum est peregrinarum mulierum ubique fere Locorum olim suspectam fuisse Pudicitiam Quamobrem in S. Scriptura mulier peregrina idem sonat ac Scortum The women we speak of were strangers as well as whores g Conchylia is tranlated Purple Because the Purpura Murex ex quibus piscibus eliciebatur liquor ille pretiosus ad tingendas vestes was Conchyle or a shell-fish Now this the wear of the cheif Romans only Vinbritius cannot endure these Graeculi should wear For the Promiscuous use of it was forbidden by Aug. Suet. c. 43. The reason of it Tas. An. 2. shew's and commands Praeclare vero prudenterque Caesar Ordines Civium vesre discriminavit ut sc qui locis Ordinibus dignationibus antestant Cultu quoque discernerentur Yet at length Liberty prevailing at Rome they lived if the mony of the poorer sort could reach it as in a Spartan Common wealth where ex Institute Lycurgi Nemo altero cultior incessis h Endromis quod illâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. cursu utebatur For after running at justs and Turnaments and other Exercises of the Roman Gymnasia they put on these shaggy and thick Garments in this like Rugs to prevent takeing cold By this the fawning Greek signifies his concurrence in that persons Opinion of the weather who to warn him desired a little fire to be made 'T was a French Manufacture as Mart. assures us Ep. 19. L. 4. where at large he shews the use of it i That Abolla was a grave habit I nothing doubt from Pegasus's takeing it with him to the great Councel of Sat. 4. v. 75. Erat species majoris Vestis ant Pâ—llâ—i Philosopbici says Parrhas who allows the Minor Abolla to be a military Garment Yet Voss in his Etymol L. Lat. because by Varro and Mart. Ep. 48. l. 8. 't is opposed to Toga will have it be nothing but a Military Gown and says our Poet here gives it the Stoick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum irrisione quadam that is satyrically So that the sense is Hear what he hath done who is no souldier but of far greater Dignity and therefore ought to be of much greater sanctity Yet he falsly accuses Bareas Soranus his friend and Scholar P. Egnatius is the man Tacitus lays this fault to An. 16. Heliodorus the Stoick is suspected for the same fault by some Interpreters of Magni Delator amici Sat. 1. v. 31. k The same Mart. Promises and more too L. 10. ad Gall. Mane vel à media nocte togatus ero And all this first to bid his Patron Cood Morrow and the better deserve his Favour and the Sportula Great men we find at the Foolery the Praetor himself running upon this pitiful Errand to the childless and rich Matrons Albina and Modia When notwithstanding this first salute was granted to the Client as a great favour Est proprium superbiae magno aestimare Introitum ac tactum sui liminis pro honore dare ut Ostio suo propius assideas ut gradum prior intra domum ponas Sen. de Ben. L. 6. c. 33. This quickn'd their pace but never so much as to make them forget their Gown For such an Omission would have quite spoiled their Complement l The Romans used great vanity for certainly 't was unnecessary in their great numbers of Servants Pedacius Costa kept 400. Another had 2000. Caecilius Isidorus had 5000. some 10 Others had 20 thousand as Athenaeus affirms L. 6. p. 272. And that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to make Advantage of them but that they might have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 very many Attendants as Ushers and footboys Now such as they though not for their honesty yet for their riches should be believed The Custome Pliny blames and disapproves these Mancipiorum Legiones in dâ—mo turbam externam servorum quoque causa Nomenclatorem adhibendum Sen. ubi supra speaks of the same assistance they needed for the number and the orderly digesting of their friends in primas secundas Admissiones But this I suppose may include their Clients too and such as serv'd them as intelligencers or spies Which
Pantomime put to death afterwards by Domitian for his adultery with the Empress Domitia Nay says the Poet shee sail'd with him through varietie of Seas as the Tyrrhene the Adriatick the Aegean in which through the varietie of tides shee could not but meet with uncourteous waves But should a Husband desire her to go to Sea with him shee would then crie that vertitur act the skie seems to change or all things seem to run round and shee straight grows giddy Besides her sweet-heart Sergius was grown deform'd and as one maim'd hoped shortly to be releas'd from fencing and then says the Poet he also would seem as deform'd as her husband Vejento In which words he implies the manner of discharging fencers which was by giving them rudis a rod or cudgel a waster the sign of such freedome But till then the Roman