of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
time without the consent of the Gouernour for the time being and the more part of the said Company And further wee of our more ample and abundant grace meere motion and certaine knowledge haue graunted and by these patenâ—s for vs our heires and successors doe graunt to the saide Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors and administrators that they the saide Edward Thomas Richard and Willam their executors and administrators and the said person and persons by them the said Edward and Richard to be nominated or appointed as afore is said together with such two other persons as wee our heires or successors from time to time during the sayd terme shall nominate shall haue the whole trade and trafique and the whole entire onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing and vsing feate of marchandise into and from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior and euery of them And when there shall be no such persons so nominated or appointed by vs our heires or successors that then the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators and such persons by them so to be appointed shall haue the saide whole trade and trafique and the whole entire and onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing aforesaid And that they the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors administrators and also al such as shal so be nominated or appointed to be partners or aduenturers in the said trade according to such agreement as is abouesaid and euery of them their seruants factors and deputies shal haue ful and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafique into and from all and euery the saide dominions of the saide Grand Signior and into and from all places where by occasion of the said trade they shall happen to arriue or come whether they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or other and into and from all Seas riuers ports regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barks pinâ—esses and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will lead with them or send for the said trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper cost and expenses any law statute vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding And that it shal be lawful for the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and to the persons aforesaid and to and for the mariners and seamen to bee vsed and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and others vessels the armes of England with the red crosse ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed the red crosse any matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding And we of our further royal fauor and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt to the said Edward Osbâ—rne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators by these presents that the said lands territories and dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them shall not be visited frequented nor haunted by way of marchandise by any other our subiects during the said terme contrary to the true meaning of these patents And by vertue of our high prerogatiue royall which wee will not haue argued or brought in question we straightly charge and commaund and prohibite for vs our heires and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they be that none of them directly or indirectlâ— do visite haunt frequent or trade trafique or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the Dominions of the sayde Grand Signior or other places abouesayde by water or by lande other then the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executours or administrators or such as shal be admitted and nominated as is aforesaide without expresse licence agreement and consent of the said Gouernour and company or the more part of them whereof the said Gouernour alwayes to be one vpon paine of our high indignation and of forfeiâ—nre and losse as well of the ship and shippes with the furniture thereof as also of the goods marchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those our Subiects which shall attempt or presume to saile trafique or aduenture to or from any the dominions or places abouesaid contrary to the prohibition aforesaid the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs our heires successors and the other halfe to the vse of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and the said companie and further to suffer imprisonment during our pleasure and such other punishment as to vs for so high contempt shal seeme meete and conuenient And further of our grace speciall certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and graunted and by these patents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Thomas Richard William their executors and administrators that we our heires successors during the said terme will not grant liberty licence or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents to saile passe trade or trafique into or from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them without the coÌ„sent of the said Edward Thomas Richard William and such as shal be named or appointed as afore is said or the most of them And that if at any time hereafter during the said terme y e said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them shal admit or nominate any of our subiects to be partners aduenturers in the said trade to the number of 12. or vnder as afore is said that then we our heires and successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them in our Chauncerie to be made and vpon the sight of these presents will grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or to the suruiuors of them and to such persons as so shall be nominated or appointed by their speciall names surnames additions as is aforesaid new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of law with like agreement clauses prohibitions prouisoes and articles mutatis mutandis as in these our letters patents are conteined for and during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeres then remaining vnexpired And that the sight of these presents shal be sufficient warrant to the Lord Chancellour or Lord keeper of the great seale for the time being for the making sealing and passing of such new letters patents without further writ or warrant for the same to be required had or obtained And the said Edward Osburne Thomas Smith and Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shal be so nominated and appointed as is aforesaid to be of their trade or companie shall yeerely during 6. of the last yeres of
our ship of the harmes and leakes which the wormes had made in her while wee ridde at the yland of S. Sebastian and in the meane time we departed from before the towne of Santos Our Master sent his skiffe from the barre of Santos thinking to haue brought Thomas Babington and William Euet with the Pilot which wee had â—arried for three dayes and as the skiffe was going William Euet being by the Riuers side called to our pinnesse and sent a letter to our Master which Thomas Babington had written wherein were no newes but that the Ministrador was arriued at Santos from the Riuer of Ienero and would speake with our Master but he willed that whatsoeuer Thomas Babington did write no credit should be giuen to it And further he wished vs presently to depart for Sant Sebastian and there to dispatch our businesse and then to sende backe for Babington and himselfe to Guaybea where he if he were well would giue his attendance to come abord As we rid two leagues a sea-bord the barre of Santos wee broke a cable in the open sea which happened the 15. day of this moneth We arriued at S. Sebastian the 15. day and there shifted our balast and had in stones and halled our ship a ground to stop our leakes caried our caske a shoare to be hooped for water which indeed might better haue bene done in Santos before the Ministrador came thither yet we finished all things pertaining to our ship by the 22. of this moneth at S. Sebastian The first day of Iuly Thomas Babington came abord with William Euet in our pinnesse and the rest of our men that went for them but there was no Pilot brought according to promise to cary vs to Baya The things that we obserued and noted in the time of our being at Santos were these All such wares and marchandizes as owe no custome in Brasill their vse is to set a price vpoâ— the same how they shal be sold which is done by the magistrates of the towne according to the ordinances of their king But for all such marchandizes as do owe custome there the marchants are to sell them according as they may to the greatest profit and aduantange that they can Concerning the prouince of Peru wee learned that one part of it by land water is but twelue dayes iourney from the towne of Santos and from thence it may be about foure or fiue dayes iourney by water to the maine riuer of Plate From the head of the riuer of Plate and from their chiefe townes there they doe trade and trafique by lâ—nd into Peru by waggons and horses or mules The saide riuer of Plate is so full of sands and dangers and the fresh to fierce sometimes that no shipping dares to deale with it small barks to their knowledge may go vp it and not els The Portugales here cannot bee suffered to vse their Mines of treasure in these parts vpon paine of death the contrary being commanded by the king and the Uice-roy who is as their king in place of authoritie About twentie leagues from Santos there is a certaine kinde of wilde Sauages lying in the mountaines which are in friendship with the Portugales and they haue continuall warres with certaine other Sauages that dwell towards the borders of Peru which is distant from Santos about 400. or 500. leagues Those Sauages of Peru haue store of gold and siluer but they knowe not the vse of it Looke what Sauages of their enemies they take they sell them to the Portugales for kniues combes ares or hatchets and other â—rifles they will sell one for a pennie-knife to a Portugal and after two yeeres they are worth twentie or thirtie duckets to the Portugal This people haue also continuall warres with the Spaniards and this was tolde vs by one of those Sauages which hath â—welt among the Portugales these seuen yeeres with his master called Sennor Manoel Veloso And this fellowe â—ould willingly haue come with vs for England There are certaine rockes that lie off betweene the yle of Alcatrarzas and S. Sebastian about two leagues which are to be taken heed of which a farre off in faire weather shewe like the sailes of ships There are other rocks that lie off S. Catelina also fiue leagues to the East and by South into the sea off the yland At our comming vp to Santos we found foure fadom and a halfe water in the shallowest place and the like we found within a league after we were departed from S. Catelina litle more or lesse but after you haue runne in the depth of foure fadome and a halfe about a mile or lesse then you shall haue it deeper againe more and more Before the towne of Santos we rode in eight and tenne fadome water A letter of Francis Suares to his brother Diego Suares dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasill in Iune 1596. concerning the exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barks of 30. and 40. tunnes SIr we set saile from Lisbon the fourth of April 1596. and arriued here in this riuer oâ— Ienero the twentie seuenth of Iune next ensuing And tâ—e same day the Visitadores did visit our ship with great ioy thinking that those commodities which wee brought with vs had bene for the marchants of this countrey but it prooued to the contrary The pilot brought with him in the sayd shippe two pipes of wine which were taken from him and solde by the Iustice for foure and twenty reals euery gallon But I solde mine for two and thirty and sixe and thirty reals the gallon If I had brought any great store of wine I should haue made a great gaine of it for I should haue gotten eight reals for one The next day in the morning wee went all on shore and gaue God thanks for our prosperous voyage and good successe which he had sent vs. And because the gouernour of this countrey was gone from this Towne to another house of his three leagues vp into the riuer beyond the place where we rode at anker I desired the captaine of our shippe after dinner that we might take the shippe boat and goe to the place where the gouernour did lie And so going vp the riuer we met with a canoa which was comming downe the riuer and going aboord our shippe which canoa was laden with fresh victuals and in the same was one Portugall which met vs and tolde vs that the gouernour of that captaine shippe had sent vs a present which we receiued very thankefully and sent it aboord And we went vp the riuer to the place where the gouernour did dwell and comming to the place where we landed hard by the the riuers side the gouernour came thither and receiued vs very courteously So we remained at his house two dayes talking of many matters of Portugall then we departed from him
sayd riuer where came aboord of vs sundry of their Boates which declared vnto me that they were also bound to the northwards a fishing for Morse and Salmon and gaue me liberally of their white and wheaten bread As we roade in this riuer wee sawe dayly comming downe the riuer many of their Lodias and they that had least had foure and twenty men in them and at the last they grew to thirtie saile of them and amongst the rest there was one of them whose name was Gabriel who shewed me very much friendshippe and he declared vnto mee that all they were bound to Pechora a fishing for Salmons and Morses insomuch that hee shewed mee by demonstrations that with a faire winde wee had seuen or eight dayes sailing to the Riuer Pechora so that I was glad of their company This Gabriel promised to giue mee warning of shoales as hee did indeede Sunday being the one and twentieth day Gabriel gaue me a barrell of Meade and one of his speciall friends gaue me a barrell of beere which was caryed vpon mens backs at least 2 miles Munday we departed from the riuer Cola with all the rest of the said Lodias but sailing before the wind they were all too good for vs but according to promise this Gabriel and his friend did often strike their sayles and caried for vs forsaking their owne company Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we were thwart of Cape S. Iohn It is to be vnderstood that from the Cape S. Iohn vnto the riuer or bay that goeth to Mezen it is all sunke land and full of shoales and dangers you shall haue scant two fadome water and see no land And this present day wee came to an anker thwart of a creeke which is 4 or 5 leagues to the Northwards of the sayd Cape into which creeke Gabriel and his fellow rowed but we could not get in and before night there were aboue 20 saile that went into the sayd creeke the wind being at the Northeast We had indifferent good landfang This afternoone Gabriel came aboord with his skiffe and then I rewarded him for the good company that he kept with vs ouer the shoales with two small iuory combes and a steele glasse with two or three trifles more for which he was not vngratefull But notwithstanding his first company had gotten further to the Northwards Wednesday being Midsummer day we sent our skiffe aland to sound the creeke where they found it almost drie at a low water And all the Lodais within were on ground Although the harborough were euil yet the stormie similitude of Northerly winds tempted vs to set our sayles we let flip a cable and an anker and bare with the harborough for it was then neere a high water and as alwaies in such iourneis varieties do chance when we came vpon the barre in the entrance of the creeke the wind did shrink so suddenly vpon vs that we were not able to lead it in and before we could haue flatted the shippe before the winde we should haue bene on ground on the lee shore so that we were constrained to let fall an anker vnder our sailes and rode in a very breach thinking to haue warpt in Gabriel came out with his skiffe and so did sundry others also shewing their good will to helpe vs but all to no purpose for they were likely to haue bene drowned for their labour in so much that I desired Gabriel to lend me his anker because our owne ankers were two big for our skiffe to layout who sent me his owne and borrowed another also and sent it vs. Then we layd out one of those ankers with a hawser which he had of 140 fadom long thinking to haue warpt in but it would not be for as we shorted vpon y e said warpe the anker came home so that we were faine to beare the end of the warpe that we rushed in vpon the other small anker that Gabriel sent aboord and layd that anker to seawards and then betweene these two ankers we trauersed the ships head to seawards and set our foresaile and maine sayle and when the barke had way we cut the hawser and so gate the sea to our friend and tryed out al that day with our maine corse The Thursday we went roome with Cape S. Iohn where we found indifferent good rode for a Northnortheast wind and for a neede for a North and by West winde Friday at afternoone we weyed and departed from thence the wether being meetly faire the winde at Eastsoutheast and plied for the place where we left our cable and anker and our hawser as soone as we were at an anker the foresaid Gabriel came aboord of vs with 3 or foure more of their small boats and brought with them of their Aquauitae Meade professing vnto me very much friendship and reioiced to see vs againe declaring that they earnestly thought that we had bene lost This Gabriel declared vnto me that they had saued both the ankers and our hauser and after we had thus communed I caused 4 or 5 of them a goe into my cabbin where I gaue them fâ—gs and made them such cheere as I could While I was thus banketing of theÌ„ there came another of their skiffes aboord with one who was a Keril whose name afterwards I learned that he dwelt in Colmogro Gabriel dwelled in the towne of Cola which is not far from the riuers mouth This foresaid Keril said vnto me that one of the ankers which I borowed was his I gaue him thanks for the loue of it thinking it had bene sufficient And as I continued in one accustomed maner that if the present which they brought were worth enterteinment they had it accordingly he brought nothing with him therfore I regarded him but litle And thus we ended they took their leaue and went a shore At their comming ashore Gabriel and Keril were at vnconuenient words and by the eares as I vnderstand the cause was because the one had better enterteinmeÌ„t then the other but you shal vnderstand that Gabriel was not able to make his party good because there were 17 lodias of the Kerils company who tooke his part and but 2 of Gabriels company The next high water Gabriel and his company departed from thence and rowed to their former company and neighbours which were in number 28 at the least and all of them belonging to the riuer Cola. And as I vnderstood Keril made reckoning that the hawser which was fast in his anker should haue bene his owne and at first would not deliuer it to our boat insomuch that I sent him worde that I would complaine vpon him whereupon he deliuered the hawser to my company The next day being Saturday I sent our boat on shore to fetch fresh water and wood and at their comming on shore this Keril welcomed our men most gently and also banketed them and in the meane time caused some of
his men to fill our baricoes with water and to help our men to beare wood into their boat and then he put on his best silke coate and his coller of pearles and came aboord againe brought his present with him and thus hauing more respect vnto his present then to his person because I perceiued him to be vainglorious I bade him welcome and gaue him a dish of figs and then he declared vnto me that his father was a gentleman and that he was able to shew me pleasure and not Gabriel who was but a priests sonne After their departure from vs we weied and plyed all the ebbe to the windewards the winde being Northerly towards night it waxed very stormie so that of force we were constrained to go roome with Cape S. Iohn againe in which storme wee lost out skiffe at our sterne that wee bought at Wardhouse and there we rode vntil the fourth of Iuly The latitude of Cape S. Iohn is 66 degrees 50 minutes And it is to be noted that the land of Cape S. Iohn is of height from the full sea marke as I iudge 10 fadomes being cleane without any trees growing also without stones or rockes and consists onely of blacke earth which is so rotten that if any of it fall into the sea it will swimme as though it were a piece of wood In which place about three leagues from the shore you shall not haue aboue 9 fadom water and clay ground Iulie SAturday at a Northnorthwest sunne the wind came at Eastnortheast then we weied and plied to the Northwards and as we were two leagues shot past the Cape we saw a house standing in a valley which is dainty to be seene in those parts and by and by I saw three men on the top of the hil Then I iudged them as it afterwards proued that they were men which came from some other place to set traps to take vermin for their furres which trappes we did perceiue very thicke alongst the shore as we went Sunday at an East sunne we were thwart off the creeke where the Russes lay and there came to an anker and perceiuing the most part of the Lodias to be gone we thought it not good to tary any longer there but weyed and spent all the ebbe plying to the windewards Munday at a South sunne it was high water All alongst the coast it floweth little onely a South moone makes a full sea and as we were a weying we espied the Russe Lodias which we first lost They came out of a creeke amongst the sandy hilles which hilles beginne 15 leagues Northnortheast from Cape S. Iohn Plying this ebbe to an end we came to an anker 6 leagues Northnortheast froÌ„ the place where we saw the Russes come out and there the Russes harboured themselues within a soonke banke but there was not water enough for vs. At a North sunne we weyed and plied to the Northwards the land lying Northnortheast and Southsouthwest vntil a South sunne and then we werein the latitude of 68 degrees a halfe â— and in this latitude ende those sandy hilles and the land beginneth to lie North and by West South and by East and Northnorthwest and to the Westwards and there the water beginneth to ware deepe At a Northwest sunne we came to an anker within halfe a league of the shore where wee had good plenty of fish both Haddocks and Cods riding in 10 fadom water Wednesday we weyed and plyed neerer the headland which is called Caninoz the wind being at East and by North. Thursday the wind being scant we turned to windwards the ebbe to get about Caninoz the latitude this day at noone was 68 degreee 40 minutes Friday we turned to the windward of the ebbe but to no purpose and as we rode at an anker we saw the similitude of a storme rising at Northnorthwest could not tell where to get rode nor succor for that winde and harborough we knew none that land which we rode vnder with that winde was a lee shorâ— And as I was musing what was best to be done I saw a saile come out of a creeke vnder the foresayd Caninoz which was my friend Gabriel who forsooke his harborough and company and came as neere vs as he might and pointed vs to the Eastwards then we weyed and followed him and went East and by South the wind being at Westnorthwest and very mistie Saturday we went Eastsoutheast followed Gabriel and he brought vs into an harborough called Morgiouets which is 30 leagues from Caninoz we had vpon the barre going in two fadome and a fourth part and after we were past in ouer the barre it waxed deâ—per for we had 5 fadoms 4 and a half and 3 fadom c. Our barke being mored I sent some of our men to shoare to prouide wood where they had plenty of drift wood but none growing and in this place we found plenty of young foule as Gulles Seapies and others whereof the Russes would eate none whereof we were nothing sory for there came the more to our part Sunday our men cut wood on shoare and brought it aboord and wee balasted our shippe with stones This morning Gabriel saw a smoke on y e way who rowed vnto it with his skiffe which smoke was two leagues from the place where we road and at a Northwest sunne he came aboord again and brought with him a Samoed which was but a young man his apparell was then strange vnto vs and he presented me with three young wild geese and one young barnacle Munday I sent a man to the maine in Gabriels boat and he brought vs aboord 8 barricoes of fresh water the latitude of the said Morgiouets is sixtie eight degrres and a terce It floweth there at a Southsouthwest moone full sea and hyeth two fadome and a halfe water At a Westnorthwest sunne we departed from this place and went East 25 leagues and then saw an Island North and by West of vs eight leagues which Island is called Dolgoieue and from the Eastermost part of this Island there lyeth a sand East and by South 7 leagues long Wednesday at a North and by East sunne Swetinoz was South of vs 5 leagues This day at afternoone we went in ouer the dangerous barre of Pechora and had vpon the barre but one fadome water Thursday we road still Friday I went on shoare and obserued the variation of the Compasse which was three degrees and a halfe from the North to the West the latitude this day was sixtie nine degrees ten minutes From two or three leagues to the Eastward of Swetinoz vntill the entering of the riuer Pechora it is all sandy hilles and towards Pechora the sandie hilles are very low It higheth on the barre of Pechora foure foote water it floweth there at a Southwest moone a full sea Munday at a North by East sunne we weyed and came out
whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages and the merchants hee arriuing at Westminster bridge was there receiued with sixe lords conducted into a stately chamber where by the lords Chancellor Treasurer Priuie seale Admirall bishop of Elie and other Counsellers hee was visited and saluted and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour the chamber most richly decked and furnished and most honourably presented Where after that hee had deliuered his letters made his Oration giuen two timber of Sables and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish in most louing maner embraced was with much honour and high entertainement in sight of a great confluence of people Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former lodging to the which within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers that is the lord Bishop of Elie and Sir William Peter Knight chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse who after diuers secret talkes and conferences reported to their highnesse their proceedings the grauitie wisedome and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered doth appeare The three and twentieth of April being the feast of S. George wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence where after his Oration made and thanks both giuen and receiued hee most honourably tooke his leaue with commendations to the Emperour Which being done he was with special honour led into the chappell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter was prepared for him a stately seate wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke the lords last aboue mentioned and many other honorable personages was present at the whole seruice in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable the diuine seruice ended he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge and so repaired to his lodging in like order and gratulation of the people vniuersally as before The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames from London to Grauesend where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward which God prosper in all felicitie It is also to be remembred that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in England the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London there to be deliuered to him but also during his abode in London did both inuite him to the Maior and diuers worshipfull mens houses feasting and banquetting him right friendly shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London as the kings palace and house the Churches of Westminster and Powles the Tower and Guild hall of London and such like memorable spectacles And also the said 29. day of April the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London exhibited and gaue vnto y e said Ambassador a notable supper garnished with musicke Enterludes and bankets in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and â—lieu of the whole companie it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete where leaue was taken on both sides and parts after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares Memorandum that the first day of May the Counsellers videlicet the Bishop of Elye and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour very tenderly and friendly written but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe as by the particulars vnder written appeareth with such further good wordes and commendations as the more friendly haue not bin heard whereby it appeareth how well affected their hoâ—ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their princely munificences liberalities so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers for and to Russia manifested to the world their good willes mindes and zeales â—orne to this new commensed voyage as by the discourse aboue mentioned and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall doeth and may most clearely appeare the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke what became of the goods howe much they were spoiled and deteined how little restored what charges and expenses ensued what personages were drowned how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused and consequently into
abound or not abound in one and other and what plenty or scarsitie of fish they haue Things to be caried with you whereof more or lesse is to bee caried for a shew of our commodities to be made KArsies of all orient colours specially of stamell broadcloth of orient colours also Frizadoes Motlies Bristow friezes Spanish blankets Baies of al colours specially with Stamel Worsteds Carels Saies Woadmols Flanels Rash c. Felts of diuers colours Taffeta hats Deepe caps for Mariners coloured in Stamel whereof if ample vent may be found it would turne to an infinite commoditie of the common poore people by knitting Quilted caps of Leuant taffeta of diuers colours for the night Knit stocks of silke of orient colours Knit stocks of Ierzie yarne of orient colours whereof if ample vent might folow the poore multitude should be set in worke Stocks of karsie of diuers colours for men and for women Garters of silke of seuerall kinds and of colours diuers Girdles of Buffe and all other leather with gilt and vngilt buckles specially waste girdles waste girdles of veluet Gloues of all sorts knit and of leather Gloues perfumed Points of all sorts of silke threed and leather of all maner of colours Shooes of Spanish leather of diuers colours of diuers length cut and vncuâ—â— Shooes of other leather Ueluet shooes and pantophles These shooes and pantophles to be sent this time rather for a shew then for any other cause Purses knit and of leather Nightcaps knit and other A garnish of pewter for a shew of a vent of that English commoditie bottles flagons spoones c. of that mettall Glasses of English making Uenice glasses Looking glasses for women great and faire Small dials a few for proofe although there they will not hold the order they do here Spectacles of the common sort Others of Christall trimmed with siluer and otherwise Hower glasses Combes of boxe Combes of â—uorie Combes of horne Linnen of diuers sorts Handkerchiefs with silke of seuerall colours wrought Glazen eyes to ride with against dust Kniues in sheaths both single and double of good edge Needles great and small of euery kind Buttons greater and smaller with moulds of leather and not of wood and such as be durable of double silke and that of sundry colours Boxes with weights for gold and of euery kind of the coine of gold good and bad to shew that the people here vse weight and measure which is a certaine shew of wisedom and of certaine gouernment setled here All the seuerall siluer coynes of our English monies to be caried with you to be shewed to the gouernours at Cambalu which is a thing that shall in silence speake to wise men more then you imagine Locks and keyes hinges bolts haspes c. great and small of excellent workemanship whereof if vent may be hereafter we shall set our subiects in worke which you must haue in great regard For in finding ample uent of any thing that is to be wrought in this realme is more woorth to our people besides the gaine of the merchant then Christchurch Bridewell the Sauoy and all the Hospitals of England For banketting on shipboord persons of credite FIrst the sweetest persumes to set vnder hatches to make y e place sweet against their comming aboord if you arriue at Cambalu Quinsey or in any such great citie not among Sauages Marmelade Sucket Figs barrelled Raisins of the sunne Comfets of diuers kinds made of purpose by him that is most excellent that shal not dissolue Prunes damaske Dried peares Walnuts Almonds Smalnuts Oliues to make them taste their wine The apple Iohn that dureth two yeeres to make shew of our fruits Hullocke Sacke Uials of good sweet waters and casting bottels of glasses to be sprinkle the ghests withall after their comming aboord Suger to vse with their wine if they will The sweet oyle of Zante and excellent French vineger and a fine kind of Bisket stieped in the same do make a banketting dish and a little Sugar cast in it cooleth and comforteth and refresheth the spirits of man is to be had with you to make a shew of by taste and also to comfort your sicke in the voyage Cynamom water Imperiall water With these and such like you may banket where you arriue the greater and best persons Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes or small vials of sweet waters you may gratifie by way of gift or you may make a merchandize of them The Mappe of England and of London Take with you the mappe of England set out in faire colours one of the biggest sort I meane to make shew of your countrey from whence you come And also the large Mappe of London to make shew of your Citie And let the riuer be drawen full of Ships of all sorts to make the more shew of your great trade and traffike in trade of merchandize Ortelius booke of Mappes If you take Ortelius booke of Mappes with you to marke all these Regions it were not amisse and if need were to present the same to the great Can for it would be to a Prince of marueilous account The booke of the attire of all Nations Such a booke caried with you and bestowed in gift would be much esteemed as I perswade my selfe Bookes If any man will lend you the new Herball and such Bookes as make shew of herbes plants trees fishes foules and beasts of these regions it may much delight the great Can and the nobilitie and also their merchants to haue the view of them for all things in these partes so much differing from the things of those regions since they may not be here to see them by meane of the distance yet to see those things in a shadow by this meane will delight them The booke of Rates TAke with you the booke of Rates to the ende you may pricke all those commodities there specified that you shall chance to find in Cambalu in Quinsey or in any part of the East where you shall chance to be Parchment Rowles of Parchment for that we may vent much without hurt to the Realme and it lieth in small roume Glew To carie Glew for that we haue plentie and want vent Red Oker for Painters To seeke vent because we haue great mines of it and haue no vent Sope of both kindes To try what vent it may haue for that we make of both kinds and may perhaps make more Saffron To try what vent you may haue of Saffron because this realme yeelds the bell of the world and for the rillage and other labours may set the poore greatly in worke to their reliefe Aquauitae By new deuises wonderful quantities may be made here and therefore to seeke the vent Blacke Conies skins To try the vent at Cambalu for that it lieth towards the North and for that we abound with the commoditie and may spare it Threed of all colours The vent thereof may set our people in worke Copper Spurres and
night was a very fayre night but it freezed in the morning we had much adoe to goe through the same and we were in doubt that if it should haue freezed so much the night following we should hardly haue passed out of it This night there was one star that appeared to vs. The tenth day the winde was at East Northeast with a very small gale Wee with saile and oares made way through the yce about fiue in the morning we set saile sometime wee laye Southwest and sometime South and sometime West as wee might best finde the way About three in the afternoone the gale began to fresh about sixe in the afternoone the winde was at Northeast with fogge Here we had eighty eight fathoms we bare saile all the same night and it snowed very much The eleuenth day we were much troubled with yce and by great force we made our way through it which we thought a thing impossible but extremity doth cause men to doe much and in the weakenesse of man Gods strength most appeareth This day we had 95. fathoms At three in the afternoone the winde came to the Southwest we were forced to make our shippe fast to a piece of yce for we were inclosed with it and taried the Lordes leasure This night we had 97. fathoms The 12. day the wind was at the Southeast not very much but in a maner calme at a 11. of the clocke the winde came to the West Southwest all the day was very darke with snowe and fogge At 6. in the afternoone we set saile the winde being at the North Northeast all this night we bare away Southwest and Southsouthwest as well and as neere as the yce would giue vs leaue all this night we found the yce somewhat fauourable to vs more then it was before wherupon we stood in good hope to get out of it The 13. day at 7. in the morning the winde was at the Northeast and Northeast and by East all this day we were much troubled with the yce for with a blow against a piece of yce we brake the stocke of our ancre and many other great blowes we had against the yce that it was marueilous that the ship was able to abide them the side of our boate was broken with our ship which did recule backe the boate being betwixt a great piece of yce and the ship and it perished the head of our rudder This day was a very hard day with vs at night we found much broken yce and all this night it blewe very much winde so that we lay in drift with the yce our drift was South for the winde was at North all this night and we had great store of snowe The 14. day in the morning wee made our shippe fast to a piece of yce and let her driue with it In the meane time wee mended our boate and our steerage all this day the winde continued Northerly and here wee had threescore and two fathoms Thus wee lay a drift all the same night The 15. day we set saile at 6. in the morning the winde being at Northeast At 9. aforenoon we entred into a cleare Sea without yce whereof wee were most glad and not without great cause and gaue God the praise We had 19. fathoms water and ranne in Southwest all the morning vntill we came to 14. fathoms and thence we halled West til we came to 10. fathoms and then we went Northwest for so the land doeth trend At 12. of the clocke we had sight of the land which wee might haue had sooner but it was darke and foggie all the same day for when wee had sight of the lande wee were not passing three leagues from it This day we had the pole eleuated 69 degrees 49 minutes All day we ran along the coast in ten and nine fadoms pepered sand It is a very goodly coast and a bolde and faire soundings off it without sandes or rocks The 16 day the winde was at East this day we were troubled againe with ice but we made great shift with it for we gotte betweene the shoare and it This day at twelue of the clocke we were thwart of the Southeast part of Vaigats all along which part there was great store of yce so that we stood in doubt of passage yet by much adoe we got betwixt the shoare and it about 6 in the afternoone was found a great white beare vpon a piece of ice all this day in the afternoone it was darke with fogge And all the night we haled North and North by West and sometime North and by East for so doth the land trend The 17 day in the morning we haled West for so doth the land lie The wind was at Southeast and it was very darke with fogge and in running along the shoare we fell a ground but God be praised without hurt for wee came presently off againe The William came to an anker to stay for vs and sent some of their men to help vs but before they came we were vnder saile and as we came to the William we did stowe our boates and made saile we went within some of the Islands and haled Westsouthwest About two of the clocke in the afternoone we set our course Southwest and by South so we ranne Southwest vntill twelue at night the wind came to the Northnortheast and then we haled West The 18 day at 6 in the morning we had 16 fadoms red sand at 6 in the morning 13 fadoms At 10 14 fadoms and we haled Westnorthwest At 12 a clocke the winde came to the East and East by South we haled West and by North all the same day and night At 6 in the afternoone we had 17 fadoms red sand The 19 day the wind was at Eastnortheast at 6 in the morning wee had 19 fathoms red sand at 12 of the clocke the wind blew North and North by East we had 17 fadoms of water at 3 in the afternoone 15. The 20 day the wind was at Northeast and Northnortheast at 7 in the morning we had 30 fadomes blacke oze at twelue of the clocke we were vpon the suddaine in shoale water among great sands and could find no way out By sounding and seeking about we came aground and so did the William but we had no hurt for the wind was off the shoare and the same night it was calme all night we did our best but we could not haue her aflote These shoales doe lie off Colgoyeue it is very flat a great way off and it doth not high aboue 2 or 3 foote water it floweth Northeast and Southwest The 21 day the wind was at Southwest and being very faire weather we did lighten our ships as much as was possible for vs to doe by reason of the place The same high water by the helpe of God we got both a floate and the wind being at the Southwest did help vs for it caused it
to flow the more water This day we found the pole to be eleuated 68 degrees 40 min. In the afternoone we both set saile to seeke way to get out of these sands our boate a head sounding hauing 6,7 and 8 fadomes all within the sand which was without vs. We bare to the Southward and the William bare more to the Eastwards and night being at hand the wind came to the Southeast whereupon we layd it to the Southwards lying Southwest and South and by West and ran to 19 and 12 and 14 fadoms and presently we had but sixe fadoms which was off the sands head which we were a ground vpon the day before Then we cast about to the Eastwards for deepe water which we presently had as 10,15 and 20 and so to 23 fadoms The 22 day at 8 in the morning we cast about to the Southward and this day in the morning we saw the William vnder our Ice as far as we could see her and with a great fogge we lost the sight of her and since we haue not seene her Thus we ranne till we came to thirtie fadomes blacke oze which we had at twelue of the clocke and at three in the afternoone we had twenty and three fadoms and then we ranne Westnorthwest and West by North all the same night following The 23 day we had at 6 in the morning 27 fadoms at 8 a clocke 28 fadoms at 9 the winde being at Eastsoutheast we haled Westnorthwest this day we had sight of the land of Hugri side At twelue of the clocke we had thirty two fadoms sand This day we ranne West and by North and came to fiue fadoms off the bay of Morzouets Then we layd it to the Northwards so that we lay Northnortheast off The wind after came to the North and North by East and we lay East and East by North then we layd it to the Westward againe and thus we lay till we came to fortie fadoms and then we went Northwest till wee came to fourteene fadoms and so to tenne fadoms Then we cast about to the Eastwards and lay East and East by North all the same night The 24 day at 8 in the morning we had 32 fadoms We ran Northwest till we came to 11 fadoms then we lay to the Northwards till 12 at night and then we came to forty fadoms then the wind at Northeast we lay to the Westwards and haled Northwest along The 25 at 4 in the morning we had 37 fadoms wee ranne Northwest the winde at Northnortheast uery much The 26 day we ran with the same winde and found the pole to be eleuated 70 deg 40 min. The 27 at 7 in the morning we saw land which we made to be Kegor then we haled Northwest and North by West to double the North Cape The 28 day at 3 in the morning we ran Northwest and so all day At night the wind came to the Southwest and we ran Northwest all that night The 29 day we put into a sound called Tane and the towne is called Hungon we came to an ancre at 5 in the afternoone at 25 fadoms very faire sand This sound is very large and good and the same night we got water aboord The 30 day in the morning the winde at Northeast and but litle we set saile and with our boate on head we got the sea about 12 of the clocke the wind with a faire gale câ—me to the East Southeast and all this day and night we ran Westnorthwest The 31 day at 12 of the clocke we doubled the North Cape the wind being at Eastsoutheast we haled West all the same day and at night we ran Westsouthwest The 1 day of September the wind was at Northeast with very much fogge all this day we ran Westsouthwest at 2 in the afternoone the wind came North. The second day at 3 in the morning we doubled Fowlnesse the wind was this day variable at all parts of the Compasse In the afternoone we made but litle way at 6 a clocke the winde came to the Southwest and we went Northwest At 9 in the night there came downe so much winde by the Westsouthwest that we were faine to lay it a hull we haled it to Northwards for the space of 2 houres and then we layd her head to the Southwards and at the breake of day we saw land which is very high and is called by the men of the countrey Foulenesâ—e It is within ful of small Islands and without full of rocks very farre out and within the rockes you haue fayre sand at 20 fadoms The 3 day in the morning we bare with the sound aforesaid Within it is but shoale water 4 5 and 3 fadoms sandie ground the land is very high and the Church that is seene is called Helike Kirke It doeth high here not aboue 8 or 9 foote The 12 day at 3 in the afternoone we put into a sound by Lowfoote where it doeth flowe Southwest and by South and doth high 7 or 8 foote water The 13 day much wind at West we had a ledge of rocks in the wind of vs but the road was reasonable good for all Southerly and Westerly winds We had the maine land in the winde of vs this day was stormie with raine The 23 day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone we put into Norway into a sound called Romesal where it floweth Southsoutheast and doth high 8 foote water this place is full of low Islands and many good sounds without the high mountaine land Here is great store of wood growing as firre birch oke and hasell all this night the wind was at the South very much winde with raine and fogge The 28 day in the morning the wind being at Eastnortheast we set saile at 8 of the clocke and haled out of the bay Westsouthwest and Southwest hauing a goodly gale vntill one of the clocke and then the wind came to Southeast and to the South with raine and fogge and very much winde at sixe of the clocke we came into a very good rode where we did ride all the same night in good fafetie The 29 day we put into a good sound the wind by the Southwest at three in the afternoone there came downe very much wind by the South and all night with vehement blastes and raine The 30 day all day the wind was at Westsouthwest And in this sound the pole is eleuated 63 deg 10 min. The first day of October the winde was at South with very much winde and vehement blastes The 7 day we set saile for from the first of this moneth vntill this 7 day we had very foule weather but specially the fourth day when the wind was so great that our cables brake with the very storme and I do not thinke that it is possible that any more wind then that was should blow for after the breaking of our cable we did driue a
no Englishmen there but then my guide brought mee aboord a ship of Alderman Martins called the Tyger of London where I was well receiued of the Master of the said ship whose name was Thomas Rickman and of all the company The said Master hauing made me good cheere and made me also to drinke of the water of Nilus hauing the keyes of the English house went thither with me himselfe appointed mee a faire chamber and left a man with me to prouide me all things that I needed and euery day came himselfe to me and caried me into the City and shewed me the monuments thereof which be these He brought mee first to Pompey his pillar which is a mighty thing of gray marble and all of one stone in height by estimation aboue 52. yards and the compasse about sixe fadome The City hath three gates one called the gate of Barbaria the other of Merina and the thirde of Rossetto He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie whereupon S. Marke was beheaded to the place where S. Katherine died hauing there hid herselfe because she would not marry also to the Bath of S. Katherine I saw there also Pharaos needle which is a thing in height almost equall with Pompeys pillar and is in compasse fiue fadome and a halfe and all of one stone I was brought also to a most braue and daintie Bath where we washed our selues the Bath being of marble and of very curious workemanship The Citie standeth vpon great arches or vawtes like vnto Churches with mightie pillars of marble to holde vp the foundation which arches are built to receiue the water of the riuer of Nilus which is for the vse of the Citie It hath three Castles and a hundred Churches but the part that is destroyed of it is siâ—e times more then that part which standeth The last day of Iuly I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage boate wherein first I went to Rossetto standing by the riuer side hauing 13. or 14. great churches in it their building there is of stone and bricke but as for lodging there is litle except we bring it with vs. From Rossetto wee passed along the riuer of Nilus which is so famous in the world twise as broad as the Thames at London on both sides grow date trees in great abundance The people be rude insomuch that a man cannot traueile without a Ianizary to conduct him The time that I stayed in AEgypt was the Turkes and Moores Lent in all which time they burne lamps in their churches as many as may hang in them their Lent endureth 40. dayes and they haue three Lents in the yere during which time they neither eate nor drink in the day time but all the night they do nothing else Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred cities and townes and the length of the way is not aboue three hundred miles To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of August where I found M. William Alday and William Caesar who intertained me in very good sort M. Caesar brought me to see the Pyramides which are three in number one whereof king Pharao made for his owne tombe the tombe it selfe is almost in the top of it the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square and euery of the squares is as long as a man may shoote a rouing arrowe and as high as a Church I sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by those Pyramides The house of Ioseph is yet standing in Cayro which is a sumptuous thing hauing a place to walke in of 56. mighty pillars all gilt with gold but I saw it not being then lame The 11. day of August the lande was cut at Cayro to let in the water of the riuer of Nilus which was done with great ioy and triumph The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria againe and came thither the 14. of August The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turkes and Moores which lasted two dayes and for a day they neuer ceased shooting off of great Ordinance From Alexandria I sailed to Argier where I lay with M. Typton Consull of the English nation who vsed me most kindly and at his owne charge Hee brought mee to the kings Court and into the presence of the King to see him and the maners of the Court the King doeth onely beare the name of a King but the greatest gouernment is in the hands of the souldiers The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier who comming to Constantinople to acknowledge a duety to the great Turke was betrayed by his owne nephew who wrote to the Turke that hee went onely as a spy by that meanes to get his kingdome I heard at Argier of seuen Gallies that were at that time cast away at a towne called Formentera three of them were of Argier the other foure were the Christians We found here also 13. Englishmen which were by force of weather put into the bay of Tunis where they were very ill vsed by the Moores who forced them to leaue their barke whereupon they went to the Councell of Argier to require a redresse and remedy for the iniurie They were all belonging to the shippe called the Golden Noble of London whereof Master Birde is owner The Master was Stephen Haselwood and the Captaine Edmond Bence The thirde day of December the pinnesse called the Mooneshine of London came to Argier with a prize which they tooke vpon the coast of Spaine laden with sugar hides and ginger the pinnesse also belonging to the Golden Noble and at Argier they made sale both of shippe and goods where wee left them at our comming away which was the seuenth day of Ianuarie and the first day of February I landed at Dartmouth and the seuenth day came to London with humble thankes to Almightie God for my safe arriuall A true report of a worthy fight performed in the voyage from Turkie by fiue Ships of London against 11. Gallies and two Frigats of the King of Spaines at Pantalarea within the Streights Anno 1586. Written by Philip Iones THe Marchants of London being of the incorporation of the Turky trade hauing receiued intelligences and aduertisements from time to time that the King of Spaine grudging at the prosperitie of this kingdome had not onely of late arrested al English ships bodies and goods in Spaine but also maligning the quiet trafique which they vsed to and in the dominions and prouinces vnder the obedience of the Great Turke had giuen order to the Captaines of his gallies in the Leuant to hinder the passage of all English ships and to endeuour by their best meanes to intercept take and spoile them their persons and goods they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleete for Turkie in such strength and abilitie for their defence that the purpose of their Spanish enemie might
