fort might be best placed and vpon what ground wherein are to be noted these things following 1 That the ground so serue that it ioyne to the sea on the one part so as shippes and boats may come to lade and vnlade 2 What molde of earth the ground is of 3 What timber or wood may be had and how it will be caried 4 What provision of victuals may be had in the countreyâ— and what kinde of our victuals will best serue to continue 5 The place must be naturally strong or such as may be made strong with a small charge and afterwards kept with a few men 6 How water may be prouided if there be none to be had in the ground where the fort shall stand or neere to it 7 What helpe is to be had from the people of the countrey either for the building of it or for the defence thereof To mooue the king of Haban a farre off for the making of a fort and to note how he will like it but vse your communication so that although there might fall out good cause for the doing of it yet he do not vnderstand your meaning Search the countrey so farre as you may both alongst the coast and into the land To learne what became of the marchants that were left at Benin The matters which shall be of importance to be noted we nothing doubt that you will omit wherefore we referre the order of these affaires to your good discretion Also we pray you as occasion shall serue that you ayd and helpe our factours both with your counsell and otherwise and thus God send you safely to returne William Gerrard William Winter Beniamin Gonson Anthony Hickman Edward Castelin A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of Marchants aduenturers for Guinie written 1561 shewing reasons for his not proceeding in a voyage then intended to the foresayd countrey WOrshipfull sirs since the arriuall of M. Pet and Buttoll Monioy as I vnderstand for the voyage it is concluded that the Minion shall proceed on her voyage if within 20 dayes she may be repaired of those hurts she hath receiued by the last storme or in the moneth of Ianuary also if the wind wil serue therfore Wherefore for that your worships shall not be ignorant of my determined purpose in the same with the reasons that haue perswaded me thereunto I haue thought good to aduertise you thereof trusting that your worships will weigh them as I vprightly and plainly meane them And not for any feare or discouragement that I haue of my selfe by the raging of the stormes of the sea for that I thanke the Lord these haue not beene the first that I haue abiden neither trust I they shal be the last First the state of the ship in which though I thinke not but M. Pet can do more for her strengthening then I can conceiue yet for all that it will neither mend her conditions nor yet make her so stanch that any cabin in her shal be stanch for men to lie drie in the which sore what a weakening it will be to the poore men after their labour that they neither can haue a shift of apparell drie nor yet a drie place to rest in I referre to your discretion For though that at Harwich she was both bound and caulked as much as might be both within and without yet for all that she left not afore this flaw in other weathers being stressed to open those seames and become in the state she was before I meane in wetting her men notwithstanding her new worke And my iudgement with that little experience I haue had leadeth me to thinke that the ship whose water works and footings be spent and rotten cannot be but leake for men Next the vnseasonable time of the yere which is now present And how onely by meanes of the vnseasonable times in the returne from the voyage home many thereby haue decayed to the great misery and calamity of the rest and also to the great slander of the voyage which I much respect the last and other voyages haue declared And what it is to make the voyage in vnseasonable time that hath the second voyage also declared Wherefore weying and foreseeing this as I may wel terme it calamity and vneuitable danger of men and that by men she must be brought home againe except that God will shew an extraordinary miracle I purpose not nor dare I venture with a safe conscience to tempt God herein Againe forsomuch as she is alone and hath so little helpe of boat or pinnesse in her trade also for her watering where a long time of force must be spent my going to the accomplishment of your expectations will be to small effect for this time because I shall want both vessell and men to accomplish it And I would not gladly so spend my time and trauell to my great charges and paine and after for not falling out accordingly to lose both pot and water as the prouerbe is As for the Primrose if she be there her trade will be ended or euer we come there so that she of force by want of prouision must returne yea though we should carry with vs a supply for her yet is the meeting of her doubtfull and though we met her yet will the men not tarry as no reason is they should howbeit my opinion of her is that she is put into Ireland The Flowerdeluce was in Milford Thus for that your worships might vnderstand the whole cause why I doe not proceed I haue troubled you at this time with this my long Letter And as God is my Iudge not for feare of the Portugals which there we shall meet and yet alone without ayde as here is a shippe which was in Lisbon whose men say that there are in a readinesse onely to meet vs foure great ships of the which one is accounted 700 tunnes other pinnesses yet not for feare of them nor raging of the seas whose rage God is aboue to rule but onely for the premisses the sequell whereof must by reason turne to a great misery to the men the which I for my part though it might turne me to as much gaine as the whole commeth to yet would I not be so tormented as the sight thereof would be a corsiue to my heart and the more because foreseeing the same I should be so leud as yeelding to haue runne into the danger thereof and therefore I haue absolutely determined with my selfe not to goe this voyage Howbeit if in a seasonable time of the yeere I had but one ship sufficient though much lesse by the halfe I would not refuse as triall being made thereof should appeare or if I had ability of my selfe to venture so much it should well be seene And this I speake to giue you to vnderstand that I refuse not this for feare If you purpose to proceed heerein send some one whom you please to whom I will not onely deliuer the
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
of those weights are these the marke pound the great pound the weie and the shippond The marke pound is to be vnderstood as our pound and their great pound is 24 of their marke pound the weie is 3 great pound and 8 weie is a shippound Now concerning their measures As they haue two sortes of weights so they haue also two sortes of measures wherewith they measure cloth both linnen and wollen they cal the one an Areshine and the other a Locut the Areshine I take to bee as much as the Flanders ell and their Locut halfe an English yard with their Areshine they may mete all such sorts of clothes as come into the land and with the Locut all such cloth both linnen and wollen as they make themselues And whereas we vse to giue yard and inch or yard and handfull they do giue nothing but bare measure They haue also a measure wherewith they doe metâ— their corne which they cal a Setforth and the halfe of that an Osmine this Setforth I take take to bee three bushels of London measure And as for their drinke measure they call it a Spanne which is much like a bucket and of that I neuer saw any true rate but that some was greater then other some And as for the measures of Wardhouse wherewith they mete their cloth there is no difference between that and the measure of Danske which is halfe an English ell CoÌ„cerning the tolles customs of Russia it was reported to me in Moscouia that the Turkes and Armenians pay the tenth penie custome of all the wares they bring into the Emperors land and aboue that they pay for all such goods as they weigh at the Emperours beame two pence of the Rubble which y e buyer or seller must make report to of the Master of the beame they also pay a certaine horse toll which is in diuers places of his Realme foure pence of a horse The Dutch nation are free of this notwithstanding for certaine offences they had lost their priuiledges which they haue recouered this Summer to their great charge It was reported to me by a Iustice of that countrey that they paied for it thirtie thousand Rubbles and also that Rye Dorpte and Reuel haue yeelded themselues vnder the gouernment of the Emperour of Russia whether this was a bragge of the Rusles or not I know not but thus he sayd and in deed whiles we were there there came a great Ambassadour out of Liefland for the assurance of their priuiledges To speake somewhat of the commodities of this countrey it is to be vnderstood that there is a certaine place foure score miles from the Sea called Colmogro to which place there resorte all the sortes of Wares that are in the North parts as Oyles Salt Stockfish Salmon Fethers and Furres their Salt they make of salt-saltwater by the sea side their Oyles they make of Seales whereof they haue great store which is brought out of the Bay where our shippes came in they make it in the Spring of the yeere and bring it to Colmogro to sell and the merchants there carie it to Nouogrode and so sell it to the Dutch nation Their Stockefish and Salmon commeth from a place called Mallums not farre from Wardhouse their Salmon and their Salt they carrie to Mosco and their drie fishe they carrie to Nouogrode and sell it there to the Lieflanders The Furres and Fethers which come to Colmogro as Sables Beauers Minkes Armine Lettis Graiâ—s Wooluerings and white Foxes with Deere skinnes they are brought thither by the men of Penninge Lampas and Powstezer which fetch them from the Samoedes that are counted sauage people and the merchants that bring these Furres doe vse to trucke with the merchants of Colmogro for Cloth Tinne Batrie such other like and the merchants of Colmogro carie them to Nouogrode Vologda or Mosco sell them there The Fethers which come from Penning they doe little esteeme If our merchants do desire to know the meetest place of Russia for the standing house in mine opinion I take it to be Vologda which is a great towne standing in the heart of Russia with many great and good towns about it There is great plentie of corne victuals and of all such wares as are raised in Rusland but specially flaxe hempe tallow and bacon there is also great store of ware but it commeth from the Mosko The towne of Vologda is meetest for our marchants because it lieth amongest all the best towns of Russia and there is no towne in Russia but trades with it also the water is a great commoditie to it If they plant themselues in Mosco or Nouogrode their charge will be great and wonderfull but not so in Vologda for all things will there be had better cheape by the one half And for their vent I know no place so meet It is likely that some will thinke y e Mosko to be the meetest by the reason of the court but by that reason I take it to be woorse for the charge there would be so great by crauers and expenses that the â—â—â—itie of the profite would bee wholly consumed which in the other place will bee saued And yet not withstanding our marchants may bee there in the Winter to serue the Emperour and his court The Emperour is a great marchant himselfe of ware and sables which with good foresight may bee procured to their hands as for other commodities there are litle or none in Moscouia besides those aboue rehearsed if there bee other it is brought thither by the Turkes who will be daintie to buy our clothes considering the charges of cariage ouer land Our marchants may doe well to prouide for the Russes such wares as the Dutch nation doeth serue them of as Flanders and Holland clothes which I belâ—eue they shal serue better and with lesse charge then they of Rye or Dorpt or Reuel for it is no smal aduenture to bring their clothes out of Flanders to either of these places and their charge not litle to cary them ouer lande to Nouogrode which is from Rye nine hundred Russian miles This Nouogrode is a place wel furnished with flare Waxe Hides tallow and many other things the best flare in Russia is brought thither and there sold by the hundred bundles which is done also at Vologda and they that bring the flare to Nouogrode dwell as neere Vologda as Nouogrode and when they heare of the viterance which they may haue with our nation they wil as willingly come to them as goe to other They haue in Russia two sorts of flaxe the one is called great flaxe and the other small that which they call great flaxe is better by foure rubbles in 100. bundels then the small It is much longer then the other and cleaner without wood and whereas of the small flaxe there goe 27. or 28 bundles to a shippound there goeth not of the greater sort aboue 22.
and the maine After that we came to an ancre we tooke the latitude which was 68. degrees 1. minute after noone the winde at North with plentie of snowe At a West sunne there came aboord vs certaine Lappians in a boate to the number of sixeteene persons and amongst them there were two wenches and some of them could speake the Russe tongue I asked them where their abiding was and they tolde mee that there was a companie or heard of them to the number of 100. men besides women and children but a litle from vs in the riuer Iekonga They tolde me that they had bene to seeke meate among the rockes saying If wee get no meate wee eate none I sawe them eate rocke weedes as hungerly as a cowe doeth grasse when shee is hungrie I sawe them also eate foules egges rawe and the yong birdes also that were in the egges I obserued certaine wordes of their language which I thought good to set downe for their vse that hereafter shall haue occasion to continue this voyage COwghtie coteat what call you this Poddythecke come hither Auanchythocke get the hence Anna farewell Teyrue good morrowe Iomme â—emaufes I thanke you Passeuellie a friend Olmuelke a man Captella a woman Alke a sonne Neit a daughter or yong wench Oyuie a head Cyelme an eye Nenna a nose Nealma a mouth Pannea teeth Neughtema a tongue Seaman a beard Peallee an eare Teappat the necke Voapt the haire Keat a hand Soarme fingers Iowlkie a legge Peelkie the thombe or great toe Sarke wollen cloth Lein linnen cloth Payte a shirt Tol fire Keatse water Murr wood Vannace a boate Ariea an oare Nurr a roape Peyue a day Hyr a night Peyuezea the Sunne Manna the Moone Laste starres Cozam volka whither goe you Ottapp sleepe Tallye that Keiedde pieue a weeke Isckie a yeere Kesse Sommer Talue Winter Iowksam colde Parox warme Abrye raine Youghang yce Keaâ—ykye a stone Sellowpe siluer Solda golde Tennae tinnne Veskue copper Rowadt yron Neybx a knife Axshe a hatchet Leabee bread Ieauegoat meale Pencka the winde Iowte A platter Kemnie a kettle Keestes gloues Sapege shoes Conde a wilde Deare Poatsa the labouring Deare Their wordes of number are these as followeth OFte 1. Noumpte 2. Colme 3. Nellye 4. Vitte 5. Cowte 6. Keydeem 7. Kaffts 8. Owghchte 9. Locke 10. Ostretumbelocke 11. Cowghtnumbelocke 12. Colmenonbelocke 13. Nellynombelocke 14. Vittie nombelocke 15. Cowtenombelocke 16. Keydemnombelocke 17. Kafts nombelocke 18. Owght nombelocke 19. Coffreylocke 20. Colmelocke 30. Nellylocke 40. Vitte locke 50. Cowtelocke 60. Keydemlocke 70. Kaffstelocke 80. Oughcheteloke 90. Tewer 100. 25 Friday in the morning we departed from Saint Iohns Island to the Westwards thereof a mile from the shoare we sounded and had 36. fadoms and oazie sand Iuana Creos is from Cape gallant Westnorthwest and halfe a point to the Northwards and betweene them is 7. leagues The point of the Island which is Cape comfort lyeth from Iuana Creos Northwest and by North and almost the 3. part of a point to the Westwards and betweene them are 3. leagues The Eastermost of S. Georges Islands or the 7. Islands lyeth from Iuana Creos Northwest halfe a point to the Northwards and betweene them are 14. leagues a halfe The vttermost of the 7. Islands Cape comfort lieth Northwest by North Southeast and by South Under the Southermost Island you shall finde good roade for all Northerly windes from the Northwest to the Northeast From the Southeast part of the 7. Islands vnto the Northwest part of them are 3. leagues and a halfe From the Northwest part of the Islands aforesaid vnto S. Peters Islands are 11. leagues Northwest 26 S. Peters Islands rise an indifferent low point not seeming to be an Island and as if it had a castle vpon it S. Pauls Islands lie from S. Peters Islands Northwest and to the Westwards and betweene them are 6. leagues Within these Islands there is a faire sandy bay and there may be found a good roade for Northerly windes Cape Sower beere lyeth from S. Pauls Islands Northwest and by West and betweene them are 5. leagues Cape comfort which is the Island of Kildina lieth from Cape Sower beere 6. leagues West Northwest and it is altogether a bay betweene them seeming many Islands in it From Cape Bonauenture to Chebe Nauoloche are 10. leagues Northwest and a litle to the Westwards Chebe Nauoloche is a faire point wheron standeth a certaine blacke like an emptie buâ—te standing a head From Chebe Nauoloch to Kegor is 9. leagues and a halfe Northwest and halfe a poynt to the Westwards Kegor riseth as you come from the Eastwards like 2. round homocks standing together and a faire saddle betweene them 27 It floweth where we road this Sunday to the Eastwards of Kegor at a Southeast and by East moone a full sea we roade in 15. fadome water within halfe a mile of the shoare at a Northwest Sunne the mist came downe so thicke that we were faine to come to an ancre within lesse then a mile of the point that turneth to Doms haff where we had 33. fadome and the sounding like to the skurfe of a skalde head 28 Munday at afternoone wee came into the Sound of Wardhouse although it were very mistie Then I sent a man a shoare to know some newes and to see whether they could heare any thing of our ships 29 Tuesday I went on shoare and dined with the Captaines deputie who made mee great cheere the Captaine himselfe was not as yet come from Bergen they looked for him euery houre and they said that he would bring newes with him At a Northwest and by North sunne we departed from Wardhouse toward Colmogro 30 Wednesday we came to Kegor where we met with the winde at East Southeast so that we were faine to go in to a bay to the Westwards of the point Kegor where a man may moare 2. or 3. small ships that shall not draw past 11. or 12. foote water for all windes an East Northeast winde is the worst It is a ledge of rocks that defendeth the Northerly winds froÌ„ the place where they moare When we came into the bay we saw there a barke which was of Dronton three or foure Norway ye aghes belonging to Northberne so when I came a shoare I met first with the Dutchmen amongst whom was the Borrow-masters sonne of Dronton who tolde me that the Philip and Mary wintered at Dronton and withall he shewed me that the Confidence was lost and that he had bought her sailes for his ship Then the Dutch-men caried me to their Boothe and made me good cheere where I sawe the Lappians chepen of the said Dutchmen both siluer platters and dishes spoones gilt rings ornaments for girdles of siluer gilt and certaine things made to hang about the necke with siluer chaines belonging to them The Dutchmen bring
the 16. day of this moneth 16 We departed from Salasalma at 8. of the clocke in the morning and came to an Island the 17. day in the morning named Vorronia where wee continued by reason of contrary winds vntill the 21. day of the said moneth and it is 60. miles from Salasalma 21 We departed from Vorronia Island two houres before day and arriued at S. Clements Monasterie at 2. of the clocke in the after noone being from Vorronia 48. miles 22 We departed from S. Clements Monasterie at the breake of the day hauing a faire wind all a long the lake we sailed without striking of saile vntil two houres within night and then entred into a riuer called Swire at a Monasterie called Vosnessino Christo fiue miles from the entrance of the riuer where we taried al night It is from S. Clements Monastery 160. miles the streame of that riuer went with vs. 23 Wee departed from Vosnessino Christo before Sunne rising and valed downe the riuer sometime sailing and sometime rowing so that this day wee went 90. miles and lay at night at a place called Vassian 24 Wee departed from Vassian at the breake of the day and came to a place called Selucax where we lay all night and is 10. miles from Vassian 25 We departed from Selucaxe at 4. of the clocke in the morning and entred vpon the Lake of Ladiskaie the winde being calme al that day sauing 3. houres and then it was with vs so that we sailed and rowed that day 10. miles along vpon the said lake and entred into the riuer of Volhuski which riuer hath his beginning 20. miles aboue Nouogrod and runneth through the midst of the Citie and so falleth into this lake which is farre longer then the lake of Onega but it is not so broad This lake falleth into the sea that commeth from the Sound where any vessel or boat hauing a good pilot may goe through the Sound into England As soone as we were entred into the riuer we came to a Monasterie called S. Nicholas Medued where we lay all that night 26 Wee departed from S. Nicholas Medued at fiue of the clocke in the morning rowing and drawing our boates all day and came at night to another Monasterie called Gosnopoli which is 30. miles from S. Nicholas Medued where we lay all that night 27 We departed from Gosnopoli at 6. of the clocke in the morning and at euening came to a place called Moislaue where we lay all night being 46. miles from the Monasterie of Gosnopoli 28 We departed from Moislaue and the saide day at night came to a place called Grussina 35. miles from Moislaue where we lodged 29 Wee departed from Grussina in the morning and the same day at euening came to a place called Petroe Suetoe where we lay all night being 40. miles from Grussina 30 We departed from Petroe Suetoe in the morning and at two of the clock in the afternoone we arriued at the Citie of Nouogrod being twentie miles from Petroe Suetoe Here we found William Rowlie Agent to the company who was there stayed with all his company and was not licenced to depart thence for the Mosco by reason that the plague was then in the Citie of Nouogrod Unto him we deliuered all the wares that wee brought from Colmogro for by the way we sold not a peny worth the people of the countrey euery where be so miserable The right way to bring and transport wares from Nouogrod to Rose Island into S. Nicholas bay where our Ships yeerely lade with the distance of miles from place to place is â—s followeth 20 Miles from Nouogrod to Petroe Suetoe 40 Miles from thence to Grusina 35 Miles from thence to Moislaue 46 Miles from thence to the Monasterie Gosnopoli 15 Miles from thence to Ladega towne 15 Miles from thence to Selunaz ouer the lake of Ladega albeit there be many villages all along the lake 180 Miles from Ladega towne vp the riuer of Swire vnto the Monasterie of Vosnessino Christo albeit there are many villages vpon the riuer for within euery fiue or sixe miles you shall haue villages or small townes 160 Miles from Vosnessino Christo to S. Clements Monastery albeit there be many villages all along the lake of Onega 48 Miles from thence to Voronia 67 Miles from thence to Toluo towne and there are diuers villages al along the lake where the carriers may lie and haue mente for man and horse 50 Miles from thence to Pouensa where Onega lake endeth The way from Pouensa to Some towne is this 30 Miles from Pouensa to Mastelina 10 Miles from thence to Tellekina 30 Miles from thence to Toluich 35 Miles from thence to Carraich 20 Miles from thence to Varnich 10 Miles from thence to Ostrouo 15 Miles from thence to Lapina 20 Miles from thence to Some it selfe Note that from the Citie of Nouogrod vnto the towne of Some is 936. miles and from the towne of Some vnto the Monasâ—erie of S. Nicholas or Rose Island ouer and against where our Ships do ride is iust as many miles as is Soroka village from S. Nicholas as the Russes doe accompt it as also we do iudge it namely 325. miles So that from Nouogrod to S. Nicholas roâ—d is by our accompt 1261. miles or versts Furthermoreâ— it is to be noted that all such wares as shall be bought at Nouogrod and sent to Some towne must be sent by sled way in the Winter for if any ware should be sent from Nouogrod by water in the spring of the yeere after the yâ—e is gone then must the said wares remaine at Pouensa towne al that Summer by reason that in the Summer there is no way to goe from Pouensa vnto Some towne At Pouensa there are many warehouses to be hired so that if there were as much goods as ten ships could cary away you might haue warehouses to put it in but if there should remaine much ware all the Summer to be caried in the Winter to Some towne then horses are not easily to be gotten at that place to cary it thither so that your wares once bought at Nouogrod you must haue cariers there to cary it to the towne of Some by Sleds whereof you may there haue 2000. if you will by the report of the Russes For from Nouogrod yerely there go many Sleds in the Winter to fetche salt from Some with carriers and emptie Sleds there to buy it and to bring it to Nouogrod to sell it in the market or otherwise From Nouogrod vnto Some towne you may haue a pâ—od of wares carried for eight pence or nine pence but in any wise your wares must bee sent from Nouogrod by the sixt of Ianuary so that the wares may bee at Some by Candlemas or soone after for if your wares should tary by the way vntill the 15. of February when the Sunne is of some power then is it dangerâ—us for the
sholcaues or foxes which were so busie with them that they tooke their meate and victuals out of their lodgings and deuoured to the bare bones in one night a mighty wilde Bore that was sent vnto them for a present from the gouernour of the countrey Hauing staied here some three or foure daies in prouiding of cariages and other necessaries for their iourney they departed thence and came to Shamaky which is foure dayes iourney from the aforesayd Shauaran In this towne of Shamaky their whole company spent out the Winter and from thence in April folowing they tooke their iourney towards Ardouil a place of great account and much esteemed by reason of the sepulchres of the Emperours of Persia which for the most partlie there buried and so is growen to bee a place of their superstitious deuotion In this towne of Ardouil they so iourned the space of 5. or 6. moneths finding some traffique and sales but to no purpose the towne being more inhabited and frequented with gentlemen and noblemen then merchants The difference of religion bred great broiles in this towne whiles they remained there for the brother sought the destruction of the brother and the neerest kinsmen rose vp one against another insomuch that one of their company Lionel Plumtree hath seene in one day sometimes 14. slaine in a garboile And he being further desirous to see their maner of fight or rather somewhat more curious to behold then mistrustful of their blowes was like to haue borne a share in their bloodie tragedie being twise wounded with their shot and arrowes although not to the death At this towne the Shaw Thamas sent a messenger for our men to come to his presence at Casbin to whom Thomas Banister failed not to goe although master Ducket lay very sicke at Ardouil and in such case that they almost despaired of his recouerie Hee being come to the Shaugh was receiued and entertained of him with great fauour and speciall countenance and had the most part of all his requests granted him this onely excepted that whereas he entreated a priuiledge or sufferance to transport and cary through his dominions certaine horses into India the Shaugh seemed loth to yeeld thereunto and yet did not altogether denie it but referred it to some further time As for the point of traffique he could not make that motioÌ„ or request that was not so soone granted as it was preferred and the Shaugh himselfe bought there of him many karsies and made him as good paiment as any man could wish and oftentimes would send his mony for the wares before the wares were deliuered that he might be the surer of this honourable intended deâ—ling One thing somewhat strange I thought good in this place to remember that whereas hee purposed to send a great summe of money to Mecca in Arabia for an offering to Mahomet their prophet hee would not send any money or coyne of his owne but sent to the English merchants to exchange his coyne for theirs according to the value of it yeelding this reason for the same that the money of the merchants was gotten by good meanes and with good consciences and was therefore woorthie to be made for an oblation to their holy prophâ—t but his owne money was rather gotten by fraud oppression and vnhonest meanes and therefore was not fit to serue for so holie a vse After sixe moneths spent in Casbin the sayde Thomas Banister departed towards the great citie of Tauris where being arriued he found M. Ducket well recouered of his sicknesse whom he had left ill at Ardouil At this Citie the foresayd Master Ducket made sales of the English commodities remaining there to that purpose the space of two yeeres and a halfe And besides other kindes of merchandises of that countrey he bought great store of gals which grow in great abundance at a place within one dayes iourney of the aforesayd Tauris After this Thomas Banister departed from Tauris and went to Shamaky to giue order for the transporting of those commodities which were bought for England And baning dispatched them away he went there hence to Arrash a towne foure dayes iourney with camels from Shamaky for the buying of rawe silke But there by reason of the vnwholesomnesse of the aire and corruption of the waters in the hote time of the yeere he with Lawrence Chapman and some other English men vnhappily died which being knowen of M. Ducket he immediatly came from Tauris to Arrash to take possession of the goods for otherwise by the custome of the countrey if there had bene no merchant or other friend of his to enter vpon that which he left all had fallen into the Shaughs hands which goods notwithstanding could not bee recouered from the officers which had seized and sealed vp the same vntill M. Ducket had bene in person with the Shaugh and had procured his order for the deliuerie thereof Lionel Plumtree in the meane time that M. Ducket was at Casbin in sute for goods vpon the perswasion of certaine Bogharians made prouision for a iourney to Cathaia with cariages and commodities and hauing all things ready departed secretly with a Carauan but being gone forwards on his way sixe dayes iourny some fifty horsemen by the procurement of Humfry Greensell who afterwards being at Ormus in the East Indies was there cruelly burnt in the Inquisition by the Portingals were sent after him in poste from Soltan Erasbec the Shaughs lieutenant to fetch him backe againe not suffering him to passe on so perillous and dangerous a iourney for feare of diuers inconueniences that might follow After this M. Ducket returned from Casbin to Shamaky againe and immediately made preparation for a iourney to Cassan being about foure dayes iourney from Shamaky and caried with him foure mules laden with mony In the way of his trauel he passed through Persepolis sometime the roiall seate of the Emperors of Persia but now altogether ruined and defaced whereof remaine to be seene at this day two gates onely that are distant one from the other the space of 12. miles and some few pinnacles in the mountains and conueiances for fresh water The foresaid Cassan is a towne that consisteth altogether of merchandise and the best trade of all the land is there being greatly frequented by the merchants of India Here our men bought great store of al maner of wrought silkes and sâ—me spices and good store of Turkie stones The towne is much to be commended for the ciuil and good gouernment that is there vsed An idle person is not suffred to liue amongst them The child that is but fiue yeeres old is set to some labour No ill rule disorder or riote by gaming or otherwise is there permitted Playing at Dice or Cards is by the law present death At this Cashan they remained about the space of tenne weekes and then came downe againe to Skamaky and after some time spent in diuers places of the countrey for buying of rawe silke and other
the shippe to stay hoping that with the Southerly winde that then blew they would come from the place they were at to the ship but if they could not come with that winde they ment to saile with the shippe with the next wind that would serue them against the place where they were take them in if they could which stay and losse of those Southerly windes was a cause of great troubles that they afterwardes sustained through yce c. entring the Volga as shal be declared The 4. day the winde South Southeast the shippe rode still This day Christopher Burrow was sent to shore to Derbent to prouide some necessaries for the voyage with him a Tisike or two which should goe in the shippe passengers to Astracan And being on shoare he saw there the comming in of the Turkes treasure being accompanied with 200. souldiers and one hundreth pioners besides Captaines and Gentlemen the Basha with his Captaines and souldiers very gallantly apparelled and furnished went out from Derbent about three or foure miles to meete the said treasure and receiued the same with great ioy and triumph Treasure was the chiefe thing they needed for not long before the souldiers were readie to breake into the Court against the Basha for their pay there was a great mutinie amongst them because hee had long differred and not payed them their due The treasure came in seuen wagons and with it were brought tenne pieces of brasse In the parts of Media where they were there was no commoditie to be brought of any value but raw silke neither was that to be had but at the Bashaes hands who shortly after their comming thither taxed the Countrey for that commoditie His dealing with our Marchants as it was not with equitie in all points according to his bargaine so it was not extreme ill Of the commodities they carried hee tooke the chiefest part for which he gaue but a small price in respect of the value it was there worth and because he had prouided such quantitie of commoditie for them which otherwise they could not haue had the Countrey being so troublesome and trauaile by land so dangerous he vsed them at his pleasure The newes that was reported vnto them at Astracan touching the warres betweene the Turkes Persians differed litle from the truth For the Turkes armie with aide of the Crims being in number by y e information of two Spaniards that serued in those wars about 200000 inuaded and conquered the Countrey of Media in Anno 1577. When the great Turke vnderstood of the conquest he appointed Osman Basha the said Basha and now Captaine of Derbent gouernour of the whole Countrey who settled himselfe in Shamaky the chiefe Citie of Media and principall place of traffike vnto whom was sent from the great Turke in signification of the gratefull acceptation of his seruice and the great conquest a sword of great value After the said Basha had brought the Countrey in order to his liking and placed garrisons where he thought conuenient the armie was dissolued and sent backe When the Persians vnderstood that the Turkes armie was dissolued and returned they gathered a power together and with the Queene of their Countrey as chiefe they entred the Countrey of Media and ouerranne the same with fire and sword destroying whatsoeuer they found as well people cattell as whatsoeuer els that might be commodious to the Turkes And after they had so ouerrunne the Countrey they came to Shamaky where the said Basha Lieutenant generall of the great Turke was settled and besieged it whereupon the Basha seeing hee could not long indure to withstande them fled thence to Derbent where he now remaineth Derbent is a strong Castle which was built by Alexander the great the situation whereof is such that the Persians being without Ordinance are not able to winne it but by famine When the Turkes were fled from Shamaky the Persians entred the same and spoyled it leauing therein neither liuing creature nor any commoditie and so returned backe into Persia and setled themselues about Teueris where there grewe some question among them for the kingdome Afterwards the Persians hauing intelligence of an armie from the Turke comming into Media gathered themselues together in a great armie and encountring the said Turkes set vpon them on the suddenâ— and vanquished them putting them all to the sword This ouerthrow of the Turkes grieued the Basha of Derbent and made him to haue the more care for his owne safetie Moreouer newes was brought vnto him that the Kisel Bashaes that is to say the nobles and Gentlemen of Persia were minded to set vpon him and that neere vnto Bachu there lay an army readie to besiege it Whereupon the Basha oftentimes would ride about the Castle of Derbent viewing the same and the springs that did come to it and where he saw any cause of reformation it was amended The latitude of Derbent by diuers obseruations exactly there made is 41. deg 52. min. The variation of the Compasse at that place about 11. degrees from North to West From Derbent to Bildih by land 46. leagues From Derbent to Shamaky by land 45. leagues From Shamaky to Bachu about 10. leagues which may be 30. miles From Bachu to Bildih fiue or sixe leagues by land but by water about 12. leagues From the Castle Derbent Eastwards there reach two stone wals to the border of the Caspian sea which is distant one English mile Those wals are 9. foote thicke and 28. or 30. foote high and the space betweene them is 160. Geometricall paces that is 800 foot There are yet to be perceiued of the ruine of those wals which do now extend into the sea about halfe a mile also from the castle Westward into the land they did perceiue the ruines of a stone wall to exâ—end which wal as it is reported did passe from thence to Pontus Euxinus and was built by Alexander the great when the castle Derbent was made The 5 of October about noone the winde Northnortheast they wayed ancre and set saile from Derbent being alongst the coast to the Southwards to seeke their men but as they had sailed about foure leagues the winde scanted Easterly so that they were forced to ancre in three fathom water The 6 day they wayed ancre and bare further off into the sea where they ancred in seuen fathom water the ship being very leake and so rotten abaft the maine mast that a man with his nailes might scrape thorow her side The 7 day about 7 of the clocke in the morning they set saile the winde Southwest They considered the time of the yere was far spent the ship weake leake and rotten and therefore determining not to tary any longer for Wincoll and his fellowes but to leaue them behinde bent themselues directly towards Astracan and sailing Northnortheast vntill midnight about 16 leagues the winde then came to the Northnorthwest and blew much a very storme which