dames doated as much on such kind of creatures as ever Apollo did on Hiacynthus 13. The Rod c. Accepta rude Here I render rudis according to common use as it is expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 virga as by Britannicus a rod or wand when as according to strict truth which may be observ'd for prevention of an easy mistake it was a cudgel and so by some is call'd baculus gladiatorius the fencer's staffe or waster and was call'd rudis as some think because with such cudgels they practiz'd the rudiments of fencing before they came in publick to fight at sharp Hence is the phrase in Sueton's Caligula cap. 32. rudthus batuere to play at cudgels and in the Author of the Dialogue de Oratoribus rudibus dimicare For that the rudis was not such a trifle as a rod or wand it may appear from the weight of it the cudgels or wasters which they did practice with being more weighty then the true weapons with which they did fight in publick according to L. Seneca lib. 5. Controvers 4. Gladiatores gravioribus armis discunt quà m pugnant And with such a staffe or cudgel in testimonie of freedome from Sword-playing some of the chief gladiators were after long service and danger freed and grac'd and were afterwards call'd rudiarii The ancient Sword-fights were call'd Munera that is Officia duties perform'd to their Gods or to some great persons dead though some would have them called so because the cost of presenting them was as a guift bestow'd by great Ones to please the People But though we grant this for a truth that they were grown into such corruptions such pieces of flatterie yet this reason seems too young for the Original of the name the first being more ancient then this corruption Those that fought were call'd Gladiatores and more particularly if the Shews were for the dead bustuarii those that train'd-up such were term'd lanistae and all the Gladiatores that belong'd to one Lanista were called Familia Nero made 400. Senators and 600. Roman Knights fight thus shamefully Domitian made Women fight thus by night But the bloody use of fighting at Sharp was prohibited by M. Antoninus and the whole use of these Shews taken away by Theodorick King of the Gothes 14. A yellow veil hiding her sadder hair nigrum flavo crinem abscondente galero Galerus is by some taken here for a periwig as in Sueton's Nero galericulo capiti propter raritatem capillorum adaptato annexo so Ptolemaus Flavius in his Conjectan c. 44. So likewise Adrianus Junius expounds it in his Commentary de Comâ cap. 1. As for the Colour of it Servius notes that yellow was the colour of the harlot's hair but black of Matrones according to which rule Junius cap. 9. says that in Terence the name Birria should be amended into Pyrrhia from the yellowness or fiery colour of her hair Which conjectures we may grant to be witty but there is no necessitie to take galerus for a periwig nor yet for pileus as Lubin renders it but in a more easy and general expression for a veil the Pileus being unproper for a Woman and the periwig not necessary for this purpose seeing that a veil would as easily serve the turn And as for Servius his rule though we admit it to be commonly true yet Ptolemaus Flavins in the forecited place does a little weaken it shewing that even Ovid a master in the art of beauties observ'd not that rule speaking in his Fasti of Lucretia Forma placet nivensque color flavique capilli indeed in whom they were natural it is not likely that they would veil them by art 15. Under Lycisca's name titulum mentita Lyciscae The several Cells in those impure places had the names of their hirelings inscrib'd over them and Messalina took Lycisca's room Where we may note that for Ostenditque in the next verse in Juvenal Barthius reads Offenditque which for a Conjecture is apt and noted by Lipsius also in his Elect. p. 27. Juv. Sat. VI. Illust. 16. 17. Shee brought her Thousand Bis quingenta dedit that is Sestertia vel talenta says Britannicus and after him Lubin which last exposition by talenta is without use or proof But the first by Sestertia is allow'd and by Turnebus lib. 18. cap. 30. express'd by decies centena millia meaning Sestertiûm as it is in the genitive of Sestertius and so is the same with mille sestertia Of which the Sestertia Joan. Baptista Suarez in his Antiquedades Gaditanas lib. 1. cap 16 pag. 131. having occasion to speak calls them Sestercios mayores the greater Sesterces discovering a like scarcitie in the Spanish to distinguish them from the Sestertii The Sestertium then here understood being 7 l. 16 s. 3 d. arises if multiplied by a thousand to 7812 l. 10 s. the portion which Casennia here brought to her Husband See Sat. 10. Islustrat 41. whereas then some here express his quingenta by