Tenerif haue it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe The Iland of Yron called Hierro THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward it is but a little Iland which containeth sixe leagues in circuit and hath but small extension It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell There is no wine in all that Iland but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks his name was Iohn Hill This Iland hath no kind of fresh water but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree This tree continually is couered with clouds and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree continually drop water very sweet into the sayd cisterne which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities aswell for the cattell as for the inhabitanes It standeth in 27 degrees The Iland of Lanzarota THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell It is an earledome and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lanzarota But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges which reside in Canaria as I haue sayd before because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands called Canaria Tenerif and Palma yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria Tenerif Palma boats laden with dried goats flesh called Tussinetta which serueth in stead of bacon and is very good meat This Iland standeth in 26 degrees and is in length twelue leagues The I le of Forteuentura THe I le of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer in the firme land of Africa and foure twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley and also of kine goats and orchel this I le is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships and is called Graciosa Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands It standeth in 27 degrees Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience because I was a dweller there as I haue sayd before the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke master Anthonie Hickman and master Edward Castelin who in those dayes were worthy merchants and of great credite in the citie of London A description of the Iland of Madera THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line and seuentie leagues from the I le of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nationâ— It was first called the Iland of Madera by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe and yet doe as Cedars Cypres Uinatico Barbuzano Pine trees and diuers others and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name Howbeit they hold opinion that betweene the fayd Iland and the I le of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely it hath one faire citie called Fouchall which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes and a strong bulwarke and a faire Cathedrall church with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there This Iland hath another towne called Machico which hath likewise a good road for ships which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman who first discouered the same There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios which make excellent good sugar There is besides the goodly timber before declared great store of diuers sortes of fruites as Peares Apples Plummes wild Dates Peaches of diuers sortes Mellons Batatas Orenges Lemmons Pomgranates Citrons Figges and all maner of garden herbes There are many Dragon trees such as grow in the Canarie Ilands but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo the people thereof liueth by husbandrie for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif On the East side of the I le of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert which produceth onely Orchell and nourisheth a great number of Goates for the prouision of the maine Iland which may be thirtie leagues in circuit and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages which may bee about one league in compasse which hath neither tree nor fruit but is onely food for Goates The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie to the worshipfull master Michael Locke which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade WOrshipfull Sir hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai if therein with my knowledge trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point Trueth it is that I haue bene by some men not my friends euill spoken of at London saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect yet say they maliciously and without iust cause that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand taking example especially of two
and landed because they had no boates to come to vs and so the young man which was with vs the night before was sent aboord who seemed to haue dealt and bargained before with the Portugals for he could speake a litle Portuguise and was perfect in weights and measures at his comming he offered vs as he had done before one Angell and twelue graines for foure elles and more he would not giue and made signes that if we would not take that we should depart which we did but before we did indeede depart I offered him of some rotten cloth three elles for his waight of an Angell and twelue graines which he would not take and then we departed making signes to him that we would go away as indeede we would haue done rather then haue giuen that measure although the cloth was ill seeing we were so neere to the places which we iudged to be better for sale Then we went aboord our ships which lay about a league off and came backe againe to the shoare for sand and balaste and then the Captaine perceiuing that the boats had brought no marchandize but came onely for water and sand and seeing that we would depart came vnto them making signes againe to know whether we would not giue the foure elles and they made signes againe that we would giue them but three and when they sawe that the boates were ready to depart they came vnto them and gaue them the weight of our Angell and twelue graines which we required before and made signes that if we would come againe they would take three elles So when the boates came aboord we layde wares in them both and for the speedier dispatch I and Iohn Sauill went in one boat and the Master Iohn Makeworth and Richard Curâ—â—gin in the other and went on shoare and that night I tooke for my part fiftie and two ounces and in the other boate they tooke eight ounces and a quarter all by one weight and measure and so being very late we departed and went aboord and tooke in all this day three pound The seuenth day we went a shoare againe and that day I tooke in our boate three pound 19 ounces so that we dispatched almost all the cloth that we caried with vs before noone and then many of the people were departed those that remained had litle golde yet they made vs signes to fetch them some latten basons which I would not because I purposed not to trifle out y â— time but goe thence with speede to Don Iohns towne But Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth were desirous to goe againe and I loth to hinder them of any profite consented but went not my selfe so they tooke eighteene ounces of gold and came away seeing that the people at a certaine crie made were departed While they were at the shoare there came a young fellow which could speake a little Portuguise with three more with him and to him I solde 39 basons and two small white sawcers for three ounces c. which was the best reckoning that we did make of any basons and in the forenoone when I was at the shoare the Master solde fiue basons vnto the same fellow for halfe an ounce of golde This fellow as farre as we could perceiue had bene taken into the Castle by the Portugales and was gotten away from them for he tolde vs that the Portugales were bad men and that they made them slaues if they could take them and would put yrons vpon their legges and besides he told vs that as many Frenchmen or Englishmen as they could take for he could name these two very well they would hang them he told vs further that there were 60 men in the castle and that euery yeere there came thither two shippes one great and one small caruell and further that Don Iohn had warres with the Portugals which gaue mee the better courage to goe to his towne which lieth but foure leagues from the Castle wherehence our men were beaten the last yeere This fellowe came aboord our shippe without feare and assoone as he came he demaunded why we had not brought againe their men which the last yeere we tooke â—way and could tell vs that there were fiue taken away by Englishmen we made him answere that they were in England well vsed and were there kept till they could speake the language and then they should be brought againe to be a helpe to Englishmen in this Countrey and then he spake no more of that matter Our boates being come aboord we wayed and set sayle and a litle after spied a great fire vpon the shoare and by the light of the fire we might discerne a white thing which they tooke to be the Castle and for feare of ouershooting the towne of Don Iohn we there ankered two leagues off the shoare for it is hard to fetch vp a towne here if a ship ouershoot it This day we tooke seuen pound and fiue ounces of golde This towne lieth in a great Bay which is very deepe The people in this place desired most to haue basons and cloth They would buy some of them also many trifles as kniues horsetailes hornes and some of our men going a shoare sold a cap a dagger a hat c. They shewed vs a certain course cloth which I thinke to be made in France for it was course wooll and a small threed and as thicke as wosted and striped with stripes of greene white yellow c. Diuers of the people did weare about their neckes great beades of glasse of diuerse colours Here also I learned some of their language as followeth Mattea mattea Is their salutation Dassee dassee I thanke you Sheke Golde Cowrte Cut. Cracca Kniues Bassina Basons Foco foco Cloth Molta Much or great store The eight day in the morning we had sight of the Castle but by reason of a misâ—e that then fell we could not haue the perfect sight of it till we were almost at the towne of Don Iohn and then it cleared vp and we saw it and a white house as it were a Chappell vpon the hill about it then we halled into the shoare within two English miles of Don Iohns tâ—wne and there ankered in seuen fadome water Here as in many other places before we perceiued that the currant went with the winde The land here is in some places low and in some high and full of wood altogether The towne of Don Iohn is but litle of about twentie houses and the most part of the towne is walled in with a wall of a mans height made with reede or sedge or some such thing Here we staied two or three houres after we had ankered to see if any man would come vnto vs and seeing that none did come we manned our boates and put in marchandize and went and ankered with our boates neere to the shoare then they sent out a man to vs who made vs signes that that was
a citie called Anagona The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro de Souses in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an anker 7 dayes before vs and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera whereupon wee set saile presently to seeke him The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera where we found our Admirall which was very ioyfull of our comming and we also of his sight In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke in a tall ship and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of Santa Cruz vpon the coast of Barbarie which ship we left there all spoiled Our General marchants bought in the said towne for our prouision 14 buts of wine which cost 15 duckats a but which were offred vs at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8,9 and 10 duckats The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie about 3 leagues off and there tooke in fresh water so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke which is on the coast of Guinea The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke But hauing no knowledge of that coast we went with Cape Blanke and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome water two leagues from the shore The land is very lowe and white sand Upon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke directing our course South and by East South among and fo fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde about 16 leagues and about sixe leagues from the shore The sayd land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder saile being in deed nothing els but the land which was full of Hammoks some high some lowe with high trees on them We bare with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore and then we sounded and found 28 fadome water blacke vase This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swimming with their noses with the brim of the water Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils seeming to vs about a league one from the other which is the Cape and betweene them are great store of trees and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high as the said two hils The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape in a roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water where you may ride in fiue or sixe fadome for the ground is faire and alwayes you shall haue the winde off the shore And as soone as we were all at an anker our Generall came aboord vs and with him the master of the Admirall whose name was William Bars and with them the captaine of the Uiceadmirall whose name was master Edward Fenner and Robert Curtise the master and dined aboord of vs being in the George wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood and Iohn Smith of Hampton master and there we concluded to goe aland which was halfe a mile from vs and by the counsell of William Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without armour for he sayd that although the people were blacke and naked yet they were ciuill so that hee would needs giue the venter without the consent of the rest to go without weapon Thus they rowed to shore where we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked walking to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was waiting for the comming of our men who came too soone and landed to their losse as it fell out afterwards There went a shore the Admirals skiffe and the May Flowers boate and in them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts as M. George Fenner the Generall his brother M. Edward Fenner Thomas Valentine Iohn Worme and Francis Leigh marchants Iohn Haward William Bats Nicholas Day Iohn Tomson and others At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward with their bowes and arrowes our Captaines and merchants talked with them according to the vse of the country the one demanded pledges of the other they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men Our 5 mens names were these Iohn Haward Wil. Bats Nich. Day Ioh. Tomson Iohn Curtise these were deliuered them and we receiued 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe Our men being a shore among the Negros began to talke with them declaring what ware and marchandize we had as woollen cloth linnen cloth iron cheese other things The Negros answered againe they had ciuet muske gold and graines which pleased our captaines and marchants very well Then the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares to the which our marchants were content and forthwith sent aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise and in the meane time while the boate went to the ship our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros and our Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side hauing the 3 Negros with them Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandize with bread wine and cheese which they gaue vnto them Then two of the Negros which were the pledges made themselues sicke desiring to goe a shore promising to send other two for them Captaine Haiward perceiuing that our men had let the Negros come a shore asked what they meant and doubting the worst began to drawe toward the boate and two or three of the Negros folowed him And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him and he made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread notwithstanding when he was entering into the boate one of them caught him by the breeches and would haue staied him but hee sprang from him and leapt into the boate and as soone as hee was in one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe and presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting on the boates side and master Wormes sword by him suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd and cast himselfe into the Sea and swamme a shore and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore and tooke three of them with great violence and tore all their apparell from their backes and left them nothing to couer them and many of them shot so thicke at our men in our boates that they could scarse set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore
yet by the helpe of God they got from them with their boates although many of them were hurt with their poysoned arrowes and the poison is vncurable if the arrow enter within the skin and drawe blood and except the poison bee presently suckt out or the place where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away hee dieth within foure dayes and within three houres after they bee hurt or pricked wheresoeuer it be although but at the litle toe yet it striketh vp to the heart and taketh away the stomacke and causeth the partie marueilously to vomite being able to brooke neither meat nor drinke The Negros hauing vsed our men with such cruelty whose names were Nicholas Day William Bats and Iohn Tomson led them away to a towne which was within a mile of the water side or thereabout The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein were eight persons and one of them was the foresayd Iohn Tomson and our interpreter which was a Frenchman for there was one of the Negros which spake good French and they caried with them two harquebusses two targets and a mantell The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome they demaunded for Bats and Day whom they detained And when they came to the shore and told tâ—â— Negros what they desired they went and fetched them from among the trees and brought them loose among fortie or fiftie of them And being come within a stones cast of the sea side William Bats brake from them and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat and he was not so soone in the water but hee fell downe either being out of breath or his foote failing him in the sand being soft so that the Negros came and fell on him and tooke him and haled him that we thought they had torne him in pieces for they tore againe all the apparell from his backe so that some of them caried our men againe to the towne and the rest shot at vs with their poisoned arrowes and hurt one of our men called Androwes in the smal of the leg who being come aboord for al that our Surgeons could do we thought he would haue died Our Generall notwithstanding all this villanie sent agayne to them and offered them any thing that they desired for the raunsome of our men buâ— they would not deliuer them giuing vs this answere That there was in the foresayd roade three weekes before wee came an English shippe which had taken three of their people and vntiâ—l wee did bring or send them againe wee should not haue our men although wee would giue our three shippes with their furniture The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 tunnes or thereabouts came to the place where we were being bound to traffique at the Cape we told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negros and seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negros we wished them to see whether they could procure them againe of the Negros and bring them along with them and our Generall promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them So wee committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes foure died and one to saue his life had his arme cut off Androwes that was last of all hurt lay lame not able to helpe himselfe onely two recouered of their hurts So we placed other men in the roomes of those that we lost and set saile The 26 day betweene Cape Verde and Bona vista we sawe many flying fishes of the bignesse of herrings whereof two flew into our boat which we towed at our sterne The 28 day we fell with an Iland called Bona vista which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues The Northside of the sayde Iland is full of white sandie hils and dales and somewhat high land The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Westermost point about a league within the point and found in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome water but you may goe neere till you be in fiue or six fadome for the ground is faire As soone as we were at an anker our Generall sent his pinnasse a land and found fiue or sixe small houses but the people were fled into the mountains and the next day he sent a shore againe and met with two Portugals who willingly went aboord with his men and at their comming he welcommed them although they were but poore simple and gaue each of them a paire of shoes and so set them a shore againe The 30 day we weighed sailed into a Bay within a smal Iland about a league from vs and tooke plentie of diuers sortes of fishe The foresayd Iland lieth in sixteene degrees And if you meane to anker in the said Bay you may borow in foure or fiue fadome of the Southermost point of the sayd Iland which you may see when you ride in the road But beware of the middle of the Baie for there lieth a ledge of rocks which at a lowe water breaketh yet there is three fadome water ouer them The last day of Ianuarie our Generall with certaine of his men went a shore in the Baie to the houses where he found 12 Portugals In all the Iland there were not aboue 30 persons which were banished men for a time some for more yeeres some for lesse and amongst them there was one simple man which was their captaine They liue vpon goats flesh cocks hennes and fresh water other victuals they haue none sauing fish which they esteeme not neither haue they any boats to take them They reported that this Iland was giuen by the king of Portugall to one of his gentlemen who hath let it foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a yeere which rent is reared onely in goats skinnes For by their speaches there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Iland into Portugall 40000 skins in one yeere We were to these men marueilously welcome and to their powers very wel entertained and they gaue vs the flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would haue and tooke much paines for vs in taking them and bringing them from the mountains vpon their asses They haue there great store of the oyle of Tortoises which Tortoise is a fish which swimmeth in the Sea with a shell on his backe as broad as a target It raineth not in this Iland but in three moneths of the yeere from the midst of Iuly to the midst of October and it is here alwayes very hote Kine haue bene brought hither but by reason of the heate and drought they haue died The 3 of February wee departed from this Iland and the same day fell with another Iland called the Iland of Maiyo which is 14 leagues from the other Iland there is in the midst of the way between these two Ilands a danger which is alwayes to be seene We ankred in the