falleth into the Bay at Solouetsko 90. verst from the port of S. Nicholas This Riuer below the towne Cargapolia meeteth with the Riuer Volock that falleth into the Finland Sea by the towne Yama So that from the port of S. Nicholas into the Finland sea and so into the Sound you may passe all by water as hath bene tried by the Russe The seuenth Suchana that floweth into Duyna and so into the North sea The eight Ocka that fetcheth his head from the borders of the Chrim and streameth into Volgha The ninth Moscua that runneth thorow the Citie Mosco and giueth it the name There is Wichida also a very large and long riuer that riseth out of Permia and falleth into Volgha All these are riuers of very large streames the least to be compared to the Thames in bignesse and in length farre more besides diuers other The Pole at Mosco is 55. degrees 10. minutes At the port of S. Nicholas towards the North 63. degrees and 50. minutes The natiue commodities of the Countrey FOr kindes of fruites they haue Apples peares plummes cherries red and blacke but the blacke wilde a deene like a muske millian but more sweete and pleasant cucumbers and goords which they call Arbouse rasps strawberies and hurtilberies with many other beries in great quantitie in euery wood and hedge Their kindes of graine are wheat rie barley oates pease buckway psnytha that in taste is somewhat like to rice Of all these graines the Countrey yeeldeth very sufficient with an ouerplus quantitie so that wheate is solde sometime for two alteens or ten pence starling the Chetfird which maketh almost three English bushels Their rie is sowed before the Winter all their other graine in the Spring time and for the most part in May. The Permians and some other that dwell farre North and in desert places are serued from the parts that lye more Southward and are forced to make bread sometimes of a kinde of roote called Vaghnoy and of the middle rine of the firre tree If there be any dearth as they accompted this last yeere Anno 1588. wheat and rie being at 13. alteens or 5. shillings fiue pence starling the Chetfird the fault is rather in the practise of their Nobilitie that vse to engrosse it then in the Countrey it selfe The natiue commodities of the Countrey wherewith they serue both their owne turnes and send much abroad to the great enriching of the Emperor and his people are many substantiall First furres of all sorts Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted that prouideth a naturall remedie for them to helpe the naturall inconuenience of their Countrey by the cold of the Climat Their chiefe furres are these Blacke fox Sables Lusernes dun fox Martrones Gurnestalles or Armins Lasets or Miniuer Beuer Wuluerins the skin of a great water Rat that smelleth naturally like muske Calaber or gray squirrel red squirrel red white fox Besides the great quantitie spent within y e Countrey the people being clad al in furres the whole winter there are transported out of the Countrey some yeeres by the merchants of Turkie Persia Bougharia Georgia Armenia and some other of Christendom to the value of foure or fiue hundred thousand rubbles as I haue heard of the merchants The best Sable furre groweth in the countrey of Pechora Momgosorskoy and Obdorskoy the worser sort in Siberia Perm other places The blacke foxe and red come out of Siberia white and dunne from Pechora whence also come the white wolfe and white Beare skin The best Wuluerin also thence and from Perm The best Martrons are from Siberia Cadam Morum Perm and Cazan Lyserns Mineuer and Armins the best are out of Gallets and Ouglits many from Nouogrod and Perm The Beauer of the best sort breedeth in Murmonskey by Cola. Other common furres and most of these kindes grow in many and some in all parts of the Countrey The second commoditie is of Waxe whereof hath beâ—e shipped into forreigne countreys as I haue heard it reported by those that best know it the summe of 50000. pood yeerely euery pood conteyneth 40. pound but now about 10000. pood a yeere The third is their Honie whereof besides an exceeding great quantitie spent in their ordinary drinkes which is Mead of all sorts and their other vses some good quantitie is caried out of the countrey The chiefe encrease of hony is in Mordua and Cadam neere to the Cheremissen Tartar much out of Seuerskoy Rezan Morum Cazan Dorogobose and Vasma Fourthly of Tallow they afoord a great waight for transportation not onely for that their countrey hath very much good ground apt for pasturage of cattell but also by reason of their many Lents and other fastes and partly because their greater men vse much waxe for their lights the poorer and meaner sort birch dried in their stoaues and cut into long shiuers which they call Luchineos Of tallow there hath bene shipped out of the Realme a few yeeres since about 100000. pood yerely now not past 30000. or thereabouts The best yeeld of tallow is in the parts and territories of Smolensko Yaruslaue Ouglits Nouogrod and Vologda Otfer and Gorodetskey An other principall commoditie is their Losh and Cowhide Their Losh or Buffe hide is very faire and large Their bull and cowe hide for oxen they make none neither yet weather is of a small sise There hath bene transported by merchants strangers some yeres 100000. hides Now it is decreased to 30000. or thereabouts Besides great store of goates skinnes whereof great numbers are shipped out of the countrey The largest kinde of Losh or Buffe breedeth about Rostoue Wichida Nouogrod Morum and Perm The lesser sort within the kingdome of Cazan An other very great and principall commoditie is their Trane oyle drawen out of the Seal fish Where it will not be impertinent to shewe the maner of their huntâ—ng the Seal which they make this oyle of which is in this sort Towards the ende of Sommer before the frost beginne they goe downe with their boates into the Bay of S. Nicholas to a cape called Cusconesse or Foxnose whâ—re they leaue their boats till the next spring tide When the Sunne waxeth warme toward the spring and yet the yce not melted within the Bay they returne thither againe Then drawing their boates ouer the sea yce they vse them for houses to rest and lodge in There are commonly about 17. or 18. fleete of them of great large boates which diuide themselues into diuers companies fiue or sixe boats in a consort They that first finde the haunt fire a beacon which they carry with them for the nonce Which being espied by the other companies by such among them as are appointed of purpose they come altogether and compasse the Seales round about in a ring that lie sunning themselues together vpon the yce commonly foure or fiue thousand in a shoale and so they inuade
Island Gronland of the miracles of water and aire this master of fragments hath gathered together into his looking glasse whereby alâ—hough he hath made his owne followers woonder and the common people to be astonished yet hath he ministred vnto vs nothing but occasion of laughter But let vs heare Frisius The flame of mount Hecla sayth he will not burne towe which is most apt matter for the wieke of a candle neither is it quenched with water But I say that this strange opinion may be confirmed by many reasons borrowed out of your schoole of Philosophy For the naturall Philosophers doe teach That it is common to all forcible flames to be quenched with dry things and nourished with moiste whereupon euen blacksmithes by sprinckling on of water vse to quicken and strengthen their fite For say they when fire is more vehement it is stirred vp by colde and nourished by moisture both which qualities doe concurre in water Item water is wont to kindle skorching fires because the moisture it selfe which ariseth doth proue more fattie and grosse neither is it consumed by the smoke enclosing it but the fire it selfe feedeth vpon the whole substance thereof whereby being made purer and gathering round together it becommeth then more vehement by reason of colde And therefore also wild-fires cannot be quenched with water Item There be places abounding with brimstone and pitch which burne of their owne accord the flame wherof cannot be quenched with water The graund Philosopher also hath affirmed that fire is nourished by water Arist. 3. de anim And Pliâ—ie in the second booke of his naturall historie cap. 110. And Strabo in his 7. booke In Nympheum there proceedeth a flame out of a rocke which is kindled with water The same author sayth The ashe continually flourisheth couering a burning fountaine And moreouer that there are sudden fiâ—es at some times euen vpon waters as namely that the lake of Thrasumenus in the field of Perugi was all on fire as the same Strabo witnesseth And in the yeares 1226 and 1236 not farre from the promontorie of Islande called Reykians a flame of fire brake forth out of the sea Yea euen vpon mens bodies sudden fires haue glitâ—ered as namely there sprang a flame from the head of Seruius Tullius lying a sleepe and also Lucius Martius in Spaine after the death of the Sâ—ipions making an oration to his souldiersâ— and exhorting them to reuenge was all in a flame as Valerius Antias doth report Plinie in like sort maketh mention of a flame in a certaine mountaine which as it is kindled with water so is it quenched with earth or haye also of another field which burneth not the leaues of shadie trees that growe directly ouer it These things bâ—ing thus it is strange that men should acâ—ompt that a wonder in Hecla onely for I will graunt it to be for disputation sake when indeede there is no such matter so farre foorth as euer I could learne of any man which is common to manie other parts or places in the world both hilly and plaine as well as to this And by the same force that bullets c. Munster saith the like also This mountaine when it rageth it soundeth like dreadfull thunder casteth forâ—h huge stones disgorgeth brimstone and with the cinders that are blowen abroad it couereth so much ground round about it that no man can inhabite within 20. miles thereof c. Howbeit they ought to haue compared it with Aetna or with other fierie mountaines whereof I will presently make mention seeing there is to be found in them not onely alike accident but in a manner the very same Unlesse perhaps this be the difference that flames brake seldomer out of Hecla then out of other mountaines of the same kinde For it hath now rested these 34. yeares full out the last fâ—erie breach being made in the yeare 1558. as we haue before noted And there can no such wonders be affirmed of our Hecla but the same or greater are to be ascribed vnto other burning mountaines as it shall by and by appeare But that brimstone should be sent foorth it is a meere fable and neuer knowen vnto our nation by any experiment This place is the prison of vncleane soules Here I am constrained to vse a preface and to craue pardon of the Reader because whereas in the beginning I propounded vnto my selfe to treat of the land and of the inhabitants distinctly by themselues I must of necessitie confusedly handle certaine matters in this first part which do properly belong vnto the second This is come to passe through the fault of these writers who haue confounded this part of the inhabitants religion concerning the opinion of hell or of the infernall prison with the situation miracles of the island Wherfore that we may come to this matter who can but wonder that wise men should be growen to this point not onely to listen after but euen to follow and embrace the dotings of the rude people For the common sort of strangers and the off-skowring of mariners here I do except them of better iudgement aswell mariners as others hearing of this rare miracle of nature by an inbred and naturall blockishnesse are carried to this imagination of the prison of soules and that because they see no wood nor any such fewell layed vpon this fire as they haue in their owne chimneys at home And by this perswasion of the grosse multitude the report grew strong especially as they are too much accustomed to banning and cursing while one would wish to another the firie torments of this mountaine As though elementarie materiall and visible fire could consume mens soules being spirituall bodilesse and inuisible substances And to be short who can but woonder why they should not faine the same prison of damned soules aswell in mount Aetna being no lesse famous for fires and inflamations then this But you will say that Pope Gregorie fained it so to be Therefore it is purgatorie I am content it should be so then there is the same trueth of this prison that there is of purgatorie But before I proceede any further I thinke it not amisse to tell a merie tale which was the originall and ground of this hellish opinion namely that a ship of certaine strangers departing from Island vnder full saile a most swift pace going directly on her course met with another ship sailing against winde weather and the force of the tempest as swiftly as themselues who hailing them of whence they were answere was giuen by their gouernour De Bischop van Bremen being the second time asked whether they were bound he answered Thom Heckelfeld tho Thom Heckelfeld tho I am affeard lest the reader at the sight of these things should call for a vason for it is such an abominable lie that it would make a man cast his gorge to heare it Away with it therefore to fenny frâ—gs for we esteeme no more of it then of their
that God miraculously preserued the English nation For the L. Admirall wrote vnto her Maiestie that in all humane reason and according to the iudgement of all men euery circumstance being duly considered the English men were not of any such force whereby they might without a miracle dare once to approch within sight of the Spanish Fleet insomuch that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory vnto God who had confounded the enemy and had brought his counsels to none effect The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot that that very night and the day following two or three of them suncke right downe and among the rest a certaine great ship of Biscay which Captaine Crosse assaulted which perished euen in the time of the conflict so that very few therein escaped drowning who reported that the gouernours of the same shippe slew one another vpon the occasion following one of them which would haue yeelded the shippe was suddenly slaine the brother of the slaine party in reuenge of his death slew the murtherer and in the meane while the ship suncke The same night two Portugall galeons of the burthen of seuen or eight hundreth tunnes a piece to wit the Saint Philip and the Saint Matthew were forsaken of the Spanish Fleet for they were so torne with shotte that the water entered into them on all sides In the galeon of Saint Philip was Francis de Toledo brother vnto the Count de Orgas being Colonell ouer two and thirty bands besides other gentlemen who seeing their mast broken with shotte they shaped their course aswell as they could for the coast of Flanders whither when they could not attaine the principall men in the ship committing themselues to their skiffe arriued at the next towne which was Ostend and the ship it selfe being left behinde with the residue of their company was taken by the Ulishingers In the other galeon called the S. Matthew was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another camp-master and colonell of 32 bands being brother vnto the marques of Tamnares with many other gentlemen and captaines Their ship was not very great but exceeding strong for of a great number of bullets which had batterd her there were scarse 20 wherewith she was pierced or hurt her vpper worke was of force sufficient to beare off a musket shot this shippe was shot thorow and pierced in the fight before Greueling insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped whereupon the duke of Medina sent his great skiffe vnto the gouernour thereof that he might saue himselfe and the principal persons that were in his ship which he vpon a hault courage refused to do wherefore the Duke charged him to saile next vnto himselfe which the night following he could not performe by reason of the great abundance of water which entered his ship on all sides for the auoiding wherof and to saue his ship from sincking he caused 50 men continually to labor at the pumpe though it were to small purpose And seeing himselfe thus forsaken separated from his admirall he endeuored what he could to attaine vnto the coast of Flanders where being espied by 4 or 5 men of warre which had their station assigned them vpon the same coast he was admonished to yeeld himselfe vnto them Which he refusing to do was strongly assaulted by them altogether and his ship being pierced with many bullets was brought into farre worse case then before and 40 of his souldiers were slaine By which extremity he was enforced at length to yeeld himselfe vnto Peter Banderduess other captaines which brought him and his ship into Zeland and that other ship also last before mentioned which both of them immediatly after the greater and better part of their goods were vnladen suncke right downe For the memory of this exploit the foresayd captaine Banderduess caused the banner of one of these shippes to be set vp in the great Church of Leiden in Holland which is of so great a length that being fastened to the very roofe it reached downe to the ground About the same time another small ship being by necessity driuen vpon the coast of Flanders about Blankenberg was cast away vpon the sands the people therein being saued Thus almighty God would haue the Spaniards huge ships to be presented not onely to the view of the English but also of the Zelanders that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small ability they had beene to resist such impregnable forces had not God endued them with courage prouidence and fortitude yea and fought for them in many places with his owne arme The 29 of Iuly the Spanish fleet being encountered by the English as is aforesayd and lying close together vnder their fighting sailes with a Southwest winde sailed past Dunkerk the English ships stil following the chase Of whom the day following when the Spaniards had got sea roome they cut their maine sailes whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer to fight but to flie For which cause the L. Admirall of England dispatched the L. Henrie Seymer with his squadron of small ships vnto the coast of Flanders where with the helpe of the Dutch ships he might stop the prince of Parma his passage if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army And he himselfe in the meane space pursued the Spanish fleet vntill the second of August because he thought they had set saile for Scotland And albeit he followed them very neere yet did he not assault them any more for want of powder and bullets But vpon the fourth of August the winde arising when as the Spaniards had spread all their sailes betaking themselues wholly to flight and leauing Scotland on the left hand trended toward Norway whereby they sufficiently declared that their whole intent was to saue themselues by flight attempting for that purpose with their battered and crazed ships the most dangerous nauigation of the Northren seas the English seeing that they were now proceeded vnto the latitude of 57 degrees and being vnwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselues and because they wanted things necessary and especially powder shot returned backe for England leauing behinde them certaine pinasses onely which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards aloofe and to obserue their course And so it came to passe that the fourth of August with great danger and industry the English arriued at Harwich for they had bene tossed vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet being as I sayd before so maimed and battered The English now going on shore prouided themselues foorthwith of victuals gunne-powder and other things expedient that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleet if it chanced any more to returne But being afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course
sayles for their ships and litle houses and many other necessaries From thence after many dayes trauell I arriued at another kingdome called Campa a most beautiful and rich countrey abounding with all kind of victuals the king wherof at my being there had so many wiues concubines that he had 300 sonnes daughters by theÌ„ This king hath 10004 tame Elephants which are kept euen as we keepe droues of oxâ—n or flocks of sheepe in pasture Of the abundance of fishes which cast theÌ„selues vpon the shore IN this countrey there is one strange thing to be obserued y t euery seueral kind of fishes in those seas come swimming towards the said countrey in such abundance that for a great distance into the sea nothing can be seene by y e backs of fishes which casting theÌ„selues vpon the shore when they come neere vnto it do suffer men for the space of 3. daies to come to take as many of theÌ„ as they please then they returne againe vnto the sea After that kind of fishes comes another kind offering it selfe after the same maner and so in like sort all other kinds whatsoeuer notwithstanding they do this but once in a yere And I demaunded of the inhabitants there how or by what meanes this strange accident could come to passe They answered that fishes were taught euen by nature to come to do homage vnto their Emperour There be Tortoises also as bigge as an ouen Many other things I saw which are incredible vnlesse a man should see them with his own eies In this country also dead men are burned their wiues are burned aliue with them as in the city of Polumbrum aboue mentioned for the men of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world that he should take none other wife in mariage Moreouer I traueled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south passed through many countries and islands wherof one is called Moumoran it coÌ„taineth in compasse ii M. miles wherin men women haue dogs faces and worship an oxe for their god and therefore euery one of them cary the image of an oxe of gold or siluer vpon their foreheads The men and the women of this country go all naked sauing that they hang a linen cloth before their priuities The men of the said country are very tall and mighty and by reason that they goe naked when they are to make battell they cary yron or steele-targets before them which do couer and defend their bodies from top to toe and whomsoeuer of their foes they take in battel not being able to ransom himselfe for money they presently deuoure him but if he be able to redeeme himselfe for money they let him go free Their king weareth about his necke 300. great and most beautifull vnions and saith euery day 300. prayers vnto his god He weareth vpon his finger also a stone of a span long which seemeth to be a flame of fire and therefore when he weareth it no man dare once approch vnto him and they say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value then it Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperour of Katay either by force money or poliâ—ie obtaine it at his hands notwithstanding that he hath done the vemost of his indeuour for this purpose Of the island of Sylan and of the mountaine where Adam mourned for his sonne Abel I Passed also by another island called Sylan which contâ—ineth in coÌ„passe aboue ii M. miles wherin are an infinit number of sâ—rpents great store of lions beares al kinds of rauening wild beasts and especially of elephants In the said country there is an huge mountaine whereupon the inhabitants of that regioÌ„ do report that Adam mourned for his son Abel y e space of 500. yeres In the midst of this mouÌ„tain there is a most beautiful plain wherin is a litle lake coÌ„teining great pleÌ„ty of water which water y t inhabitants report to haue procâ—edâ—d froÌ„ the teares of Adam Eue howbeit I proued that to be false because I saw the water flow in the lake This water is ful of hors-leeches blood-suckers of precious stones also which precious stones the king taketh not vnto his owne vse buâ— once or twise euery yere he permitteth certaine poore people to diue vnder the water for y e said stones al that they can get he bestoweth vpon them to the end they may pray for his soule But y t they may with lesse danger diue vnder the water they take limons which they pil anointing themselues throughly with the iuice therof so they may diue naked vnder y e water the hors-leâ—ches not being able to hurt them From this lake the water runneth â—uâ—n vnto the sea and at a low ebbe the inhabitants dig rubies diamonds pearls other precious stones out of the shore wherupon it is thought that y e king of this island hath greater abuÌ„dance of pretious stones then any other monarch in the whole earth besids In the said country there be al kinds of beasts and foules the people told me that those beasts would not inuade nor hurt any stranger but only the natural inhabitants I saw in this island fouls as big as our country geese hauing two heads and other miraculous things which I will not here write off Traueling on further toward the south I arriued at a certain island called Bodin which signifieth in our language vnclean In this island there do inhabit most wicked persons who deuour eat raw flesh coÌ„mitting al kinds of vncleannes abominations in such sort as it is incredible For the father eateth his son the son his father the husband his owne wife the wife her husband and that after this maner If any mans father be sick the son straight goes vnto the sooth-saying or prognosticating priest râ—questing him to demand of his god whether his father shall recouer of that infirmity or no Then both of them go vnto an idol of gold or of siluer making their praiers vnto it in maner folowing Lord thou art our god thee we do adore beseeching thee to resolue vs whether such a man must die or recouer of such an infirmity or no Then the diuel answereth out of y e foresaid idol if he saith he shal liue then returneth his son and ministreth things necessary vnto him til he hath attained vnto his former health but if he saith he shal die then goes y e priest vnto him putting a cloth into his mouth doth strangle him therewith which being done he cuts his dead body into morsels al his friends and kinsfolks are inuited vnto the eating thereof with musique and all kinde of mirth howbeit his bones are solemnely buried And when I found fault with that custome demanding a reason thereof one of them gaue me this answere this we doe least the wormes should eat his flesh
from approching neere vnto their emperour Upon the chariot also two milke-white Ier-falcons doe sitâ— and seeing any game which hee would take hee letteth them flie and so theâ— take it and after this maner doeth hee solace himselfe as hee rideth Moreouer no man dare come within a stones cast of the chariot but such as are appointed The number of his owne followers of his wiues attendants and of the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparant would seeme incredible vnto any man vnlesse hee had seene it with his owne eyes The foresayd great Can hath deuided his Empire into twelue partes or Prouinces and one of the sayd prouinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof Whereupon his empire is of that length and breadth that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he intendeth his iourny he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse except his Islands which are at the least 5000. Of certaine Innes or hospitals appointed for trauailers throughout the whole empire THe foresayâ— Emperor to the end that trauailers may haue all things necessary throughout his whole empire hath caused certaine Innes to be prouided in sundry places vpon the high wayes where all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse And when any alteration or newes happen in any part oâ— his Empire if he chance to be farre absent from that part his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him and when themselues and their beasts are weary they blow their horne at the noise whereof the next Inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man who takes the letter of him that is weary and runneth vnto another Inne and so by diuers Innes and diuers postes the report which ordinarily could skarce come in 30. dayes is in one naturall day brought vnto the emperor and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire but straightway he hath intelligence thereof Moreouer when y â— great Can himselfe will go on hunting he vseth this custome Some twenty dayes iourney from the citie of Kambaleth there is a forrest containing sixe dayes iourney in circuit in which forrest there are so many kinds of beasts and birds as it is incredible to report Unto this forrest at the ende of euery third or fourth yeere himselfe with his whole traine resorteth and they all of them together enuiron the sayd forrest sending dogs into the same which by hunting do bring foorth the beasts namely lions and stags and other creatures vnto a most beautifull plaine in the midst of the forrest because all the beasts of the forrest doe tremble especially at the cry of hounds Then commeth the great Can himselfe being caried vpon three elephants and shooteth fiue arrowes into the whole herd of beasts and after him all his Barons and after them the rest of his courtiers and family doe all in like maner discharge their arrowes also and euery mans arrow hath a sundry marke Then they all goe vnto the beasts which are slaine suffering the liuing beasts to returne into the wood that they may haue more sport with them another time and euery man enioyeth that beast as his owne wherein he findeth his arrow sticking Of the foure feasts which the great Can solemnizeth euery yeere in his Court. FOure great feasts in a yeere doeth the emperor Can celebrate namely the feast of his birth the feast of his circumcision the feast of his coronation and the feast of his mariage And vnto these feasts he inuiteth all his Barons his stage-players and all such as are of his kinred Then the great Can sitting in his throne all his Barons present themselues before him with wreaths and crownes vpon their heads being diuersly attired for some of them are in greene namely the principall the second are in red and the third in yellow and they hold each man in his hand a little Iuorie table of elephants tooth and they are girt with golden girdles of halfe a foote broad and they stand vpon their feete keeping silence About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their instruments And in one of the corners of a certaine great pallace all the Philosophers or Magicians remaine fâ—r certaine howers and doe attend vpon points or characters and when the point and hower which the sayd Philosophers expected for is come a certaine crier crieth out with a loud voyce saying Incline or bowe your selues before your Emperour with that all the Barons fall flat vpon the earth Then hee crieth out againe Arise all and immediately they all arise Likewise the Philosophers attend vpon a point or character the second time and when it is fulfilled the crier crieth out amaine Put your fingers in your eares and foorthwith againe he saieth Plucke them out Againe at the third point he crieth Boult this meale Many other circumstances also doe they performe all which they say haue some certaine signification howbeit neither would I write them nor giue any heed vnto them because they are vaine and ridiculous And when the musicians hower is come then the Philosophers say Solemnize a feast vnto your Lord with that all of them sound their instruments making a great and a melodious noyse And immediately another crieth Peace peace and they are all whist Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly before the Emperour which musike was more delightfull vnto me After them come in the lions and doe their obeisance vnto the great Can. Then the iuglers cause golden cups full of wine to flie vp and downe in the ayre and to apply themselues vnto mens mouthes that they may drinke of them These and many other strange things I sawe in the court of the great Can which no man would beleeue vnlesse he had seen them with his owne eies and therefore I omit to speake of them I was informed also by certaine credible persons of another miraculous thing namely that in a certaine kingdome of the sayd Can wherein stand the mountains called Kapsei the kingdomes name is Kalor there growe great Gourds or Pompious which being ripe doe open at the tops and within them is found a little beast like vnto a yong lambe euen as I my selfe haue heard reported that there stand certaine trees vpon the sâ—ore of the Irish sea bearing fruit like vnto a gourd which at a certaine time of the yeere doe fall into the water and become birds called Bernacles and this is most true Of diuers prouinces and cities ANd after three yeres I departed out of the empire of Cataie trauailing fiftie dayes iourney towards the West And at length I came vnto the empire of Pretegoani whose principall city is Kosan which hath many other cities vnder it From thence passing many dayes trauell I came vnto a prouince called Casan which is for good commodities one of the onely prouinces vnder the Sunne and is very well inhabited inâ—omuch that when we depart out of the gates of one city we may beholde the gates
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