ten thousand it is not without mistake for if they reckon by Sestertii it should be render'd ten hundred thousand or a million and if by Sestertia it should be render'd only one thousand which summes are the same a thousand Sestertia being a million of Sestertii 18. Nay keep whole work-houses of flaves Pueros omnes ergastula tota troops of servants and whole work houses It is almost superfluous to note that servants were by the Ancients frequently callâ—d pueri according to that of St. Ambrose lib. 1. de Abraham cap. 9. Pueros dicimus cumservos significamus non aetatem exprimentes sed condicionem Ergaslula were properly not Jailes nor Bridewells yet in somewhat like both the slaves being setter'd in them and kept to hard labour See of these more largely Sat. 14. Illustrat 2. 19. When in short days Mense quidem Brumae that is in December the wanton dames of Rome would make their Husbands put to Sea to ferch rarities Dicta Bruma says Varro de Linguâ Latind lib. 5. cap. 45. quod brevissimus dies est and Macrobius in his Saturn lib. 1. cap. 21. according to the
And the hollow wounds so true with daily spears made on a post Aut quis non vidit vulnera pali Quem cavat assiduis sudibus c. The Poet having shew'd the impudence of Women in the person of one Manilia in pleading of Causes and in their undertaking to teach Rhetoricians themselves even such as Celsus likewise in the imitation of wrastlers wearing like them rugs after their exercise for fear of catching cold but purple ones in a wanton pride in the next place shews their wanton impudence in practising the Palaria an exercise used by the souldiers at their Camp which besides the four ways that crosse-wise led into it had a sift as Paâ—cirollus lib. 2. Titul 21. delivers it which therefore was called Quintana at which they practis'd the Palaria and from whence that exercise was call'd the Quintan in these times with difference corrupted into a sport That exercise anciently was a fencing at a stake or post fixt in the ground but appearing above ground the height of a man 6 foot as Vegetius describes it at which they perform'd all the points of the fencer's art as with an enimie by way of preparation to a true fight Such Women then says the Poet as are before describ'd are fitter to act in the Floralian sports where harlots acted with naked impudence Then sports he with the husband of such a wife telling him it would be a fine sight to see all his wife's armour setforth to sale among which he mentions Cruris sinistri dimidium tegmen for the left leg being in fight more set-forward they wore harness upon it yet he calls it but dimidium tegmen because it reach'd from the foot but to the mid-thigh the upper part of the thigh being cover'd with the Shield He farther jeers at him for his wife's greaves or leg-harness properly used by the Retiarii or Pursuers as the Scholiast notes which when his puella his damsel should set to sale Were not he then says the Poet a happy man 30. The band of her thick-volum'd coats Quà m denso fascia libro I might render it though not so literally The bundle of her thick-rowl'd coats He excellently expresses a Roman virago repining to have sail'd by receiving a stroak which she had been taught to avoidâ— he describes the windings and bendings-back of her body upon her hamms to avoid it and expresses what a rowle or bundle of coats she had behind her hamms tied-up for her better activitie with some ribband or band according to that of Martial Harpasto quoque subligat a ludit In which exprestion he compares the bundle of her coats tied-up behind her to a great book or volume their books anciently being rowl'd-up as one rowles-up a sheer of paper beginning at one side or edge of it Which fashion is to be seen in the copies in the Vatican Library and is still the custome of the Jews as Schaccus says in his Myrothec lib. 1. cap. 38. ut ad haec usque tempora sacram legem non nisi in volumine servent atque non nisi explicato volumine legant though now they have manuscript Bibles for private use and bound-up as our ordinary books mov'd to such change it seems from the conveniency of the use It may be farther remember'd for the help of the ordinary reader that to one side of the roll was fastned a smooth and round peice of wood horn or bone like a small staffe about which the leaves were rowl'd which being in the middle of the book when rowl'd-up was by similitude call'd umbilicus or the Navel the ends whereof were call'd cornua or the horns This may be seen also in our publick Library at Oxford where there is the book of Esther so written in Hebrew in a roll consisting of eighteen pages in a Quarto-form all set like wainscot pannels in a row from the right hand to the left and so the staffe is fastned