Saluages very brutish which would not stay but retired from them For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could find no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces which were cranes and geese there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish which we gathered on the rockes After 15 or 20 dayes being here our Admirall went with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie where hee found great store of Penguines Seales whereof he brought good plenty with him And twise after that we sent certain of our men which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships After we had bene here some time we got here a Negro whom we compelled to march into the country with vs making signs to bring vs some cattell but at this time we could come to the sight of none so we let the Negro goe with some trifles Within 8 dayes after he with 30 or 40 other Negros brought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen with as many sheepe at which time we bought but few of theÌ„ But within 8 dayes after they came downe with as many more then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe We bought an oxe for two kniues a stirke for a knife and a sheepe for a knife and some we bought for lesse value then a knife The oxen be very large and well fleshed but not fat The sheepe are very big and very good meat they haue no woll on their backs but haire and haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria There be diuers sorts of wild beasts as the Antilope wherof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt the red fallow Deere with other great beasts vnknowen vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkeis As touching our proceeding vpon our voyage it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel manned then with three euill manned for here wee had of sound and whole men but 198 of which there went in the Penelope with the â—dmiral 101 and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We left behâ—â—d 50 men with the Roiall marchant whereof there were many pretily well recouered of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham Kendal which for many reasons we thought good to send home The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie Our souldiers which haue not bene vsed to the Sea haue best held out but our mariners dropt away which in my iudgement proceedeth of their euill diet at home Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa which they did very speedily But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes the 14 of SepteÌ„ber we were encountre with a mighty storme and extreeme gusts of wind wherein we lost our Generals companie and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more though we did our best endeuour to seeke him vp and downe a long while and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland of Comoro where we appointed to stay one for another Foure dayes after this vncomfortable seperation in the morning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder which slew foure of our men outright their necks being wrung in souder without speaking any word and of 94 men three was not one vntouched whereof some were striken blind others were bruised in their legs armes and others in their brests so that they voided blood two dayes after others were drawen out at length as though they had bene racked But God be thanked they all recouered sauing onely the foure which were slaine out right Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torne very grieuously from the head to the decke and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the timber were melted with the extreme heate theereof From thence wee shaped our course to the Northeast and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end of the mighty Iland of S. Laurence which one of our men espied by Gods good blessing late in the euening by Moone light who seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea and calling to certaine of his fellowes asked them what it was which efâ—soones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea vpon the Shoulds Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to haue incurred Thus passing on forward it was our lucke to ouer-shoote Mozambique and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias laden with Millio hennes and ducks with one Portugall boy going for the prouision of Mozambique Within few dayes following we came to an Iland an hundred leagues to the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro which we found exceeding full of people which are Moores of tawnie colour and good stature but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of Here wee desired to store our selues with water whereof we stood in great need and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore in our boate whom the people suffred quietly to land and water and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked after the Moorish fashion downe to the knee whom we entertained in the best maner and had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart and sent our men againe for more water who then also dispatched their businesse returned quietly the third time likewise we sent them for more which also returned without any harme And though we thought our selues furnished yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long before we should finde any good watering place would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men much against the will of our captaine and hee and 16 of his company together with one boat which was all that we had and 16 others that were a washing ouer-against our ship were betrayed of the perfidious Moores and in our sight for the most part slaine we being not able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour From hence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of Nouember where shortly after wee arriued and made vs a new boat of such boards as we had within boord and rid in the road vntill the 15 of February where during our aboad we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates which are pinned with woodden pinnes and sowed together with Palmito cordes and calked with the
to doe their painfull iâ—deuor not onely aboord but in all labours at the land according to the direction giuen by the abdue named officers vpon paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages the same to be diuided amongst the company 6 Item that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile and hides of the seales and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities at or neere the coast of Brasill to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight whereof one third to goe to the companie 7 Item that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner viz. to make their first port at Santos and Saint Vincent and there to reuictuall and traffike and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by the traine and hide of the seales with such other commodities as are there to be had according as the owner with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes that all such practisers vpon due proofe made shall loose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be adiudged by the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master Pilot and marchant or three of them at the least whereof the Captaine to be one 8 Item that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand to take in wares and commodities and to cary and recary to and from the shore when and as oft as neede shall be and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants ditection during the whole voyage 9 Item that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner at the going to sea of the said shippe shall or may be displaced from his said place or office without great cause and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine and his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and the marchant or by the consent of three of them at the least 10 Item that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England the Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour to the Westward of Southhampton but forced by weather or such like vrgent cause William Huddie Iohn Hooper Hugh Smith Iohn Foster William Cheesman A direction as well for the Captaine and other my friends of the ship as especially for William Cheesman Marchant for the voyage to the riuer of Plate AT your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian vpon the coast of Brasill you shall according to your discretions make sale of such commodities as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate especially of Amber Sugar Grâ—ene ginger Cotton wooll and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there Also for Parats and Munkies and the beast called Serrabosa Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Perune two or three barrels and to lose no good oportunitie to gather of the Indian figges and the graines of them to preserue drie in such quantitie as conueniently may be done and touching the making of the traine and preseruing of the hides I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America triall be made with the dragges for the pearle Oisters and the same being taken to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and marchant or three of them whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant vnder two lockes either of them to haue a key to his owne locke and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde siluer or other rich mettals whatsoeuer Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him Serue God keepe good watch and stand alwayes vpon your garde Edward Cotton These things being thus ordered and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes with 83 men of all sortes furnished and fully appointed for the voyage began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May Anno 1583 and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie to take in fresh water where through meere dissolute negligence she perished vpon a sand with the most part of the men in her as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped the substance and tenor whereof is this The confession of VVilliam Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton the 21 of October Ann. 1584. HE sayth that the 17 day of Iuly Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore and this Examinate with 29 more got into the pinnesse who arriued in an Island being desolate of people and fiue miles in compasse where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather hauing nought to eate but grasse The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters got them into one of the after quarters and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio grande where they all died as he supposeth The other 30 in the pinnesse at the end of 18 dayes departed that Island and came to Saint Domingo where comming on shore they were taken of the Moores stripped naked And they buried one Coxe an olde man aliue not withstanding his pitifull lamentation and skâ—â—kings the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them liued there a certaine time This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere and in the end a Portugall Carauel comming thither his master laded the same with Negroes and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell by that meanes arriued at Lisbone and from thence came into England the 17 of October 1584 leauing behinde him of his companie aliue Richard Hacker Iohn Baker Iohn Mathew and a boy with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo all which as
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
calme which yeelded no breath to spread a saile Insomuch that fitly to discouer her what she was of what burthen force and countenance sir Iohn Burrough tooke his boat and rowed the space of three miles to make her exactly and being returned he consulted with the better sort of the company then present vpon the boording her in the morning But a very mighty storme arising in the night the extremity thereof forced them all to wey ankers yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to lose the carak that in the morning the tempest being qualified and our men bearing againe with the shore they might perceiue the carak very neere the land and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they could any maner of way conuey out of her and seeing the haste our men made to come vpon them forsooke her but first that nothing might be left commodious to our men set fire to that which they could not cary with them intending by that meanes wholly to consume her that neither glory of victory nor benefit of shippe might remaine to ours And least the approch and industry of the English should bring meanes to extinguish the flame thereby to preserue the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed being foure hundred of them in number and well armed they intrenched themselues on land so neere to the carak that she being by their forces protected and our men kept aloofe off the fire might continue to the consumption of the whole This being noted by sir Iohn Burrough he soone prouided a present remedy for this mischiefe For landing one hundred of his men whereof many did swim and wade more then brest high to shore and easily scattering those that presented themselues to guard the coast he no sooner drew toward their new trenches but they fled immediatly leauing as much as the fire had spared to be the reward of our mens paines Here was taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugall Purser of the carak with two others one an Almaine and the second a Low-dutchman canoniers who refusing to make any voluntary report of those things which were demanded of them had the torture threatened the feare whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence that within fifteene dayes three other greater caraks then that lately fired would arriue at the same Iland and that being fiue caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa to wit the Buen Iesus admirall the Madre de Dios the S. Bernardo the S. Christophoro and the S. Cruz whose fortune you haue already heard they had receiued speciall commandement from the king not to touch in any case at the Iland of S. Helena where the Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India were alwayes till now woont to arriue to refresh themselues with water and victuals And the kings reason was because of the English men of warre who as he was informed lay there in wait to intercept them If therefore their necessity of water should driue them to seeke supply any where he appointed them Angola in the maine of Africa with order there to stay onely the taking in of water to auoid the inconuenice of infections wherunto that hot latitude is dangerously subiect The last rendeuous for them all was the Iland of Flores where the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither sent of purpose for their wasting to Lisbon Upon this information sir Iohn drew to counsel meeting there captaine Norton captaine Dounton captaine Abraham Cocke captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumberland M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir Iohn Haukins one of sir W. Raleghs fleet and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly returned from the West India and others These being assembled he communicated with them what he had vnderstood of the foresaid examinates and what great presumptions of trueth their relation did cary wishing that forasmuch as God good fortune had brought them together in so good a season they would shew the vttermost of their indeuors to bring these Easterlings vnder the lee of the English obedience Hereupon a present actors on all sides followed not to part company or leaue of those seas till time should present cause to put their consultatious in execution The next day her Maiesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Crosse came in to the rest and he like wise informed of the matter was soone drawen into this seruice Thus sir Iohn with al these ships departing thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores they spread themselues abroad from the North to the South ech ship two leagues at the least distant from another By which order of extension they were able to discouer the space of two whole degrees at sea In this sort they lay from the 29 of Iune to the third of August what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios one of the greatest receit belonging to the crowne of Portugall The Dainty being of excellent saile got the start of the rest of our fleet and began the conflict somewhat to her cost with the slaughter and hurt of diuers of her men Within a while after sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs was at hand to second her who saluted her with shot of great ordinance and continued the fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir R. Crosse viceadmirall of the fleet came vp being to lee ward at whose arriual sir I. Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done who answered that if the carak were not boorded she would recouer the shore and fire herselfe as the other had done Wherupon sir I. Burgh concluded to intangle her and sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her together at the instant which was performed but after a while sir Iohn Burgh receiuing a shot with a canon perier vnder water and ready to sinke desired sir R. C. to fall off that he might also cleere himselfe and saue his ship from sinking which with difficulty he did for both the Roebucke and the Foresight were so intangled as with much adoe could they cleere themselues The same euening sir R. Crosse finding the carak then sure drawing nere the Iland perswaded his company to boord her againe or els there was no hope to recouer her who after many excuses feares were by him incouraged and so fell athwart her foreships all alone and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to come vp to his succour to recouer the carak yer she recouered the land and so toward the euening after he had fought with her alone three houres single my lord of Cumberlands two ships came vp with very litle losse entred with sir R. Crosse who had in that time broken their courages and
her and giue her ouer Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego which is the first high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the Straight of Gibraltar where we had very foule weather and the winde scant two dayes together Here we lay off to the sea The Master whose name was George Goodlay being a young man and one which neuer tooke charge before for those parts was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to discharge neither would take any counsel of any of his company but did as he thought best himselfe in the end of the two dayes of foule weather cast about and the winde being faire bare in with the straights mouth The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land then he was bare sayle all that night an houre and an halfe before day had ranne our shippe vpon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel Whereupon being all not a litle astonied the Master said vnto vs I pray you forgiue me for this is my fault and no mans else The company asked him whether they should cut off the maine maste no sayd the Master we will hoyse out our boate But one of our men comming speedily vp sayd Sirs the ship is full of water well sayd the Master then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord which thing we did with all speede But the after part suddenly split a sunder in such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it but all fled vpon the foremast vp into the shrouds thereof and hung there for a time but seeing nothing but present death approch being so suddenly taken that we could not make a raft which we had determined we committed our selues vnto the Lord and beganne with dolefull time and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme Helpe Lord for good and godly men c. Howbeit before we had finished foure verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men For the foremast with the weight of our men the force of the sea fell downe into the water and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned and onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests gote on shoare which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke of the ship The master called George Goodley and William Palmer his mate both perished M. Caesar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned none of the officers were saued but the carpenter We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea at our comming ashore fell in a maner into as great distresse At our first comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees praying the Lord most humbly for his mercifull goodnesse Our prayers being done we consulted together what course to take seeing we were fallen into a desert place we trauelled all that day vntill night sometimes one way and sometimes another and could finde no kinde of inhabitants onely we saw where wilde beasts had bene and places where there had bene houses which after we perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals So at night falling into certaine groues of oliue trees we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the danger of lions and other wilde beasts whereof we saw many the next morning The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the afternoone without any food but water and wilde date roots then going ouer a mountaine we had sight of Cape Espartel whereby we knew somewhat better which way to trauell and then we went forward vntill we came to an hedgerow made with great long canes we spied and looked ouer it and beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen to the number of some fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons And after consultation what we were best to do we concluded to yeeld our selues vnto them being destitute of all meanes of resistance So rising vp we marched toward them who espying vs foorthwith some hundred of them with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they would haue run vs thorow howbeit they onely sâ—rooke vs flatling with their weapons and said that we were Spaniards and we tolde them that we were Englishmen which they would not beleeue yet By and by the conflict being ended and night approching the captaine of the Moores a man of some 56 yeres olde came himselfe vnto vs and by his interpretor which spake Italian asked what we were and from whence we came One Thomas Henmer of our company which could speake Italian declared vnto him that we were marchants and how by great misfortune our ship marchandise the greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast But he void of humainity all manhood for all this caused his men to strip vs out of our apparell euen to our shirâ—s to see what money and iewels we had about vs which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe and bread and water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the shore where our shippe was cast away which was some sixteene miles from that place In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues making vs being extreame weake to carry their stuffe and offering to beat vs if we went not so fast as they We asked them why they vsed vs so and they replied that we were their captiues we sayd we were their friends and that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco So we came downe to the ship and lay there with them seuen dayes while they had gotten all the goods they could and then they parted it amongst them After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men wel armed to bring vs vp into y e countrey and the first night we came to the side of a riuer called Alarach where we lay on the grasse all that night so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a frigate of nine oares on a side the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad and that day we went to a towne of â—hirty houses called Totteon there we lay foure dayes hauing nothing to feed on but bread and water and then we went to a towne called Cassuri and there we were deliuered by those twenty souldiers vnto the Alcaide which examined vs what we were and we tolde him He gaue vs a good answere and sent vs to the Iewes house where we lay seuen dayes In the meane while that we lay here there were brought thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen which Spaniards were taken in a conflict on land but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land within the Straights about Cape de Gate and
and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes wherof was M. Steuen Benner bound vnto the riuer of Canada set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants the saide Charles Leigh himselfe and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances arriuing at Falmoâ—th in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the banke of Newfoundland The 19 we lost the Chancewel The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship and afterward in the same bay wee met with our conâ—ort Whereupon we presently put to sea againe and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay where we remained by extremitie of foule weather and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme The 4 we set saile and this day we saw a great Island of yce The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouâ—h of the bay of Placentia The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground In that place we caught great store of Cods which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland The 13 wee weyed anker againe and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds some 23 leagues froÌ„ Menego where there were such abundance of Birds as is almost incredible to report And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleepe vpon the rockes but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them The 16 we arriued at Brians Island which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them Here we caught also a great Tuâ—but which was an elâ—e long and a yard broad which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke escaped In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow great store of wood but of smal groweth Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island but some standing pooles of raine water The same day at night we weyed anker againe The 17 we had stormy weather The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea where we appointed to meet with our consort And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company who when they came in found 4 ships Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne and two of Sâ—bâ—buro adioyning to Saint Iohn de luz being the French Kings subiâ—cts whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into haâ—borough â—inding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great cuâ—rent in when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all thâ— ships but those onely of Saint Malo came aboord whom wee entertained very friendly and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes to request them to come aboord and to bring with them their Charters parties and other euidences to the ende we might knowe of whence they were At which message one of the sayde Masteâ—s came aboord with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe whom when we had examined they sayd that they were of Sibiburo and the French Kings subiectes We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer vp their powder and munition promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiectes it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing But they woulde not consent thereunto whereunto we replyed that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies They not consenting we sent the boate well manned to fetch thâ—ir powder and munition from aboorde their ship but straightly commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship vpon their further perill which they promised to performe When they came aboorde the saide ships which were mored together they were resisted by force of armes but quickly they got the victorie which done they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes contrary to their promise whereupon we sent another to forbidde them but when he came to them none was more ready of pillage then he Whereupon I went my selfe and tooke away from our men whatsoeuer they had pillaged and gaue it againe to the owners onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were When I had done I gaue the Baskes possâ—ssion of their shippe againe and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings of subiects Then I caryed away all our men and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them and when I came aboord went to examining of them and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France whereupon I tolde the master of the â—aid ship that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so diâ—missed him in peace Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine but had nâ— certaine proofe thereof wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace After I had thus dismissed them our ships company fell into a mutiny and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away But they weâ—e