sanctae loca personaliter se contulit sanctissimum Domini nostri Iesu Christi sepluchrum e quo die tertia gloriosus à mortuis resurrexit sacratissimum Caluariae montem in quo pro nobis omnibus cruci affixus mori dignatus est Sion etiam montem vbi coenam illam mirificam cum discipulis suis fecit vbi spiritus sanctus in die sancto Pentecostes in discipulos eosdem in linguis igneis descendit Oliuetique moÌ„tem vbi mirabiliter coelos ascendit intermerate virginis Marie Mausoleum in Iosaphat vallis medio siâ—um Bethaniam quoque Bethlehem ciuitatem Dauid in qua de purissima virgine Maria natus est ibique inter animalia reclinatus pluraque loca alia tam in Hierusalem ciuitate sancta terre Iudee quà m extra à modernis peregrinis visitari solita deuotissimè visitauit parâ—terque adorauit In quorum fidem ego frater Anthonius de Bergamo ordinis fratrum minoruÌ„ regularis obseruantie prouincie diui Anthonij Sacri conuentus montis Sion vicarius licet indignus necnon aliorum locorum terre Sanctae apostolica authoritate comissarius rector has Sigillo maiori nostri officij nostraque subscriptione muniri volui Datum Hierosolymis apud sacratissimum domini coenaculum in sepè memorato monte Sion Anno Domini millesimo quingeâ—tesimo quinquagesimo tertio die vero sexto mensis Septembris Frater Antonius qui supra THe 15. of September being come from our pilgrimage we went aborde our shippe and set saile and kept our course West toward the Island of Ciprus but al that night it was calme and the 16. the winde freshed and we passed by Mount Carmel The 17. the winde was very scant yet we kept the sea and towards night wee had a guste of raine whereby wee were constrained to strike our sailes but it was not very stormie nor lasted very long The 18. 19â— 20. and 21. we kept still the sea and saw no land because we had very litle winde and that not very fauourable The 22. at noone the Boatswaine sent some of the Mariners into the boat which we toed asterne from Iaffa for certaine necessaries belonging to the ship wherein the Mariners found a certaine fish in proportion like a Dace about 6. inches long yet the Mariners said they had seene the like a foote long and more the which fish had on euery side a wing and toward the taile two other lesser as it were finnes on either side one but in proportion they were wings and of a good length These wings grow out betweene the gils and the carkasse of the same fish They are called in the Italian tongue Pesce columbini for in deede the wings being spred it is like to a flying doue they say it will flie farre and very high So it seemeth that being weary of her flight she fell into the boate and not being able to rise againe died there The 23. 24. and 25. we sailed our direct course with a small gale of winde and this day we had sight of the Island of Cyprus The first land that we discouered was a headland called Cauo de la Griega and about midnight we ankered by North of the Cape This cape is a high hiâ— long and square and on the East corner it hath a high cop that appeareth vnto those at the sea like a white cloud for toward the sea it is white and it lieth into the sea Southwest This coast of Cyprus iâ— high declining toward the sea but it hath no cliffes The 26. we set saile againe and toward noone we came into the port of Salini where we went on land and lodged that night at a towne one mile from thence called Arnacho di Salini this is but a village called in Italian Casalia This is distant from â—affa 250. Italian miles The 27. we rested and the 28. we hired horses to ride from Arnacho to Salina which is a good mile The salt pit is very neere two miles in composse very plainâ— and leuell into the which they let runne at the time of raine a quantitie of water comming from the mountaines which water is let in vntil the pit be full to a certaine marke which when it is full the rest is conueyed by a trench into the sea This water is let runne in about October or sooner or later as the time of the yeere doth afforde There they let it remaine vntill the ende of Iuly or the middest of August out of which pits at that time in stead of water that they let in they gather very faire white salt without any further art or labour for it is only done by the great heate of the sunne This the Uenetians haue and doe maintaine to the vse of S. Marke and the Uenetian ships that come to this Iland are bound to cast out their ballast and to lade with salt for Venice Also there may none in all the Iland buy salt but of these men who maintaine these pits for S. Marke This place is watched by night with 6. horsemen to the end it be not stolne by night Also vnder the Uenetians dominions no towne may spende any salt but they must buy it of Saint Marke neither may any man buy any salt at one towne to carie to another but euery one must buy his salt in the towne where he dwelleth Neither may any man in Venice buy more salt then he spendeth in the city for if he be knowen to carie but one ounce out of the citie and be accused hee looseth an eare The most part of all the salt they haue in Venice commeth from these Salineâ— and they haue it so plentifull that they are not able neuer a yeere to gather the one halfe for they onely gather In Iuly August and September and not fully these three monethes Yet notwithstanding the abundance that the shippes carie away yeerely there remaine heapes like hilles some heapes able to lade nine or tenne shippes and there are heapes of two yeeres gathering some of three and some of nine or tenne yeeres making to the value of a great summe of golde and when the ships do lade they neuer take it by measure but when they come at Venice they measure it This salt as it lyeth in the pit is like so much ice and it is sixe inches thicke they digge it with axes and cause their slaues to cary it to the heapes This night at midnight we rode to Famagusta which is eight leagues from Salina which is 24 English miles The 29 about two houres before day we alighted at Faâ—agusta and after we were refreshed we went to see the towne This is a very faire strong bolde and the strongest and greatest in the Iland The walles are faire and new and strongly rampired with foure principall bulwarkes and betweene them currions responding one to another these walles did the Uenetians make They haue also on the hauen side
of it a Castle and the hauen is chained the citie hath onely two gates to say one for the lande and another for the sea they haue in the towne continually be it peace or warres 800 souldiers and fortie and sixe gunners besides Captaines petie Captaines Gouernour and Generall The lande gate hath alwayes fiftie souldiers pikes and gunners with their harâ—es watching there at night and day At the sea gate fiue and twentie vpon the walles euery night doe watch fifteene men in watch houses for euery watch house fiue men and in the market place 30 souldiers continually There may no soldier serue there aboue 5. yeres neither will they without friendship suffer them to depart afore 5. yeres be expired and there may serue of all nations except Greekes They haue euery pay which is 45. dayes 15 Mozenigos which is 15 shillings sterling Their horsemen haue onely â—ixe soldes Uenetian a day and prouender for their horses but they haue also certaine lande therewith to plow and sowe for the maintenance of their horses but truely I maruell how they liue being so hardly fed for all the sommer they feede onely vpon chopt strawe and barley for hey they haue none and yet they be faire fat and seruiceable The Uenetians send euery two yeeres new rulers which they call Castellani The towne hath allowed it also two gallies continually armed and furnished The 30 in the morning we ridde to a chappell where they say Saint Katherin was borne This Chappell is in olde Famagusta the which was destroyed by Englishmen and is cleane ouerthrowne to the ground to this day desolate and not inhabited by any person it was of a great circuit and there be to this day mountaines of faire great and strong buildings and not onely there but also in many places of the Iland Moreouer when they digge plowe or trench they finde sometimes olde ancient coines some of golde some of siluer and some of copper yea and many tombes and vautes with sepulchers in them This olde Famagusta is from the other foure miles and standeth on a hill but the new towne on a plaine Thence we returned to new Famagusta againe to dinner and toward euening we went about the towne and in the great Church we sawe the tombe of king laques which was the last king of Cyprus and was buried in the yere of Christ one thousand foure hundred seuentie three and had to wife one of the daughters of Venice of the house of Cornari the which family at this day hath great reuenues in this Island and by means of that mariage the Venetians chalenge the kingdom of Cyprus The first of October in the morning we went to see the reliefe of the watches That done we went to one of the Greekes Churches to see a pot or Iarre of stone which is sayd to bee one of the seuen Iarres of water the which the Lord God at the mariage conuerted into wine It iâ— a pot of earth very faire white enamelled and fairely wrought vpon with drawen worke and hath on either side of it instead of handles cares made in fourme as the Painters make angels wings it was about an elle high and small at the bottome with a long necke and correspondent in circuit to the bottome the belly very great and round it holdeth full twelue gallons and hath a tap-hole to drawe wine out therâ—at the Iarre is very auncient but whether it be one of them or no I know not The aire of Famagusta is very vnwholesome as they say by reason of certaine marish ground adioyning vnto it They haue also a certaine yeerely sicknesse raigning in the same towne aboue all the rest of the Island yet neuerthelesse they haue it in other townes but not so much It is a certaine rednesse and paine of the eyes the which if it bee not quickly holpen it taketh away their sight so that yeerely almost in that towne they haue about twentie that lose their sight either of one eye or both and it commeth for the most part in this moneth of October and the last moneth for I haue met diuers times three and foure at once in companies both men and women Their liuing is better cheape in Famagusta then in auy other place of the Island because there may no kinde of prouision within their libertie bee solde out of the Citie The second of October we returned to Arnacho where wee rested vntill the sixt day This towne is a pretie Uillage there are thereby toward the Sea side diuers monuments that there hath bene great ouerthrow of buildings for to this day there is no yere when they finde not digging vnder ground either coines caues and sepulchres of antiquities as we walking did see many so that in effect all alongst the Sea coast throughout the whole Island there is much ruine and ouerthrow of buildings for as they say it was disinhabited sixe and thirtie yeres before Saint Helens time for lacke of water And since that time it hath bene ruinated and ouerthrowen by Richard the first of that name king of England which he did in reuenge of his sisters rauishment comming to Ierusalem the which inforcement was done to her by the king of Famagusta The sixt day we rid to Nicosia which is from Arnacho seuen Cyprus miles which are one and twentie Italian miles This is the ancientest citie of the Island and iâ— walled about but it is not strong neither of walles nor situation It is by report three Cyprus miles about it is not throughly inhabited but hath many great gardens in it and also very many Date trees and plentie of Pomegranates and other fruites There dwell all the Gentilitie of the Island and there hath euery Cauallier or Conte of the Island an habitation There is in this citie one fountaine rented by saint Marke which is bound euery eight dayes once to water all the gardens in the towne and the keeper of this fountaine hath for euery tree a Bizantin which is twelue soldes Venice and six pence sterling He that hath that to farme with a faire and profitable garden thereto belonging paieth euery yeere to saint Marke fifteene hundred crownes The streetes of the citie are not paued which maketh it with the quantitie of the gardens to seeme but a rurall habitation But there be many faire buildings in the Citie there be also Monasteries both of Franks Greekes The Cathedrall church is called Santa Sophia in the which there is an old tombe of Iaspis stone all of one piece made in forme of a cariage coffer twelue spannes long sixe spannes broad and seuen spannes high which they say was found vnder ground It is as faire a stone as euer I haue seene The seuenth day we rid to a Greeke Frierie halfe a mile without the towne It is a very pleasaunt place and the Friers feasted vs according to their abilitie These Friers
destroyed whereof I neede not make any other mention The new Cairo answereth euery yeere in tribute to the grand Signior 600000 ducates of golde neat and free of all charges growing on the same which money is sent to Constantinople about the fine of September by the way of Aleppo alwayes by lande vnder the custodie of three hundred horsemen and two hundred Ianizaries footmen The citie of Cairo is adorned with many faire Mesquitas rich great anâ— of goodly and gorgeous building among which are fiue principall The first is called Morastanâ— that is to say The hospitall which hath of rent fiue hundred ducats of golde euery day left vnto it by a king of Damasco from auncient times which king hauing conquered Cairo for the space oâ— fiue dayes continually put the people thereof to the sword and in the end repenting him of so great manslaughter caused this cruelty to cease and to obtaine remission for his sinne commiâ—ted caused this hospitall to be built enriching it as is aboue said The second famous monument of Cairo is called Neffisaâ— of one Neffisa buried there who was a Dame of honour and mooued by lust yeelded her body voluntarily without rewarde to any that required the same and sayde she bestowed this almes for the loue of her Prophet Mahomet and therefore at this day they adore her reuerence her and finally haue canonized her for a Saint affirming that shee did many miracles The third is called Zauia della Innachari who was one of the foure Doctors in the law The fourth is called Imamsciafij where is buried Sciafij the second Doctor of this law Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damasco the other in Aleppo The fift last famous monument is Giamalazar that is the house of Lazarus and this is the generall Uniuersity of the whole kingome of Egypt In this place Anno 1566 in the moneth of Ianuary by misfortune of fue were burned nine thousand bookes of great value as well for that they were written by hand as also wrought so richly with golde that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece one with another And because it could neuer be knowen yet how this fire beganne they haue and doe holde the same for a most sinister augurie and an euident and mâ—nifest signe of their vtter ruine The houses of Cairo without are vâ—ry faire within the greater number richly adorned with hangings wrought with golde Euery person which resorteth to this place for traffiques sake is bound to pay halfe a duckat except the gentlâ—men Venetians Siotes and Rhaguseans because they are tributarie to the Grand Signior Cairo is distant from the riuer Nilus a mile and more being situate on a plaine saue that on the one side it hath a faire little hill on the toppe whereof stands a faire castle but not strong for that it may be battered on euery side but very rich large compassed about with faire gardens into the which they conueigh water for their necessitie out of Nilus with certaine wheeles other like engines This magnificent citie is adorned with very fruitfull gardens both pleasant and commodious with great plenty of pondes to water the same Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the moneth of August when by meanes of the great raine in Ethiopia the riuer Nilus ouerfloweth and watereth all the countrey and then they open the mouth of a great ditch which extendeth into the riuer and passeth through the midst of the citie and entring there are innumerable barkes rowing too and fro laden with gallant girles and beautifull dames which with singing eating drinking and feasting take their solace The women of this countrey are most beautifull and goe in rich attire bedecked with gold pretious stones and iewels of great value but chiefely perfumed with odours and are very libidinous and the men likewise but foule and hard fauoured The soile is very fertile and abundant the flesh fat which they sell without bones their candles they make of the marowe of cattell because the Moores eate the tallow They vse also certaine litle furnaces made of purpose vnder the which they make fire putting into the furnace foure or fiue hundred â—gges and the said fire they nourish by litle and litle vntill the chickens be hatched which after they be hatched and become somewhat bigger they sell them by measure in such sort as we sell and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like Of certaine notable monuments without the citie of Cairo WIthout the Citie sixe miles higher into the land are to be seene neere vnto the riuer diuerse Piramides among which are three marueilous great and very artificially wrought Out of one of these are dayly digged the bodies of auncient men not rotten but all whole the cause whereof is the qualitie of the Egyptian soile which will not consume the flesh of man but rather dry and harden the same and so alwayes conserueth it And these dead bodies are the Mummie which the Phisitians and Apothecaries doe against our willes make vs to swallow Also by digging in these Pyramides oftentimes are found certaine Idoles or Images of golde siluer and other mettall but vnder the other piramides the bodies are not taken vp so whole as in this but there are found legges and armes comparable to the limmes of giants Neare to these piramides appeareth out of the sand a great head of stone somewhat like marble which is discouered so farre as the necke ioyneth with the shoulders being all whole sauing that it wanteth a little tippe of the nose The necke of this head contayneth in circuit about sixe and thirty foot so that it may be according to the necke considered what greatnesse the head is of The riuer Nilus is a mile broad wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo vpward but lower then Cairo passeth no such creature and this they say is by reason of an inchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for comming any lower then Cairo Moreouer of these creatures there are sometimes found some of an incredible bignesse that is to say of fourtie foot about The males haue their members like to a man and the females like to a woman These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feede and finding any small beasts as sheepe lambes goates or other like doe great harme And whiles they are foorth of the water if they happen at vnwares vpon any man woman or childe whom they can â—uercome they spare not their liues In the yeere of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and sixtie it happened that certaine poore Christians trauelling by Cairo towardes the countrey of Prete Ianni to rescue certaine slaues were guided by a Chaus and iourneyed alongst the banke of the said riuer The Chaus remained lingering alone behinde to make his prayers as their custome is at a place called Tana whom being busie in his double deuotion one of these Crocodiles ceazed by the shoulders and drew
thereof all his sâ—â—â—es are forgiuen Also they take away the old doore setting in the place the new doore and the old by custome they giue vnto the Serifo After hauing made their praiers with certaine ordinarie and woonted ceremonies the Serifo remaineth in the citie and the captaine of the pilgrimage returneth vnto his pauillion Of the Serifo the king of Mecca THe Serifo is descended of the prophet Mahomet by Fatma daughter of that good prophet and Alli husband to her and sonne in lawe to Mahumet who had no issue male saue this stocke of the Serifo to the eldest sonne whereof the realme commeth by succession This realme hath of reuenues royall euery yeere halfe a million of golde or litle more and all such as are of the prophets kinred or descended of that blood which are almost innumerable are called Emyri that is to say lordes These all goe clothed in greene or at the least haue their turbant greene to bee knowen from the other Neither is it permitted that any of those Christians which dwell or traffique in their Countrey goe clothed in greene neither may they haue any thing of greene about them for they say it is not lawfull for misbeleeuers to weare that colour wherein that great friend and prophet of god Mahomet was woont to be apparelled Of the citie of Mecca THe Citie of Mecca in the Arabian tongue is called Macca that is to say an habitation This citie is inuironed about with exceeding high and barren mountaines and in the plaine betweene the sayde mountaines and the citie are many pleasaunt gardens where groweth great abundaunce of figges grapes apples and melons There is also great abundance of good water and fleshe but not of bread This citie hath no walles about it and containeth in circuite fiue miles The houses are very handsome and commodious and are built like to the houses in Italie The palace of the Serifo is sumptuous and gorgeously adorned The women of the place are courteous â—ocund and louely faire with alluring eyes being hote and libidinous and the most of them naughtie packes The men of this place are giuen to that abhominable cursed and opprobrious vice whereof both men and women make but small account by reason of the pond Zun Zun wherein hauing washed themselues their opinion is that although like the dog they returne to their vomite yet they are clensed from all sinne whatsoeuer of which sin we will hereafter more largely discourse In the midst of the city is y e great Mosquita with the house of Abraham standing in the very middest thereof which Mosquita was built in the time when their prophet liued It is foure square and so great that it containeth two miles in circuit that is to say halfe a mile each side Also it is made in maner of a cloister for that in the midst thereof separate from the rest is the abouesayd house of Abraham also the galleries round about are in maner of 4. streetes and the partitions which diuide the one street from the other are pillars whereof some are of marble and others of lime and stone This famous and sumptuous Mosquita hath 99. gates and 5. steeples from whence the Talismani call the people to the Mosquita And the pilgrimes which are not prouided of tents resort hither and for more deuotion the men and women lie together aloft and beneath one vpoÌ„ another so that their house of praier becommeth worse sometimes then a den of thieues Of the house of Abraham THe house of Abraham is also foure square and made of speckled stone 20. paces high and 40 in circuit And vpon one side of this house within the wall there is a stone of a span long and halfe a span broad which stone as they say before this house was builded fell downe from heauen at the fall whereof was heard a voyce that wheresoeuer this stone fell there should be built the house of God where in God will heare sinners Moreouer they say that when this stone feâ—l from heauen it was not blacke as now but as white as the whitest snow and by reason it hath bene so oft kissed by sinners it is there with become blacke for all the pilgrimes are bound to kisse this stone otherwise they cary their sinnes home with them again The entrance into this house is very small made in maner of a window and as high from the ground as a man can reach so that it is painful to enter This house hath without 31. pillars of brasse set vpon cubike or square stoues being red and greene the which pillars sustaine not ought els saue a threed of copper which reacheth from one to another whereunto are fastened many burning lampes These pillars of brasse were caused to be made by Sultan Soliman grandfather to Sultan Amurath now Emperor After this hauing entred with the difficultie aboue sayd there stand at the entrance two pillars of marble to wit on each side one In the midst there are three of Aloes-wood not very thicke and couered with tiles of India of 1000. colours which serue to vnderproppe the Terratza It is so darke that they can hardly see within for want of light not without an euill smell Without the gate fiue pases is the aboue sayd pond Zun Zun which is that blessed pond that the angell of the lord shewed vnto Agar whiles she went seeking water for her sonne Ismael to drinke Of the ceremonies of the pilgrimes IN the beginning we haue sayd how the Mahumetans haue two feasts in the yeere The one they call Pascha di Ramazaco that is to say The feast of fasting and this feast of fasting is holden thirtie dayes after the feast wherein the Carouan traueileth to Mecca The other is called the feast of the Ramme wherein all they which are of abilitie are bound to sacrifice a Ramme and this they call Bine Bairam that is to say The great feast And as the Carouan departeth from Cairo thirtie dayes after the little feast so like wise they come hither fiue or sixe dayes before the great feast to the ende the pilgrimes may haue time before the feast to finish their rites and ceremonies which are these Departing from the Carouan and being guided by such as are experienced in the way they goe vnto the citie twentie or thirtie in a company as they thinke good walking through a streete which ascendeth by litle and litle till they come vnto a certaine gate whereupon is written on each side in marble stone Babel Salema which in the Arabian tongue signifieth the gate of health And from this place is descried the great Mosquita which enuironeth the house of Abraham which being descried they reuerently salute twise saying Salem Aleâ—h lara sul Alla that is to say Peace to thee ambassadour of God This salutation being ended proceeding on the way they finde an arche vpon their right hand whereon they ascend fiue steps vpon the which is a great voyd place made of
called Giagra the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree and thorowout all the Indies and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of them and it is like to the Date tree In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse and none of it is woorthy to be burnt With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture of any other tree and with the leaues thereof they make sailes and with the fruit thereof which be a kinde of Nuts they make wine and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree and euery euening and morning they take it away full and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour and then they put it into buts with a quantity of Zibibbo white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings Of the barke of this tree they make cables ropes and other furniture for shippes and as they say these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe They make of the bowes bedsteds after the Indies fashion and Scauasches for merchandise The leaues they cut very small and weaue them and so make sailes of them for all maner of shipping or els very fine mats And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes great and small and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other vessels for meat in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke and if a man be thirsty with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe and as this Nut ripeneth the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca for the Indies for Macao for Portugall for the coasts of Melinde for Ormus as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia as cloth of bumbast white painted printed great quantity of Indico Opium Cotton Silke of euery sort great store of Boraso in Paste great store of Fetida great store of yron corne and other merchandise The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power as one that at need may command hath in his camp two hundred thousand men of warre and hath great store of artillery some of them made in pieces which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro yet although they bee made in pieces they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well whose shotte is of stone and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney which city is called Abneger Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul towards the Indies is the port of Dabul an hauen of the king Zamallaco from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles Goa GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire but the Iland is farre more fairer for it is as it were full of goodly gardens replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts and the fleet which commâ—th euery yeere from Portugall which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes and from thence they goe to Cochin where they lade for Portugall and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney and is callâ—d Bisapor this king is of great power for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570 this king came to giue assault to Goa being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths in which time there was peace concluded and as report went amongst his people there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the time of Winter and also killed very many elephants Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567 I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa within the land in the company of two other merchâ—nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature and they pay well for the Arabian horses and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus and from Ormus to Goa where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vpwards payeth no custome neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer whereas if they bring no horses they pay 8 per cento of all their goods andâ— at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome two and forty pagodies for euery horse which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence they be piâ—ces of golde of that value So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys as 300,400,500 duckets a horse and to 1000 duckets a horse Bezeneger THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565 by foure kings of the Moores which were of great power and might the names of these foure kings were these following the first was called Dialcan the second Zamaluc the third Cotamaluc and the fourth Viridy and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger but by treason This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile and had amongst all other of his captaines two which were notable and they were Moores and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten
Zerzerline neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke and more that were dead for want of water and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes There was not any want of bread nor of wine but the wines of that countrey are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man neither are they able to drinke them when we beganne to want water I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship that solde a small dish full for a duckat after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper which is two quintalles and a halfe for a litle measure of water and he could not haue it Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue whom then I had to serue mee which cost mee verie deare but to prouide for the daunger at hand I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke to serue my owne purpose and to saue my life Of the kingdome of Orisa and the riuer Ganges ORisa was a faire kingdome and trustie through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile who continued in the citie called Catecha which was within the land sixe dayes iourney This king loued strangers marueilous well especially marchants which has traffique in and out of his kingdome in such wise that hee would take no custome of them neither any other grieuous thing Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing according to her portage and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seed and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal great store of butter Lacca long pepper Ginger Mirabolans dry and condite great store of cloth of herbes which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge then they take care onely to gather them About sixteene yeeres past this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala and when he had got the kingdome he set custome there twenty pro cento as Marchants paide in his kingdome but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time but was conquered by another tyrant which was the great Mogol king of Agra Delly and of all Cambaia without any resistance I departed from Orisa to Bengala to the harbour Piqueno which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles and then we enter into the riuer Ganges from the mouth of this riuer to a citie called Satagan where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade are a hundred miles which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis and when the ebbing water is come they are not able to rowe against it by reason of the swiftnesse of the water yet their barkes be light and armed with oares like to Foistes yet they cannot preuaile against that streame but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas they rowe as well as a Galliot or as well as euer I haue seene any A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan you shall haue a place which is called Buttor and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe and litle water Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Uillage with houses and shoppes made of strawe and with all things necessarie to their vses and this village standeth as long as the ships ride there and till they depart for the Indies and when they are departed euery man goeth to his plot of houses and there setteth fire on them which thing made me to maruaile For as I passed vp to Satagan I sawe this village standing with a great number of people with an infinite number of ships and Bazars and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship for whom I carried I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses The small ships go to Satagan and there they lade Of the citie of Satagan IN the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small with rice cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes Lacca great abundance of sugar Mirabolans dried and preserued long pepper oyle of Zerzeline and many other sorts of marchandise The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores abounding with all things and was gouerned by the king of Patane and now is subiect to the great Mogol I was in this kingdome foure moneths whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their benefites and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires buying their commoditie with a great aduantage because that eueryday in the weeke they haue a 〈◊〉 now in one place and now in another and I also hired a barke and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse and so in the night I saw many strange things The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles is to be vnderstood Idolaters and wheras I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges for when any is sicke he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer and there they make him a small cottage of strawe and euery day they wet him with that water whereof there are many that die and when they are dead they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon and putting fire thereunto they let the bodie aâ—ne vntill it be halfe rosted and then they take it off from the fire and make an emptie iarre fast about his necke and so throw him into the riuer These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths as I passed to
their wiues do come by 10.20 30. together to the water side singing there do wash themselues then vse their ceremonies marke themselues in their foreheds and faces and cary some with them and so depart singing Their daughters be maried at or before the age of 10. yeres The men may haue 7. wiues They be a kind of craftie people worse then the Iewes When they salute one another they heaue vp their hands to their heads and say Rame Rame Frō Agra I came to Prage where the riuer Iemena entreth into the mightie riuer Ganges and Iemena looseth his name Ganges commeth out of the Northwest runneth East into the gulfe of Bengala In those parts there are many Tigers and many partriges turtle-doues and much other foule Here be many beggers in these countries which goe naked and the people make great account of them they call them Schesche Here I sawe one which was a monster among the rest He would haue nothing vpon him his beard was very long and with the haire of his head he couered his priuities The nailes of some of his fingers were two inches long for he would cut nothing from him neither would he speake He was accompanied with eight or tenne and they spake for him When any man spake to him he would lay his hand vpon his brest and bowe himselfe but would not speake Hee would not speake to the king We went from Prage downe Ganges the which is here very broad Here is great store of fish of sundry sorts of wild foule as of swannes geese cranes and many other things The countrey is very fruitfull and populous The men for the most part haue their faces shauen and their heads very long except some which bee all shauen saue the crowne and some of them are as though a man should set a dish on their heads and shaue them round all but the crowne In this riuer of Ganges are many Ilands His water is very sweete and pleasant and the countrey adioyning very fruitfull From thence wee went to Bannaras which is a great towne and great store of cloth is made there of cotton and Shashes for the Moores In this place they be all Gentiles and be the greatest idolaters that euer I sawe To this towne come the Gentiles on pilgrimage out of farre countreys Here alongst the waters side bee very many faire houses and in all of them or for the most part they haue their images standing which be euill fauoured made of stone and wood some like lions leopards and monkeis some like men women and pecocks and some like the deuil with foure armes and 4. hands They sit crosse legged some with one thing in their hands some another by breake of day and before there are men women which come out of the towne and wash thēselues in Ganges And there are diuers old men which vpon places of earth made for the purpose sit praying and they giue the people three or foure strawes which they take hold them betweene their fingers when they wash themselues and some sit to marke them in the foreheads and they haue in a cloth a litle Rice Barlie or money which when they haue washed themselues they giue to the old men which sit there praying Afterwards they go to diuers of their images giue them of their sacrifices And when they giue the old men say certaine prayers and then is all holy And in diuers places there standeth a kind of image which in their language they call Ada. And they haue diuers great stones carued whereon they poure water throw thereupon some rice wheate barly and some other things This Ada hath foure hands with clawes Moreouer they haue a great place made of stone like to a well with steppes to goe downe wherein the water standeth very foule and stinketh for the great quantitie of flowers which continually they throwe into it doe make it stinke There be alwayes many people in it for they say when they wash themselues in it that their sinnes be forgiuen them because God as they say did wash himselfe in that place They gather vp the sand in the bottome of it and say it is holy They neuer pray but in the water and they wash themselues ouerhead and lade vp water with both their handes and turne themselues about and then they drinke a litle of the water three times and so goe to their gods which stand in those houses Some of them will wash a place which is their length and then will pray vpon the earth with their armes and legs at length out and will rise vp and lie downe and kisse the ground twentie or thirtie times but they will not stirre their right foote And some of them will make their ceremonies with fifteene or sixteene pots litle and great and ring a litle bel when they make their mixtures tenne or twelue times and they make a circle of water round about their pots and pray and diuers sit by them and one that reacheth them their pots and they say diuers things ouer their pots many times and when they haue done they goe to their gods and strowe their sacrifices which they thinke are very holy and marke many of them which sit by in the foreheads which they take as a great gift There come fiftie and sometime an hundred together to wash them in this well and to offer to these idols They haue in some of these houses their idoles standing and one sitteth by them in warme weather with a fanne to blowe winde vpon them And when they see any company comming they ring a litle bell which hangeth by them and many giue them their almes but especially those which come out of the countrey Many of them are blacke and haue clawes of brasse with long nayles and some ride vpon peacockes and other foules which be euill fauoured with long haukes bils and some like one thing and some another but none with a good face Among the rest there is one which they make great account of for they say hee giueth them all things both foode and apparell and one sitteth alwayes by him with a fanne to make wind towards him Here some bee burned to ashes some scorched in the fire and throwen into the water and dogges and fores doe presently eate them The wiues here doe burne with their husbands when they die if they will not their heads be shauen and neuer any account is made of them afterward The people goe all naked saue a litle cloth bound about their middle Their women haue their necks armes and eares decked with rings of siluer copper tinne and with round hoopes made of Iuorie adorned with amber stones and with many agats and they are marked with a great spot of red in their foreheads and a stroke of red vp to the crowne and so it runneth three maner of wayes In their Winter which is our May the men weare