to the edge on the left side which is the end of the roll Thoâ—e are also Latin rolls but different from the former in this that these begin and so are unroll'd downwards and in that manner are read the staffe being fastned to the bottome-edge Yet we may especially observe with the learned Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist lib. 2. Epist De Epistolis p. 237. that Letters Epistles which sometimes consisted of one sometimes more pages were foulded-up whence they were said involvere libros and complicate Epistoles though when they would preserve or Lay-up letters they rowl'd-up Them also The greatest breadth of a page did not exceed 13. fingers in breadth as Pliny notes lib. 13 cap. 13. Whereas then some conversant in Antiquities think that the roll was sometimes 20. cubits long and 10. broad which would implie a proportional excess of every page urging for it Zachary 5 2. I think it to be a misinterpretation that expression in the prophet being extraordinary and so a figurative speech 20. common cubits being ten yards in length and so 10. cubits being 5 yards for the breadth which dimensions figuratively imply the amplitude of the punishments due to the sins of Jerusalem nay of mankind as St. Jerom enlarges it saying volumen autem volans oftenditur in quo â—â—nium peccata descripta sunt ut unusquisque recipiat secundum opera sua sive bonum sive malum To proceed then with our Author after this description of an impudent dame the Poet jeers at her for using the scaphium which impudence in a publick use of it and at feasts came from the infamous Sybarites as Isaac Casaubon notes on Athenaeus lib. 1. cap. 14. Then with exclamation he disdains that such things should be done by Women of good rank which even the wife of impudent Asylus the Fencer would blush to do 31. Fond Sparrow that is Hedâ—e-sparrow Curruca He means Fond cuckold the curruca 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristotle reports lib. 6. de Natura Animalium being a bird in whose nest the cuckow lays eggs which the silly curruca hatches Upon which word Lubin rightly says similis es avi currucae quae alienae cuculi â—va pro propriis fovet excludit ita tu alienos liberos pro â—uiâ—â— yet in his annotation immediately precedent on those words Tu tibi tune curruca he sayd Tu O miserrime cucule gaudes tibi places quod uxorem consequutus siâ— quae tahto tui amore teneatur In which words not without a mistake because contrary to the intent of the Poet he calls the husband cuculus when as cuculus implies the crafty bird and so the adulterer but curruca the silly bird and so the abus'd husband 32. I 'me Woman Homo sum Of this see largely Sat. 2. Illustrat 32. and on this Satyre Illustrat 26. See also Cerda Advers Sacr. cap. 110. num 6. alleging Gen. 1. in the Latin Creavit dens hominem c. Marem feminam creavit cos according to which more general acception Homo
they are spoken the other concerning the Time here intended For the first Lubin expounds these words as spoken by Naevolus unto himself but against Virro in derision as if by way of expostulation with himself he should say O Naevolus is not this niggardly wretch a trim creature whom thou may'st complement with guifts at the usual time of the Womens Calends En tibi formosulum illum Virronem cui tanquam amicae mittas munera festis Matronalibus and thus by Tu understands Naevolus speaking to himself But by this interpretation of this difficult passage which some pass-by there were no congruity in the word tractas which follows seeing that they cannot be applied to Naevolus bringing or sending the presents but to Virro who degenerately receives them as is here said after the solemn manner and Ceremonie of Women Which last though Lubin rightly applies to Virro yet incongruously by Tu understands Naevolus speaking to himself Britannicus thinks that these words may be spoken either by Naevolus or the Poet unto Virro and instead of tractas thinks that it should be tractas expounding it thus Et ipse positus in cathedra tractas munera But to attribute these words to the Poet is without necessity or congruity both the precedent and subsequent words and these as conveniently being the continued speech of Naevolus to Virro as likewise to read tractas is both unnecessary and incongruous with the precedent Tu. Naevolus then speaks this with indignation to Virro as if he would make even Him judge of his words and using the word Tu by way of comparison should say Loe art not Thou meaning were not such a one as Thou that art nigardly towards the instruments of thy pleasure and by whom a man gains nothing a trimme creature to whom thou might'st send guists forsooth such as at the she-Calends they send to women and such as thou thy self also