Diamonts and a quantitie of Golde ore which was found in the Countrey Which ore the Sunday next ensuing was tryed in a Furnace and found to be good Furthermore hee enformed the Generall that hee could not with his small company withstand the Sauages which went about dayly to annoy him and that this was the cause of his returne into Fraâ—ce Neuerthelesse hee and his company commended the Countrey to bee very rich and fruitfull But when our Generall being furnished with sufficient forces commaunded him to goe backe againe with him hee and his company mooued as it seemeth with ambition because they would haue all the glory of the discouerie of those partes themselues stole priuily away the next night from vs and without taking their leaues departed home for Bretaigne Wee spent the greatest part of Iune in this Harbour of Saint Iohn partly in furnishing our selues with fresh water whereof wee stoode in very great neede by the way and partly in composing and taking vp of a quarell betweene some of our Countreymen and certaine Portugals At length about the last of the aforesayde Moneth wee departed hence and entred into the Grand Baye and passed by the Isle of Ascension and finally arriued foure leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans In this place wee found a conuenient Harbour for our shipping where wee cast anchor went a shoare with our people and chose out a conuenient place to fortifie our selues in fitte to commaund the mayne Riuer and of strong situation against all inuasion of enemies Thus towarde the ende of Iuly wee brought our victuals and other munitions and prouisions on shore and began to trauaile in fortifying of our selues Of the Fort of France-Roy and that which was done there HAuing described the beginning the middest and the ende of the Uoyage made by Monsieur Roberual in the Countreyes of Canada Hochelaga Saguenay and other Countreyes in the Westpartes He sayled so farre as it is declared in other bookes that hee arriued in the sayde Countrey accompanyed with two hundred persons souldiers mariners and common people with all furniture necessary for a Fleete The sayde Generall at his first arriuall built a fayre Fort neere and somewhat Westward aboue Canada which is very beautifull to beholde and of great force situated vpon an high mountaine wherein there were two courtes of buyldings a great Towre and another of fortie or fiftie foote long wherein there were diuers Chambers an Hall a Kitchine houses of office Sellers high and lowe and neere vnto it were an Ouen and Milles and a stooue to warme men in and a Well before the house And the buylding was situated vpon the great Riuer of Canada called France prime by Monsieur Roberual There was also at the foote of the mountaine another lodging part whereof was a great Towre of two stories high two courtes of good buylding where at the first all our victuals and whatsoeuer was brought with vs was sent to be kept and neere vnto that Towre there is another small riuer In these two places aboue and beneath all the meaner sort was lodged And in the Moneth of August and in the beginning of September euery man was occupied in such woorke as eche one was able to doe But the fourteenth of September our aforesayde Generall sent backe into France two Shippes which had brought his furniture and he appoynted for Admirall Monsieur de Saine-terre and the other captaine was Monsieur Guine-court to carie newes vnto the King and to come backe againe vnto him the yeere next ensuing furnished with victuals and other things as it should please the King and also to bring newes out of France how the King accepted certaine Diamants which were sent him and were found in this countrey After these two Shippes were departed consideration was had how they should doe and how they might passe out the Winter in this place First they tooke a view of the victuals and it was found that they fell out short and they were scantled so that in eche messe they had but two loaues weighing a pound a piece and halfe a pound of biefe They are Bacon at dinner with halfe a pound of butter and Biefe at supper and about two handfuls of Beanes without butter On the Wednesday Friday and Saturday they did eate dry Cod and sometimes they did eate it greene at dinner with butter and they are of Porposes and beanes at supper About that time the Sauages brought vs great store of Aloses which is a fish some what redde like a Salmon to get kniues and other small trifles for them In the ende many of our people fell sicke of a certaine disease in their legges reynes and stomacke so that they seemed to bee depriued of all their lymmes and there dyed thereof about fiftie Note that the yce began to breake vp in April Monsieur Roberual vsed very good iustice and punished euery man according to his offence One whose name was Michael Gaillon was hanged for his theft Iohn of Nantes was layde in yrons and kept prisoner for his offence and others also were put in yrons and diuers were whipped as well men as women by which meanes they liued in quiet The maners of the Sauages TO declare vnto you the state of the Sauages they are people of a goodly stature and well made they are very white but they are all naked and if they were apparelled as the French are they would bee as white and as fayre but they paynt themselues for feare of heat and sunne burning In stead of apparell they we are skinnes vpon them like mantles and they haue a small payre of breeches wherewith they couer their priuities aswell men as women They haue hosen and shooes of lether excellently made And they haue no shirts neither couer they their heads but their hayre is trussed vp aboue the crowne of their heads and palyted or broyded Touâ—hing their victuals they eate good meate but all vnsalted but they drye it and afterward they broyle it aswell fish as flesh They haue no certaine dwelling place and they goe from place to place as they thinke they may best finde foode as Aloses in one place and other fish Salmons Sturgions Mullets Surmullets Barz Carpes Eeles Pinperneaux aud other fresh water fish and store of Porposes They feede also of Stagges wilde Bores Bugles Porkespynes and store of other wilde beastes And there is as great store of Fowle as they can desire Touching their bread they make very good and it is of great myll and they liue very well for they take care for nothing else They drinke Seale oyle buâ— this is at their great feasts They haue a King in euery Countrey and are wonderfull obedient vnto him and they doe him honour according vnto their maner and fashion And when they trauayle from place to place they cary all their goods with them in their boates The weomen nurse
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câ—me aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ— brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantâ—â— with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ— made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by 〈◊〉 of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ— Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had â—ut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asâ—â—â—â— my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
departure of our men to Croatoan and assoone as they were departed digged vp euery place where they suspected any thing to be buriedâ— but although it much grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods yet on the other side I greatly ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan which is the place where Manteo was borne and the Sauages of the Iland our friends When we had seene in this place so much as we could we returned to our Boates and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes with as much speede as wee could For the weather beganne to ouercast and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue Therefore the same Euening with much danger and labour we got our selues aboard by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde vntill Morning wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with fiue lusty men who could swimme all well and sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour to bring aboard sixe of our men who had filled our caske with fresh water the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde vnpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates for this night prooued very stormie and foule The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe with the Master and others to wey anchor and goe for the place at Croatoan where our planters were for that then the winde was good for that place and also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill our returne So then they brought the cable to the Capston but when the anchor was almost apecke the Cable broke by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water closer by the shoare then wee accompted of wee could neuer haue gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts Being thus cleare of some dangers and gotten into deeper waters but not without some losse for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left vs of foure and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler our victuals scarse and our caske and fresh water lost it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water And it was further purposed that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries either at Hispaniola Sant Iohn or Trynidad that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one and at our returne to visit our countrymen at Virginia The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall with my earnest petitions thereunto agreed so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moone-light our consort would doe herein But when we demanded them if they would accompany vs in that new determination they alledged that their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it wherefore the same night we parted leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad which course we kept two dayes On the 28. the winde changed and it was sette on foule weather euery way but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest and blewe so forcibly that wee were able to beare no sayle but our fore-course halfe mast high wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce the due course for England for that wee were dryuen to change our first determination for Trynidad and stoode for the Ilands of Açores where wee purposed to take in fresh water and also there hoped to meete with some English men of warre about those Ilands at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of our wants And thus continuing our course for the Açores sometimes with calmes and sometimes with very scarce windes on the fifteenth of September the winde came South Southeast and blew so exceedingly that wee were forced to lye arry all that day At this time by account we iudged our selues to be about twentie leagues to the Wâ—st of Cueruo and Flores but about night the storme ceased and fayre weather ensued On Thursday the seuenteenth wee saw Cueruo and Flores but we could not come to anker that night by reason the winde shifted The next Morning being the eighteenth standing in againe with Cueruo we escryed a sayle ahead vs to whom we gaue chase but when wee came neere him we knew him to be a Spanyard and hoped to make sure purchase of him but we vnderstood at our speaking with him that he was a prize and of the Domingo fleete already taken by the Iohn our consort in the Indies We learned also of thie prize that our Uiceadmirall and Pinnisse had fought with the rest of the Domingo fleete and had foed them with their Adâ—irall to flee vnto Iamaica vnder the Fort for succour and some of them ran themselues aground whereof one of them they brought away and tooke out of some others so much as the tâ—me would permit And further wee vnderstood of them that in their returne from Iamaica about the Organes neere Cape Saint Anthony our Uiceadmirall mette with two Shippes of the mayne land come from Mexico bound for Hauana with whom he fought in which fight our Uiceadmirals Lieutenant was slaine and the Captaines right arme strooken off with fâ—ure other of his men slaine and sixteene hurt But in the ende he entred and tooke one of the Spanish shippes which was so sore shot by vs vnder water that before they could take out her treasure she sunke so that we lost thirteene Pipes of siluer which sunke with her besides much other rich marchandise And in the meane time the other Spanish shippe being pearced with nine shotte vnder water got away whâ—m our Uiceadmirall intended to pursue but some of their men in the toppe made certaine rockes which they saw aboue water neere the shoare to be Gallies of Hauana and Cartagena comming from Hauana to rescue the two Ships Wherefore they gaue ouer their chase and went for England After this intelligence was giuen vs by this our prize he departed from vs and went for England On Saturday the 19. of September we came to an Ancre neere a small village on the North side of Flores where we found ryding 5. English men of warre of whom wee vnderstood that our Uiceadmirall and Prize were gone thence for England One of these fiue was the Moonelight our consort who vpon the first sight of our comming into Flores set sayle and
villages Wherevpon the boates were foorthwith laden with mill after they had made our men as good cheere as they could deuise The Queene sent me two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was vnpossible to make better Nowe finding our selues by this meane sufficiently furnished with victuals we began each of vs in his place to trauaile and vse such diligence as the desire to see our natiue countrey-might mooue vs. But because two of our Carpenters were slaine by the Indians as heretofore I mentioned Iohn de Hais master Carpenter a man very worthy of his vocation repaired vnto me and tolde me that by reason of want of men hee was not able to make me vp the ship against the time that he had promised me which speech caused such a mutinie among the souldiers that very hardly he escaped killing howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could and determined to worke no more from thencefoorth vpon the shippe but to content our selues to repaire the Brigandine which I had So we began to beate downe all the houses that were without the Fort and caused coles to be made of the timber thereof likewise the souldiers beate downe the pallisade which was toward the waters side neither was I euer able to keepe them from doing it I had also determined to beat downe the Fort before my departure and to set it on fire for feare least some new-come guest should haue enioyed and possessed it In the meane while there was none of vs to whom it was not an extreme griefe to leaue a countrey wherein wee had endured so great trauailes and necessities to discouer that which we must forsake through our owne countreymens default For if wee had bene succoured in time place according to the promise that was made vnto vs the waire which was between vs and Vtina had not fallen out neither should wee haue had occasion to offend the Indians which with all paines in the world I entertained in good amitie aswell with merchandise and apparel as with promise of greater matters and with whom I so behaued my self that although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some few villages yet I lost not the alliance of eight Kings and Lords my neighbours which continually succoured and ayded me with whatsoeuer they were able to afford Yea this was the principall scope of all my purposes to wiâ—ne and entertaine them knowing how greatly their amitie might aduance our enterprise and principally while I discouered the commodities of the countrey and sought to strengthen my selfe therein I leaue it to yourcogitation to thinke how neere it went to our hearts to leaue a place abounding in riches as we were throughly enformed thereof in comming whereunto and doing seruicâ— vnto our Prince we left our owne countrey wiues children parents and friends and passed the perils of the sea and were therein arriued as in a plentifull treasure of all our hearts desire As ech of vs were much tormented in minde with these or such like cogitations the third of August A descried foure fayles in the sea as I walked vpon a little hill whereof I was exceeding well apaid I sent immediately one of them which were with me to aduertise those of the Fort thereof which were so glad of those newes that one would haue thought them to bee out of there wittes to see them laugh and leape for ioy After these ships had cast anker we descried that they sent one of their ship beates to land whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence to send to meete them and to know who they were In the meane while tearing left they were Spaniards I set my souldiers in order and in readinesse accending the returne of Captaine Vasseur and my Lieutenant which were gone to meete them which brought me word that they were Englishmen and in trueth they had in their company one whose name was Martine Atinas of Diepe which at that time was in their seruice which on the behalfe of Master Iohn Hawkins their Generall came to request mee that I would suffer them to take fresh water whereof they stood in great neede signifying vnto me that they had bene aboue fifteene dayes on the coast to get some Hee brought vnto mee from the Generall two flagons of wine and bread made of wheate which greatly refreshed me forasmuch as for seuen moneths space I neuer tasted a drop of wine neuerthelesse it was all diuided among the greatest part of my souldiers This Martine Atinas had guided the Englishmen vnto our coast wherewith he was acquainted for in the yeere 1562 he came thither with me and therefore the Generall sent him to me Therefore after I had granted his request hee signified the same vnto the Generall which the next day following caused one of his small shippes to enter into the riuer and came to see me in a great ship-boate accompanied with gentlemen honourably apparelled yet vnarmed He sent for great store of bread and wine to distribute thereof to euery one On my part I made him the best cheere I could possibly and caused certaine sheepe and poultry to be killed which vntill this present I had carefully preserued hoping to store the countrey withall For notwithstanding all the necessities and sicknesse that happened vnto me I would not suffer so much as one chicken to be killed by which meanes in a short time I had gathered together aboue an hundred pullets Nowe three dayes passed while the English General remained with me during which time the Indians came in from all parts to see him and asked me whether he were my brother I tolde them he was so and signified vnto them that he was come to see me and ayde me with so great store of victuals that from thence forward I should haue no neede to take any thing of them The bruite hereof incontinently was spread ouer ouer all the countrey in such sort as Ambassadours came vnto me from all parts which on the behalfe of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with me and euen they which before sought to make warre against me came to offer their friendship and seruice vnto me Whereupon I receiued them and gratifieâ— them with certaine presents The General immediately vnderstood the desire vrgent occasion which I had to returne into France whereupon he offred to transport me and all my company home whereunto notwithstanding I would not agree being in doubt vpon what occasion he made so large an offer For I knewe not how the case stood betweene the French and the English and although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land in France before hee would touch in England yet I stood in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse Wherfore I flatly refused his offer whereupon there arose a great mutinie among my souldiers which sayd that I sought to
the king hath commanded vpon paine of death that they should not plant either wine or oile there but should alwayes stand in need of them to be brought out of Spaine although there would more grow there in foure yeeres then there groweth in Spaine in twenty it is so fertile a countrey And the king to keepe the countrey alwayes in subiection and to his owne vse hath streightly prouided by lawe vpon paine of death and losse of goods that none of these countreys should traffique with any other nation although the people themselues doe much now desire to trade with any other then with them and would vndoubtedly doe if they feared not the perill ensuing thereupon About Mexico and other places in Noua Hispania there groweth a certeine plant called magueis which yeeldeth wine vineger hony and blacke sugar and of the leaues of it dried they make hempe ropes shooes which they vse and tiles for their houses and at the ende of euery leafe there groweth a sharpe point like an awle wherewith they vse to bore or pearce thorow any thing Thus to make an end I haue heere set downe the summe of all the chiefest things that I haue obserued and noted in my seuenteene yeres trauell in those parts A relation of the commodities of Noua Hispania and the maners of the inhabitants written by Henry Hawks merchant which liued fiue yeeres in the sayd countrey and drew the same at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of Eston in the county of Hereford 1572. SAint Iohn de Vllua is an Island not high aboue the water where as now the Spanyards vpon M. Iohn Hawkins being there are in making a strong for t In this place all the ships that come out of Spaine with goods for these parts do vnlade for they haue none other port so good as this is The comming into this place hath three chanels and the best of all is the Northermost which goeth by the maine land and on euery side of the chanels there are many small rocks as big as a small barrell they wil make men stand in doubt of them but there is no feare of them There is another Island there by called The Island of sacrifices where as the Spanyards did in times past vnlade their goods and for that they say there are vpon it spirits or deuils it is not frequented as it hath bene In these places the North wind hath so great dominion that oftentimes it destroyeth many ships and barks This place is giuen to great sicknesse These Islands stand in 18 degrees and a halfe and about the same is great plenty of fish Fiue leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua is a faire riuer it lieth Northwest from the port and goeth to a little towne of the Spanyards called Vera Cruz and with small vessels or barks which they call frigats they cary all their merchandize which commeth out of Spaine to the said towne and in like maner bring all the gold siluer cochinilla hides and all other things that the shippes cary into Spaine vnto them And the goods being in Vera Cruz they cary them to Mexico and to Pueblo de los Angeles Sacatecas and Saint Martin and diuers other places so farre within the countrey that some of them are 70 miles off and some more and some lesse all vpon horses mules and in waines drawen with oâ—en and in carres drawen with mules In this towne of Vera Cruz within these twenty yeres when women were brought to bed the children new borne in continently died which is not so now in these dayes God be thanked This towne is inclined to many kinde of diseases by reason of the great heat and a certeine gnat or flie which they call a musquito which â—iâ—â—th both men and women in their sleepe and assoone as they are bitten incontinently the flesh swelleth as though they had bene bitten with some venimous worme And this musquito or gnat doth most follow such as are newly come into the countrey Many there are that die of this annoyance This towne is situated vpon the riuer aforesayd and compassed with woods of diuers maners and sorts and many fruits as orenges and limons guiaues and diuers others and birds in them popiniayes both small and great and some of them as big as a rauen and their tailes as long as the taile of a fezant There are also many other kinde of birds of purple colour and small munkeys maruellous proper This hote or sicke countrey coutinueth fiue and forty miles towards the city of Mexico and the fiue and forty miles being passed then there is a temperate countrey and full of tillage but they water all their corne with riuers which they turne in vpon it And they gather their Wheat twise a yere And if they should not water the ground where as their corne is sowen the country is so hote it would burne all Before you come to Mexico there is a great towne called Tlaxcalla which hath in it aboue 16000 households All the inhabitants thereof are free by the kings of Spaine for these were the occasion that Mexico was woonne in so short time and with so little losse of men Wherefore they are all gentlemen and pay no tribute to the king In this towne is all the cochinilla growing Mexico is a great city it hath more then fifty thousand households whereof there are not past fiue or sixe thousand houses of Spanyards all the other are the people of the countrey which liue vnder the Spanyards lawes There are in this city stately buildings and many monasteries of friers and nunnes which the Spanyards haue made And the building of the Indians is somewhat beautifull outwardly and within full of small chambers with very small windowes which is not so comly as the building of the Spanyards This city standeth in the midst of a great lake and the water goeth thorow all or the most part of the streets and there come small boats which they call canoas and in them they bring all things necessary as wood and coales and grasse for their horses stones and lime to build and corne This city is subiect to many earthquakes which oftentimes cast downe houses and kil people This city is very well prouided of water to drinke and with all maner of victuals as fruits flesh and fish bread hennes and capons Guiny cocks and hennes and all other fowle There are in this city euery weeke three Faires or Markets which are frequented with many people aswell Spanyards as the people of the countrey There are in these Faires or Markets all maner of things that may be inuented to sell and in especiall things of the countrey The one of these Faires is vpon the Munday which is called S. Hypolitos faire and S. Iames his faire is vpon the Thursday and vpon Saturday is S. Iohns faire In this city is alwayes the kings gouernour or viceroy and there are