backe to Cochin and if they cannot fetch Cochin they returne to Malacca The monson from Goa to the Moluccaes The ships depart about the 10 or 15 of May which time being past the shippes can not passe ouer the barre of Goa for the cause abouesaid The monson of the ships of the Moluccaes arriuall in Goa The ships which come from the Moluccaes arriue vpon the bar of Goa about the 15 of April The monsons of the Portingall ships for the Indies The ships which come from Portugall depart thence ordinarily betwixt the tenth fifteenth of March comming the straight way during the moneth of Iuly to the coast of Melinde and Mosambique and from thence goe straight for Goa and if in the moneth of Iuly they should not be at the coast of Melinde they can in no wise that yeere fetch Melinde but returne to the Isle of Saint Helena and so are not able that time being past to fetch the coast of India and to come straight for Goa Therefore as is abouesaid they returne to the Island of Saint Helena and if they cannot make the said Island then they runne as lost vpon the coast of Guinea but if the said ships be arriued in time vpon the coast of Melinde they set forwardes for Goa and if by the fifteenth of September they cannot fetch Goa they then goe for Cochin but if they see they cannot fetch Cochin they returne to Mosambique to winter there vpon the sayd coast Albeit in the yeere of our Lord 1580 there arriued the ship called San Lorenzo being wonderfull sore sea-beaten the eight of October which was accounted as a myracle for that the like had not bene seene before The monson from India for Portugall The shippes depart from Cochin betweene the fifteenth and last of Ianuary going on till they haue sight of Capo de buona speranza and the Isle of Saint Helena which Islande is about the midway being in sixteene degrees to the South And it is a litle Island being fruitfull of all things which a man can imagine with great store of fruit and this Island is a great succour to the shipping which returne for Portugall And not long since the said Island was found by the Portugales and was discouered by a shippe that came from the Indies in a great storme in which they found such abundance of wilde beastes and boares and all sort of fruite that by meanes thereof that poore ship which had beene foure moneths at sea refreshed themselues both with water and meate very well and this Island they called S. Helena because it was discouered vpon S. Helens day And vndoubtedly this Island is a great succour and so great an ayde to the ships of Portugall that many would surely perish if that helpe wanted And therefore the king of Portugall caused a Church to be made there for deuotion of S. Helena where there are onely resident Eremits and all other are forbidden to inhabite there by the kings commaundement to the ende that the ships may be the more sufficiently furnished with victuals because the ships which come froÌ„ India come but slenderly victualled because there groweth no corne there neither make they any wine but the ships which come from Portugall to the Indies touch not in the sayd Island because they set out being sufficiently furnished with bread and water from Portugall for eight moneths voyage Any other people then the two Eremites abouesaid cannot inhabite this Island except some sicke man that may be set there a shore to remaine in the Eremites companie for his helpe and recouery The monson from Goa to Mosambique The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 15 of Ianuarie The monson from Mosambique to Goa The ships depart betweene the 8 and last of August and arriue in Chaul or Goa in the moneth of October till the 15 of Nouember The monson from Ormus to Bengala The ships depart betwixt the 15 and 20 of Iune and goe to winter at Teue and depart thence about the 15 of August for Bengala The voyage passed by sea into Aegypt by Iohn Euesham Gentleman Anno 1586. THe 5 of December 1586 we departed from Grauesend in the Tâ—ger of London wherein was Master vnder God for the voyage Robert Rickman and the 21. day at night we came to the Isle of Wight departing from thence in the morning following we had a faire winde so that on the 27 day wee came in sight of the rocke of Lisbone and so sayling along we came in sight of the South Cape the 29 of the same and on the morrowe with a Westerly winde we entred the straights and the second of Ianuary being as high as Cape de Gate we departed from our fleete towards Argier And the 4 day we arriued at the port of Argier aforesaid where we staied till the first of March At which time we set saile towardes a place called Tunis to the Eastward of Argier 100 leagues where we arriued the 8 of the same This Tunis is a small citie vp 12 miles from the sea and at the port or rode where shipping doe ride is a castle or fort called Goletta sometimes in the handes of the Christians but now of the Turkes at which place we remained till the third of Aprill at which time wee set saile towardes Alexandria and hauing sometime faire windes sometime contrary we passed on the 12 day betweene Sicilia and Malta where neere adioyning hath beene the fort and holde of the knights of the Rhodes and so the 19 day we fell with the Isle of Candy and from thence to Alexandria where we arriued the 27 of April and there continued till the 5 of October The said citie of Alexandria is an old thing decayed or ruinated hauing bene a faire and great citie neere two miles in length being all vauted vnderneath for prouision of fresh water which water commeth thither but once euery yeere out of one of the foure riuers of paradise as it is termed called Nilus which in September floweth neere eighteene foote vpright higher then his accustomed manner and so the banke being cut as it were a sluce about thirty miles from Alexandria at a towne called Rossetto it doth so come to the saide Citie with such aboundance that barkes of twelue tunne doe come vpon the same water which water doth fill all the vaâ—ts cesternes and wels in the said Citie with very good water and doth so continue good till the next yeere following for they haue there very litle raine or none at all yet haue they exceeding great dewes Also they haue very good corne and very plentifull all the Countrey is very hot especially in the moneths of August September and October Also within the saide Citie there is a pillar of Marble called by the Turkes King Pharaoes needle it is foure square euery square is twelue foote and it is in height 90 foote Also there is without the wals of the said Citie about twentie score
his booke he dedicated to the Cardinall of Sens keeper of the great seale of France It appeareth by the sayd booke that he had read the works of sundry Phylosophers Astronomers and Cosmographers whose opinions he gathered together But touching his owne trauell which he affirmeth I refer to the iudgement of the expert in our dayes and therefore for mine owne part I write of these Canaria Ilands as time hath taught me in many yeres The Iland of Canaria THe Iland of Canaria is almost equal in length and bredth containing 12 leagues in length touching the which as principall and the residue the Spanyards holde opinion that they discouered the same in their nauigation toward America but the Portugals say that their nation first found the sayd Ilands in their nauigation toward Aethiopia and the East Indies But truth it is that the Spanyards first conquered these Ilands with diuers English gentlemen in their company whose posterity this present day inioyeth them Some write that this Iland was named Canaria by meane of the number of dogs which there were found as for example Andrew Theuet sayth that one Iuba carried two dogs from thence but that opinion could I neuer learne by any of the naturall people of the countrey although I haue talked with many in my time and with many of their children For trueth it is that there were dogs but such as are in all the Northwest lands and some part of the West India which serued the people in stead of sheepe for victuall But of some of the conquerors of those Ilands I haue heard say that the reason why they were called the Canaria Ilands is because there grow generally in them all fouresquare canes in great multitude together which being touched will cast out a liquour as white as milke which liquor is ranke poison and at the first entry into these Ilands some of the discouerers were therewith poisoned for many yeeres after that conquest the inhabitants began to plant both wine and sugar so that Canaria was not so called by sugar canes The people which first inhabited this land were called Canaries by the conquerors they were clothed in goat skinnes made like vnto a loose cassocke they dwelt in caues in the rocks in great amity and brotherly loue They spake all one language their chiefe feeding was gelt dogges goates and goates milke their bread was made of barley meale and goates milke called Gofia which they vse at this day and thereof I haue eaten diuers times for it is accounted exceeding holesome Touching the originall of these people some holde opinion that the Romans which dwelt in Africa exiled them thither aswell men as women their tongues being cut out of their heads for blasphemy against the Romane gods But howsoeuer it were their language was speciall and not mixed with Romane speech or Arabian This Iland is now the principallest of all the rest not in fertility but by reason it is the seat of iustice and gouernment of all the residue This Iland hath a speciall Gouernour for the Iland onely yet notwithstanding there are three Iudges called Auditours who are superiour Iudges and all in one ioyntly proceed as the Lord Chanceller of any realme To this city from all the other Ilands come all such by appeale as haue sustained any wrong and these good Iudges do remedy the same The city is called Ciuitas Palmarum it hath a beautifull Cathedrall church with all dignities thereunto pertaining For the publike weale of the Iland there are sundry Aldermen of great authority who haue a councell house by themselues The city is not onely beautifull but the citizens curious and gallant in apparell And after any raine or foule weather a man may goe cleane in Ueluet slippers because the ground is sandy the aire very temperate without extreame heat or colde They reape wheat in February and againe in May which is excellent good and maketh bread as white as snow This Iland hath in it other three townes the one called Telde the second Galder and the third Guia. It hath also twelue sugar houses called Ingenios in which they make great quantity of good sugar The maner of the growth of sugar is in this sort a good ground giueth foorth fruit nine times in 18 yere that is to say the first is called Planta which is layd along in a furrow so that the water of a sluce may come ouer euery roote being couered with earth this root bringeth foorth sundry canes and so consequently all the rest It groweth two yeeres before the yeelding of profit and not sixe moneths as Andrew Theuet the French man writeth Then are they cut euen with the ground and the tops leaues called Coholia cut off and the canes bound into bundels like faggots and so are caried to the sugar house called Ingenio where they are ground in a mill and the iuyce thereof conueyed by a conduct to a great vessell made for the purpose where it is boiled till it waxe thicke and then is it put into a fornace of earthen pots of the molde of a sugar loafe and then is it carried to another house called a purging house where it is placed to purge the blacknesse with a certaine clay that is layd thereon Of the remainder in the causoron is made a second sort called Escumas and of the purging liquor that droppeth from the white sugar is made a third sort and the remainder is called Panela or Netas the refuse of all the purging is called Remiel or Malasses and thereof is made another sort called Refinado When this first fruit is in this sort gathered called Planta then the Cane-field where it grew is burned ouer with sugar straw to the stumps of the first canes and being husbanded watred and trimmed at the end of other two yeeres it yeeldeth the second fruit called Zoca The third fruit is called Tertia Zoca the fourth Quarta Zoca and so orderly the rest til age causeth the olde Canes to be planted againe This Iland hath singular good wine especially in the towne of Telde and sundry sorts of good fruits as Batatas Mellons Peares Apples Orenges Limons Pomgranats Figs Peaches of diuers sorts and many other fruits but especially the Plantano which groweth neere brooke sides it is a tree that hath no timber in it but groweth directly vpward with the body hauing maruelous thicke leaues and euery leafe at the toppe of two yards long and almost halfe a yard broad The tree neuer yeeldeth fruit but once and then is cut downe in whose place springeth another and so still continueth The fruit groweth on a branch and euery tree yeeldeth two or three of those branches which beare some more and some lesse as some forty and some thirty the fruit is like a Cucumber and when it is ripe it is blacke and in eating more delicate then any conserue This Iland is sufficiently prouided of Oxen Kine Camels Goats Sheepe Capons Hens
Ducks and Pidgeons and great Partridges Wood is the thing that most wanteth and because I haue particularly to intreat of the other sixe Ilands I leaue further inlarging of Canaria which standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator The I le of Tenerif THe Iland of Tenerif standeth in 27 degrees and a halfe from the equator and is distant from Canaria 12 leagues Northward This Iland containeth 17 leagues in length and the land lieth high in forme of a ridge of sowen land in some part of England and in the midst of the sayd place standeth a round hill called Pico Deteithe situated in this sort The top of this pike conteineth of heigth directly vpward 15 leagues more which is 45 English miles out of the which often times proceedeth fire and brimstone and it may be about halfe a mile in compasse the sayd top is in forme or likenesse of a caldron But within two miles of the top is nothing but ashes pumish stones yet beneath that two miles is the colde region couered all the yere with snow and somwhat lower are mighty huge trees growing called Vinatico which are exceeding heauy and will not rot in any water although they lie a thousand yeeres therein Also there is a wood called Barbusano of like vertue with many Sauine trees and Pine trees And beneath these sorts of trees are woods of Bay trees of 10 12 miles long which is a pleasant thing to trauell thorow among the which are great numbers of small birds which sing exceeding sweet but especially one sort that are very litle and of colour in all respects like a Swallow sauing that he hath a little blacke spot on his breast as broad as a peny He singeth more sweetly then all the rest but if he be taken and imprisoned in a cage he liueth but a small while This Iland bringeth foorth all sorts of fruits as Canaria doth and also all the other Ilands in generall bring foorth shrubs or bushes out of the which issueth a iuice as white as milke which after a while that it hath come out waxeth thicke and is exceeding good birdlime the bush is called Taybayba This Iland also bringeth foorth another tree called Drago which groweth on high among rocks and by incision at the foot of the tree issueth out a liquor like blood which is a commō drug among Apothecaries Of the wood of this tree are made targets greatly esteemed because if any sword or dagger hit thereon they sticke so fast that it is hard plucking them out This is the most fruitfull Iland of all the rest for corne and in that respect is a mother or nurse to all the others in time of need There groweth also a certaine mosse vpon the high rocks called Orchel which is bought for Diars to die withall There are 12 sugar houses called Ingenios which make great quantity of sugar There is also one league of ground which standeth between two townes the one called Larotaua and the other Rialeio and it is thought that the like plot of ground is not in all the world The reason is that this one league of ground produceth sweet water out of the cliffes or rocky mountaines corne of all sortes fruites of all sortes and excellent good silke flaxe waxe and hony and very good wines in abundance with great store of sugar and fire-wood Out of this Iland is laden great quantity of wines for the West India and other countreys The best groweth on a hill side called the Ramble There is in that Iland a faire city standing three leagues from the sea nere vnto a lake called Laguna wherein are two faire parish churches there dwelleth the gouernour who ruleth all that Iland with iustice There are also aldermen for the publike weale who buy their offices of the king the most of the whole inhabitants of this city are gentlemen merchants and husband men There are other foure townes called Santa Cruz Larotaua Rialeio and Garachico In this Iland before the conquest dwelt seuen kings who with all their people dwelt in caues and were clothed in goat skinnes as the Canaria people were and vsed such like order of diet as they had Their order of buriall was that when any died he was carried naked to a great caue where he was propped vp against the wall standing on his feet But if he were of any authority among them then had he a staffe in his hand and a vessell of milke standing by him I haue seene caues of 300 of these corpses together the flesh being dried vp the body remained as light as parchment These people were called Guanches naturally they spake another language cleane contrary to the Canarians and so consequently euery Iland spake a seuerall language Note gentle reader that the Iland of Canaria the I le of Tenerif and the I le of Palma appertaine to the king of Spaine vnto whom they pay fifty thousand duckats yeerely for custome and other profits All these Ilands ioyntly are one bishopricke which pay to the bishop twelue thousand duckats yeerely And thus I conclude of the I le of Tenerif which standeth in 27 degrees and a halfe as I haue before declared Gomera THe Iland of Gomera standeth Westward from Tenerif in distance sixe leagues this is but a small Iland conteining eight leagues in length It is an Earledome the Lord thereof is called the earle of Gomera But in case of any controuersie the vassals may appeale to the kings superior Iudges which reside in Canaria This Iland hath one proper towne called Gomera which hath an excellent good port or harbour for ships where often times the Indian fleet take refreshing for their voyage There is also sufficient graine and fruit for the maintenance of themselues There is one Ingenio or Sugar-house with great plenty of wine and other sorts of fruits as Canaria and Tenerif hath This Iland yeeldeth no other commodity but onely orchell it standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator toward the pole Arcticke The I le of Palma THe I le of Palma standeth twelue leagues distant from the I le of Gomera Northwestward This Iland is fruitfull of wine and sugar it hath a proper city called the city of Palma where is great contraction for wines which are laden for the West India other places This city hath one faire church and a gouernour and aldermen to maintaine and execute iustice It hath also another prety towne called S. Andrewes It hath also foure Ingenios which make excellent sugar two of the which are called Zauzes and the other two Tassacort This Iland yeeldeth but little bread-corne but rather is thereof prouided from Tenerif and other places Their best wines grow in a soile called the Brenia where yerely is gathered twelue thousand buts of wine like vnto Malmsies This Iland standeth round and containeth in circuit neere fiue and twenty leagues It hath plenty of all sorts of fruits as Canaria and
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
shot about the ship and ouer the flagge and at the â—ame time there came certeine gentlemen aboord our ship to see her to whom I sayd that if they would not cause those their men to leaue shooting I would shoot the best ordinance I had thorâ—w their sides And when they pâ—rceiued that I was offended they departed and caused their men of warre and souldiers to shoot no more and afterwards they came to me againe and tolde me that they had punished their men That done I shewed them the ship and made them such cheere as I could which they receiued very thankfully and the day following they sent for mee to dine with them and sent me word that their Generall was very sory that any man should require me to furle my flagge and that it was without his consent and therefore he requested me not to thinke any vngentlenesse to be in him promising that no man of his should misdemeane himselfe The 17 day we set saile in the road of Grand Canarie and proceeded on our voyage The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast of Barbarie and running along the shore we had sight of Rio del Oro which lieth almost vnder the tropike of Cancer The 21 day we found our selues to be in 20 degrees and a halfe which is the heigth of Cape Blank The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the Northward of Cape Verde The 26 I tooke Francisco and Francis Castelin wiâ—h me and went into the pinnesse and so went to the Tyger which was neerer the shore then the other ships and went aboord her and with her and the other ships we ranne West and by South and West-southwest vntill about foure of the clocke at which time we were hard aboord the Cape and then we ran in Southwest and beyond the Cape about foure leagues we found a faire Iland and besides that two or three Ilands which were of very high rocks being full of diuers sorts of sea-foule and of pigeons with other sorts of land-foules and so many that the whole Iland was couered with the dung thereof and seemed so white as if the whole Iland had bene of chalke and within those Ilands was a very faire bay and hard aboord the rocks eighteene fadom water and faire ground And when we perceiued the bay and vnderstanding that the Frenchmen had a great trade there which we were desirous to know we came to an ancre with the Tyger And after that the Minion and the Christopher ancred in like case then we caused the pinnesse to runne beyond another Cape of land to see if there were any place to trade in there It being neere night I tooke our cocke and the Tygers skiffe and went to the Iland where we got certaine foules like vnto Gaâ—nards and then I came aboord againe and tooke two of the Gannards which we had taken and caried them to the captaine of the Christopher and when I had talked with him I found him not willing to tary there neither was I desirous to spend any long time there but onely to attempt what was to be done The Master of the Christopher tolde me he would not tary being not bound for that place The 27 the Captaine of the Tyger and Edward Selman came to me and Iohn Makeworth from the Christopher and then we agreed to take the pinnesse to come along the shore because that where we rid no Negros came to â—s and the night before our pinnesse brought vs word that there was a very faire Iland And when I came beyond the point I found it so and withall a goodly bay and we saw vpon the maine certaine Negros which waued vs on shore and then we came to an ancre with the pinnesse and went a shore with our cocke and they shewed vs where their trade was and that they had Elephants teeth muske hides and offered vs to fetch downe their Captaine if we would send a man wiâ—h them and they would leaue a pledge for him then we asked them when any ship had bene there and some of them sayd not in eight moneths others in sixe moneths and others in foure and that they were Frenchmen Then we perceiuing the Christopher not willing to â—ary departed from them seâ— saile with the pinnesse and went aboord the Tyger The 10 day of March we fell with the coast of Guinea fiue leagues to the Eastwarâ— of Cape de Monte beside a riuer called Rio das Palmas The 11 we went to the shore and found one man that could speake some Portuguise who tolde vs that there were three French ships passed by one of them two moneths past and the other one moneth past At this place I receiued nineteene Elephants teeth and two ounces and halfe a quarter of golde The 12 we set saile to go to the riuer de Sestos The 13 at night we fell with the same riuer The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water and romaged our shippes and deliuered such wares to the Christopher and Tyger as they had need of The 15 we came together and agreed to send the Tyger to another riuer to take in her water and to see what â—he could do for graines After that we tooke marchandise with vs and went into the riuer and there we found a Negro which was borne in Lisbone left there by a ship of Portugal which was burned the last yere at this riuer in fighting with three Frenchmen and he told vs further that two moneths past there were three Frenchmen at this place and sixe weeks past there were two French ships at the riuer and fifteene dayes past therâ— was one All which ships were gone towards the Mina This day we tooke but few graines The 19 day considering that the Frenchmen were gone before vs and that by reason of the vnholesome aires of this place foureteene of our men in the Minion were fallen sicke wee determined to depart and with all speed to go to the Mina The 21 wee came to the riuer de Potos where some of our boats went in for water and I went in with our cocke and tooke 12 small Elephants teeth The 23 day after we had taken as many teeth as we could get about nine of the clocke we set saile to go towards the Mina The 31 we came to Hanta and made sale of certaine Manillios The first Aprill we hat sight of fiue saile of Portugals whereupon we set saile and went off to sea to get the winde of them which wee should haue had if the winde had kept his ordinary course which is all the day at the Southwest and West-southwest but this day with a flaw it kept all the day at the East and East-southeast so that the Portugals had the winde of vs and came roome with the Tyger and vs vntill night and brought themselues all saue one which saâ—led not so well
Guinean voyage as in the same hereafter is verbatim mentioned The 29 of April we being at anker without the road a French ship called the green Dragon of Newhauen whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in who saluted vs after the maner of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance and we resaluted him with the like againe with whom hauing communication he declared that hee had bene at the Mina in Guinea and was beaten off by the Portugals gallies and enforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had and further that the like was hapned vnto the Minion also that captaine Dauid Carlet a marchant with a dozen mariners were betraied by the Negros at their first arriuall thither remaining prisoners with the Portugals besides other misaduentures of the losse of their men hapned through the great lacke of fresh water with great doubts of bringing home the ships which was most sorowfull for vs to vnderstand The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie and the Islands of Cape Verde in the yeere 1566. with three ships to wit the Admirall called The Castle of Comfort the May Flower and the George and a Pinnasle also Written by Walter Wren THe 10 day of December in the yeere abouesayd we departed from Plimmouth and the 12 day we were thwart of Ushant The 15 day in the morning being Sunday wee had sight of Cape Finister and the same night we lost the company of our Admirall wherefore we sayled along the coast of Portugall hoping that our Admirall had bene before vs. The 18 day we met with a French ship of whom wee made inquirie for our Admirall but he could not tell vs newes of him so we followed our course to the Ilands of the Canaries The 25 day in the morning we fell with a small Iland called Porto Santo within 3 houres we had sight of another Iland called Madera which is 6 leagues from Porto Santo The said 25 day being the day of the Natiuitie we hoised out our boat and fâ—r master Edward Fenner captaine of the May Flower aboord vs being in the George with the master whose name was Robert Cortise and others of the sayd shippe and feasted them with such cheere as God had sent vs. The 28 day we fel with an Iland called Tenerif which is 27 leagues from the said Iland and on the East side thereof we came to an anker in 40 fadome water within a base shot of the shore in a litle Baie wherein were 3 or 4 small houses which Baie and houses were distant from a litle towne called Santa Cruz a league or thereabout and as we rode in the said Baie we might see an Iland called The grand Canarie which was 6 or 7 leagues from vs. The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not fet into y e road where we were at an anker by reason the wind was off the shore because she bare more roomer froÌ„ the land then we did in the morning came bearing in with the towne of Santa Cruz thinking to come to an anker in the road against the towne and before she came within the reach of any of their ordinance they shot at her foure pieces which caused her to come roome with vs and came at last to an anker by vs. And about one of the clocke in the afternoone the forenamed captaine of the May Flower wrote a letter a shore directing it to the head officer of the towne of Santa Cruz to the intent to vnderstand the pretense of the shooting off the said ordinance The letter being written Robert Courtise master of the May Flower and Walter Wren were appointed to deliuer the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to bee conueied to the foresayd towne and so went with six men in the boate and rowed to the shore as neere as they might for setting the boat on ground for the sea went cruelly at the shore The people stood in number 30 persons with such armour as they had the foresayd Wren called to them in Spanish declaring to theÌ„ that they had a letter which they would very gladly haue conueied vnto the towne shewing that they would traffique with them as marchants desiring their helpe for the conueiance of the same letter With that one of the Spaniards willed vs to come on land and we should be welcome but doubting the worst the said Walter answered them that they would not come on land vntil they had answere of their letter which they had brought Whereupon one of the Spaniards vnraied himselfe and lept into the water and swam to the boat whom we receiued And he saluted vs and demaunded what our request was we made him answere that by misfortune we lost the companie of our Admirall and being bound to this Iland to traffique for wines and other things necessary for vs do here mind to stay vntill he come Concerning our letter he made vs answere that he would with all diligence cary it and deliuer it according to the direction and so the said Walter knit the letter in a bladder and deliuered it vnto him and also gaue him foure roials of Spanish money for his paines and promising that we should haue answere of it he tooke his leaue and swamme againe on shore where the people stood ready to receiue him And after that they had talked with him and vnderstood our meaning some of them threw vp their hats the other put them off holding them in their hands and made vs very curteous signes alwaies desiring that the boat would come a land but we resaluting them rowed backe againe aboord The 30 day the Gouernours brother of Santa Cruz came aboord the May Flower with sixe or seuen Spaniards with him who concluded with the Captaine that we might come a shore and traffique with them but that day we did not for we had no sufficient pledge of theirs for our assurance Our Captaine entertained them well and at their departure gaue them foure pieces of ordinance for a farewell and bestowed vpon them two cheeses with other things The sayd Gouernours brother promised our Captaine that hee should haue sufficient pledges the morrow folowing which was not done whereupon wee grew suspicious and went not that day a shore The first day of Ianuary our captaine sent Nicholas Day and Iohn Sumpter a shore who were very well entertained with as many of our company as went after them In the said Iland is a marueilous high hill called the Pike which is a far off more like a cloud in the aire then any other thing the hill is round and somewhat small at the top it hath not bene knowen that euer any man could goe vp to the top thereof And although it stand in 28 degrees which is as hote in Ianuary as it is in England at Midsommer yet is the top of the said hil Winter and Sommer seldome without snow In this Iland about two leagues from the said Santa Cruz is