dost unseemlily receive at the same times a veil or bon-grace against the Sun which veil or shadow the Poet says was green to express the person that wore it to be affected to the Green faction or party of the Charioters as Lipsius thinks De Amphitheatro c. 18. or send grandia succina gemmata dextrocheria bracelets says the Scholiast or as others large bowls of Amber Thus then briefly it is Naevolus that speaks and in the continuance of the Speech does in the words Vos Tu and tractas intend Virro For the second doubt which concerns the Time when these guists were usually sent it is describ'd in those words natalis quoties redit aut madidum ver Incipit and Foemineis Calendis all which as some think express but the same time understanding by Natalis natalis Veneris which was say they at the beginning of the Spring on the Calends or First of March Indeed Famineae Calendae were the first of March as the Scholiast rightly notes Calendis Martii quibus Junonis Sacra celebrantur a Romanis quia tum Ilia compressa est à Marie Tum nam Matronalia sunt But the same Scholiast on the words Madidum ver incipit saith Matronalibus scilicet quae sunt Calendis Aprilibut quibus est natalis Veneris which though they thwart the former and so shew this last clause to be but a corrupt addition to the true copy of the Scholiast though Autumnus alleadges this without taking notice of the error yet they clearly make these two reasons different and come one point nearer to the Roman Kalendar in which indeed is a Feast appointed to be celebrated to Venus on the Calends of April Besides the Poet does not here say natalis quoties redit madidum ver incipit but aut madidum ver by way of distinction as making them two several seasons Not then the Birth-day of Venus seems here intended by natalis but the Birth-day of the woman here Satyrically of Virro to whom guifts were then by custome sent and so it is rightly understood by Britannicus and after him by Lubin but that Lubin does also place the birth-day of Venus on the Calends of March though without alleadging any authority Again on the words aut madidum ver Lubin says nam tempore veris quod plerunque madidum est Calenda Martiae sunt and this he says truly and warily enough that the Calends of March are in the Spring but on the next word Incipit he says Nam principium veris incipiebat Calendis Martiis Where to pass by the casual impropriety in saying Principium incipiebat the Poet speaking exactly ver incipit he affirms the beginning of the Spring to be on the first of March which though I grant Juvenal here says speaking in the liberty and latitude of a Poet yet Lubin should have spoken according to the Roman Calendar in which this note veris initium is placed on the fift of the Ides that is the 9. day of February But with an equal license to our Author we will grant that the beginning of the Spring and the first of March design here the same Time and the Season of sending guists to women and to be call'd Faemineae Calendae Yet the reason of the name was not as some have thought because the Calends of every month were sacred to Juno though this was true as Ovid sayes Fast lib. 1. vendicat Aasonias Junonis cura Calendas for which cause she was called by the Laurentes Calendaris as Macrobius says But the Calends of March which now we call St. Davids day more particularly were call'd Faemineae Calendae being the day whereon anciently the Sabine Dames decided the Battle between their Parents and Husbands and the time of their Feast called Matronalia and the day whereon the more stately and dainty women did yearly sit at home in great Solemnity longâ Cathedrâ the Scholiast renders it by scamnum on a bench or form or rather in a high and large chair richly adorned receiving guists of those that honour'd them which being proper to women Naevolus here imputes disgracefully to Virro as his secret and degenerate practice And here we may take notice that the Romans had by ancient custome other seasons also of sending guists besides on Birth-days and the womens Calends namely New-years-day and also the Saturnals which were in December and proper to Men and from which Martial pleasantly calls the Calends of March the Womens Saturnals For writing to one Galla lib. 5. epig. 84. though Autumnus by mistake cites these verses following out of Horace his Carm. lib. 5. he says Saturnalia transiere tota Nec munuscula parva nec minora Misisti mihi Galla quae solebas Sane sic abeat meus December Scis certe puto vestra jam venire Saturnalia Martias Calendas Tunc reddam tibi Galla quod dedisti In English thus Our Saturnals are now quite gone Yet guists from Galla see I none She us'd to send some of small cost Be thus then my December lost E're long your Saturnals a thing I