their Mines they occupie great quantitie They haue much Alume and as good as any that is in all the Leuant so that they neede none of that commoditie They haue also of their owne growing◠much Cana fistula much Salsa Perilla which is marueilous good for many kind of diseases There are in Florida many Iarrefalcons and many other kinde of hawkes which the gentlemen of Noua Hispania send for euery yere The Spaniards haue two forts there chiefly to keepe out the Frenchmen from planting there A discourse written by one Miles Philips Englishman one of the company put on shoare Northward of Panuco in the West Indies by M. Iohn Hawkins 1568. conteining many special things of that countrey and of the Spanish gouernment but specially of their cruelties vsed to our Englishmen and amongst the rest to himselfe for the space of 15. or 16. yeres together vntil by good and happy meanes he was deliuered frō their bloody hands and returned into his owne Countrey An. 1582. Chap. 1. Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the coast of England with the number and names of the ships their Captaines and Masters and of our trafique and dealing vpon the coast of Africa VPon munday the second of October 1567. the weather being reasonable faire our Generall M. Iohn Hawkins hauing commanded all his Captaines and Masters to be in a readinesse to make saile with him hee himselfe being imbarked in the Iesus whereof was appointed for Master Robert Barre◠hoised saile and departed from Plimmouth vpon his intended voyage for the parts of Africa and America being accompanied with fiue other saile of ships as namely the Mynion wherein went for Captaine M. Iohn Hampton and Iohn Garret Master The William and Iohn wherein was Captaine Thomas Bolton and Iames Raunce Master The Iudith in whom was Captaine M. Francis Drake afterward knight and the Angel whose Master as also the Captaine and Master of the Swallow I now remember not And so sayling in company together vpon our voyage vntill the tenth of the same moneth an extreeme storme then tooke vs neere vnto Cape Finister which dured for the space of foure dayes and so separated our ships that wee had lost one another and our Generall finding the Iesus to bee but in ill case was in minde to giue ouer the voyage and to returne home Howbeit the eleuenth of the same moneth the Seas waxing calme and the winde comming faire hee altered his purpose and held on the former entended voyage And so comming to the yland of Gomera being one of the ylands of the Canaries where according to an order before appointed we met with all our ships which were before dispersed wee then tooke in fresh water and departed from thence the fourth of Nouember and holding on our course vpon the eightenth day of the same moneth wee came to an ancker vpon the coast of Africa at Cape Verde in twelue fadome water and here our Generall landed certaine of our men to the number of 160. or thereabout seeking to take some Negros And they going vp into the Countrey for the space of sixe miles were encountred with a great number of the Negros who with their inuenomed arrowes did hurt a great number of our men so that they were inforced to retire to the ships in which conflict they recouered but a fewe Negros and of these our men which were hurt with their enuenomed arrowes there died to the number of seuen or eight in very strange maner with their mouths shut so that wee were forced to put stickes and other things into their mouths to keepe them open and so afterward passing the time vpon the coast of Guinea vntill the twelfth of Ianuary wee obteined by that time the number of 150. Negros And being ready to depart from the Sea coast there was a Negro sent as an Ambassadour to our Generall from a King of the Negros which was oppressed with other Kings his bordering neighbours desiring our Generall to graunt him succour and ayde against those his enemies which our Generall granted vnto and went himselfe in person a lande with the number of two hundreth of our men or thereabouts and the said King which had requested our ayde did ioyne his force with ours so that thereby our Generall assaulted and set fire vpon a Towne of the said King his enemies in which there was at the least the number of eight or ten thousand Negros and they perceiuing that they were not able to make any resistance sought by flight to saue themselues in which their flight there were taken prisoners to the number of eight or nine hundreth which our Generall ought to haue had for his share howbeit the Negro King which requested our ayde falsifying his word and promise secretly in the night conueyed himselfe away with as many prisoners as he had in his custodie but our Generall notwithstanding finding himselfe to haue nowe very neere the number of 500. Negros thought it best without longer abode to depart with them and such marchandize as hee had from the coast of Africa towards the West Indies and therefore commanded with all diligence to take in fresh water and fewel and so with speed to prepare to depart Howbeit before we departed from thence in a storme that wee had wee lost one of our ships namely the William and Iohn of which ship and of her people we heard no tidings during the time of our voyage Chap. 2. Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the coast of Africa with the day and time of our arriuall in the West Indies also of our trade and trafique there and also of the great crueltie that the Spaniards vsed towards vs by the Vice-roy his direction and appointment falsifying his faith and promise giuen and seeking to haue intrapped vs. ALl things being made in a readinesse at our Generall his appointment vpon the thirde day of Februarie 1568. wee departed from the coast of Africa hauing the weather somewhat tempestuous which made our passage the more hard and sayling so for the space of 52. dayes vpon the 27. of March 1568. we came in sight of an yland called Dominica vpon the coast of America in the West Indies situated in 14. degrees of latitude and 322. of longitude from thence our Generall coasted from place to place euer making trafique with the Spaniards and Indians as hee might which was somewhat hardly obtained for that the King had straightly charged all his gouernours in those parts not to trade with any yet notwithstanding during the moneths of April and May our Generall had reasonable trade and trafique and courteous entertainement in sundry places as at Margarita Coraçao and else where til we came to Cape de la vela and Rio de Hacha a place from whence all the pearles doe come the gouernour there would not by any meanes permit vs to haue any trade
did so whereupon they returned to the viceroy and told him that we were good Christians and that they liked vs well and then they brought vs much reliefe with clothes our sicke men were sent to their Hospitals where many were cured and many died From the Tanners house we were led to a gentlemans place where vpon paine of death we were charged to abide and not to come into the citie thither we had all things necessary brought vs on Sundayes and holy dayes much people came and brought vs great reliefe The viceroy practised to hang vs and caused a paire of new gallowes to be set vp to haue executed vs wherunto the noblemen of that countrey would not consent but prayed him to stay vntil the ship of aduise brought newes from the king of Spaine what should be done with vs for they said they could not find any thing by vs whereby they might lawfully put vs to death The viceroy then commanded vs to be sent to an Island there by and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico who sent foure priests to the Island to examine and confesse vs who said that the viceroy would burne vs when wee were examined and confessed according to the lawes of the countrey They returned to the Bishop and told him that we were very good Christians The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and confessions and said that wee were good Christians therefore he would not meddle with vs. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret whom he kept prisoner in his pallace vntill the fleete was departed for Spayne The rest of vs he sent to a towne seuen leagues from Mexico called Tescuco to card wooll among the Indian slaues which drudgery we disdained and concluded to beat our masters and so wee did wherefore they sent to the viceroy desiring him for Gods sake and our Ladies to send for vs for they would not keepe vs any longer they said that we were deuils and no men The viceroy sent for vs and imprisoned vs in a house in Mexico from thence he sent Anthony Goddard some other of our company with him into Spaine with Luçon the General that tooke vs the rest of vs staied in Mexico two yeres after and then were sent prisoners into Spaine with Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre admirall and generall of the Spanish fleet who caried with him in his ship to be presented to the K. of Spaine the anatomie of a giant which was sert from China to Mexico to the viceroy Don Martin Henriquez to bee sent to the king of Spaine for a great wonder It did appeare by the anatomie that he was of a monstrous size the skull of his head was neere as bigge as halfe a bushel his necke-bones shoulder-plates arme-bones and all other lineaments of his other partes were huge and monstrous to behold the shanke of his legge from the ankle to the knee was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his wast and of bignesse accordingly At this time and in this ship were also sent to be presented to the king of Spaine two chesles full of earth with ginger growing in them which were also sent from China to be sent to the king of Spaine The ginger runneth in the ground like to liccoras the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like vnto the blades of wild garlicke which they cut euery fifteene dayes they vse to water them twise a day as we doe our herbes here in England they put the blades in their pottage and vse them in their other meates whose excellent sauour and tast is very delightfull and procureth a good appetite When we were shipped in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua the Generall called our master Robert Barret and vs with him into his cabbin asked vs if wee would fight against Englishmen if we met them at the sea we said that we would not fight against our Crowne but if we met with any other we would do what we were able He said if we had said otherwise he would not haue beleeued vs and for that we should be the better vsed and haue allowance as other men had and he gaue a charge to euery one of vs according vnto our knowledge Robert Barret was placed with the pilote I was put in the gunners roome William Cawse with the boat-swaine Iohn Beare with the quarter-masters Edward Rider Geffrey Giles with the ordinary mariners Richard the masters boy attended on him and the pilote shortly after we departed from the port of S. Iohn de Vllua with all the fleete of Spaine for the port called Hauana wee were 26. dayes sayling thither There wee came in ankered tooke in fresh water and stayed 16. dayes for the fleete of Nombre de Dios which is the fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes After his comming when he had watred his ships both the fleetes ioyned in one and Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of both the fleets who turning through the chanell of Bahama his pilote had like to haue cast away all the fleet vpon the Cape called Cannaueral which was preuented by me Iohn Hortop our master Robert Barret for I being in the second watch escried land and called to Robert Barret bidding him looke ouer boord for I saw land vnder the lee-bow of the ship he called to the boat-swaine bid him let flie the fore saile sheat and lay the helm vpon the lee and cast the ship about When we were cast about we were but in seuen fathome water we shot off a piece giuing aduice to the fleet to cast about and so they did For this we were beloued of the Generall and all the fleet The Generall was in a great rage and swore by the king that he would hang his pilote for he said that twise before he had almost cast away the Admirall When it was day he commanded a piece to be shot off to call to councill the other Admirall in his ship came vp to him and asked what the matter was he said that his pilote had cast away his ship and all the fleet had it not bene for two of the Englishmâ—n and therefore he would hang him The other Admirall with many faire words perswaded him to the contrary When we came in the height of Bermuda we discouered a monster in the sea who shewed himselfe three times vnto vs from the middle vpwards in which parts hee was proportioned like a man of the complection of a Mulato or tawny Indian The Generall did commaund one of his clearks to put it in writing and hee certified the King and his Nobles thereof Presently after this for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule weather and then God sent vs a faire wind vntill such time as we discouered the Iland called Faial On S. Iames day we made
golde and diuers stones called Piedras Hijadas or Spleene-stones Now Berreo for executing of Morequito and other cruelties spoiles and slaughters done in Aromaia hath lost the loue of the Orenoqueponi and of all the borderers and dare not send any of his souldiers any further into the land then to Carapana which he called the port of Guiana but from thence by the helpe of Carapana he had trade further into the countrey and alwayes appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapanas towne by whose fauour and by being conduâ—â—ed by his people those ten searched the countrey thereabouts aswell for mines as for other trades and commodities They also haue gotâ—en a nephew of Morequito whom they haue Christened and named Don Iuan of whom they haue great hope endeuouring by all meanes to establish him in the sayd prouince Among many other trades those Spaniards vsed canoas to passe to the riuers of Barema Pawroma Dissequebe which are on the South side of the mouth of Orenoque and there buy women and children from the Canibals which are of that barbarous nature as they will for three or foure hatchets sell the sonnes and daughters of their owne brethren and sisters and for somewhat more euen their owne daughters Hereof the Spaniards make great profit for buying a maid of twelue or thirteene yeres for three or foure hatchets they sell them againe at Margarita in the West Indies for fifty and an hundred pezos which is so many crownes The master of my shippe Iohn Dowglas tooke one of the canoas which came laden from thence with people to be solde and the most of them escaped yet of those he brought there was one as well fauoured and as well shaped as euer I saw any in England and afterward I saw many of them which but for their tawnie colour may be compared to any of Europe They also trade in those riuers for bread of Cassaui of which they buy an hundred pound weight for a knife and sell it at Margarita for ten pezos They also recouer great store of Cotton Brasill wood and those beds which they call Hamacas or Brasill beds wherein in hot countreyes all the Spaniards vsed to lie commonly and in no other neither did we our selues while we were there By meanes of which trades for ransome of diuers of the Guianians and for exchange of hatchets and kniues Berreo recouered some store of golde plates eagles of golde and images of men and diuers birdes and dispatched his campe-master for Spaine with all that hee had gathered therewith to leuie souldiers and by the shew thereof to draw others to the loue of the enterprise And hauing sent diuers images aswell of men as beasts birds fishes so curiously wrought in gold he doubted not but to perswade the king to yeeld to him some further helpe especially for that this land hath neuer beene sacked the mines neuer wrought and in the Indies their works were well spent and the golde drawen out with great labour and charge He also dispatched messengers to his sonne in Nueuo reyno to leuie all the forces he could to come downe the riuer Orenoque to Emeria the prouince of Carapana to meet him he had also sent to Saint Iago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas to buy horses and mules After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed I told him that I had resolued to see Guiana and that it was the end of my iourney and the cause of my comming to Trinidad as it was indeed and for that purpose I sent Iacob Whiddon the yeere before to get intelligence with whom Berreo himselfe had speech at that time and remembred how inquisitiue Iacob Whiddon was of his proceedings and of the countrey of Guiana Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and sadnesse and vsed all the arguments he could to disswade me and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded And first he deliuered that I could not enter any of the riuers with any barke or pinnesse or hardly with any ships boat it was so low sandy and full of flats and that his companies were dayly grounded in their canoas which drew but twelue inches water Hee further sayde that none of the countrey would come to speake with vs but would all flie and if we followed them to their dwellings they would burne their owne townes and besides that the way was long the Winter at hand and that the riuers beginning once to swell it was impossible to stem the current and that we could not in those small boats by any means cary victuall for halfe the time and that which indeed most discouraged my company the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for golde because the same would be their owne ouerthrow and that for the loue of gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossesse them of all together Many and the most of these I found to be true but yet I resoluing to make triall of all whatsoeuer happened directed captaine George Gifford my vice-admirall to take the Lions whelpe and captaine Calfield his barke to turne to the Eastward against the mouth of a riuer called Capuri whose entrance I had before sent captaine Whiddon and Iohn Dowglas the master to discouer who found some nine foot water or better vpon the flood and fiue at low water to whom I had giuen instructions that they should anker at the edge of the shoald and vpon the best of the flood to thrust ouer which shoald Iohn Dowglas bwoyed and beckoned for them before but they laboured in vaine for neither could they turne it vp altogether so farre to the East neither did the flood continue so long but the water fell yer they could haue passed the sands as wee after found by a second experience so as now wee must either giue ouer our enterprise or leauing our ships at aduenture foure hundred mile behinde vs must run vp in our ships boats one barge and two wheries But being doubtfull how to cary victuals for so long a time in such bables or any strength of men especially for that Berreo assured vs that his sonne must be by that time come downe with many souldiers I sent away one King master of the Lions whelpe with his ship-boat to trie another branch of a riuer in the bottome of the bay of Guanipa which was called Amana to prooue if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter But when he came to the mouth of Amana he found it as the rest but stayed not to discouer it thorowly because he was assured by an Indian his guide that the Canibals of Guanipa would assaile them with many canoas and that they shot poisoned arrowes so as if he hasted not backe they should all be lost In the meane
time fearing the woorst I caused all the carpenters we had to cut downe a Galego boat which we meant to cast off and to fit her with banks to row on and in all things to prepare her the best they could so as she might be brought to draw but fiue foot for so much we had on the barre of Capuri at low water And doubting of Kings returne I sent Iohn Dowglas againe in my long barge aswell to relieue him as also to make a perfect search in the bottome of that bay for it hath bene held for infallible that whatsoeuer ship or boat shall fall therein can neuer disemboque againe by reason of the violent current which setteth into the sayde bay as also for that the brize and Easterly winde bloweth directly into the same Of which opinion I haue heard Iohn Hampton of Plymmouth one of the greatest experience of England and diuers other besides that haue traded to Trinidad I sent with Iohn Dowglas an olde casique of Trinidad for a pilot who tolde vs that we could not returne againe by the bay or gulfe but that he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to the Eastward and that he thought by it we might fall into Capuri and so returne in foure dayes Iohn Dowglas searched those riuers and found foure goodly entrances whereof the least was as bigge as the Thames at Wolwich but in the bay thitherward it was shoald and but sixe foot water so as we were now without hope of any ship or barke to passe ouer and therefore resolued to go on with the boats and the bottome of the Galego in which we thrust 60 men In the Lions whelps boat whery we caried 20. Captaine Calfield in his whery caried ten more and in my barge other tenne which made vp a hundred we had no other meanes but to cary victuall for a moneth in the same and also to lodge therein as we could and to boile and dresse our meat Captaine Gifford had with him master Edward Porter captaine Eynos and eight more in his whery with all their victuall weapons and prouisions Captaine Calfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges and eight more In the galley of gentlemen and officers my selfe had captaine Thin my cousin Iohn Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert captaine Whiddon captâ—ine Keymis Edward Handcocke captaine Clarke lieutenant Hewes Thomas Vpton captaine Facy Ierome Ferrar Anthony Welles William Connocke and aboue fifty more We could not learne of Berreo any other way to enter but in branches so farre to wind-ward as it was impossible for vs to recouer for wee had as much sea to crosse ouer in our wheries as betweene Douer and Calice and in a great billow the winde and current being both very strong so as we were driuen to goe in those small boats directly before the winde into the bottome of the bay of Guanipa and from thence to eater the mouth of some one of those riuers which Iohn Dowglas had last discouered and had with vs for pilot an Indian of Barema a riuer to the South of Orenoque betweene that and Amazones whose canoas we had formerly taken as hee was going from the sayd Barema laden with Cassaui-bread to sell at Margarita This Arwacan promised to bring me into the great riuer of Orenoque but indeed of that which he entred he was vtterly ignorant for he had not seene it in twelue yeeres before at which time he was very young and of no iudgement and if God had not sent vs another helpe we might haue wandred a whole yere in that labyrinth of riuers yer wee had found any way either out or in especially after wee were past ebbing and flowing which was in foure dayes for I know all the earth doeth not yeelde the like confluence of streames and branches the one crossing the other so many times and all so faire and large and so like one to another as no man can tell which to take and if wee went by the Sunne or Compasse hoping thereby to goe directly one way or other yet that way wee were also caried in a circle amongst multitudes of Islands and euery Island so bordered with high trees as no man coulde see any further then the bredth of the riuer or length of the breach But this it câ—anced that entering into a riuer which because it had no name wee called the riuer of the Red crosse our seâ—ues being the first Christians that euer came therein the two and twentieth of May as wee were rowing vp the same wee espied a small canoa with three Indians which by the swiftnesse of my barge rowing with eight oares I ouertooke yer they could crosse the riuer the rest of the people on the banks shadowed vnder the thicke wood gazed oâ— with a doubtfull conceit what might befall those three which we had taken But when they perceiued that we offered them no violence neither entred their canoa with any of ours nor tooke out of the canoa any of theirs they then beganne to shew themselues on the banks side and offered to traffique with vs for such things as they had And as wee drew neere they all stayed and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creeke which came from their towne into the great riuer As we abode there a while our Indian pilot called Ferdinando would needs goe ashore to their village to fetch some fruits and to drinke of their artificiall wines and also to see the place and know the lord of it against another time and tooke with him a brother of his which hee had with him in the iourney when they came to the village of these people the lord of the Island offered to lay hands on them purposing to haue slaine them both yeelding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory to spoile and destroy them But the pilot being quicke and of a disposed body slipt their fingers and ran into the woods and his brother being the better footman of the two recouered the creekes mouth where we stayed in our baâ—ge crying out that his brother was slaine with that we set hands on one of them that was next vs a very olde man and brought him into the barge assuring him that if we had not our pilot againe we would presently cut off his head This olde man being resolued that he should pay the losse of the other cried out to those in the woods to saue Ferdinando our pilot but they followed him notwithâ—tanding and hunted after him vpon the foot with the Deere-dogges and with so maine a crie that all the woods eckoed with the shouâ— they made but at the last this poore chased Indian recouered the riuer side and got vpon a tree and as we were coasting leaped downe and swamme to the barge halfe dead with feare But our good happe was that we kept the other olde Indian which we hand fasted to redeeme