yet by the helpe of God they got from them with their boates although many of them were hurt with their poysoned arrowes and the poison is vncurable if the arrow enter within the skin and drawe blood and except the poison bee presently suckt out or the place where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away hee dieth within foure dayes and within three houres after they bee hurt or pricked wheresoeuer it be although but at the litle toe yet it striketh vp to the heart and taketh away the stomacke and causeth the partie marueilously to vomite being able to brooke neither meat nor drinke The Negros hauing vsed our men with such cruelty whose names were Nicholas Day William Bats and Iohn Tomson led them away to a towne which was within a mile of the water side or thereabout The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein were eight persons and one of them was the foresayd Iohn Tomson and our interpreter which was a Frenchman for there was one of the Negros which spake good French and they caried with them two harquebusses two targets and a mantell The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome they demaunded for Bats and Day whom they detained And when they came to the shore and told tâ—â— Negros what they desired they went and fetched them from among the trees and brought them loose among fortie or fiftie of them And being come within a stones cast of the sea side William Bats brake from them and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat and he was not so soone in the water but hee fell downe either being out of breath or his foote failing him in the sand being soft so that the Negros came and fell on him and tooke him and haled him that we thought they had torne him in pieces for they tore againe all the apparell from his backe so that some of them caried our men againe to the towne and the rest shot at vs with their poisoned arrowes and hurt one of our men called Androwes in the smal of the leg who being come aboord for al that our Surgeons could do we thought he would haue died Our Generall notwithstanding all this villanie sent agayne to them and offered them any thing that they desired for the raunsome of our men buâ— they would not deliuer them giuing vs this answere That there was in the foresayd roade three weekes before wee came an English shippe which had taken three of their people and vntiâ—l wee did bring or send them againe wee should not haue our men although wee would giue our three shippes with their furniture The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 tunnes or thereabouts came to the place where we were being bound to traffique at the Cape we told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negros and seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negros we wished them to see whether they could procure them againe of the Negros and bring them along with them and our Generall promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them So wee committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes foure died and one to saue his life had his arme cut off Androwes that was last of all hurt lay lame not able to helpe himselfe onely two recouered of their hurts So we placed other men in the roomes of those that we lost and set saile The 26 day betweene Cape Verde and Bona vista we sawe many flying fishes of the bignesse of herrings whereof two flew into our boat which we towed at our sterne The 28 day we fell with an Iland called Bona vista which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues The Northside of the sayde Iland is full of white sandie hils and dales and somewhat high land The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Westermost point about a league within the point and found in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome water but you may goe neere till you be in fiue or six fadome for the ground is faire As soone as we were at an anker our Generall sent his pinnasse a land and found fiue or sixe small houses but the people were fled into the mountains and the next day he sent a shore againe and met with two Portugals who willingly went aboord with his men and at their comming he welcommed them although they were but poore simple and gaue each of them a paire of shoes and so set them a shore againe The 30 day we weighed sailed into a Bay within a smal Iland about a league from vs and tooke plentie of diuers sortes of fishe The foresayd Iland lieth in sixteene degrees And if you meane to anker in the said Bay you may borow in foure or fiue fadome of the Southermost point of the sayd Iland which you may see when you ride in the road But beware of the middle of the Baie for there lieth a ledge of rocks which at a lowe water breaketh yet there is three fadome water ouer them The last day of Ianuarie our Generall with certaine of his men went a shore in the Baie to the houses where he found 12 Portugals In all the Iland there were not aboue 30 persons which were banished men for a time some for more yeeres some for lesse and amongst them there was one simple man which was their captaine They liue vpon goats flesh cocks hennes and fresh water other victuals they haue none sauing fish which they esteeme not neither haue they any boats to take them They reported that this Iland was giuen by the king of Portugall to one of his gentlemen who hath let it foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a yeere which rent is reared onely in goats skinnes For by their speaches there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Iland into Portugall 40000 skins in one yeere We were to these men marueilously welcome and to their powers very wel entertained and they gaue vs the flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would haue and tooke much paines for vs in taking them and bringing them from the mountains vpon their asses They haue there great store of the oyle of Tortoises which Tortoise is a fish which swimmeth in the Sea with a shell on his backe as broad as a target It raineth not in this Iland but in three moneths of the yeere from the midst of Iuly to the midst of October and it is here alwayes very hote Kine haue bene brought hither but by reason of the heate and drought they haue died The 3 of February wee departed from this Iland and the same day fell with another Iland called the Iland of Maiyo which is 14 leagues from the other Iland there is in the midst of the way between these two Ilands a danger which is alwayes to be seene We ankred in the
silke bed complayning of a sore leg yet after long conference he walked into another Orchard whereas hauing a faire banketting-house and a great water and a new gallie in it he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him and passed the space of two or three houres shewing the great experience he had in Gallies wherein as he said he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeres in his youth After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house and since that night I haue not sâ—ene him for that he hath kept in with his sore legge but he hath sent to me daily The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the king and I continued with him till midnight hauing debated as well for the Queenes commission as for the well dealing with her marchants for their traffike here in these parts saying he would do much more for the Queenes maiesty and the Realme offering that all English ships with her subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marcandize as for victuall water as also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales as occasion should serue or else to depart againe with them at their pleasure Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of Barbarie thorow the straites into the Leuant seas that he would graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods might passe into the Leuant seas and so to the Turks dominions and the king of Argiers as his owne and that he would write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes may be taken captiues shall be solde within any of his dominions whereupon I declared that the Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the intercourse trade of our marchants within this his countrey as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of to furnish the necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandize so as he required nothing contrarie to her honour and law and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours The same night I presented the king with the case of combes and desired his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe againe for that I found litle store of salt-peter in readinesse in Iohn Bamptons hands He answered me that I should haue all the assistance therein that he could but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his house there as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse I requested that he would send downe which he promised to doe The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels and baiting buls with his English dogges At this time I mooued him againe for the sending downe to Sus which he granted to doe and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie with Lionell Edgerton and Rowland Guy to Sus and caried with them for our accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet and Alcayde Shauan and the Uiceroy The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called Shersbonare with his gard and Alcayde Mamoute and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance and a play of his Elchies He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday but he put it off till Thursday and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with me but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch And being brought to him I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter also two bils for the quiet traffique of our English Marchants and bils for sugars to be made by the Iewes as well for the debts past as hereafter and for good order in the Ingenios Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter and other dispatches which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it and vpon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke so on Sunday we made meanes to the King and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others but did not agree Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court and referred all things to the King accepting his offer of Salt-peter That night againe the King had me into his Gallie and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter and that afternoone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging shewing mee that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly I got the King to forgiue all to Iohn Bampton and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon Munday Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee and said that he had order to write Upon Wednesday I wrote againe and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I should come and be dispatched so that I should depart vpon Friday without faile being the twelfth of Iuly So the fridayâ— after according to the kings order appointment I went to the court whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds which I had preferred they were all granted and likewise the priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English marchants requested were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto And whereas the Iewes there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted the Emperors pleasure and commandement was that they should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and the Emperour I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein So to conclude hauing receiued the like honourable conduct from his Court as I had for my part at my first landing I embarked my selfe with my foresaid company and arriuing not long after in England I repaired to her Maiesties court ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking with relation of my seruice performed The voyage of Thomas Stukeley wrongfully called Marques of Ireland into Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae
in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition brauely clad in silkes and gold in a large and high litter excellently well wrought accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout wearing hats linnen albes and fine blacke vpper garments Then attired in ashe colour for this colour also is mourning with a long torch of Pineaple he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time and there withall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire in stead of a vell Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured such as beare them doe march but slowly shaking euer now and then their staues that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine and be whirled about with wind This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise After al this eight beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares the points backward with flags of one cubite a piece wherein the name also of that idole is written Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription ouercast with a fine vaile and candles burning in them Besides this two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches not lighted of three foote length the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire litle three square blacke lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes for that is honorable amongst them with papers on their heads wherein the name of the deuill I spake of is written And to make it the more solemne after commeth a man with a table one cubite long one foot broad courred with a very fine white vaile in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name At the length by foure men is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made when he liued in the world by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of When they are al come to y e place appointed for the obsequie al the Bonzii w t the whole multitude for the space of one houre beating pannes and basons with great clamours call vpon the name of that deuill the which being ended the Obsequie is done in this maner In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about hanged with course linnen and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at is digged a hole in the hole is laied good store of wood whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe before that stand two tables furnished with diuers kindes of meates especially drie Figs Pomegranates and Tartes good store but neither Fish nor Flesh vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales and in it sweete wood to make perfumes When all this is readie the corde wherewith the litter was caried is throwen by a long rope into the fire as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes vsing their aforesayd clamours which done they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstandeth whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning nâ— shall haue at any time an ende and throweth away the torch Two of the dead man his children or of his neere kinne take it vp againe and standing one at the East side of the litter the other at the West doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps and so cast it into the pile of wood by and by they throw in oyle sweete wood and other perfumes accordingly as they haue plentie and so with a great flame bring the corpes to ashes his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint which being done the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree The master of the ceremonies hath for his part fiue duckats sometimes tenne sometimes twentie the rest haue teene Iulâ—es a piece or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxae The meate that was ordained as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone is left for such as serued at the obsequie for the poore and impotent lazars The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children his kinred and friends who gathering vp his ashes bones and teeth doe put them in a gilded pot and so carie them home to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth in the middest of their houses Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals and so doe they againe the seuenth day then cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place appointed laying thereupon a foure square stone wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time Euery day afterward his children resort vnto the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not Nor the seuenth day onely but the seuenth moneth and yeere within their owne houses they renue this obsequie to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout the meaner sort two or three hundred Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies buried in a dunghill They haue another kinde of buriall especially neere the Sea side for them that bee not yet dead These fellowes are such as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida now desirous to see him doe slay themselues And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes the which they thrust
to doe their painfull iâ—deuor not onely aboord but in all labours at the land according to the direction giuen by the abdue named officers vpon paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages the same to be diuided amongst the company 6 Item that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile and hides of the seales and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities at or neere the coast of Brasill to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight whereof one third to goe to the companie 7 Item that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner viz. to make their first port at Santos and Saint Vincent and there to reuictuall and traffike and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by the traine and hide of the seales with such other commodities as are there to be had according as the owner with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes that all such practisers vpon due proofe made shall loose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be adiudged by the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master Pilot and marchant or three of them at the least whereof the Captaine to be one 8 Item that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand to take in wares and commodities and to cary and recary to and from the shore when and as oft as neede shall be and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants ditection during the whole voyage 9 Item that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner at the going to sea of the said shippe shall or may be displaced from his said place or office without great cause and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine and his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and the marchant or by the consent of three of them at the least 10 Item that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England the Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour to the Westward of Southhampton but forced by weather or such like vrgent cause William Huddie Iohn Hooper Hugh Smith Iohn Foster William Cheesman A direction as well for the Captaine and other my friends of the ship as especially for William Cheesman Marchant for the voyage to the riuer of Plate AT your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian vpon the coast of Brasill you shall according to your discretions make sale of such commodities as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate especially of Amber Sugar Grâ—ene ginger Cotton wooll and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there Also for Parats and Munkies and the beast called Serrabosa Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Perune two or three barrels and to lose no good oportunitie to gather of the Indian figges and the graines of them to preserue drie in such quantitie as conueniently may be done and touching the making of the traine and preseruing of the hides I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America triall be made with the dragges for the pearle Oisters and the same being taken to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and marchant or three of them whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant vnder two lockes either of them to haue a key to his owne locke and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde siluer or other rich mettals whatsoeuer Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him Serue God keepe good watch and stand alwayes vpon your garde Edward Cotton These things being thus ordered and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes with 83 men of all sortes furnished and fully appointed for the voyage began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May Anno 1583 and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie to take in fresh water where through meere dissolute negligence she perished vpon a sand with the most part of the men in her as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped the substance and tenor whereof is this The confession of VVilliam Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton the 21 of October Ann. 1584. HE sayth that the 17 day of Iuly Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore and this Examinate with 29 more got into the pinnesse who arriued in an Island being desolate of people and fiue miles in compasse where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather hauing nought to eate but grasse The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters got them into one of the after quarters and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio grande where they all died as he supposeth The other 30 in the pinnesse at the end of 18 dayes departed that Island and came to Saint Domingo where comming on shore they were taken of the Moores stripped naked And they buried one Coxe an olde man aliue not withstanding his pitifull lamentation and skâ—â—kings the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them liued there a certaine time This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere and in the end a Portugall Carauel comming thither his master laded the same with Negroes and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell by that meanes arriued at Lisbone and from thence came into England the 17 of October 1584 leauing behinde him of his companie aliue Richard Hacker Iohn Baker Iohn Mathew and a boy with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo all which as
Pilgrim commaunded by Iacob Whiddon who houered all night to see the successe but in the morning bearing with the Reuenge was hunted like a hare amongst many rauenous houndes but escaped All the powder of the Reuenge to the last barrell was now spent all her pikes broken fortie of her best men slaine and the most part of the rest hurt In the beginning of the fight shee had but one hundreth free from sicknes and fourescore ten sicke laid in hold vpon the Ballast A small troup to man such a ship a weake garrison to resist so mighty an army By those hundred al was susteined the volâ—is boordings and entrings of fifteen ships of warre besides those which beat her at large On the contrary the Spanish were alwayes supplied with souldiers brought from euery squadron all maner of Armes and powder at will Unto ours there remained no comfort at all no hope no supply either of ships men or weapons the Mastes all beatâ—n ouer boord all her tackle cut asunder her vpper worke altogether rased and in effect euened shee was with the water but the very foundation or bottome of a ship nothing being left ouer head â—ither for flight or defence Sir Richard finding himselfe in this distresse and vnable any longer to make resistance hauing endured in this fifteene houres fight the assault of fifteene seuerall Armadas all by turnes aboord him and by estimation eight hundred shotte of great Artillerie besides many assaults and entries and that himselfe and the shippe must needes be possessed by the enemy who were now all cast in a ring round about him The Reuenge not able to mooue one way or other but as she was moued with the waues and billow of the sea commaunded the Master gunner whom hee knew to be a most resolute man to split and sinke the shippe that thereby nothing might remaine of glory or victory to the Spaniards seeing in so many houres fight and with so great a Nauie they were not able to take her hauing had fifteene houres time aboue ten thousand men fiftie and three saile of men of warre to performe it withall and perswaded the company or as many as hee could induce to yeelde themselues vnto God and to the mercie of none else but as they had like valiant resolute men repulsed so many enemies they should not nowe shorten the honour of their Nation by prolonging their owne liues for a few houres or a fewe dayes The Master gunner readily condescended and diuers others but the Captaine and the Master were of another opinion and besought Sir Richard to haue care of them alleaging that the Spaniard would be as ready to entertaine a composition as they were willing to offer the same and that there being diuers sufficient and valiant men yet liuing and whose wounds were not mortal they might do their Countrey and prince acceptable seruice hereafter And whereas Sir Richard had alleaged that the Spaniards should neuer glory to haue taken one shippe of her Maiestie seeing they had so long and so notably defended themselues they answered that the shippe had sixe foote water in holde three shot vnder water which were so weakely stopped as with the first working of the sea she must needs sinke and was besides so crusht and brused as shee could neuer be remoued out of the place And as the matter was thus in dispute and Sir Ricard refusing to hearken to any of those reasons the Master of the Reuenge while the Captaine wanne vnto him the greater party was conuoyd aboord the Generall Don Alfonso Baçan Who finding none ouer hastie to enter the Reuenge againe doubting least Sir Richard would haue blowne them vp and himselfe and perceiuing by the report of the Master of the Reuenge his dangerous disposition yeelded that all their liues should be saued the company sent for England the better sort to pay such reasonable ransome as their estate would â—eare and in the meane season to be free from Gally or imprisonment To this he so much the rather coÌ„descended as wel as I haue said for feare of further losse and mischiefe to themselues as also for the desire he had to recouer Sir Richard Greenuil whom for his notable valure he seemed greatly to honour and admire When this answere was returned and that safetie of life was promised the common sort being now at the ende of their perill the most drew backe from Sir Richard and the Master gunner being no hard matter to disswade men from death to life The Master gunner finding himselfe and Sir Richard thus preuented and mastered by the greater number would haue slaine himselfe with a sword had he not bene by force with-held and locked into his Cabben Then the Generall sent many boates aboord the Reuenge and diuers of our men fearing Sir Richards disposition stole away aboord the Generall and other shippes Sir Richard thus ouermatched was sent vnto by Alfonso Baçan to remooue out of the Reuenge the shippe being marueilous vnsauorie filled with blood and bodies of dead and wounded men like a slaughter house Sir Richard answered that hee might doe with his body what he list for hee esteemed it not and as he was carried out of the shippe hee swounded and reuiuing againe desired the company to pray for him The Generall vsed Sir Richard with all humanitie and left nothing vnattempted that tended to his recouerie highly commending his valour and worthinesse and greatly bewailing the danger wherein he was being vnto them a rare spectacle and a resolution sildome approoued to see one shippe turne toward so many enemies to endure the charge and boording of so many huge Armadas and to resist and repell the assaults and entries of so many souldiers All which and more is confirmed by a Spanish Captaine of the same Armada and a present actor in the fight who being seuered from the rest in a storme was by the Lion of London a small ship taken and is now prisoner in London The generall commander of the Armada was Don Alphonso Baçan brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz. The admiral of the Biscaine squadron was Britandona Of the squadron of Siuil Marques of Arumburch The Hulkes and Flybotes were coÌ„manded by Luis Coutinho There were slaine and drowned in this fight well neere one thousand of the enemies aâ—d two speciall commanders Don Luis de sant Iohn and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga as the Spanish captaine confesseth besides diuers others of speciall account whereof as yet report is not made The Admirall of the Hulkes and the Ascension of Siuil were both sunke by the side of the Reuenge one other recouered the rode of Saint Michael and sunke also there a fourth ranne her selfe with the shore to saue her men Sir Richard died as it is sayd the second or third day aboord the Generall and was by them greatly bewailed What became of his body whether it were buried in the sea or on the land we know not
China and the East India by the Northwest Ann. Dom. 1577. BEing furnished with one tall ship of her Maiesties named The Ayde of two hundred tunne and two other small barks the one named The Gabriel the other The Michael about thirty tun a piece being fitly appointed with men munition victuals and all things necessary for the voyage the sayd captaine Frobisher with the rest of his company came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall intending with Gods helpe to take the first winde and tide seruing him the 25 day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1577. The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discouery and the number of souldiers and mariners in ech ship as followeth ABoord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of 100 men of all sorts whereof 30 or moe were Gentlemen and Souldiers the rest sufficient and tall Sailers Aboord the Gabriel being Uiceadmirall were in all 18 persons whereof sixe were Souldiers the rest Mariners Aboord the Michael were 16 persons whereof fiue were Souldiers the rest Mariners Aboord the Ayde was Generalll of the whole company for her Maiesty Martin Frobisher His Lieutenant George Best His Ensigne Richard Philpot. Corporall of the shot Francis Forder The rest of the gentlemen Henry Carew Edmund Stafford Iohn Lee. M. Haruie Mathew Kinersley Abraham Lins. Robert Kinersley Francis Brakenbury William Armshow The Master Christopher Hall The Mate Charles Iackman The Pilot Andrew Dier The Master gunner Richard Cox Aboord the Gabriell was Captaine Edward Fenton One Gentleman William Tamfielâ— The Maister William Smythâ— Aboord the Michaell was Captaine Gilbert Yorke One Gentleman Thomas Chamberlainâ— The Maister Iames Beareâ— ON Whit sunday being the 26 of May Anno 1577 â—arly in the morning we weighed anker at Blackwall and fell that tyde downe to Grauesend where we remained vntill Monday at night On munday morning the 27 of May aboord the Ayde we receiued all the Communion by the Miniâ—ter of Graueâ—end and prepared vs as good Christians towards God and resolute men for all fortunes and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope Tuesday the eight and twenty of May about nine of the clocke at night we arriued at Harwitch in Essex and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals vntill Friday being the thirtieth of May during which time came letters from the Lordes of the Councell straightly commanding our Generall not to exceede his complement and number appointed him which was one hundred and twentie persons whereupon he discharged many proper men which with vnwilling mindes departed He also dismissed all his condemned men which he thought for some purposes very needefull for the voyage and towarde night vpon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile and put to the Seas againe And sayling Northward alongst the East coasts of England and Scotland the seuenth day of Iune we arriued in Saint Magnus sound in Orkney Ilands called in latine Orcades and came to ancker on the South side of the Bay and this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we set saile first leagues Here our companie going on lande the Inhabitants of these Ilandes beganne to flee as from the enemie whereupon the Lieutenant willed euery man to stay togither and went himselfe vnto their houses to declare what we were and the cause of our comming thither which being vnderstood after their poore maner they friendly entreated vs and brought vs for our money such things as they had And here our Goldfiners found a Mine of siluer Orkney is the principall of the Isles of the Orcades and standeth in the latitude of fiftie nine degrees and a halfe The countrey is much subiect to colde answerable for such a climate and yet yeeldeth some fruites and sufficient maintenance for the people contented so poorely to liue There is plentie ynough of Poultrey store of egges fish and foule For their bread they haue Oaten Cakes and their drinke is Ewes milke and in some partes Ale Their houses are but poore without and sluttish ynough within and the people in nature thereunto agreeable For their fire they burne heath and turffe the Countrey in most parts being voide of wood They haue great want of Leather and desire our old shoes apparell and old ropes before money for their victuals and yet are they not ignorant of the value of our coine The chiefe towne is called Kyrway In this Iland hath bene sometime an Abbey or a religious house called Saint Magnus being on the West side of the I le whereof this sound beareth name through which we passed Their Gouernour or chiefe Lord is called the Lord Robert Steward who at our being there as we vnderstood was in durance at Edenburgh by the Regents commandement of Scotland After we had prouided vs here of matter sufficient for our voyage the eight of Iune wee set sayle againe and passing through Saint Magnus sound hauing a merrie winde by night came cleare and lost sight of all the land and keeping our course West Northwest by the space of two dayes the winde shifted vpon vs so that we lay in trauerse on the Seas with contrary windes making good as neere as we could our course to the westward and sometime to the Northward as the winde shifted And hereabout we met with 3 saile of English fishermen froÌ„ Iseland bound homeward by whom we wrote our letters vnto our friends in England We trauersed these Seas by the space of 26 dayes without sight of any land and met with much drift wood whole bodies of trees We sawe many monsterous fishes and strange foules which seemed to liue onely by the Sea being there so farre distant from any land At length God fauoured vs with more prosperous windes and after wee had sayled foure dayes with good winde in the Poop the fourth of Iuly the Michaell being formost a head shot off a peece of Ordinance and stroke all her sayles supposing that they descryed land which by reason of the thicke mistes they could not make persit howbeit as well our account as also the great alteration of the water which became more blacke and smooth did plainely declare we were not farre off the coast Our Generall sent his Master aboord the Michaell who had beene with him the yeere before to beare in with the place to make proofe thereof who descryed not the land perfect but sawe sundry huge Ilands of yce which we deemed to be not past twelue leagues from the shore for about tenne of the clocke at night being the fourth of Iuly the weather being more cleare we made the land perfect and knew it to be Frislande And the heigth being taken here we found our selues to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a halfe and were fallen with the Southermost part of this land Betweene Orkney and Frisland are reckoned leagues This Frislande sheweth a ragged and high lande hauing the mountaines almost couered ouer with snow
The twentieth of Iune at two of the clocke in the morning the General descried land found it to be West Frisland now named west England Here the Generall other Gentlemen went ashore being the first knowen Christians that we haue true notice of that euer set foot vpon that ground and therefore the Generall tooke possession thereof to the vse of our Souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie and discouered here a goodly harborough for the ships where were also certaine little boates of that countrey And being there landed they espied certaine tents and people of that countrey which were as they iudge in all sorts vâ—ry like those of Meta Incognita as by their apparell and other things which we found in their tents appeared The Sauage and simple people so soone as they perceiued our men comming towards them supposing there had bene no other world but theirs fled fearefully away as men much amazed at so strange a sight and creatures of humane shape to farre in apparell complexion and other things different from themselues They left in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them where amongst other things were found a boxe of small nailes and certaine red Herrings boords of Firre tree well cut with diuers other things artificially wrought whereby it appeareth that they haue trade with some ciuill people or else are indeede themselues artificiall workemen Our men brought away with them onely two of their dogs leauing in recompense belles looking-glasses and diuers of our countrâ—y coyes behinde them This countrey no doubtâ— promiseth good hope of great commoditie and riches if it may be well discouered The description whereof you shall finde more at large in the second voyage Some are of opinion that this West England is firme land with the Northeast partes of Meta Incognita or else with Groenland And their reason is because the people apparel boates and other things are so like to theirs and another reason is the multitude of Islands of yce which lay betweene it and Meta Incognita doth argue that on the Northside there is a bay which cannot be but by conioyning of the two lands together And hauing a faire and large winde we departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites the three and twentieth of Iune But first wee gaue name to a high cliffe in West England the last that was in our sight and for a certaine similitude we called it Charing crosse Then wee bare Southerly towards the Sea because to the Northwardes of this coast we met with much driuing yce which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might haue bene some trouble vnto vs. On Munday the last of Iune wee met with many great Whales as they had bene Porposes This same day the Salamander being vnder both her corses and bonets happened to strike a great Whale with her full stemme with such a blow that the ship stoode still and stirred neither forward nor backward The Whale thereat made a great and vgly noyse and cast vp his body and taile and so went vnder water and within two daies after there was found a great Whale dead swimming aboue water which wee supposed was that which the Salamander strooke The second day of Iuly early in the morning we had sight of the Queenes Foreland and bare in with the land all the day and passing thorow great quantity of yce by night were entred somewhat within the Streites perceiuing no way to passe further in the whole place being frozen ouer from the one side to the other and as it were with many walles mountaines and bulwarks of yce châ—ked vp the passage and denied vs entrance And yet doe I not thinke that this passage or Sea hereabonts is frozen ouer at any time of the yere albeit it seemed so vnto vs by the abundance of yce gathered together which occupied the whole place But I doe rather suppose these yce to bee bred in the hollow soundes and freshers thereabouts which by the heate of the sommers Sunne being loosed doe emptie themselues with the ebbes into the sea and so gather in great abundance there together And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in these parts I doe thinke it to be rather a bare coniecture of men then that euer any man hath made experience of any such sea And that which they speake of Mare glaciale may be truely thought to be spoken of these parts for this may well be called indeede the ycie sea but not the frozen sea for no sea consisting of salt water can be frozen as I haue more at large herein shewed my opinion in my second voyage for it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen which hath his course of ebbing and flowing especially in those places where the tides doe ebbe and flowe aboue ten fadome And also all these aforesayd yce which we sometime met a hundreth mile from lande being gathered out of the salt Sea are in taste fresh and being dissolued become sweete and holesome water And the cause why this yere we haue bene more combred with yce then at other times before may be by reason of the Easterly Southerly winds which brought vs more timely thither now then we looked for Which blowing from the sea directly vpon the place of our Streits hath kept in the yce and not suffered them to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea where they would in more short time haue bene dissolued And all these fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so neere together that a man may passe sometimes tenne or twelue miles as it were vpon one firme Island of yce but also for that they open and shut together againe in such sort with the tides and sea-gate that whilest one ship followeth the other with full sayles the yce which was open vnto the foremost will ioyne and close together before the latter can come to follow the first whereby many times our shippes were brought into great danger as being not able so sodainely to take in our sayles or stay the swift way of our ships We were forced many times to stemme and strike great rockes of yce and so as it were make way through mighty mountaines By which meanes some of the fleete where they found the yce to open entred in and passed so farre within the danger thereof with continuall desire to recouer their port that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they euer escaped safe or were euer heard of againe For euen at this present we missed two of the fleete that is the Iudith wherein was the Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton and the Michael whom both we supposed had bene vtterly lost hauing not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes before And one of our fleete named the Barke Dennis being of an hundreth tunne burden seeking way in amongst these yce receiued such a blow
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâ—ie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâ—â—â—e burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
there had bene great trade of people to make traine But by such things as there we found wee knew that they were not Christians of Europe that had vsed that trade in fine by searching with our boat we found small hope to passe any farther that way and therefore recouered the sea and coasted the shore towards the South and in so doing for it was too late to search towards the North we found another great inlet neere 40 leagues broad where the water eutred in with violent swiftnesse this we also thought might be a passage for no doubt the North partes of America are all Islands by ought that I could perceiue therein but because I was alone in a small barke of thirtie tunnes and the yeere spent I entred not into the same for it was now the seuenth of September but coasting the shore towardes the South wee saw an incredible number of birds hauing diuers fishermen aboord our barke they all concluded that there was a great skull of fish we being vnprouided of fishing furniture with a long spike nayle made a hooke and fastened the same to one of our sounding lines before the baite was changed we cooke more then fortie great Cods the fish swimming so abundantly thicke about our barke as is incredible to bee reported of which with a small portion of salt that we had we preserued some thirtie couple or thereaboutes and so returned for England And hauing reported to M. Secretarie Walsingham the whole successe of this attempt he commanded me to present vnto the most honourable Lord high Treasurour of England some part of that fish which when his Lordship saw heard at large the relation of this second attempt I receiued fauourable countenance from his honour aduising me to prosecute the action of which his Lordship conceiued a very good opinion The next yere although diuers of the aduenturers fell from the Action as all the Westerne marchants and most of those in London yet some of the aduenturers both honorable worshipfull continued their willing fauor and charge so that by this meanes the next yeâ—e two shippes were appointed for the fishing and one pinnesse for the discouerie Departing from Darmouth through Gods mercifull fauour I arriued at the place of fishing and there according to my direction I left the two ships to follow that busines taking their faithful promise not to depart vntill my returne vnto them which should be in the fiue of August and so in the barke I proceeded for the discouerie but after my departure in sixeteene dayes the two shippes had finished their voyage and so presently departed for England without regard of their promise my selfe not distrusting any such hard measure proceeded for the discouerie and followed my course in the free and open sea betweene North and Northwest to the latitude of 67 degrees and there I might see America West from me and Gronland which I called Desolation East then when I saw the land of both sides I began to distrust it would prooue but a gulfe notwithstanding desirous to know the full certainty I proceeded and in 68 degrees the passage enlarged so that I could not see the Westerne shore thus I continued to the latitude of 73 degrees in a great sea free from yee coasting the Westerne shore of Desolation the people came continually rowing out vnto me in their Canoas twenty forty and one hundred at a time and would giue me fishes dryed Salmon Salmon peale Cod Caplin Lumpe Stone-base and such like besides diuers kinds of birds as Partâ—ige Fesant Guls Sea birds and other kindes of flesh I still laboured by signes to know from them what they knew of any sea toward the North they still made singes of a great sea as we vnderstood them theÌ„ I departed from that coastâ— thinking to discouer the North parts of America after I had sailed towards the West 40 leagues I fel vpon a great banke of yce the winde being North and blew much I was constrained to coast the same toward the South not seeing any shore West from me neither was there any yce towards the North but a great sea free large very salt and blew of an vnsearcheable depth So coasting towards the South I came to the place where I left the ships to fish but found them not Then being forsaken left in this distresse referring my self to the mercifull prouidence of God I shaped my course for England vnhoped for of any God alone releeuing me I arriued at Dartmouth By this last discouery it seemed most manifest that the passage was free without impediment toward the North but by reason of the Spanish fleet vnfortunate time of M. Secretaries death the voyage was omitted neuer sithens attempted The cause why I vse this particluar relation of all my proceedings for this discouery is to stay this obiection why hath not Dauis discouered this passage being thrise that wayes imploied How far I proceeded in what forme this discouery lieth doth appeare vpon the Globe which M. Sanderson to his very great charge hath published for the which he deserueth great fauor commendations The discouerie of the Isles of Frisland Iseland Engroneland Estotilaud Drogeo and Icaria made by two brethren namely M. Nicholas Zeno and M. Antonio his brother Gathered out their letters by M. Francisco Marcolino TN the yere of our Lord 1200 there was in the Citie of Venice a famous Gentleman named Messer Marino Zeno who for his great vertue and singular wisedome was called and elected gouernour in certaine common wealths of Italy in the administration whereof he bore himselfe so discretly that he was beloued of all men and his name greatly reuerenced of those that neuer knew or saw his person And amongst sundry his worthy workes this is recorded of him that he pacified certaine grieuous ciuile dissentions that arose among the citizens of Verona whereas otherwise if by his graue aduise and great diligence they had not bene preuented the matter was likely to breake out into hot broyles of warre He was the first Podesta or Ruler that the Common wealth of Venice appointed in Constantinople in the yeere 1205 when our state had rule thereof with the French Barons This Gentleman had a sonne named Messer Pietro who was the father of the Duke Rinieri which Duke dying without issue made his heire M. Andrea the sonne of M. Marco his brother This M. Andrea was Captaine Generall and Procurator a man of great reputation for many rare partes that were in in him He had a sonne M. Rinieri a worthy Senatour and prudent Counsellour of whom descended M. Pietro Captaine Generall of the league of the Christians against the Turkes who was called Dragon for that in his shield in stead of a Manfrone which was his armes at the first he bare a Dragon He was father to M. Carlo II grande the famous Procurator and Captaine generall against the Genowayes in those cruell warres
fire and the side of a beare on a wooden spit left at the same by the Sauages that were fled There in the same place they found a boote of leather garnished on the ouâ—ward side of the caâ—fe with certaine braue trailes as it were of rawe silke and also found a certaine great warme mittâ—n And these caryed with them they returned to their shippe not finding the Sauages nor seeing any thing else besides the soyle and the things growing in the same which chiefly were store of firre and pine trees And further the said M. Dawbeny told him that lying there they grew into great want of victuals and that there they found small reliefe more then that they had from the nâ—st of an Osprey that brought hourely to her yong great plentie of diuers sorts of fishes But such was the famine that increased amongst them from day to day that they were forced to seeke to relieue themselues of raw herbes and rootes that they sought on the maine but the famine increasing and the reliefe of herbes being to little purpose to satisfie their insatiable hunger in the fieldes and deserts here and there the fellowe killed his mate while he stooped to take vp a roote for his reliefe and cutting out pieces of his bodie whom he had muâ—thered â—royled the same on the coles and greedily deuoured them By this meane the company decreased and the officers knew not what was become of them And iâ— fortuned that one of the company driuen with hunger to seeke abroade for reliefe found out in the fieldes the sauour of broyled flesh and fell out with one for that he would suffer him and his fellowes to sterue enioying plentie as he thought and this matter growing to câ—uell speaches he that had the broyled meate burst out into these wordes If thou wouldest needes know the broyled meate that I had was a piece of such a mans buttocke The report of this brought to the ship the Captaine found what became of those that were missing was peâ—swaded that some of them were neither deuoured with wilde beastes nor yet destroyed with Sauages And hereupon hee stood vp and made a notable Oration containing Howe much these dealings offendâ—d the Almightie and vouched the Scriptures from first to last what God had in cases to distresse done for them that called vpon him and told them that the power of the Almighty was then no lesse then in al former time it had bene And added that if it had not pleased God to haue holpâ—n them in that distresse that it had bene better to haue perished in body and to haue liued euerlastingly then to haue relieued for a poore time their mortal bodyes and to bee condemned euerlastingly boâ—h body and soule to the vnquenchable fire of hell And thus hauing â—nded to that effect he began to exhort to repâ—ntance and besought all the company to pray that it might please God to looke vpon their miserable present state and for his owne mercie to relieue the same The famine increasing and the inconuenience of the men that were missing being found they agreed amongst themselues rather then all should perish to cast lots who should be killed And such was the mercie of God that the same night there arriued a French ship in that port well furnished with vittaile and such was the policie of the English that they became masters of the same and changing ships and vittailing them they set sayle to come into England In their iourney they were so farre Northwards that they sawe mighty Islands of yâ—e in the sommer season on which were haukes and other foules to rest themselues being weary of flying ouer farre from the maine They sawe also certaine great white foules with red bils and red legs somewhat bigger then Herons which they supposed to be Storkes They arriued at S. Iues in Cornewall about the â—nde of October From thence they departed vnto a certaine castle belonging to sir Iohn Luttrell where M. Thomas Buts and M. Rastall and other Gentlemen of the voyage were very friendly entertained after that they came to the Earle of Bathe at Bathe and thence to Bristoll so to London M. Buâ—s was so changed in the voyage with hunger and miserie that sir William his father and my Lady his mother knew him not to be their sonne vntill they found a secret marke which was a waâ—â— vpon one of his knees as hee told me Richard Hakluyt of Oxford himselfe to whom I rode 200. miles onely to learne the whole trueth of this voyage from his oâ—â— mouth as being the onely man now aliue that was in this discouerie Certaine moneths after those Frenchmen came into England and made complaint to king Henry the 8 the king causing the matter to be examined and finding the great distresse of his subiects and the causes of the dealing so with the French was so mooued with pitie that he punished not his subiects but of his owne purse made full and royall recompence vnto the French In this distresse of famine the English did somewhat relieue their vitall spirits by drinking at the springs the fresh water out of certaine wooden cups out of which they had drunke their Aqua composita before An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Iseland Newfoundland made in An .2 Edwards sexti FOrasmuch as within these few yeeres now last past there haue bene leuied perceiued taken by certaine of the officers of the Admiraltie of such Marchants and fishermen as haue vsed and practised the aduentures and iourneys into Iseland Newfoundland Ireland and other places commodious for fishing and the getting of fish in and vpon the Seas or otherwise by way of Marchants in those parties diuers great exactions as summes of money doles or shares of fish and such other like things to the great discouragement hinderance of the same Marchants and fishermen and to no little dammage of the whole common wealth and thereof also great complaints haue bene made informations also yerely to the kings Maiesties most honourable councell for reformation whereof and to the intent also that the sayd Marchants and fishermen may haue occasion the rather to practise vse the same trade of marchandizing fishing freely without any such charges and exactions as are before limited wherby it is to be thought that more plentie of fish shall come into this Realme and thereby to haue the same at more reasonable prices Be it therfore enacted by the king our soueraigne Lord and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled and by authoritie of the same that neither the Admiral nor any officer or minister officers or ministers of the Admiraltie for the time being shall in any wise hereafter exact receiue or take by himselfe his seruant deputie seruants or deputies of any such Marchant or fisherman any summe or summes of money doles or
in the Countrey I knâ—we not neither haue I seene any to witnesse it And to say trueth who can when as it is not possible to passe any whither In like sort it is vnknowne whither any mettals lye vnder the hilles the cause is all one although the very colour and hue of the hilles seeme to haue somâ— Mynes in them we mooued the Admirall to set the woods a fire that so wee might haue space and entrance to take view of the Countrey which motion did nothing displease him were it not for feare of great inconuenience that might thereof insue for it was reported and confirmed by very credible persons that when the like happened by chance in another Port the fiâ—h neuer came to the place about it for the space of 7. whole yeeres after by reason of the watâ—rs made bitter by the Turpentine and Rosen of the trees which ranne into the riuers vpon the firing of them The weather is so hote this time of the yeere that except the very fish which is layd out to be dryed by the sunne be euery day turned it cannot possibly bee preserued from burning but how cold it is in the winter the great heapes and mountaines of yee in the middest of the Sea haue taught vs some of our company report that in May they were sâ—metâ—mes kept in with such huge yce for 16. whole dayes together as that the Islands thereof wâ—re threescore fathoms thicke the sides wherof which were toward the Sunne when they were melted the whole masse or heape was so inuerted and turned in maner of balancing that that part which was before downâ—ward rose vpward to the great perill of those that are neere them as by reason wee may gather The ayre vpon land is indifferent cleare but at Sea towards the East there is nothing els but perpetuall mists and in the Sea it selfe about the Banke for so they call the place where they find ground fourty leagues distant from the shore and where they beginne to fish there is no day wiâ—hout raineâ— when We haue serued and supplied our necessitie in this place we purpose by the helpe of God to passe towards the South with so much the more hope euery day by how much the greater the things are that are reported of those Countreys which we go to discouer Thus much touching our estaâ—e Now I desire to know somewhat concerning you but I feare in vaine but specially I desire out of measure to know how my Patrâ—ne master Henry Vmpton doth take my absence my obedience and ductie shall alwayes bee ready toward him as long as I liue but in deede I hope that this iourney of ours shal be profitable to his intentions It remaineth that you thinke me to be still yours and so yours as no mans more The sonne of God blesse all our labors so farre as that you your selfe may be partaker of our blessing Adieu my most friendly most sweete most vertuous Hakluyt In Newfound land at Saint Iohns Port the 6. of August 1583. STEVIN PARMENIVS of Buda yours A relation of Richard Clarke of VVeymouth master of the ship called the Delight going for the discouery of Norembega with Sir Humfrey Gilbert 1583. Written in excuse of that fault of casting away the ship and men imputed to his ouersight DEparting out of Saint Iohns Harborough in the Newfound land the 20. of August vnto Cape Raz from thence we directed our course vnto the I le of Sablon or the Isle of Sand which the Generall Sir Humfrey Gilbert would willingly haue seene But when we came within twentie leagues of the Isle of Sablon we fell to controuersie of our course The Generall came vp in his Frigot and demanded of mee Richard Clarke master of the Admirall what course was best to keepe I said that Westsouthwest was best because the wind was at South and night at hand and vnknowen sands lay off a great way from the land The Generall commanded me to go Westnorthwest I told him againe that the Isle of Sablon was Westnorthwest and but 15. leagues off and that he should be vpon the Island before day if hee went that course The Generall sayd my reckoning was vntrue and charged me in her Maiesties name and as I would shewe my selfe in her Countrey to follow him that night I searing his threatnings because he presented her Maiesties person did follow his commaundement and about seuen of the clocke in the morning the ship stroke on ground where shee was cast away Then the Generall went off to Sea the course that I would haue had them gone before and saw the ship cast away men and all and was not able to saue a man for there was not water vpon the sand for either of them much lesse for the Admirall that drew foureteene foote Now as God would the day before it was very calme and a Souldier of the ship had killed some foule with his piece and some of the company desired me that they might hoyse out the boat to recouer the foule which I gâ—anted thâ—m and when they came aboord they did not hoyse it in agaâ—ne that night And wheÌ„ the ship was cast away the boate was a sterne being in burthen one tunne and an halfe there was lâ—ft in the boate one oare and nothing els Some of the company could swimmâ— and recouered the boate and did hâ—le in out of the water as many men as they coulde among the rest they had a care to watch for the Captaine or the Master They happened on my selfe being the master but could neuer see the Captaine Then they halted into the boate as many men as they could in number 16. whose names hereafter I will rehearse And when the 16. were in the boate some had small remembrance and some had none for they did not make account to liue but to prolong their liues as long as it pleased God and looked euery moment of an houre when the Sea would eate them vp the boate being so little and so many men in her and so foule weather that it was not possible for a shippe to brooke halfe a coarse of sayle Thus while wee remayned two dayes and two nights and that wee saw it pleased God our boate liued in the Sea although we had nothing to helpe vs withall but one oare which we kept vp the boate withall vpon the Sea â—nd so went euen as the Sea would driueâ—s there was in our company one master Hedly that put foorth this question to me the Master I doe see that it doth please God that our beate lyueth in the Sea and it may please God that some of vs may come to the land if our boate were not ouer-laden Let vs make sixteene lots and those foure that haue the foure shortest lots we will cast ouerboord preseruing the Master among vs all I replied vnto him saying no we will liue and die together Master Hedly asked me if my remembrance were good I answered
exchanged with them for other wares who lifting vp their hands toward heauen gaue many signes of ioy we stayed at a place called Hochelai about fiue and twentie leagues from Canada where the riuer waxeth very narrow and runneth very swift wherefore it is very dangerous not onely for that but also for certaine great stones that are therein Many boates and barkes come vnto vs in one of which came one of the chiefe Lords of the countrey making a long discourse who being come neere vs did by euident signes and gestures shew vs that the higher the riuer went the more dangerous it was and bade vs take heede of ourselues The said Lord presented and gaue vnto our Captaine two of his owne children of which our Captaine tooke one being a wench 7 or 8 eight yeres old the man child he gaue him againe because it was too young for it was but two or three yeeres old Our Captaine as friendly and as courteously as he could did entertaine and receiue the said Lord and his company giuing them certaiâ—e small trifles and so they departed toward the shore againe Afterwards the sayd Lord and his wife came vnto Canada to visite his dâ—ughter bringing vnto our Captaine certaine small presents From the nineteenth vntill the eight and twentieth of September we sailed vp along the saide riuer neuer losing one houre of time all which time we saw as goodly and pleasant a countrey as possible can be wished for full as we haue said before of all sorts of goodly trees that is to say Okes Elmes Walnut-trees Cedars Firres Ashes Boxe Willowes and great store of Uines all as full of grapes as could be so that if any of our fellowes went on shore they came home laden with them there are likewise many Cranes Swannes Geese Duckes Feasants Partriges Thrushes Blackbirds Turtles Finches Redbreasts Nightingales Sparrowes of diuerse kindes with many other sorts of Birds euen as in France and great plentie and store Upon the 28 of September we came to a great wide lake in the middle of the riuer fiue or sixe leagues broad and twelue long all that day we went against the tide hauing but two fadome water still keeping the sayd scantling being come to one of the heads of the lake we could espie no passage or going out nay rather it seemed to haue bene closed and shut vp round about and there was but a fadome and an halfe of water little more or lesse And therefore we were constrayned to cast anker and to stay with our Pinnesse and went with our two boates to seeke some going out and in one place we found foure or fiue branches which out of the riuer come into the lake and they came from Hochelaga But in the said branches because of the great fiercenesse and swiftnesse wherewith they breake out and the course of the water they make certaine barres and shoulds and at that time there was but a fadome water Those Should as being passed we found foure or fiue fadome and as farre as we could perceiue by the flood it was that time of the yeere that the waters are lowest for at other times they flowe higher by three fadomes All these foure or fiue branches do compasse about fiue or sixe Ilands very pleasant which make the head of the lake about fifteene leagues beyond they doe all come into one That day we landed in one of the saide Ilands and met with fiue men that were hunting of wilde beastes who as freely and familiarly came to our boates without any feare as if we had euer bene brought vp togither Our boates being somewhat neere the shore one of them tooke our Captaine in his armes and caried him on shore as lightly and as easily as if he had bene a child of fiue yeeres old so strong and sturdie was this fellow We found that they had a great heape of wilde Rats that liue in the water as bigge as a Conny and very good to eate which they gaue vnto our Captaine who for a recompence gaue them kniues and glassen Beades We asked them with signes if that was the way to Hochelaga they answered yea and that we had yet three dayes sayling thither How our Captaine caused our boates to be mended and dressed to goe to Hochelaga and because the way was somewhat difficult and hard we left our Pinnesse behinde and how we came thither and what entertainement we had of the people Chap. 6. THe next day our Captaine seeing that for that time it was not possible for our Pinnesse to goe on any further he caused our boates to be made readie and as much munition and victuals to be put in them as they could well beare he departed with them accompanyed with many Gentlemen that is to say Claudius of Ponte Briand Cup-bearer to the Lorde Dolphin of France Charles of Pommerayâ— Iohn Gouion Iohn Powlet with twentie eight Mariners and Mace Iallobert and William Briton who had the charge vnder the Captaine of the other two ships to goe vp as farre as they could into that riuer we sayled with good and prosperous weather vntill the second of October on which day we came to the towne of Hochelaga distant from the place where we had left our Pinnesse fiue and fortie leagues In which place of Hochelaga and all the way we went we met with many of those countriemen who brought vs fish and such other vicuals as they had still dancing and greatly reioycing at our comming Our Captaine to lure them in and to keepe them our friends to recompence them gaue them kniues beades and such small trifles wherewith they were greatly satisfied So soone as we were come neere Hochelaga there came to meete vs aboue a thousand persons men women and children who afterward did as friendly and merily entertaine and receiue vs as any father would doe his child which he had not of long time seene the men dauncing on one side the women on another and likewise the children on another after that they brought vs great store of fish of their bread made of Millet casting them into our boates so thicke that you would haue thought is to fall from heauen Which when our Captaine saw he with many of his company went on shore so soone as euer we were aland they came clustring about vs making very much of vs bringing their young children in their armes onely to haue our Captaine and his company to touch them making signes and shewes of great â—irth and gladnesse that laâ—ted more than halfe an houre Our Câ—ptaine seeing their louing kindnesse and entertainement of vs caused all the weomen orderly to be see in aray and gaue them Beades made of Tinne and other such small trifles and to some of the men hâ— gaue kniâ—es then he returned to the boates to supper and so passed that night all which while all those people stood on the shore as neere our boates as they might making great fires
a piece of the same about her forehead shee had a bande of wite Corall and so had her husband many times in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles hanging downâ— to her middle whereof wee deliuered your worship a little bracelet and those were of the bignes of good peasâ—â— The rest of her women of the better sort had pâ—ndâ—nts of câ—ppâ—r hanging in â—ither â—are and lâ—me of the children of the kings brother and other noble menâ— haue fiue or sâ—â—e in either eare hâ— himselfe had vpon his head a broad plate of golde or copper for being vnpolished we knâ—w not what metâ—al it should be neither would he by any meanes suffer vs to take it off his head but feeling it it would bow very easily His apparell was as his wiues onâ—ly the women weare their haire long on boâ—h sides and the men but on one They are of colour yellowish and their haire black for the most part and yet we saw children that had very fine aburne and chestnut coloured haire After that these women had bene there there came downe from all parts great store of people bringing with them leather corall diuers kindes of diâ—s very excellent and exchanged with vs but when Granganimco the kings brother was present none durst trade but himselfe except such as weare red pieces of copper on their heads like himselfe for that is the diffâ—reâ—ce betweene the noble men and the gouernours of countreys and the meaner sort And we both noted there and you haue vnderstood since by these men which we brought home that no people in the worlde cary more respect to their King Nobilitie and Gouernours then these doe The Kings brothers wife when she came to vs as she did many times was followed with forty or fifty women alwayes and when she came into the shippe she left them all on land sauing her two daughters her nurse and one or two more The Kings brother alwayes kept this order as many boates as he would come withall to the shippes so many fires would hee make on the shoare a farre off to the end we might vnderstand with what strength and company he approched Their boates are made of one tree either of Pine or of Pitch trees a wood not commonly knowen to our people nor found growing in England They haue no edge-tooles to make them withall if they haue any they are very fewe and those it seemes they had twentie yeres since which as those two men declared was out of a wrake which happened vpon their coast of some Christian ship being beaten that way by some storme and outragious weather whereof none of the people were saued but only the ship or some part of her being cast vpon the land out of whose sides they drew the nayles and the spikes and with those they made their best instruments The manner of making their boates is thus they burne downe some great tree or take such as are winde fallen and putting gumme and rosen vpon one side thereof they set fire into it and when it hath burnt it hollow they cut out the coale with their shels and euer where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes which burne away the timber and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates and such as will transport twentie men Their oares are like scoopes and many times they set with long poles as the depth serueth The Kings brother had great liking of our armour a sword and diuers other things which we had and offered to lay a great boxe of pearle in gage for them but we refused it for this time because we would not make them knowe that we esteemed thereof vntill we had vnderstoode in what places of the countrey the pearle grew which now your Worshippe doeth very well vnderstand He was very iust of his promise for many times we deliuered him merchandize vpon his word but euer he came within the day and performed his promise He sent vs euery day a brase or two of fat Bucks Conies Hares Fish the best of the world He sent vs diuers kindes of fruites Melons Walnuts Cucumbers Gourdes Pease and diuers rootes and fruites very excellent good and of their Countrey come which is very white faire and well tasâ—ed and groweth three times in fiue moneths in May they sow in Iuly they reape in Iune they sow in August they â—cape in Iuly they sow in September they reape onely they cast the corne into the ground breaking a little of the soft â—urfe with a with wodden mattock or pick eare our selues prooued the soile and put some of our Pease in the ground and in tenne dayes they were of fourteene ynches high they haue also Beanes very faire of diuers colours and wonderfull plentie some growing naturally and some in their gardens and so haue they both wheat and oates The soile is the most plentifull sweete fruitfull and wholsome of all the worlde there we â—boue foureteene seuerall sweete smelling timber trees and the most part of their vnderwoods are Bayes and such like they haue those Okes that we haue but farre greater and better 〈◊〉 they had bene diuers times aboord our shippes my selfe with seâ—â—◠〈◊〉 wâ—nt twâ—ntie 〈…〉 the Riuer that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoak which Riuer they call Occam 〈◊〉 the euening following wee came to an Island which they call Raâ—â—oak distant from the hâ—â—â—bour by which we entred seuen leagues and at the North end thereof was a village of 〈◊〉 hoâ—ses built of Cedar and fortified round about with sharpe â—etces 〈◊〉 out 〈◊〉 and the entrance into it made like a turne piâ—e very artifiâ—â—ally whâ—n wee 〈…〉 staâ—ding neere vnto the waters side the wite of Granganimo the kings brother came running out to meete vs very cheerefully and friendly her husband was not then in the village some of her people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for the beating of the billoe others she appointed to cary vs on their backes to the dry ground and others to bring our oares into the house for feare of stealing When we were come into the vtter roome hauing â—iue roomes in her house she caused vs to sit downe by a great fire and after tooke off our clothes and washed them and dryed them againe some of the women plucked off our stockings and washed them some washed our feete in warme water and shee herselfe tooke great paines to see all things ordered in the best maner shee could making great haste to dresse some meate for vs to eate After we had thus dryed our selues she brought vs into the inner roome where shee set on the boord standing along the house some wheate like furmentie sodden Uenison and roasted fish sodden boyled and roasted Melons rawe and sodden rootes of diuers kindes and diuers fruites their drinke is commonly water but while the grape lasteth they drinke wine and for want of calkes to keepe it all the yere after they drink