for two more of their fleete were much spoyled by the storme which they had In these sixeteene shippes Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee gouernour in the streites and had assigned vnto him 500 men to stay there with him and hee carried with him all kinde of â—â—rificers to make him forts and other necessaries with great store of ordinance and other munition This fleete because it was late did winter on the coast of Brasil in the riuer of Ienero and from thence they went when the winter was past and about the height of 42 degrees they had a sudden storme so that Diego Flores beat it vp and downe 22 dayes in which time hee lost one of the best ships he had which had in her 300 men and 20 women that went to inhabit the Streits and in this ship also was most part of the munition which should haue bene left in the Streits so in the end the storme grew to bee so great that the ships were not able to endure it any longer but were put backe vnto an Island called Santa Catelina and there he sound a barke wherein were some fryers going for the riuer of Plate which friers told him of two great English ships and a pinnesse which had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did the many harme but onely asked them for the king of Spaines ships Hereupon Diego Flores knowing that these English ships would goe for the Streits determined to goe thither although it was in the moneth of Februarie and choosing 10 ships of the 1â— that were left hee left two ships which were not in case to goe to sea at the Island and into the other three ships which were old and shaken with the storme hee put all the women and sicke men in all the fleete and sent them to the riuer of Ienero and he with the other 10 returned againe for the Streits The three ships in which the sicke men and women were went to Brasil and there they found within the por of S. Vincent the two ships before mentioned They woulde haue had the English men to haue gone out of the harbour and thereupon they fell to fight and because that these three ships were weake with the storme and the men that they had were the worst in all the fleete the Englishmen easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might haue sunke another if the Englishmen would but they minded not the destruction of any man for that is the greatest vertue that can be in a man that when hee may doe hurt yet he will not doe it So the Englishmen wâ—nt from this port to Spirito Santo where they had victuals for their merchandise and so they went backe for England without doing of any harme in the Countrey The cause why these English shippes vnder the conduct of M. Fenton went not to the streits I know not but some say that they were put backe by foule weather other some say that it was for feare of the kings ships But the pinnesse of these two ships went from them in which was Captaine Iohn Drake the cause why they parted I know not but the pinnesse came into the riuer of Plate and within fiue leagues of Seale Island not farre from the place where the Earle of Cumberlands shippes did take in fresh water shee was cast away vpon a leâ—ge of rockes but the men were saued in their boat which were in number 18 who went ashore on the North side and went a dayes iourney into the land and met with the Sauages which are no men-â—aters but take all the Christians that they can and make them slaues But the Englishmen fought with them and the Sauages flew 5 of them and tooke 13 aliue which were with the Sauages about 15 moneths But the Master of the pinnesse whose name was Richard Faireweather being not willing to indure the misery that hee was in and hauing knowledge that there was a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer he in a night called Iohn Drake and another yong man which was with them and tooke a very little Canoa which had but two oares so passed to the other side of the riuer which is about 19 leagues broade and were three dayes before they could get ouer without meat and comming to land they hit vpon an highway that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of horses they followed it and at last came to an house where there was corne sowed and there they met with Indians seruants vnto the Spaniards which gaue them meate and clothes to couer them for they were all naked and one of the Indians went to the towne and told them of the Englishmen so the Captaine sent foure horsemen who brought them to the towne behind them This Captaine clothed them and prouided lodging for them and Iohn Drake dieted at the Captaines table and they were all very well intreated the Captaine purposing to send them for Spaine But the Uiceroy of Peru hauing newes hereof sent for them and so Iohn Drake was sent to him but the other two were kept there because they were married in the countrey so that I know no more of their affaires Upon this comming of the Englishmen there were pâ—epared 50 horsemen to goe ouer the riuer to secke the rest of the Englishmen and also certaine Spaniards that were among the savage people but I am not certaine whether they went forward or not A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the Isle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plata and all along vp within the sayd riuer and what armes and mouthes it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable â—ith small barks FRom the Isle of Santa Catelina which is in 28 degrees of Southerly latitude vnto Rio Grande is fortie leagues This riuer by another name is called Ygai The Island of Santa Catelina is sixe leagues in length it hath two small Islands on the North side betweene the maine land and it and on the South side it hath a shoald of rockes which lyeth hidden very neere vnto the poynt of the Isâ—e You are to passe betweene the firme land and the poynt of the Isle From Santa Catelina to the hauen of Biaça which by another name is called la Laguna are twelue leagues it is a good hauen within but you must stay the full sea to enter into it because it hath shoaldes in the mouth and it may be knowen by a small Island which lyeth a league into the sea which is called La Isla de Reparo that is The Island of succour or defence and you must ride there to search the chanell From this harbour vnto the riuer before named there is no hauen for a ship to harbour it selfe And Râ—o Grande hath many shoalds in the mouth thereof It â—s a riuer that none but very
to passe the said streights of Magellan were two ships of Genoa which comming as farre as the mouth of the streights were by a mightie storme driuen backe againe and one of them whose mastâ—r was called Pancaldo put into the riuer of Plate and was cast away about Buenos Aeres where to this day part of the said ship is to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship returned to Genoa againe Also there was a bishop of Placencia in Spaine who couering riches set foorth a fleet of foure sailes to passe the streights and so to goe for the Malucos and getting license of the Emperour he sent his said 4 ships toward the streights which had very faire windes till they came thither but being entered 20 leagues within the streights a storme of Westerly windes tooke them droue 3 of them on shore the fourth backe into the sea which the storme being past returned into the streights to seeke for his consorts found many men going on the shores side but the ships were beaten all to pieces So they on land called vnto the ship but the captaine therof considering that his ship was but little that he had but small store of victuals would not go to them on shore but proceeded on his voyage passed the streights And because he was alone he would not saile to the Malucos but went for the coast of Peru to the citie of Lima where the ship remaineth vnto this day The men of the other three ships which were left in the streights being to the number of two hundred and fiftie whose Captaine being kinsman to the bishop of Placencia was called Queros were neuer heard of vntill this present day it being fortie yeres since they were left there A yeare after this certaine marchants of the Groine in Galicia set foorth other three ships which ships also came to the streights mouth where one of them was cast away with all the men and the other two returned for Spaine Also I haue had intelligence of certaine Portugall ships which being come to the mouth of the Streights lost two of their Pinnesses which they sent to discouer the land and then returned back And after these two French ships were sent from the riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de Villegagnon but being come to the latitude of 45. degrees they were driuen backe by a storme of contrary winds After all this the gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoça sonne to the Marques of Cannette determining to discouer the sayd Streights from the South sea sent from Chili two ships vnder the conduct of a captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke these Streights by the South sea is more then by the North sea because all the stormes of the North sea come from the land but in the South sea all the windes and stormes come off the sea and force the ships to run vpon the lee-shore insomuch that the sayd two ships were cast away in fiftie degrees The seeking of these Streights of Magellan is so dangerous and the voyage so troublesome that it seemeth a matter almost impossible to be perfourmed insomuch that for the space of thirty yeeres no man made account thereof vntill of late one Francis Drake an Englishman of whom I hâ—ue before spoken seeing hee could doe no good on the maine lande of the West Indies to benâ—fit himselfe because of the galleys of Cartagena that kept the coast determined to seeke the Sâ—reights of Magellan and to passe into the South sea And so hauing prouided two ships and three pinnesses in England he proceeded on his voyage and comming to the Islandes of Cape Verde tooke a Portugal shippe laden with wine the Pilot whereof beeing a Portugal called Nuno da Sylâ—a hee caried along with him who was a great helpe and furtherance vnto him in his voyage And this which I shall here say I had in writing of the Portugal pilot himselfe From the Islands of Cape Verde the sayd Francis Drake sailed vnto Port Sant Iulian where he wintered and there also hee put to death a gentleman of his company because hee wouldâ— haue returned home This port I take to bee accursed for that Magellan likewise put some to death there for the like offence This Francis Drake putting out of the sayd port entred the Streights and within twelue dayes gotte into the South sea And two dayes after there arose such a storme of Westerly windes which are vsuall in those parts that he lost his pinnesse and his Uiceadmirall master Iohn Winter was driuen backe againe into the Streights who passing many dangers returned home into England But Francis Drake himselfe ranne with this storme into seuen and fifty degrees of Southerly latitude where hee found an Island with a good harborough and fresh water and stayed at the same Island two moneths to repayre his ships and then the weather beeing faire he proceeded on his voyage and came to the coast of Chili to an Island called La Mocha where hee went on shore and talked with the Indians but when hee would haue returned vnto his boate they shotte their arrowes at him and killed two of his men and hee himselfe was wounded in the face Going from thence hee passed by the â—owne of Concepcion not knowing the place and so to Valparizo which is the port of Sant Iago where hee found a ship laden with a kind of victuals and wine and had in her besides threescore thousand pâ—zos of gold euery pezo being worth eight shillings sterling and taking this ship with him hee went from thence to another pâ—rt called Coquimbo where seeing many cattell on the land he sent presently some of his men with calieuers to kill of the sayd cattell but being espied of the Spaniards that dwelt in the towne they sent twelue horsemen to see what they were that killed their cattell for they knew them not and comming neere vnto them the Englishmen fled to their boates but the horsemen ouertooke one of them who had a halbard in his hand whom the Spaniards thought to haue taken but hee with his halbard killing one of their horses was himselfe runne through with a lance and so the Spaniards carried him dead with them into the towne The next day the newes came to Sant Iago that they were Englishmen and how they had taken the shippe out of the harbour of Valparizo whereupon they of Sant Iago sent a Post by land to giue warning vnto them of Peru. Howbeit by reason that the countrey betweene this place and Peru is not inhabited for the space of two hundreth leagues and many huge and colde mountaines couered with snowe he in the way the Poste was so long in perfourmance of this iourney that captaine Drake was vpon the coast of Peru a moneth before the sayd Poste came thither neither could they send any newes by
great English ships and a pinnesse that had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did them any harme but onely asked them for the king of Spaines ships Now Diego Flores supposing that these English ships would go to the streights was himselfe determined to go to the streights also though it was in the moneth of February and choosing tenne shippes of the fifteene that were left he sent three of the residue that were old aâ—d shaken with the storme wherein he put all the women and sicke men that were in the fleete backe againe to the riuer of Ienero leauing the other two shippes which were not able to brooke the sea at the foresayd Island and so himselfe with the sayd ten ships returned againe for the streights Now the three ships wherein the sicke men and the women were embarked came to the port of Sant Vincent where finding the two foresayd English ships and vrging them to auoide the harbour the English entred combat with them and by reason that these three ships were weakened with former tempests and were manned with the refuse of all the Spanish flâ—ete the Englishmeu easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might also haue sunke another if they had bene so minded but they desired not the destruction of any man and doubtlesse it is the greatest valour that any man can shew that when hee may doe hurte he will not Hereupon the Englishmen departed from this porte vnto Espirito Santo where they had victuals for their merchandize and so they returned home to England without doing any harme in the countrey The cause why these English captaines went not to the streights I know not some say that they were put backe by foule weather others suppose that it was for feare of the kings ships but the pinnesse that belonged to these shippes wherein Iohn Drake went as captaine departed from them the cause why hee did so is vnknowen but this pinnesse entred the riuer of Plate and within fiue leaguas of Seale-island not farre from the place where the Erle of Cumberlands ships tooke in fresh water it was cast away vpon a ledge of rockes but the men were all saued in the boate Who being eighteene in number went on shore vpon the Northside of the Island and passing tenne dayes iourney vp into the lande they met with certaine Saluage people which are no man-eaters but take all the Christians that they can get and make them their slaues howbeit the Englishmen fought with them and being too fewe in number fiue of them were slaine and the other thirteene taken prisoners who remained with the Saluages about fifteene moneths But the Master of the pinnesse called Richard Faireweather being loth any longer to indure that miserie wherein hee was and hauing knowledge of a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer called on a night Iohn Drake and another yoong man which was with them and tooke a Canoa being very little and hauing but two oares and passed therewith on the other side of the riuer which is full nine leagues broade and being three dayes before they could get ouer they were much pined for lacke of meate But comming to land they hit vpon an high way that went towards the Christians and spying the footing of horses they followed it and at last came to an house neere vnto the which corne was sowed And there they met with Indians that were seruants to the Spaniards who gaue them foode and clothes to couer them withall for they were all naked And one of the sayd Indians went to the towne and caried newes of the Englishmen whereupon the captaine of the towne sent our foure horsemen which brought them to the towne behinde them and the sayd captaine clothed them and prouided lodging for them and Iohn Drake sate at the captaines owne table and hee intreated them all very well thinking to send them for Spaine But the Uiceroy of Peru hearing this newes sent for them and they sent him Iohn Drake but the other two they kept because they were maried in the countrey Thus much concerning their affaires Upon these newes also there were prepared fifty horsemen to goe ouer the riuer both to seeke the rest of the Englishmen and certaine Spaniardes which were amongst those Saluage people but I am not assured whether they went forward or no. Nowe let vs returne to Diego Flores who passing from the Island of Santa Catelina towards the streights of Magellan in the middle of February and comming to the height of the riuer of Plate sent the gouernour of Chili with three ships vp the riuer to Buenos Ayres that hee might from thence passe ouerland to Chili Of these three ships two were lost but the men and prouisions were saued and the third returned for Spaine Then Diego Flores with the other seuen ships proceeded on to the latitude of 52. degrees whereas the mouth of the Streights beginneth but because it was the ende of March which there is the latter ende of summer the countrey was so full of snow and withall there arose such a sudden storme that he could not set Sarmiento and his men on shore but was constrained the second time to returne vnto the riuer of Ienero vpon the coast of Brasil where he heard newes of the English ships by the two Spanish ships that escaped from them Upon which newes he left his lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Pedro Sarmiento that they might the next yeere returne for the streights And so Diego Flores himselfe with foure ships which were yet remaining vnto him and other foure which the king sent to succour him set forth to seeke the Englishmen but hauing runne along all the coast of Brasil hee could not finde them because they were gone directly for England Whereupon shaping his course vnto a port called Paraiua and finding there fiue French ships he burnt three and tooke two and the fort also which the Frenchmen had built and put Spaniardes therein but the Frenchmen fledde into the mountaines to the Saluages This done hee returned for Spaine In the meane season his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Pedro Sarmiento had the next yeere so good fortune that they arriued safely in the streights with all their ships and set on shore foure hundreth men but because the ships boate could not land being once laden they ran that ship which had all the victuals and munition in her on shore in a bay and as the water did ebbe they tooke all things out of her This being done Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with foure hundreth men thirtie women and a ship with victuals for eight moneths and with the other three shippes hee returned hauing remained in the Streights but eight dayes Nowe Pedro Sarmiento built a towne at the mouth of the Sreights on the North side placing therein an hundreth and fiftie men and from thence he went by land and sent the ship
as we were taking in of water by Port Famine out boate-swaine the hooper and William Magoths being on shoare Matthew Hawlse did hallow to haue them in all the haste come on-bord saying therewithall these words He that will come in this voyage must not make any reckoning to leaue two or three men on shore behinde him whereas we had so lately lost all the foresaide men hauing then but sixe sailers left vs on-bord Also the saide Matthew Hawlse did cary a pistoll for the space of two dayes secretly vnder his gowne intending therewithall to haue murthered Andrew Stoning and William Combe as by confession of Hawlse his man William Martin it is manifest for the saide William Martine reported vnto two of his friends viz. Richard Hungate and Emanuel Dornel that he kneeled vpon his knees one whole houre before Matthew Hawlse in his owne cabin desiring him for Gods cause not to kill either of them especially because the saide Stoning and Martin came both out of one towne Also the said Hawlse at our second time of watering in the place aforesaide came into the Gunners roome to speake with you your selfe with the master Gunner Thomas Browne and his mate William Frier being then present demanding of you if he should send certaine men to Port famine being two leagues from the ship by land Thomas Browne answered him presently that he should send none for feare least the wind might arise and by that meanes we should loose so many of our men more to whom Matthew Hawlie replied that it was not material for that he had made choyce of a company for the very same purpose whose names were Emmanuel Doâ—nel Richard Hungate Paul Carie Iohn Dauis Gabriel Valerosa a Portugall and Peter a Britaine and the Spaniard which we had taken in at the same place at our first time of watering And thus we end desiring God to sende vs well into our natiue countrey In witnesse whereof wee haue subscribes our names Thomas Browne Gunner Iohn Morrice c. The last voyage of the worshipfull M. Thomas Candish esquire intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with 3. tall ships and two barks Written by M. Iohn Iane a man of good obseruation imployed in the same and many other voyages THe 26. of August 1591. wee departed from Plimmouth with 3. â—all ships and two barkes The Galeon wherein M. Candish went himselfe being Admiral The Roebucke viceadmirall whereof M. Cocke was Captaine The Desire Rere-admirall whereof was Captaine M. Iohn Dauis with whom and for whose sake I went this voyage The Blacke pinnesse and a barke of M. Adrian Gilbert whereof M. Randolfe Cotton was Captaine The 29. of Nouember wee fell with the bay of Saluador vpon the coast of Brasil 12. leagues on this side Cabo Frio where wee were becalmed vntill the second of December at which time wee tooke a small barke bound for the Riuer of Plate with sugar haberdash wares and Negros The Master of this barke brought vs vnto an yle called Placencia thirtie leagues West from Cabo Frio where wee arriued the fift of December and rifled sixe or seuen houses inhabited by Portugales The 11. wee departed from this place and the fourteenth we arriued at the yle of S. Sebastian from whence M. Cocke and Captaine Dauis presently departed with The Desire and the blacke pinnesse for the taking of the towne of Santos The 15. at euening we anckered at the barre of Santos from whence we departed with our boates to the towne and the next morning about nine of the clocke wee came to Santos where being discouered wee were inforced to land with 24. gentlemen our long boat being farre a sterne by which expedition wee tooke all the people of the towne at Masse both men and women whom wee kept all that day in the Church as prisoners The cause why master Candish desired to take this towne was to supply his great wants For being in Santos and hauing it in quiet possession wee stood in assurance to supply all our needes in great abundance But such was the negligence of our gouernour master Cocke that the Indians were suffered to carry out of the towne whatsoeuer they would in open viewe and no man did controll them and the next day after wee had wonne the towne our prisoners were all set at libertie onely foure poore olde men were kept as pawnes to supply our wants Thus in three dayes the towne that was able to furnish such another Fleete with all kinde of necessaries was left vnto vs nakedly bare without people and prouision Eight or tenne dayes after master Candish himselfe came thither where hee remained vntill the 22. of Ianuary seeking by increatie to haue that whereof we were once possessed But in conclusion wee departed out of the towne through extreeme want of victuall not being able any longer to liue there and were glad to receiue a fewe canisters or baskets of Cassaui meale so that in euery condition wee went worse furnished from the towne then when wee came vnto it The 22. of Ianuary we departed from Santos and burnt Sant Vincent to the ground The 24. we set saile shaping our course for the Streights of Magellan The seuenth of February we had a very great storme and the eight hour Fleet was separated by the fury of the tempest Then our Captaine called vnto him the Master of our ship whom hee found to be a very honest and sufficient man aâ—d conferring with him he concluded to goe for Port Desire which is in the Southerly latitude of 48. degrees hoping that the Generall would come thither because that in his first voyage he had found great reliefe there For our Captaine could neuer get any direction what course to take in any such extremities though many times hee had intreated for it as often I haue heard him with griefe report In sayling to this port by good chance we met with The Roe-bucke wherein master Cocke had endured great extremities and had lost his boate and therefore desired our Captaine to keepe him company for hee was in very desperate case Our Captaine hoiâ—ed out his boate and went abord him to know his estate and returning turning tolde vs the hardnesse thereof and desired the Master and all the company to be carefull in all their watches not to loose The Roe-bucke and so wee both arriued at Port Desire the sixth of March. The 16. of March The Blacke pinnesse came vnto vs but master Gilberts barke came not but returned home to England hauing their Captaine abord the Roe-bucke without any prouision more then the apparell that hee wore who came from thence abord our ship to remaine with our Captaine by reason of the great friendship betweene them The 18. the Galeon came into the road and master Candish came into the harborough in a boat which he had made at sea for his long boat and light-horseman were lost