of Pinos which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh vâ—to the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony And thâ— same day we gaue chase to a Frigat but at night we lost sight of her partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall lacke of the Moone-light our Pinnesse whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming of whom we vnderstood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile somâ— of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine bound for Hauana from this 11 of Iuly vntil 22 we were much becalmed and the winde being very scarse and the weather exceeding hoat we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken wherefore we were driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto the Organes and Rio de Puercos The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida and the broken Ilands therof called the Martires The 25 being S. Iames day in the morning we fell with the Matanças a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana where we purposed to take fresh water in and make our abode two or three dayes On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying too and fro betweene the Matanças and Hauana we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. Iohn de Vllua bound for Hauana which were exceeding richly loaden These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly vp vnto vs and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse and two small Frigats taken by Captaine Harpe wherefore we shewed our flag But they presently vpon the sight of it turned about made all the saile they could from vs toward the shore kept theÌ„selues in so shallow water that we were not able to follow them and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot pouder to no purpose But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge wee might haue taken them all three for they would not haue knowen vs before they had bene in our hands This chase brought vs so far leeward as Hauana wherfore not finding any of our consorts at y e Matanças we put ouer again to the cape of Florida from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama On the 28 the Câ—pâ— of Florida bare West off vs. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida and stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off then in sight of the coast For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents setting to the South and Southwest The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked the great prize the Admirall and the Moone-shine but our prize being thus disbocked departed from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort and sayled directly for England August ON the first of August the winde scanted and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine thundering and great spouts which fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore and at midday we tooke the height of the same The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon But the weather continued so exceeding foule that we could not come to an anker nye the coast wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August On munday the storme ceased and we had very great likelihood of faire weather therefore we stood in againe for the shore came to an anker at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude within a mile of the shore where we went on land on the narrow sandy Iland being one of the Ilandes West of Wokokon in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water Betweene the maine as we supposed and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in most places On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea here we road all that night The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers our â—oates were sent to sound ouer this breach our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles so that sometimes we found 5 fadome and by by 7 and within two casts with the lead 9 then 8 next cast 5. then 6 then 4 then 9 againe and deeper but 3 fadome was the least 2 leagues off froÌ„ the shore This breach is in 35 degr a halfe lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters which part the Ilandes and the maine land The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask in 36 degr and one third in fiue fadom water three leagues from the shore At our first coÌ„ming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the I le Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587 which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore Captain Cooke Cap. Spicer their coÌ„pany with me with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people This was accordingly performed our twoe boats put off vnto the shore in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine eight and seuen fadome but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first but it was much further from the harbour where we landed then we supposed it to be so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke we found no man nor signe that any
had bene there lately nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drinke Being thus wearied with this iourney we returned to the harbour where we left our boates who in our absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water so we deferred our going to Roanoak vntill the next morning and caused some of those saylers to digge in those sandie hilles for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole company in safety The next morning being the 17 of August our boates and company were prepared againe to goe vp to Roanoak but Captaine Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water by meanes whereof it was ten of the clocke aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an anker within two miles of the shore The Admirals boat was halfe way toward the shore when Captaine Spicer put off from his ship The Admirals boat first passed the breach but not without some danger of sinking for we had a sea brake into our boat which filled vs halfe full of water but by the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore sauing onely that our furniture victuals match and powder were much wet and spoyled For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale that the Sea brake extremely on the barre and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance By that time our Admirals boate was halled ashore and most of our things taken out to dry Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing vp and was halfe passed ouer but by the rash and vndiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate a very dangerous Sea brake into their boate and ouerset them quite the men kept the boat some in it and some hanging on it but the next sea set the boat on ground where it beat so that some of them were forced to let goe their hold hoping to wade ashore but the Sea still beat them downe so that they could neither stand nor swimme and the boat twise or thrise was turned the keele vpward whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung vntill they sunke were seene no more But foure that could swimme a litle kept themselues in deeper water and were saued by Captain Cookes meanes who so soone as he saw their ouersetting stripped himselfe and foure other that could swimme very well with all haste possible rowed vnto them saued foure They were a 11 in all 7 of the chiefest were drowned whose names were Edward Spicer Ralph Skinner Edward Kelley Thomas Beuis Hance the Surgion Edward Kelborne Robert Coleman This mischance did so much discomfort the saylers that they were all of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters But in the end by the commandement perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke they prepared the boates and seeing the Captaine and me so resolute they seemed much more willing Our boates and all things fitted againe we put off from Hatorask being the number of 19 persons in both boates but before we could get to the place where our planters were left it was so exceeding darke that we ouershot the place a quarter of a mile there we espied towards the North end of the Iland y e light of a great fire thorow the woods to the which we presently rowed when wee came right ouer against it we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore sounded with a trumpet a Call afterwardes many familiar English tunes of Songs and called to them friendly but we had no answere we therefore landed at day-breake and coÌ„ming to the fire we found the grasse sundry rotten trees burning about the place From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Iland directly ouer against Dasamongwepeuk from thence we returned by the water side round about the North point of the Iland vntill we came to the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Saluages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden y t night and as we entred vp the sandy banke vpon a tree in the very browe thereof were curiously carued these faire Romane letters CRO which letters presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find the planters seated according to a secret token agreed vpon betweene them me at my last departure froÌ„ them which was that in any wayes they should not faile to write or carue on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated for at my coÌ„ming away they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places that then they should carue ouer the letters or name a Crosse ✚ in this forme but we found no such signe of distresse And hauing well considered of this we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses but we found the houses taken downe and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off and 5. foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was grauen CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse this done we entred into the palisado where we found many barres of Iron two pigges of Lead foure yron fowlers Iron sacker-shotte and such like heauie things throwen here and there almost ouergrowen with grasse and weedes From thence wee went along by the water side towards the poynt of the Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnisse but we could perceiue no signe of them nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them at my departure from them At our returne from the Creeke some of our Saylers meeting vs tolde vs that they had found where diuers chests had bene hidden and long sithence digged vp againe and broken vp and much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered aboue but nothing left of such things as the Sauages knew any vse of vndefaced Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place which was in the ende of an olde trench made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas wheere wee found fiue Chests that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters and of the same chests three were my owne and about the place many of my things spoyled and broken and my bookes torne from the couers the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne and my armour almost eaten through with rust this could bee no othâ—r but the deede of the Sauages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk who had watched the
to resolue with himselfe he referred it vntil the next day The morning being come he proposed to all the company what was best to be done to the end that with good aduisement euery man might deliuer his opinion Some made answere that according to their iudgement he had occasion fully to content himselfe considering that he could doe no more laying before his eyes that he had discouered more in sixe weekes then the Spaniards had done in two yeres in the conquest of their New Spaine and that he should do the king very great seruice if he did bring him newes in so short a time of his happy discouerie Other shewed vnto him the losse and spoile of his victuals and on the other side the inconuenience that might happen by the shallow water that they found continually along the coast Which things being well and at large debated we resolued to leaue the coast forsaking the North to take our way toward the East which is the right way and course to our France where we happily arriued the twentieth day of Iuly the yere 1562. The state and condition of those which were left behind in Charles-fort OUr men after our departure neuer rested but night and day did fortifie themselues being in good hope that after their fort was finished they would begin to discouer farther vp within the riuer It happened one day as certaine of them were in cutting of rootes in the groues that they espied on the sudden an Indian that hunted the Deere which finding himselfe so neere vpon them was much dismayed but our men began to draw neere vnto him and to vse him so courteously that he became assured and followed them to Charles-fort where euery man sought to doe him pleasure Captaine Albert was very ioyfull of his comming which after he had giuen him a shirt and some other trifles he asked him of his dwelling the Indian answered him that it was farther vp within the riuer and that he was vassal of king Audusta he also shewed him with his hand the limits of his habitation After much other talke the Indian desired leaue to depart because it drew toward night which Captaine Albert granted him very willingly Certaine dayes after the Captaine determined to saile toward Audusta where being arriued by reason of the honest entertaynment which he had giuen to the Indian he was so courteously receiued that the king talked with him of nothing else but of the desire which he had to become his friend giuing him besides to vnderstand that he being his friend and allie he should haue the amitie of foure other kings which in might authoritie were able to do much for his sake Besides all this in his necessitie they might be able to succour him with victuals One of thâ—se kings was called Mayoâ— another Hoya the third â—ouppa and the fourth Stalame He told him moreouer that they would be very glad when they should vnderstand the newes of his comming and therefore he prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them The Captaine willingly consented vnto him for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that place Therefore they departed the next morning very earely and first arriued at the house of king Touppa and afterward went into the other kings houses except the house of king Stalame He receiued of each of them all the amiable courtesies that might be they shewed themselues to be as affectioned friends vnto him as was possible and offered vnto him a thousand small presents After that he had remained by space of certaine daies with these strange kings he determined to take his leaue and being come backe to the house of Audusta he commanded al his men to goe aboord their Pinnesse for he was minded to goe towardes the countrey of king Stalame which dwelt toward the North the distance of 15 great leagues from Charles-fort Therefore as they sailed vp the riuer they entred into a great current which they followed so farre till they came at the last to the house of Stalame which brought him into his lodging where he â—ought to make them the best cheere he could deuise He presented immediatly vnto Captaine Albert his bow and arrowes which is a signe and confirmation of alliance betweene them He presented him with Chamoys skinnes The Captaine seeing the best part of the day was now past tooke his leaue of king Stalame to returne to Charles-fort where hee arriued the day following By this time the friendship was growne so great betweene our men and king Audusta that in a manner all things were common betweene him and them in such sort that this good Indian king did nothing of importance but he called our men thereunto For when the time drew neere of the celebrating their feasts of Toya which are ceremonies most strange to recite he sent Ambassadours to our men to request them on his behalfe to be there present Whereunto they agreed most willingly for the desire that they had to vnderstand what this might be They imbarked themselues therefore and sailed towards the kings house which was already come forth on the way towards theÌ„ to receiue them courteously to bid them welcome bring them to his house where he sought to untreat them the best he might In the meane while the Indians prepared themselues to celebrate the feast the morrow after and the king brought them to see the place wherein the feast should be kept where they saw many women round about which laboured by al meanes to make the place cleane neat This place was a great circuit of ground with open prospect and round in figure On the morrow therefore early in the morning all they which were chosen to celebrate the feast being painted and trimned with rich feathers of diuers colours put themselues on the way to go froÌ„ the kings house toward the place of â—oya whereunto when they were come they set themselues in order followed three Indians which in painting and in gesture were differing from the rest each of them bare a Tabret in their hand dancing singing in a lamentable tune when they began to enter into the middest of the round circuit being followed of others which answered them again After that they had sung danced and turned 3 times they set on running like vnbridled horses through the middest of the thickest woods And then the Indian women continued all the rest of the day in teares as sad woful as was possible in such rage they cut the armes of the yong girles which they lanced so cruelly with sharpe shels of Muskles that the blood followed which they flang into the ayre crying out three times He Toya The king Audusta had gathered all our men into his house while the feast was celebrated and was exceedingly offended when he saw them laugh This he did because the Indians are very angry when they are seene in their ceremonies
content they should set vp crosses and declare the mystery of the same making shew that they were highly pleased therewith For proofe whereof they accompanied them on their voyage as their neighbours had done vntill they had brought them to a countrey inhabited by another nation which was distant from theirs some 12 leagues They vse bowes and arrowes and go naked The nation vnto which the sayd Tobosos conducted them is called Iumanos whom the Spanyards by another name call Patarabueyes their prouince is very great conteining many townes and great store of people their houses are flat-rooffed and built of lime and stone and the streets of their townes are placed in good order All the men and women haue their faces armes and legges raced and pounced they are a people of great stature and of better gouernment then the rest which they had seene in their former iourneyes and are well prouided of victuals and furnished with plenty of wilde beasts fowles and fishes by reason or mighty riuers which come from the North whereof one is as great as Guadalquiuir which falleth into the North sea or bay of Mexico Here are also many lakes of salt water which at a certeine time of the yere wareth hard and becommeth very good salt They are a warlike people and soone made shâ—w thereof for the first night that our people incamped there with their arrowes they slew fiue horses and wounded fiue other very sore nor would not haue left one of them aliue if they had not beene defended by our guard Hauing done this mischiefe they abandoned the towne and withdrew themselues to a mountaine which was hard by whither our captaine went beâ—imes in the morning taking with him fiue souldiers well armed and an interpreter called Peter an Indian of their owne nation and with good persuasions appeased them causing them to descend to their towne and houses and persuading them to giue aduice vnto their neighbours that they were men that would hurt no body neither came they thither to take away their goods which he obtained easily by his wisedome and by giuing vnto the Caçiques certeine bracelets of glasse beads with hats and other trifles which he caried with him for the same purpose so by this meanes and by the good interteinment which they gaue them many of them accompanied our Spanyards for certeine dayes alwayes trauelling along the banke of the great riuer abouesayd along the which there were many townes of the Indians of this nation which continued for the space of twelue dayes trauel all which time the Caçiques hauing receiued aduice from one to another came forth to interteine our people without their bowes and arrowes and brought them plenty of victuals with other presents and gifts especially hides and chamois-skins very well dressed so that those of Flanders do nothing exceed them These people are all clothed and seemed to haue some light of our holy faith for they made signes of God looking vp towards heauen and call him in their language Apalito and acknowledge him for their Lord from whose bountifull hand and mercy they confesse that they haue receiued their life and being and these worldly goods Many of them with their wiues and children came vnto the frier which the captaine and souldiers brought with them that hee might crosse and blesse them Who demanding of them from whom they had receiued that knowledge of God they answered from three Christians one Negro which passed that way and remained certaine dayes among them who by the signes which they made were Aluaro Nunnez Cabeça de Vaca and Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado and a Negro all which escaped of the company which Pamphilo de Naruaez landed in Florida who after they had bene many dayes captiues and slaues escaped and came to these townes by whom God shewed many miracles and healed onely by the touching of their hands many sicke persons by reason wherof they became very famous in all that countrey All this prouince remained in great peace and security in token whereof they accompanied and serued our men certaine dayes trauelling along by the great riuer aforesayd Within few dayes after they came vnto another great prouince of Indians from whence they came forth to receiue them vpon the newes which they had heard of their neighbors and brought them many very curious things made of feathers of diuers colours and many mantles of cotton straked with blew and white like those that are brought from China to barter trucke them for other things All of them both men women and children were clad in chamois skinnes very good and wel dressed Our people could neuer vnderstand what nation they were for lacke of an interpreter howbeit they dealt with them by signes and hauing shewed vnto them certaine stones of rich metall and inquired whether there were any such in their countrey they answered by the same signes that fiue dayes iourney Westward from thence there was great quantity therof and that they would conduct them thither and shew it vnto them as afterward they performed their promise bare them company 22 leagues which was all inhabited by people of the same nation Next vnto the foresayd prouince they came vnto another further vp the great riuer aforesayd being much more populous then the former of whom they were well receiued and welcomed with many presents especially of fish whereof they haue exceeding great store by reason of certaine great lakes not far from thence wherein they are bred in the foresayd plenty They stayed among these people three dayes all which time both day and night they made before them many dances according to their fashion with signification of speciall ioy They could not learne the name of this nation for want of an interpreter yet they vnderstood that it extended very farre and was very great Among these people they found an Indian of the foresayd nation of the Conchos who told them and shewed them by signes that fifteene dayes iourney from thence toward the West there was a very broad lake and nere vnto it very great townes and in them houses of three or foure stories high and that the people were well apparelled and the countrey full of victuals and prouision This Concho offered himselfe to conduct our men thither whereat our company reioyced but left off the enterprise onely to accomplish their intent for which they vndertooke the voyage which was to go Northward to giue ayd vnto the two friers aforesayd The chiefe and principall thing that they noted in this prouince was that it was of very good temperature and a very rich soile and had great store of wilde beasts and wilde-fowle and abundance of rich metals and other excellent things and very profitable From this prouince they folowed their iourney for the space of fifteene dayes without meeting any people all that while passing thorow great woods and groues of pine trees bearing such
the Generall seemed not willing to returne but to proceed on his voyage and in fine it was resolued that seeing both the ships could not proceede forward as well because they had lost their necessary furnitures as also that the Santa Agatha had neede of calking because she receiued much water and was the worst furnished of the twaine that shee should returne backe to aduertize the Marques of our successe in this voyage and what hindred our proceeding and in what case wee stoode and howe wee were bereft of our necessary furniture And because the Trinitie was the swifter ship and better appointed then the other it was concluded that it should be prouided in the best maner that might be that the General should proceed on his iourney in her with such coÌ„panie as he should make choise of and that the rest should returne at their good leisure Wherefore vpon this determination we went vnder a point of this Island because it was a fit place to câ—â—ene the ship in recouering the same we spent Wednesday Thursday and Friday till noone and yet for all that wee could not wel double it vntil Easter day about noone Here we ankered very neere the shore and in a valley we found very excellent fresh water wherof we made no smal account here stayed all the Easter-holidayes to set our selues about the furnishing vp of the Trinity and after the worke was taken in hand by the two Masters which were very sufficient calkers one of which was Iuan Castiliano chiefe Pilot and the other Peruccio de Bermes they finished the same so well in fiue dayes as it was wonderfull for no man could perceiue how any droppe of water could enter into any of the seames Afterward they mended the other ship from Saturday till Munday during which time all those were shriuen that had not confessed and receiued the communion and it was resolued by charge of the confessors that all those seale-skins which they had taken from the Indians should bee restored againe and the Generall gaue charge to Francis Preciado to restore them all charging him on his conscience so to doe Thus they gathered them together and deliuered them into the hands of the fathers to bee kept vntill they returned to the place where they were to restore them After this maner on Munday before noone we tooke our leaues of the Generall Francis Vlloa and of the people that stayed with him who at our departure shed no small number of teares and we chose for our captaine in the Santa Agueda master Iuan Castiliano the chiefe pilot as well of the ship as of vs all and set saile the same day being the fift of April hauing our boat tied at our sterne till we came ouer against the cottages whence wee had taken the seale-skins From the countrey of the Christians and the port of Colima we were now distant some three hundreth leagues which is the first port where wee determined to touch at And hauing sailed a league from the Trinitie the captaine Iuan Castiliano commanded vs to salute them with three pieces of great Ordinance and she answered vs with other three and afterward we answered one another with two shot apiece We sailed on Munday Tewsday til noon with contrary wind in sight of the Island and at noone we had a fresh gale in the poupe which brought vs ouer against the cottages of the Indians where we tooke away those seal-skins there certain souldiers mariners with the father frier Antony de Melo leapt on shore with the boat carying the skins with them flung them into the sayd cottages out of which they were taken and so returned to their ship This day the weather calmed wereupon we were driuen to cast anker fearing that we should foorthwith be distressed for want of victuals if we should stay there any long time but God which is the true helper prouided better for vs then we deserued or imagined for as we rode here after midnight the Wednesday following before ten of the clocke wee had a fauourable gale of winde from the Southeast which put vs into the sea whither being driuen wee had the wind at Northwest so good and constant that in siâ—e dayes it brought vs to the cape of the point of the port of Santa Cruz for which so great blessing of God we gaue vnto him infinite thankes And here we began to allow our selues a greater proportion of victuals then wee had done before for wee had eaten very sparingly for feare lest our victuals would faile vs. Before we came to this point of the hauen of Santa Cruz by sixe or seuen leagues we saw on shore between certaine valleys diuers great smokes And hauing passed the point of this port our captaine thought it good to laâ—ch foorth into the maine Ocean yet although we ran a swift course aboue 500 whalâ—s came athwart of vs in 2 or 3 skulles within one houres space which were so huge as it was wonderfull and some of them came so neere vnto the ship that they swam vnder the same from one side to another whereupon we were in great feare lest they should doe vs some hurt but they could not because the ship had a prosperous and good winde and made much way whereby it could receiue no harme although they touched and strooke the same Among these Islands are such abundance of those weedes that if at any time wee were inforced to sayle ouer them they hindred the course of our ships They growe fourteene or fifteene fadome deepe vnder the water their tops reaching foure or fiue fadome aboue the water They are of the colour of yellow waxe their stalke groweth great proportionably This weede is much more beautifull then it is set foorth and no maruell for the naturall painter and creator thereof is most excellent This relation was taken out of that which Francis Preciado brought with him After this ship the Santa Agueda departed from the Generall Vlloa and returned backe the 5 of April she arriued in the port of Sant Iago de buena esperança the 18 of the said moneth and after she had stayed there foure or fiue dayes she departed for Acapulco howbeit vntil this present seuenteenth of May in the yeere 1540â— I haue heard no tidings nor newes of her Moreouer after the departure of the Santa Agueda for Nueua Espanna the General Francis Vlloa in the ship called the Trinitie proceeding on his dicouery coasted the land vntill he came to a point called Cabo del Enganno standing in thirty degrees and a halfe of Northerly latitude and then returned backe to Newspaine because he found the winds very contrary and his victuals failed him The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vizeroy of New Spaine dated in Colima an hauen of New Spaine Chap. 1.
Spaniards and Indian gard as aforesayd Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man who all the way did very courteously intreate vs and would carefully go before to prouide for vs both meat and things necessary to the vttermost of his power the other was a yong man who all the way trauelled with vs and neuer departed from vs who was a very cruell caitiue and he caried a iaueline in his hand and sometimes when as our men with very feeblenesse and faintnesse were not able to goe so fast as he required them he would take his iauelin in both his handes and strike them with the same betweene the necke and the shoulders so violently that he would strike them downe then would he cry and say Marchad marchad Ingleses perros Luterianos enemigos de Dios which is as much to say in English as March march on you English dogges Lutherans enemies to God And the next day we came to a towne called Pachuca and there are two places of that name as this towne of Pachuca and the mines of Pachuca which are mines of siluer and are about sixe leagues distant from this towne of Pachuca towards the Northwest Here at this towne the good olde man our Gouernour suffered vs to stay two dayes and two nights hauing compassion of our sicke and weake men full sore against the minde of the yoong man his companion From thence we tooke our iourney and trauelled foure or fiue dayes by little villages and Stantias which are farmes or dairie houses of the Spaniards and euer as wee had neede the good olde man would still prouide vs sufficient of meates fruites and water to sustaine vs. At the end of which fiue dayes wee came to a towne within fiue leagues of Mexico which is called Quoghliclan where wee also stayed one whole day and two nights where was a faire house of gray friers howbeit wee saw none of them Here wee were told by the Spaniards in the towne that wee had not past fifteene English miles from thence to Mexico whereof we were all very ioyfull and glad hoping that when we came thither we should either be relieued and set free out of bonds or els bee quickly dispatched out of our liues for seeing our selues thus caried bound from place to place although some vsed vs courteously yet could wee neuer ioy nor be merrie till wee might perceiue our selues set free from that bondage either by death or otherwise The next morning we departed from thence on our iourney towards Mexico and so trauelled till wee came within two leagues of it where there was built by the Spaniards a very faire church called our Ladyes church in which there is an image of our Lady of siluer gilt being as high as large as a tall woman in which church and before this image there are as many lamps of siluer as there be dayes in the yeere which vpon high dayes are all lighted Whensoeuer any Spaniards passe by this church although they be on horse backe they will alight and come into the church and kneele before thie image and pray to our Lady to defend them from all euil so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not passe by but first goe into the Church an◠pray as aforesayd which if they doe not they thinke and beleeue that they shall neuer prosper which image they call in the Spanish tongue Nuestra sennora de Guadalupe At this place there are certain cold baths which arise springing vp as though the water did seeth the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste but very good for any that haue any sore or wound to wash themselues therewith for as they say it healeth many and euery yeere once vpon our Lady day the people vse to repaire thither to offer and to pray in that Church before the image and they say that our Lady of Guadalupe doeth worke a number of miracles About this Church there is not any towne of Spaniards that is inhabited but certaine Indians doe dwell there in houses of their own countrey building Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on horsebacke which came from Mexico to see vs both gentlemen and men of occupations and they came as people to see a wonder we were still called vpon to march on and so about foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the said day we entred into the citie of Mexico by the way or street called La calle Santa Catherina and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Vice Roy Don Martin Henriques which standeth in the middest of the city hard by the market place called La plaça del Marquese We had not stayed any long time at this place but there was brought vs by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat sufficient to haue satisfied fiue times so many as we were some also gaue vs hats some gaue vs money in which place we stayed for the space of two houres from thence we were conueyed by water in two large Canoas to an hospital where as certaine of our men were lodged which were taken before the fight at S. Iohn de Vllua wee should haue gone to our Ladies hospitall but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no roome for vs. After our comming thither many of the company that came with me from Panuco dyed within the space of fourteene dayes soone after which time we were taken forth from that place and put altogether into our Ladies hospitall in which place we were courteously vsed and visited oftentimes by vertuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the citie who brought vs diuers things to comfort vs withall as succats and marmilads and such other things and would also many times giue vs many things and that very liberally In which hospitall we remained for the space of sixe moneths vntill we were all whole and sound of body and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to be caried vnto the town of Tescuco which is from Mexico Southwest distant eight leagues in which towne there are certaine houses of correction and punishment for ill people called Obraches like to Bridewell here in London into which place diuers Indians are sold for slaues some for ten yeeres and some for twelue It was no small griefe vnto vs when we vnderstood that we should be caried thither and to bee vsed as slaues we had rather be put to death howbeit there was no remedy but we were caried to the prison of Tescuco where we were not put to any labour but were very straitly kept almost famished yet by the good prouidence of our mercifull God we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting who was the sonne of an Englishman borne of a Spanish woman this man could speake very good English and by his means wee were holpen very much with
rackets wheeles and other fire-workes to make pastime that night as it is the order of the Spanyards When we came neere the land our master R. Barret conferred with vs to take the pinnesse one night when we came on the Iland called Terçera to free our selues from the danger and bondage that we were going into whereunto we agreed none had any pinnesse asterne then but our ship which gaue great courage to our enterprise we prepared a bagge of bread and a Botijo of water which would haue serued vs nine dayes and prouided our selues to goe our Master borrowed a small compasse of the Master gunner of the ship who lent it him but suspected his intent and closely made the Generall priuy to it who for a time dissembled the matter In the ende seeing our pretense he called R. Barret commanding his head to bee put in the stocks and a great payre of yron bolts on his legs the rest of vs to be set in the stocks by the legs Then he willed a peece to be shot off and hee sent the pinnesse for the other Admirall and all the captaines masters and pilots of both fleetes to come aboord of him â—e commanded the mayne-yard to be strooke downe and to put 2. pullies on euery yard-arme one the hangman was called and we were willed to confesse our selues for he swore by the king that he would hang vs. When the other Admiral and the rest were come aboord he called them into his counsel-chamber and told them that he would hang the master of the Englishmen and all his company The Admirall whose name was Diego Flores de Valdes asked him wherefore he sayd that we had determined to rise in the night with the pinnesse and with a ball of fire-worke to set the ship on fire and goe our wayes therefore sayd he I will haue you the Captaines Masters and Pilotes to set your hands vnto that for I sweare by the king that I will hang them Diego Flores de Valdes answered I nor the Captaines Masters and Pilotes wil not set our hands to that for hee said if he had bin prisoner as we were he would haue done the like himselfe He counselled him to keepe vs fast in prison till he came into Spaine then send vs to the Contratation house in Siuil where if we had deserued death the law would passe on vs for hee would not haue it said that in such a fleet as that was sixe men and a boy should take the pinnesse and goe away and so he returned to his ship againe When he was gone the Generall came to the maine mast to vs and swore by the king that we should not come out of the stocks til we came into Spaine within 16. dayes after we came ouer the Bar of S. Lucar and came vp to the Hurcados then he put vs into a pinnesse in the stocks and sent vs prisoners to the Contratation house in Siuill From thence after one yere we brake prison on S. Steuens day at night 7. of our company escaped Robert Barret I Iob Hortop Iohn Emerie Humphrey Roberts and Iohn Gilbert were taken and brought backe to the contratation house where we remained in the stocks till twelfe tide was past Then our keeper put vp a petition to the Iudge of the contratation house that we might be sent to the great prison house in Siuill for that we broke prison whereupon we were presently led thither where we remained one moneth and then from thence to the castell of the Inquisition house in Tâ—iana where wee continued one yere which expired they brought vs out in procession euery one of vs hauing a candle in his hand and the coate with S. Andrewes crosse on our backs they brought vs vp on an high scaffold that was set vp in the place of S. Francis which is in the chiefe street of Siuill there they set vs downe vpon benches euery one in his degree and against vs on another scaffold sate all the Iudges and the Clergy on their benches the people wondered and gazed on vs some pittying our cases other said burne those hereâ—ikes When we had sit there two houres we had a sermon made to vs after which one called Bresinia secretarie to the Inquisition went vp into the pulpit with the prâ—cesse and called Robert Barret and Iohn Gilbert brought from the scaffold before the Iudges where the secretarie read the sentence which was that they should be burnt and so they returned to the scaffold and were burnt Then I Iob Hortop and Iohn Bone were called and brought to the place as before where we heard our sentence which was that we should go to the Gallies and there row at the oares eâ—de ten yeeres and then to be brought backe to the Inquisition house to haue the coate with S. Andrewes crosse put on our backs and from thence to goe to the euerlasting prison remedilesse and so we were returned from the scaffold from whence we came Thomas Marks Thomas Ellis were called and had sentence to serue in the Galleys eight yeeres and Humphrey Roberts and Iohn Emery to serue fiue yeeres so were returned to the benches on the scaffold where we sate till foure of clocke in the afternoone Then we were led againe to the Inquisition house from whence we were brought The next day in the morning Bresinia the treasurer came thither to vs and deliuered to euery one of vs his sentence in writing I with the rest were sent to the Gallies where we were chained foure and foure together euery mans daily allowance was 26. ounces of course blacke bisket and water our clothing for the whole yeere two shiâ—ts two paire of breeches of course canuas a red coat of course cloth soone on and soone off and a gowne of haire with a friers hood our lodging was on the bare boords and banks of the Gallies our heads and beards were shauen euery month hunger thirst cold and stripes we lacked none til our seueral times expired And after the time of 12. yeeres for I serued two yeeres aboue my sentence I was sent backe to the Inquisition house in Siuill and there hauing put on the coat with S. Andrewes crosse I was sent to the euerlasting prison remedilesse where I wore the coat 4. yeres then vpon great suit I had it taken off for 50. duckets which Hernando de Soria treasurer of the kings mint lent me whom I serued for it as a drudge 7. yeres and vntil the moneth of October last 1590. and then I came from Siuill to S. Lucar where I made meanes to come away in a flie-boat that was laden with wines and salt which were Flemings goods the king of Spaines subiects dwelling in Siuil maried to Spanish women and sworne to their king In this moneth of October last departing from S. Lucar at sea off the southernmost Cape we met an English ship called the Galeon Dudley who took the Flemming me out of
Citie where the Enemie may giue an attempt by Land The one of them is where the enemie did enter in and landed which is a sandy Bay and on the one side of the Bay is the Sea and on the other side a great Lake which goeth towards the Harbour The sandy bay or banke on the one side is 500. yardes broad all sandy ground without any trees So that the enemie which giueth the assault in this place must bee constrayned to march all alongst this sandie Bay the enemie lying open these 500. yardes which reach vntill you doe come to the trench And on the backside other 500. yardes till you doe come vnto the Citie The sayde sandie bay or banke is 130. yardes broad where the trench is builded And in this place this Citie hath bene taken by the enemie twise Wherefore heere wee haue driuen in a great many of woodden stakes which goe downe into the sea 50. yardes deepe and this wee haue done because this is a very dangerous and filthy coast And below in the bottome of the Ualley there we haue builded a little Sconce where we may plant 3. or 4. peeces of ordinance And likewise wee haue made a deepe ditch which doeth answere to both parts of the sea so on this side the Citie is very strong and sufficient For this was the place whereof the Citizens were most afrayde The other entring is lower downe by the sayde sandy Bay which is called Cienaga or The fenne del Roreado This is another place which is on the sayd sandy bay which is 300. yardes broad from the one place downe to the sea And on the other side there lyeth the Cienaga which is a certaine plat of ground that is ouerflowen with water all the yeere long So that the enemie which shall come this way to winne the Citie must come marching ouer land a good way vpon a saâ—die banke or Bay where the Sea lyeth on the one side and a groue or boske of wood on the other side and through a plat of ground which is ouerflowen with water but not all couered So in this place wee haue made a Fort or Sconce with certaine Flanckers belonging thereunto And I haue caused a deepe ditch to be digged of 60. foote in bredth so that the Sea doeth come to that plat or place which is ouerflowen And in this order we haue stopt this passage so that the Citie standeth in maner like vnto an Iland There is a 2600. yardes distance from this place to the other trench where the enemie Francis Drake did land last The entring in of this Harbour is by the bridge and Causey which doeth goe from the Citie to S. Francis the sayd Causey is 300. yardes in length and 12. yardes in bredth and the water is on both the sides of the saide Causey so this is the strongest place of all the rest of the three places Also in this place there is order taken to make a draw bridge and vpon the top of the said bridge to build a platforme and plant ordinance vpon it and on both sides of the bridge there are certaine trenches made where our men may be close kept At the point of this land called ycacos which is in the entring in of the harbour towards S. Anna we haue made a Fort of timber fouresquare of 300. foote euery way and trencht where wee may plant 15. or 16. peeces of ordinance and keepe 50. men in garison and behinde the bourdes on the backside of the timbers a Barricado of earth or mudde wall being foure foote in thicknesseâ— and behinde the mud-wall sand so this Fort will bee of great importance for safegard of this Harbour because all the Shippes which doe enter into this Harbour doe come close to this place where it is strongest so that sometimes one may cast a stone into the ships when they are comming in and when any ship of warre or Pirate will giue any attempt to enter into this Harbour there is order giuen that the two galleys shall go forth and put themselues behinde the Fort with their prows to the sea and so shooting at their enemies in the forepart of the ship and then the Fort answering likewise with their ordinance at the side of the shippe and at their tackling so the enemie being in the Harbour all vnrigged they must of necessitie be constrained to lye houering within the Harbour or els they must driue vpon the rockes called the Ismo or els vpon those rocks which are couered with the sea at the Iland of Carâ—s And put case that in this place we can doe no good by this meanes and that the enemie will venture to come in with their long boates Pinnesses through this narrow mouth then we are to haue in a readinesse 4. Frigats to ayde and helpe the gallies to row with oores and so to go to the narrow mouth and there to stay in the channell And forasmuch as the entring in is so dangerous according as I haue certified your Maiestie thâ—re can no ship come into this harbour but we must needes sinke them so that these defences shall not onely bee annoyance to the enemie but also animate and encourage the inhabitants of this citie for they haue beene and are in such feare of the enemie and pirates that if wee had not made these fortifications strengthened the citie in this order and put some souldiers in garison the citizens would haue fledde and forsaken this citie for all the perswasions made to them by the gouernour coulde not perswade them to the contrary but they would bee gone if it had not beene for this fortification and yet for all this wee haue much to doe to make them to stay here so nouâ— by reason of these souldiers which shall come hither the people of the citie haue taken heart of grasse so I haue tolde them that your maiestie will command that this citie and the harbour shall be better fortified and made stronger and all this which I haue caused to be builded is with that money which I haue borowed of the citizens As touching the safegard and defence of this harbour if your maiestie so please here may we builde a very faire and strong castle with foure bulwarks on the poynt of the Ycacos which doth lie on the side where the citie is builded because all the shippes which doe come to this harbour must come close abord this shore so neere that wee may cast a stone into them and so ouertake any ship So likewise if the shippes will goe on the other shore then they doe goe in greater danger because of those shoalds and ledges of rockes and so are often cast away And for asmuch as those ships which here doe arriue are brought hither by Easterly winds and sometimes with those winds which come out from the sea and therefore perforce must giue a good birth off otherwise they cannot enter into this harbour therefore of necessity
full of rockes and stones and full of mountaines So from this wood there may a way be made to goe to the citie and to ioyne with that way which shall goe to Panama and this may bee done with small charges This harbour doth lie in nine degrees and one tierce and if occasion shoulde serue wee may stop vp the way which doth goe to Capiâ—a and the rest of the wayes which goe from Nombre de Dios to Venta de Cruzes according as it is certified me by the Negros called Simcrons for they told me that this way would not bee very troublesome Although in the Winter it is reported that here is good store of water in this place which in the Sommer it is all dryed vp and where these waters are there we may builde a causey to which purpose there are great quantities of stones and timber very seruiceable so this way may bee made with that treasure which your maiestie doeth receiue of the auerages and customes of Nombre de Dios and Panama which doth amount vnto twelue or foureteene thousand pezos yeerely and an order might be taken for the same that the sayd money may serue for the building and reparing of these wayes Panama PAnama is the principall citie of this Dioces it lieth 18. leagues from Nombre de Dios on the South sea and standeth in 9. degrees There are 3. Monasteries in this said city of fryers the one is of Dominicks the other is of Augustines and the third is of S. Francis fryers also thâ—re is a College of Iesuits and the royall audience or chancery is kept in this citie This citie is situated hard by the sea side on a sandy bay the one side of this citie is enuironed with the sea and on the other side it is enclosed with an arme of the sea which runneth vp into the land 1000. yards This citie hath three hundred and fiftie houses all built of timber and there are sixe hundred dwellers and eight hundred souldiers with the townesmen and foure hundred Negros of Guyney and some of them are free men and there is another towne which is called Santa Cruz la Real of Negros Simerons and most of them are imployed in your maiesties seruice and they are 100. in number and this towne is a league from this citie vpon a great riuers side which is a league from the sea right ouer against the harbour of Pericos But there is no trust nor confidence in any of these Negros and therefore we must take heede and beware of them for they are our mortall enemies There are three sundry wayes to come to this citie besides the sea where the enemy may assault vs. The one is at the bridge which is builded vpon the riuer and on the one side of this there lieth a creeke so on this side the citie is very strong because it is all soft muddie ground for in no way they cannot goe vpon it And right ouer against it there lyeth a riuer which is in maner like vnto a ditch or moate and on the other side of the Riuer there lyeth a great Lake or Pond which is full of water all the Winter and part of the Sommer so that on this side the city is very strong for with very small store of souldiers this place might bee kept verie well The greatest danger for the surprising of this citie is the way that doth come from Nombre de Dios for all this way is playne ground and no woods and 2000. yardes from this citie there lyeth a riuer called Lauanderas where the women doe vse to wash their linnen and this riuer doth goe into the creeke according as I haue certified your maiestie and being once past this riuer there is a causey which goeth directly vnto them The other way which doth go twards the citie is lower downe towards the sea at a stone bridge lying vpon the way which goeth to the harbour of Perico These two wayes cannot be kept nor resisted because it is all plaine ground and medowes Upon the East side of this citie there are your maiesties royall houses builded vpon a rocke ioyning hard to the Sea side and they doe aswell leane towards the sea as the land The royall audience or chancerie is kept here in these houses and likewise the prison And in this place all your maiesties treasure is kept There dwelleth in these houses your maiesties Treasurer the Lord President and 3. Iudges and master Atturney All these doe dwell in these houses and the rest of your maiesties officers which are sixe houses besides those of the Lord President the which are all dwelling houses and all adioyning together one by another along vpon the rockes And they are builded all of timber and bourdes as the other houses are So where the prison standeth and the great hall these two places may bee very well fortified because they serue so fâ—â—ly for the purpose by reason they are builded towardes the sea and that there lye certaine small rocks which at a lowe water are all discouered and drie and some of them are seene at a high water Right ouer these houses to the Eastwardes there lyeth an Island about fiue hundred yardes from these houses and the Island is in forme of a halfe moone and in this order it runneth all alongst very neere the maine land so ouer against these houses there lyeth the harbour where all the shippes doe vse to ride at an anker after that they haue discharged and vnladen their marchandize For when they haue their lading aboord there can come in none but small Barkes and at a lowe water the shippes are all aground and drie and so is all the space some thirtie yardes from those houses Right ouer against them standeth the citie When newes were brought to this citie of those Pirates which were come vpon this coast the Lord President and Iudges commanded that there should a sconce bee made and trenched round about made all of timber for the defence of this citie against the enemie and to keepe your maiesties treasure So your officers caused Venta de Cruzes to be fortified and likewise Chagre and Quebrada and fortified the garrison of Ballanoâ— for all these are places where the enemy may land and by this meanes spoyle all this countrey There are three sundry places where this citie may without difficulty be taken and spoyled by the Pirates The first is on the North seas in a certaine place which lyeth foureteene leagues from Nombre de Dios the place is called Aele to the Eastwards where once before certaine men of warre haue entred into those seas The other place is Nombre de Dios although this is a bad place and naughtie wayes and full of waters and a very dirtie way for three partes of the yeere the countrey people doe trauell vpon those waters and an other very badde way which is the going vp of certaine rockes and mountaines
him that it doeth greatly import that the worke with all expedition should go forward seeing that it is begun for the defence of the Island And we doe defend it as well as we can from the enemie in respect of the great danger which otherwise might happen if the enemie should come and finde it begun and not ended And likewise that his maiestie would send me that which I do request And the most principal thing of al is to send more Negros And sending me all these things which be needful I trust in God I shal in short time build vp the fort to defend vs from the enemie The fort must be builded triangle wise for it will reach into the bay and we shal be able to plant in the same 40 pieces of good ordinance Canon Demi canon and Coluerine The M. of the field hath promised to send me some from Hauana For that he is determined to cast some thâ—re by reason of the great store of copper which now of late is found in Hauana for here we haue as yet but small store of ordinance to defend vs. I looke for 5 Canons which his maiestie should send from Spaine with shot and powder and al kinde of weapons because that here is great want in the Island His maiestie hath sent the whole number of 200 souldiers and in the companie there came two capitaines The corps de Guard is kept in the market place and twise in a moneth I muster all the men in the Iland and finde very neere 1500 fighting men and 80 horsemen The forte when it is ended will be the strongest that his maiestie hath in all the Indies And now the people of the countrey sleepe in security For commonly before the Englishmen would come and beard vs to the hauens mouth God keep your honour and send you long health From Puerto Rico the 20 of Nouember 1590. The Gouernour DIEGO MENDEZ DE VALDES A letter to Iohn Lopez Canauate Alderman in the towne of Canauate in Spaine written from his seruant Iuan de Porua Canauates from Hauana the seuenteenth of October 1590 touching the state of the said place THis is to giue you to vnderstand that since my departure from S. Lucar I haue written vnto you twise of mine arriuall here and what successe I haue had And nowe you shall vnderstand that I am determined to goe for Nueua Espanna For I stay but opportunitie of time For here is great watch dayly kept and great looking to the souldiers in keeping of them together for running away But neuerthelesse I hope in God to finde some friend to conuey mee away from hence This countrey is so close and narrow that if a man steale not away hidden in some shippe it is not possible for him to escape nor to goe a league out out of the towne no way but by sea And because the harbour is so close it is the best harbour and the surest in the world The harbour is made in this order The entrie in towarde the land is by a narrow streight chanel which continueth as long as a caliuer shot and from that place the riuer openeth broader and broader There are in the entring in two points which make with the lande whereupon are newly builded two strong forts which are fortified with very great store of ordinance besides another strong and famous Forte which is in the Citie â—o that it is impossible to take it There are in these three Fortes a thousand souldiers in Gariâ—on And likâ—wise heâ—e are two galies to keepâ— the coast Yet for all this the audaciâ—us Englishmen bâ—ing without all shame are not afraid to come and dare vs at our owne doores Our iourney to goe for England is most certainâ— in the yeere 1592. Hâ—re are making with great expedition 18 ships which are called Frigats for that effect They are very strong shippes and will drawe but very litlâ— water whereby they may enter amongst the shoulds on the banckes of Flanders thâ—y are builded the higher because here is great store of timber and excellent good and incorruptible It is reported that the fleete will depart from hence in February by reaâ—on that at that time the Englishmâ—n are not departed out of their owne countrey And thus I rest From this Island of S. Christopher in Hauana this present day on S. Lukes euen the 17 of October 1590. Your Worships sâ—ruant IOHN DE PORVA CANAVATES A letter from Mexico of Sebastian Biscaino to his Father Antonio Biscaino in Corchio in Spaine touching the great profit of the trade to China and somewhat of M. Thomas Candâ—sh Wriâ—ten the 20 of Iune 1590. HHauing written to your worship by a friend of mine at large nowe I will bee somewhat short And this is onely to giue you to vnderstand that foure moneâ—hs past I came from China and landed in Acapulco 70 leagues from Mexico which is the harbour where the ships that goe downe to China lye and all the marchants of Mexico bring all their Spanish commodities downe to this harbour to ship them for that countrey It is one of the best harbours in all Nueua Espanna and where the ships may ride most safely without all kinde of danger For it lyeth vnder a necke of land and behind a great point And in this harbour here are â—oure great ships of Mexico of 600 and 800 tunnes a piece which onely serue to cary our commodities to China and so to returne backe againe The order is thus From hence to China is aboue two thousand leagues farther thâ—n from hâ—nce to Spaine And from hence their two fiâ—st ships depart at one time to China and are 13 or 14 moneths returning backe againe And when those two ships are returned then the other twaine two moneths after depart from hence They goe nowe from hence very strong with souldiers I can certifie you of one thing That 200 ducates in Spanish commodities and some Flemish wares which I caryed with me thither I made worth 1400 ducates there in the countrey So I make account that with those silkes and other commodities which I brought with me from thence to Mexico I got 2500 duâ—ates by the voyage and had goâ—ten more if one packe of fiâ—e silkes had not bene spoiled with salt water So as I sayd there is great gaine to be gotten if that a man returne in safetie But the yeere 1588 I had great mischance comming in a ship from China to Nueua Espanna which being laden with â—ich commodities was taken by an Englishman which robbed vs and afterward burned our ship wherein I lost a great deale of treasure and commodities If I should write to you of the state of this countrey of China and of the strange things which are there and of â—he wealth of the countrey I were not able to doe it in an whole quier of paper Onely I may certifie you that it is the goodliest countrey and
consuluisse bono Prouidus excubuit simili discrimine Ioseph Sic fratres fratrem deseruêre suum Fama coloratam designet sibona vestem Vestis Scissa malis sic fuit illa modis Miraleges Auresque animumque tuum arrigeâ— Tellus Haec aurum gemmas graminis instar habet Ver ibi perpetuum est ibi prodiga terra quotannis Luxuriat sola fertilitate nocens Anglia nostra licet diâ—es sit vndique foelix Angliaâ— siconfers indigna frugis erit Expertes capitum volucresâ— piscesque ferasque Praetereo haud prosunt quae nouitate placent Est ibi vel nusquamâ— quod quaerimus Ergo petamus Det Deus hanc Canaan possideamus Amen Tui Amantiss L. K. The second voyage to Guiana MUnday the 26. of Ianuary in the yeere of our Lord 1596. we departed from Portland road in the Darling of London hauing in company the Discouerer a small pinnesse whom we lost at sea in foule weather the Thursday next following Friday the 13. of February wee fell with the Canarie Islands where we expected our pinnesse according to our appoyntmemt seuen or eight dayes Here we tooke two boats the one a passenger we bulged the other wee towed at our shippe sterne steering Southsouthwest for the Islands of Cape Verde Therehence we set saile the 28. of Februarie keeping a Westsouthwest course In this passage wee found very smooth seas faire weather and steddie winds blowing ordinarily betweene the East and Northeast poynts Neere 30. leagues from these Islands wee came into a growne sea the swollen watâ—rs making a strange noise hurtling together as if it might be two strong currents encountring ech other The 12. of March wee sounded and had sandie ground in 47. fathome At midnight in twelue fathom wee came to an anker the ground sandie oaze Sunday the 14. towards night about some siâ—e leagues from the shore wee descried a low land in the bottome of a Bay From the 9. of March vnâ—â—ll this time we kept for the most part a Southsouthwest course The water in this place is smooth but muddie and the colour red or tâ—wny From the Westermost of the Cape Verde-Islands vnto this Bay I doe estimate the distance to be neere 550. leagues It seemed to most of our sea-men to be the very banke of a sâ—oald vpon a lee-sâ—ore the rather because without it in the cleane greene sea wee had but 7. fathome depth but after by proofe finding that there is no sudden alteration in any part of the coast and that the sea is smoothest neere the land we alwayes at night sought to anker in three or foure fathome And doubtlesse as the hand of God is woonderfull in all his workes so herein his mercifull prouidence is most admirable that vpon a lee-shore subiect vnto a perpetuall Easterly gale neither much wind can endanger shipping by reason that the foule heauie water is not capable of vehement motion and the soft light oaze if they touch cannot bruise them nor is there any ieopardie in beeing wind-bound or imbayed for the most forcible windes make the greatest flood-tides whereby the freshets when they take their ordinarie course of ebbe doe grow strong and swift setting directly off to sea against the wind Wee by turning went cleere of all Bayes howbeit in this case as also in the riuers the vse of a droue sayle seemeth a good and readie helpe The first place wherein wee ankered was in the mouth of Arrowari a faire and great riuer It standeth in one degree and fourtie minutes for we fell so farre to the Southwardes by your lordships direction The barre without hath at the least three fathome at the shoaldest place when it is lowe ebbe The depth within is eight and tenne fathome The water alwayes brackish We found not any inhabitants in this place neere the sea coast I omit here to recite the names of the nations that are borderers their townes Captaines and commodities that their countreys doe yeelde as also the soundings tydes and how the coast lyeth c. thinking it fittest to reduce these disioyned and scattered remembrances to one place As wee passed we alwayes kept the shore within viewe and stopped the floods still ankering at night in three or foure fathome When we came to the North headland of this Bay which wee named Cape Cecyl we sawe two high mountaines like two Islands but they ioyne with the mayne In this tract lying Northnorthwest neere 60. leagues there fall into the sea these seuerall great riuers Arrowari Iwaripoco Maipari Coanawini Caipurogh Wee ankered in two fathome not farre from these hilles and filled all out caske with fresh water by the shippe side for in the sea thirtie miles from the mouth of any riuer it is fresh and good This second Bay extendeth it selfe aboue thirtie leagues to the Westward and containeth within it these riuers Arcooa Wiapoco Wanari Caparwacka Cawo Caian Wia Macuria Cawroor Curaslawini Here leauing the ship at anker I tooke into the boate Iohn Prouost my Indian Interpreter Iohn Linsey and eight or nine others intending to search some of these riuers and to seeke speech with the Indians In Wiapoco at the foote of the Eastermost mountaine where the riuer falleth into the sea wee found twentie or thirtie houses but not inhabited Wee stayed there but one night Wanari we ouerpassed because the entrance is rockie and not deepe In Caperwacka we sailed some fourtie miles but could see no Indian At one of their portes vnder the side of a hill wee tooke in so much Brasill wood as our boate could carrie Amongst other trees we cut downe one for an example which I do verily beleeue to be the same sort of sinamon which is found in the streights of Magellan From Caperwacka wee passed to Cawo and there met with a Canoa wherein were two Indians It was long time before wee could procure them to come neere vs for they doubted least wee were Spanish When my interpreter had perswaded them the contrarie and that wee came from England they without farther speech or delay brought vs to Wareo their Captaine who entertained vs most friendly and then at large declared vnto vs that hee was lately chased by the Spaniards from Moruga one of the neighbour riuers to Raleana or Orenoque and that hauing burnt his owne houâ—es and destroyed his fruites and gardens hee had left his countrey and townes to bee possessed by the Arwaccas who are a vagabound nation of Indians which finding no certaine place of abode of their owne doe for the most part serue and follow the Spanyards Hee shewed me that he was of the nation of the Iaos who are a mightie people and of a late time were Lords of all the sea coast so farre as Trinidad which they likewise possessed Howbeit that with a generall consent when the Spanyards first began to borrow some of their wiues they all agreed to change their habitation and doe now
esperanza in 19 degrees Cabo del Enganno in 30 degrees a halfe The hauen of Saint Iago The hauen of Aguaiaual These shoalds are the bottoms of ma◠〈◊〉 or the Bay of California The bottom of the Bay of California Theâ— got vp thee 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 the 26. of August We carried an interpreter with him A very good course taken to appease vnknowen Sauages Good forâ—cast Indians besmoutched with cole Pipes and bagges of Tobacco Shels and beades A notable policie Swarmes oâ—â—eoplâ— An exceeding great current of the riuer A wisâ— deâ—ise Newes of bearded and white men The Sunne worshipped as God Certaine warlike people behind a mountaine These people are greatly incâ—ined to learne the Christian faith The riuer in diuers places full of shelfes Another olde man Their ancesters told them tâ—at there were bearded and white men in the world Another nation People of 23. languages dwelling along this riuer Acuco as Gomara writteth is on a strong mountaine Great houses of stone Round 〈◊〉 Dancing and singing at mariages of the Sauages They burne their dead Pipes to 〈◊〉 Tabacco with Maiz gourds Miâ—l Grindestones earthen pots good fish This riuer ouerfloweth his banks at certaine seasons Colde and raine Ceuola 40 days iourney from thence by the riuer Turqueses in Ceuola This was the Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niza Quicoma Coama Conies and yucas Cotton A mountaine Ceuola a goodly thing Gold and siluer in a mountainâ— neere Ceuola A mighty riuer This riuer seemeth to vâ—â— Noâ—thward by the colde The Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niâ—a sâ—aine The cause wherefore Stephan Dorantez the Negro was slaine They of Ceuola haue 14. or 15. lords their enemies An olde woâ—â— called Guâ—â—â—â—â—câ— in a lake greaâ—ly woâ—shipped Antonio d'Esâ—eâ—o spraketh of such a great lake 200 limâ—es oâ— people This might be the â—tooke â—aked oâ—â— o◠〈◊〉 The sea side The Sauageâ—â—â—easonâ— to â—e taken heede of Certaine newes of the Spanyardâ— at Ceuola Ceuola tenne dayes diâ—tant â—rom this place A desert of tâ—â—â— dayes iouâ—ney Oxen of Ceuola A desert Cumana He returneth in 2. dayes and an halfe to his ships Maâ—ke â—hat 〈◊〉 â—he Spaniardes caâ—â— with tâ—â—m in newe deâ—â—oueâ—iâ—s Rio de buena Guia. Parrats in these parâ—s Two moones to Ceuola Another booke wâ—itten of the particulars of that countrey Quicama Coama Cumana Treason of the sauages An Inchanter This Riuer ran â—â—ch farther vp than â—e had tâ—aâ—â—lled He sayled 85 leagues vp the Riuer The port of Colima The Portugal Pilote set on land Sir Francis Drake sayled on the backe â—â—de of America to 43 degrees of Northerly latitude 38 degrees A description of the people and Countrey of Noua Albion These are like chaines of â—surnâ—y in Canada and Hochelage The king resignes his crowne and kingdome to Sir Francis Drake Great riches in Noua Albion Great heards of Deere Abundance of strange conies Noua Albion Golde and siluer in the â—arâ—d of Noua Albion The Isle â—â— Masbate The Bay of Manilla in 14. degrees and one quarter Canton 22â— degrees The Iland of Macao Ilha Branca As Ilhas fermosasâ— Lequeosâ— Mines of gold Firando Other Ilands Eastward of Iapon Iapon 900. leagues distant from the coast of America in 37 degrees and an halfe Seuen and thirty deg and an halfe Read Francis Vllaâ— chap. 16. Cabo de San Lucas in 22. deg Hauens lately found out Acapulco English factors in the Grand Canaria Iohn Sweeting Englishman married in Cadiz sendeth a ship of his owne into the West Indies vnder the conduct of his sonne in laws Leonard Chilton Ralph Saâ—re Many of one men died of these wormes at the taking of Puerto rico Cuerpo Santo His arriuall at Vera Cruz. Florida 300. leagues from San Iuan de Vllua Mexico Sant Iuan de Vllua The way and distance from San Iuan de â—llua to Vera Cruz is fiuâ— leagues Venta de Riâ—conado Pueblo de los Angeles Mâ—â—iâ— Don Luis de Velasco This is to be vnderstood of his second comming into Spaine Mexico conquered Anno 1519. and 1520. Cochinilla is not a worme nor a flie but a berry A new trade begun in the city of Fez by Roger Bodenham The place where Cochinilla groweth and the pâ—â—â— thereof 1568. Cadiz San Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz. Xalapa Sixteene leagues Perota seuen leagues Fuentes de Ozumba nine leagues Pueblo de los Angeles eight leagues Tlaxcalla foure leagues northward from los Angeles Vulcan is a hill that continually burneth with fire Cochinilla Pueblo de los Angeles 20 leagues from Mexico His voyage from Mexico to Nueua Biscaiâ— New Biscay The Siluer mines of Tamaâ—caltepec The valley of S. Bartholomew The hauen where y e shipe of China the Philippinas arriue Guaxaca Aguatulco Nixapa Sapotecas Tecoantepec Soconusco Suchetepec Guasacapan Guatimala Sonsonate San Saluador Acaxutla Nicoia a port where y e ships which goe to the Philippinas are diuided Pueâ—â—o de Câ—uallos a rich place The description of Hauana at large The smal force of Haâ—ana The commodities of Cuba Nombre de Dios. Panama Potossi Cusco Paitâ— Vera Paz. Chiapa 300 leagues from Mexico Ecatepec an hill nine leagues high Tecoaâ—tepecâ— His iourney to Panucâ— Mestitlan Clanchinoltepeâ— Guâ—xutlâ— Guastecâ—n Tancuylabo Salt a principall merchandize Tampice a port towne Panuco â—â—allapa Sant Iago de los â—alles Mighty mules Don Henrico Manriques viceroy of Mexico Rio de laâ— Palmas The mines of Sacatecas The valley of S. Michael Pueblo nueuo Mechuacan Copper mines Campeche Merida Rio de Tabasâ—o Iucatan The greatnesse of the king of Spaines tribute out of the West Indies The quintaâ— The marke of siluer is 64 reals of plate The reuenue of the kings buls and pardons came yerely to three millions Rebellions in Noua Hispania by too great exactions The reasons which mooue the kings of Spaine to forbid forren traffiâ—e in the West Indies Mâ—gueis S. Iohn de Villua Spirits 〈◊〉 Cruâ— Musquitâ— Popiniayâ— Monkeys Wheat twise in a yeere Tlaxcalla a free city Mexico A way to drowne Mexico Crocodiles Nauigation to China from Puerto de Acapulco The Northwest streight The more Northward the richer siluer mines Painting earth Golde mines Mesquiquez Seuen cities by witchcraft not found of the seckers Pedro Morales Nicolas Burgignon write the like of Copalla The strange oxen of Cibola Cibola abandoned A great riuer nere Cibolâ— Water congealed to salt Dogs of India described Cacao a fruit currant as money Fruits Hot springs Hares and conies Sea fish Burning mountaines Manna Wilde hogs lions and tigres Mines discouered not sound againe The authom fiue yeeres in Nueua Espanna Sugar conserues Description of the Indians person and maners The people of Nueua Espanna great cowarde The Indians ignorance froÌ„ whence they came The Sun and Moone honored Score of cotrâ— The wilde Indians Friers in reuerence Copper mines The pompe of owners of mines Things necessary to mines of siluer and golde The plenty of cattell Sheepe Wooll Cloth Woad Alum