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn
Dulce mare inter Nouam Zemblam Tabin suspicatur A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats whereinto mighty riuers descend The best course to be taken in discoueries The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu Upon the obseruations of the tides depend great speculations May. Iune Kene an Island of Norway The North cape doubled Wardhouse Iuly Willoughbies land â—0 leagues from Kegor A sight of perfect land 70. deg 3. min. An Island The maine land Bearebay 70. deg 26. min. The supposed maine of Noua Zembla Many ouerfals The bay of Pechora They had sight of Vaygatz In Island hauing store of wood water â— faire islands An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues The William and the George meete againe Their returâ—e The currant runneth with the winde August A whole land of yce 70. degr 4. min. Frost The appearing of the starres signe of Winter Much snow Great store of snowe 69 degrees 49 minutes Then are thwart against Vaigats The Islands Shoales off Colgoyeue They lost the William here The land of Hugry The bay of Morezouets The towne of Hungon They double the North Cape in their returne Fowlenesse Lowfoote The sound of Romesal October Moore soundâ— Berozoua Vstia The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May. 1582 Doctor Iacob Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky the Emperors â—mbassadour The Hollanders intrude into our trade ‖ M. Coâ—e The great friendship of L. Boris Pheodorouich ‖ The Emperours house of recreation Anno 1553. M. William Burrough was then yong and with his brother in this first voyage Newnox is froÌ„ the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35 miles Note Anno 1554. Anno 1555. The King and Queenes letters M. Killingworths beard of a marueâ—lous length Anno 1556. Anno 1557. Loghar voyage 1560. The first trade to the Narue 1560. Alcock slaine in Persia. Edwards died at Astracanâ— Bannister died in Media ‖ Or Theodor. The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18. â— Boris adopted as the Emperors third sonne The old Empresse her father and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets The day of Pheodor his coronation Iohn de Wale Chare Siberskâ— prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Mosco Sopher Keri Alli king of the Crimmes arriual at Mosco The new Emperor Pheodore Iuanoâ—ich his letters and requests to the Queene M. Horseis voiage froÌ„ Mosco to England ouerland 1586 * It is rosting to death Strabo in his 7. booke of Geogr. Gen. 10. Ioseph l. 1 ca,14 The borders of Russia The Shires of Russia The Prouinces or Countries got by conquest The breadth and length of the Countrey Pechinga The colde of Russia The chiefe Riuers of Russia The fruits and graine of Russia The chiefe commodities of the Countrey 1 Furres These Rats are in Canada Momgosorskoy perhaps Molgomzaiâ— 2 Waxe 3 Hony 4 Tallow 5 Hide 6 Trane oyle The maner of hunting the Seale fish 7 Ickary 8 Hempe and Flaxe 9 Salt Nonocks 10 Tarre 11 Ribazuba 12 Slude 13 Saltpeter and brimstone 14 Iron The strange beasâ—es fish foule c. that breed in Russia Mosco Nouograd Iaruslaue Saxo Grammaticus lib. 11. pag. â—87 The maner of Russe building Souldiers by birth and inheritance Degrees of horsemen 1. â—raetoriani or such as attend the Emperors person 15000. Two other troupes to the number of 65000. Horsemen in continuall pay 80000. Footmen in continual pay 12000. StraÌ„gers mercenaries in pay 4300. The chief captains or leaders 1. The Voiauod or General 2. Lieutenant general 3. Marshals of the field foure Foure marshals deputies right Fiue Coronels vnder Captains Sixe Masters of the Artillery The walking Captaine Their order of mustering The horsemaÌ„s furniture The footmans furniture Prouision of victual Horsemens drummes The horsâ—mans maner of charging The footmans charge The walking Castle 1580. Reward for valure 1580. Lituania Narue Siberia and Ob. Conquest of a 1000 miles Permia and Pechora Means of holding chiefe townes Meanes of holding the countries of Pechora Permia and Siberia Siberia The kings brother of Siberia 1588. The PoloniaÌ„s called Laches by the Russe The Chrim Tartar The firing of Mosco by the Chrim Tartar in the yeare 1571. Homage done bâ— the Russe to the Chrim Tartar The maner of the Tartars fight and armour The subtiltiâ— of the Tartar The Tartar religion The Tartar nobilitie The Tartar diet 1588. The Tartars dwelling Pachymerius Laonicus Calcocondylas 1400 The Nagay Tartar the cruellest The Chircasce the câ—uâ—llest Tartar The Cheremissen Tartar of two sorts the Lugauoy and the Nagornay The Mordwit Tartar y e most barbarous of the rest The reuiuing of silkwormes Chrinisin a kind of silkworme Liberty to trade downe the Caspian sea No stranger without pasport admitted The Permians The Samoits The Samoits religion Slata Baba or the goldeÌ„ Hag. A fable The Sea Fishing oâ— sea The Samoits habit and behauiour The people of Meta Incognita such The â—appes The mart at Cola. Sleds drawen with Deere The dominion of the Duke of Moscouia Vologda Verst Vstiug Suchana Iug. So called of his swift and pleasant streame Pienega Nicholai Kuluio The regions by the North sea Pieza Piescoia Rubicho Czircho Czilma Petzora Pustosero Vssa * Cingulus mundâ— Stzuchogora Potzscheriema Camenipoias Samoged Foules and beasts Wilde people Poiassa Camen Artawischa Sibut Lepin Sossa Obi. Kitaisko Vuogolici Irtische Ierom. Tumen Grustina Kitai Blacke men without speech Serponow Lucomoria Men that yerely die and reuiue Obi. Calami Riuers Aureâ— Anus Obdora Cossin Cassima Tachnin a great riuer People of moÌ„strous shape A fish like a man Plinie writeth of the like fish The end of the iournall Mountaines The great Can of Cathay Moria is the sea Lucomoria Tumen Petzora Papin High mountaines supposed to be Hyperborei and Khipphet Cathay The fâ—uitâ—ull prouince of Rezan Iâ—â—oslaue Hony La regione della Cine. Confini delli vâ—rimi Tartariâ— Alcune Terre Incognite Confini Settentrionall della Russia The Countrey of China The coasts of the vttermost Tartaâ—s Certaine vnknowne Countrees The Northern coasts oâ— Russia The Northwest Master of the Horse The L. Steward The â— Treasurer Controller Chamberlaine Tasters Harbengers Gentlemen of the chamber The Gard. Groomes Constitution of their bodies Their diet An admirable induring of extreme heat and colde at one and the same time The Noble mans attire The Gentlemans apparel The Noble womans attire The Mousickâ— or common mans attire The Emperors stile increased The English Marchants complaints English Marchants in great fauour with the Emperor Halfe the debt of Aâ—tony Marsh remitted Ann. Dom. 1590. 1590 1585 The Emperor seised our merâ—â—ants goods 1591 This is a new poâ—t The English merchants 3 weeks restrained from their Mart. 1591 1592 The Emperors â—â—ile lately enlarged This is a damty meat made of the roâ—d of sturgeons M. Thomas Lind. 1592 The Empresse Irene deliuered of a daughter M. Francis Cherie Anno Domini 1592. After our accompt 1596. 10. Febr. 1597. Prince Boris Pheodorowich by
Brasill Hogs grease instead of oile Silks of sundry sorts Horses Mules Iennets Maiz grainâ— for man and beast eaten in cakes An Hanege is a bushel and an halfe Salomons Ilands sought and â—ound in the South sea 1568. China found by the West * This is to be vnderstood of the time where this discourse was written Anno 1572. China ships with one saile Chamoice Spanish leather India Rauens not killed to deuoure carcion Wrongs done to the Indians punished Iustice cause of ciuilism The apparel of the Indians The houses of the Indians Fire rubbed out of two stickes Diuers speeches Mutezuma and his riches The Indians wash themselues euery day Canaybal Islands of salâ—â— Alume Cassia fistula Salsa Perilla Florida This Fleete consisted of 6. ships I. The Iesus 2 The Mynion 3 The William and Iohn 4 The Iudith 5 The Angel 6 The Swallow The William and Iohn separated and neuer after met with the fleeteâ— Mexico 60. leaâ—â—â—s froâ— S. Iuan de Vlluâ— It is put downe 6. millions in Sir Iohn Hawkins his relations 4 Articles concluded vpon betwixt the English the Spaniards although the treacherous Spaniards kept none of them A faire castle and bulwarke diuided vpon the yland of San Iuan de Vllua The vaine of a Spanish uiceroy his faith The villanous treacherie of the Spaniards and their crueltie Copstow◠〈◊〉 of M. Hawkins men returned from Nueua Espanna Theâ— were put on land 2â— leagues Northward of Panuco the 8 of October 1568. Capule a kind of stone fruit Chichiâ—â—ci a warlike and cruel people Our men assailed by the Chichemiâ—â— Eight of our men slaine Anthony Godard Dauid Ingram The riuer oâ— Panuco The Salines of Panuco Nuestra Sennorâ— Certaine Englishmen taken prisoners at the fight at Sant Iuan de Vllua Robeâ—t Sweeting an EnglishmaÌ„ English geÌ„tlemen hostages Almost an huÌ„dred Englishmen prisoners in Mexicoâ— Our men are truelly rackt The cruell iudgements of the Spanish Inquisitors vpoÌ„ our poorâ— countreâ—men Tuatepâ—c Washaca Tepiaca Pueblo de los Angeles Stapâ—lapa The Spanish Uiceroy prophecied buâ— falsely Vera Cruz distant 5 leagues from S. Iuan dâ— Vlluaâ— Miles Philips his last wonderâ—ull escape Guatimala on the South sea Puerto de Cauallos Don Pedro de Guzman He commetâ— home in an English ship from Maiorca A remedie against poysoned arrowes The riuer of Calousa The riuer of Taggarin 500 Negroes taken Rio grande Doâ—iâ—â—â—â— Margarita Burboroata Placencia in the maine Rio dela Hachâ— taken Santa Martha Cartagenâ—â— Campeche Don Martin de Henriquez thâ— trecherous Uice-roy Augustine de villa nueua a most thankelesse traytour The Spanish â—ice-admirall fiâ—iâ—d One of those three was Iob Hortop They sunke the Generals the reporter hereof Foure Spanish ships sunke About an hundred Englishmen landed Iohn Cornisâ— slaine Anthony Goddard A riuer Iames Collier 8. Englishmen slaine Another riueâ— Seuen dayes trauell to Pâ—nucoâ— The manifold vâ—e of Magueâ— Mexico A descripâ—ioâ— of ginger 157â— Haâ—â—â—â— A sea-monster in the shape of a man Robert Barret whom two familiars of the Inquisition and Iohn Gilbert burned Iob Hortop his condemnation 1590 1590 The Port of Tecuanapa The Bishopricks of Guaxacan Tlarcali Cuahintla Tulaningo a small lake Quacapotla The riuer of Ometepec Nicaraguâ— Xicaiâ—â— Aioanapa â—â—chistlahuaca 〈◊〉 â—hualapa 〈◊〉 Pio a frontier towne against the Mexicans Huehuatlan Cuahucapotla Cacatepec The riuer of Tlacamama Atoiaque â—icaian â—â—notespanâ— The towne of Tlacamama A lake hauing hard salt growing vnder the water Quesalâ— Cuahâ—ntâ—an del Rey. Huatulco or Guatulco in 15. deg and 50. minutes The riuer â—â— Tlacolula Azoyoque The prouinces of Tututepec and Tlapa Tecuanapa â— most fit harborough to builâ— ships for the South â—â—a This sir Tho. Pert was Uiceadmirall of England and dwelt in Poplar at Blackmall Note An English great shippe at Brasill 1517â— San Iuan de puerto Rico. M. Thomas Hampton â—â—â—rra Leona â—alled Tagâ—rin The Iles of Caycus October 1â—â— The Minion the Iohn Baptist and the Merlin bound for Guinea Good 〈…〉 a long day A dreadfull mischance by fire The I le of Palmes Gomera and Teneriffe Santa Cruz. A briefe description of the commodities of the Canaâ—ie Ilands 〈◊〉 Trees dropping water in Guinie The pike of Teneriffe Cape de las Barbas Cape Blanco Cape Verde in 14 degrees Leophares Ieloffes The trafficke of the Frenchmen at Cape Verde Alcatraâ—ses or Ganets The Sapieâ— Rio grande The Idols The Island called Sambula The Samboses â—apies The Samboses man-eaters The Sapies burie their dead with golde The Canoas of Aâ—trica The forme of their townes The Consultation house or towne-howâ—e Palmito is a â—â—lde datâ— A venemous Cucumber Idoles like deuils The extreme negligence of one of the companie The riuer Calowsa The Towne of Bimba Portugals nâ—â— to be trusted Want of circumspecâ— in ouâ— M. Field Captaine of the Salomon slaine Taggarin The riuer of Casterroes A new assault on the slegroo Great townes â—erâ— great Canoas The contagion of the countrey of Sierra Leona Tangomangos Dominica Island Canybals execeeding cruell and to be auoybed The Testigos Island Margarita Island Cumana Santa Fe. The description of the Indians of Terra â—â—â— The vse of Sorrell Memour of quilted canuas two ynches thicke The making of their poison The maners of the yong women The Isle of Tortuga The crueltie of the Caribes Burboroata An hundreth Englishmen in Aâ—â—â—ous The reports of the mishaps of the Minion in Guinie May. Horses kept ready sadled Exceeding plentie of â—aâ—tell in Curazâ—â— Great numbers of wilde dogs Aruba La Rancheria Rio de la Hacha M. Hawkins his letter to the Treasurer of Rio de la Hacha The authour of this storie Iune The deceitfull foâ—ce of the current Two hundred ylands for the most part not inhabited The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Florida The Isles of â—ortugaâ— Great store of birds A hill called the Table The port oâ— Hauana The sâ—ate oâ— the current of Florida M. Hawkins ranged all the coast of Florida The riuer of May. Florida found to be cut into Islands Sorell The commodities of Florida The houses of Florida The maner of kindling of fire in Florida The French fort Monsieur Laudonniere Bread made of â—cornâ— The occasion of the falling out with the Floridians The French greatly recieued by M. Hawkins Twentie hogsheads of wine made in Florida like to the wine of Orleans Labourers necessary to inhabit new countreys Tobacco the great vertue thereof The variety of commodities in Florida Colours Golde and siluer Two Spanyards liued log among y e Floridians Pieces of gold grauen among y e Floridians Florida esteemed an Island This copper was sound perfect golde called vp the Sauages Sye roa phyre Pearles Vnicornes hornes which y e inhabitants call Sonamamma Beasts Faulcons in Florida Serpents Flying fishes Dolphins Flemingo The egript The pellicane Meanes to reape a sufficient profit in Florida and Virginia These arriuall in Padstow in the moneth of September 1565. A storm Gomerâ— Enâ—enomeâ— arrowes A towne of 3000 Negros
3. ships and a Pinnesse to the Isles of Dominica Saint Iuan de puerto rico Hispaniola and to the Bay of the Honduras begun in Ianuary 1591. pag. 567 The voyage of M. William king Captaine M. Moore M. How M. Boreman being owners in the Salomon of 200. tunnes and the Iane Bonauenture of 40. tunnes set foorth from Ratcliffe 1592. pag. 570 The voyage of Henry May one of M. Iames Lancaster his company in his nauigation to the East Indies 1591 1592 who in his returne with M. Lancaster by the yles of Trinidad Mona Hispaniola was about Cape Tiburon taken into a French ship vnder the conduct of Capitan de la barbotiero which ship was cast away vpoÌ„ the yles of Bermuda where all the company that escaped drowning remained for certain moneths built themselues a barke sailed to Newfoundland and so home 1593. pag. 573. 574 The voyage of sir Robert Duddeloâ— to the yle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria with his returne homeward by the yles of Granata Santa Cruzâ— Sant Iuan de puerto rico Mona Zacheo the sholdes called Abre ojos and the yle of Bermuda Anno 1594. 1595. pag. 574 The voyage of sir Amias Preston and Captaine George Sommers to the West Indies begun in March 1595 wherein diuers ylands cities townes and forts were part taken and ransomed and part burned pag. 578 The last voyage of sir Francis Drake sir Iohn Hawkins intended for some special seruices on the ylands and maine of the West Indies Anno 1595. In which voyage both the foresaide knights died by sicknes pag. 583 The voyage of siâ— Antony Sherley to S. Iago Dominica Margarita along the coast of Tierra firma to the yle of Iamaica the bay of the Honduras 30. leagues vp Rio dolce and homeward by Newfoundland 1596. pag. 598 The voyage of M. William Parker of Plimmouth to Margarita Iamaica Truxillo Puerto de cauallos c. with his surprize of Campeche the chiefe towne of Iucatan An. 1596 1597. p. 602 The discourses letters intelligences obseruations and principall rutâ—iers belonging to the voyages next before mentioned THe opinion of Don Aluaro Baçan marques of Santa Cruz and high admirall of Spaine touching the flâ—et of sir Francis Drake lying at the isles of Bayona on the coast of Galicia written in Liâ—bon the â—6 of October 1585 after the account of Spaine pag. 532 A resolution of the principall land-captaines which accompanied sir Francis Drake in his memorable voyage to the West Indies 1585 what course they thought most expedient to be taken Giuen at Cartagena the 17 of February 1585. pag. 543 A relation of the surueying new buildingâ— finishing making and mending of certeine ports harboursâ— forts and cities in the West Indies written by Baptista Antonio the king of Spaines surueyour in those parts 1587. pag. 548 Twelue Spanisâ— letters written from diuers places of the islands and of the maine land aswell of Nueua Espanna as of Tierra firma and Perú intercepted by the ships of the worshipfull M. Iohn Wats disclosing many secrets toâ—ching the aforesayd countreys and the state of the South sea and the trade to the Philippinas pag. 557. and the pages following The interpretation of certeine words of the language of Trinidad annexed to the voyage of sir Robert Duddeley pag. 577 A libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino delgadillo de Auellaneda generall of the king of Spaines armada concerning some part of the last voyage of sir Francis Drake together with a confutation thereof by M. Henry Sauile c. pag. 591 593. An excellent ruttier for the islands of â—he West Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna pag. 603 A principall ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from Saint Lucar in Andaluzia by the Canaries the Antillas and the other greater Isles Westward of them to Saint Iuan de Vllua in Nueua Espanna pag. 613 A declaration of the Capes and Islands aswell of Madera the Canaries and The west Indies as of the Açores and the Isles of Cabo Verde pag. 624. A declaration of the longitudes or Westerne and Easterne distances from Spaine to New Spaine in America and from thence backe againe to Spaine pag. 626 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the large rich and beautifull empire of Guiana by sir Walter Ralegh and others at his charges and appointment THe voyage of sir Walter Ralegh himselfe to the Isle of Trinidad where he tooke the citie of Saint Iosepho and Don Antonio de Berreo the captaine thereof from whence with a barge and certaine boates he passed vp the bay of Guanipa the riuer of Amana one of the mouths of the great Orenoque the maine riuer of Orenoque it selfe and other riuers for the space of 400. miles and in his returne homeward sacked burnt the town of Cumaná 1595. pag. 631 The second voyage to Guiana performed and written in the yeere 1596. by Laurence Kâ—ymis gentleman pag. 672 The 3. voyage set forth by sir Waltâ—r Ralegh to Guiana with a pinnesse called The Wat begun in the yere 1596. written by M. Thomas Masham a gentleman of the company pag. 692 The Epistles Discourses Intercepted letters Obseruations and Intelligences preceding and depending vpon the voyages to Guiana THe Epistle Dedicatorie of sir Walter Ralegh to the right honourable the L. Charles Howard knight of the Garter c. and sir Robert Cecil Councellour c. pag. 627 The Epistle of sir Walter Ralegh to the reader pag. 629 An aduertisement to the Reader concerning certaine letters of the Spaniards intercepted at Sea pag. 662 Foure seuerall testimonies concerning the rich Empire of Guiana called by the Spaniards El Nueuo Dorado collected out of certaine Spanish letters taken at sea by captaine George Popham anno 1594. pag. 663 Foure personall reports of certaine Spaniards and of a Frenchman concerning El Nueuo Dorado 665. and 666 The Epistle of master Laurence Keymis to the reader pag. 667 De Guiana carmen Epicum pag. 668 A table of the names of the riuers nations townes and Caciques or captaines which were discouered in the voyage of M. Laurence Keymis before mentioned pag. 687 A catalogue of the names of those worthy Spaniards that haue sought to discouer and conquer Guiana pag. 690 An aduertisement of M. Laurence Keymis to the reader pag. 691 Three testimonies of Iosepho de Acosta concerning the mightie riuer of Amazones or Orellana and of the downefall of waters at the head thereof called El Pongo and likewise of the Empire of Dorado or Guiana and of the golden countrey of Paytiti pag. 698 A briefe description of the foresayd riuer of Amazones or Orellana and of the countries thereabout as also of the sea of fresh water taken out of an ancient discourse written by Martin Fernandez de Ençiça pag. 699 Certaine voyages nauigations and traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasill THe first voyage of M.
William Hawkins of Plimmouth father vnto sir Iohn Hawkins to Brasil Anno 1530. pag. 700 The second voyage of M. William Hawkins to Brasil 1532. pag. 700 The voyage of M. Robert Reniger M. Tho. Borey to Brasil in the yere 1540. p. 701 The voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil 1542. pag. 701 The voyage of M. Stephan Hare in the Minion of London to Brasil anno 1580. pag. 704 The prosperous voyage of Master Iames Lancaster to the towne of Fernambuck in Brasil 1594. pag. 708 The letters discourses instructions obseruations and ruttiers depending vpon the voyages to Brasil A Letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. pag. 701 A letter of the aduenturers for Brasil sent to Iohn Whithal dwelling at Santos by the Minion of London dated the 24. of October 1580. pag. 703 An intercepted letter of Francis Suarez to his brother Diego Suarez dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasil in Iune 1596. concerning an exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barkes of 30. or 40. tunnes pag. 706 An intercepted letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualho the gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northren part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second King of Spaine concerning the conquest of Rio grande c. pag. 716 A speciall note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia pag. 719 An excellent ruttier describing the course to be kept from Cabo verde to the coast of Brasil and all along the said coast from Fernambuck to the riuer of Plate pag. 719 A ruttier from the riuer of Plate to the Streights of Magellan pag. 724. A note of two voyages of Englishmen into the Riuer of Plate A Voyage of two Englishmen to the riuer of Plate in the company of Sebastian Cabota 1527. pag. 726 The voyage of M. Iohn Drake after his departure from M. Fenton vp the riuer of Plate 1582. pag. 726 A Ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the yle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plate and all along vp within the said riuer and what armes mouths it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable with small barkes pag. 728. A Catalogue of diuers English voyages some intended and some performed to the Streights of Magellan the South sea along the coasts of Chili Peru Nicaragua and Nuéua Galicia to the headland of California and to the Northwest thereof as farre as 43. degrees as likewise to the yles of the Ladrones the Philippinas the Malucos and the Iauas and from thence by the Cape of Buâ—na Esperanza and the yle of Santa Helena the whole globe of the earth being circompassed home againe into England THe famous voyage of sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the globe of the whole earth begunne Anno 1577. pag. 742 The voyage of Nunno de Silua a Portugal Pilot taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde and caried along with him as farre as the hauen of Guatulco vpon the coast of New Spaine with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all matters that befell during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake pag. 742 The voyage of M. Iohn Winter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with sir Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. he being the first Christian that euer repassed the said Streight pag. 748 The voyage of M. Edward Fenton and M. Luke Ward his viceadmirall with 4. ships intended for China but performed onely to the coast of Brasil as farre as 33. degrees of Southerly latitude begunne in the yeere 1582. pag. 757 The voyage of M. Robert Withrington and M. Christopher Lister intended for the South sea with two tal ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland but performed onely to the Southerly latitude of 44. degrees begun Anno 1586. pag. 762 The prosperous voyage of M. Thomas Candish esquire into the South sea and so round about the circumference of the whole earth begun in the yere 1586. and finished 1588. pag. 803 The voyage of the Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made to the Streights of Magellan begun in the yere 1589. pag. 840 The last voyage of M. Thomas Candish intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with three tall ships and two barks begun 1591. pag. 842 The principall obseruations discourses instructions letters ruttiers and intelligences belonging to the voyages immediatly going before THe names of the kings of Iaua at the time of sir Francis Drakes being there pag. 742 Certaine words of the naturall language of Iaua with the interpretation thereof pag. 742 The confession of Nunno de Silua a Portugall pilot taken by sir Francis Drake which he made to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the proceeding of sir Francis Drake c. 157â— pag. 742 A letter written in the South sea by sir Francis Drake vnto his consort M. Iohn Winter 748 Instructiâ—ns giuen by the R.H. the lords of the councell to M. Edward Fenton esquire for the order to be obserued in the voyage recommended vnto him for the East Indies and Cathay April 9. 1582. pag. 754 A discourse of the West â—ndies and the South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugall conteining diuers memorable maâ—ters not to be found in any other writers and continued vnto the yere 1587. pag. 778 Certaine rare and speciall notes most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish about the world concerning the latitudes soundings lying of lands distances of places the variation of the compasse and other notable obseruations diligently taken by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich pag. 825 A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the R. H. the olde Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable priuiâ— councell touching the successe of his voyage rounde about the worlde 837 Certaine notes or references taken out of a large map of China brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. 837 A petition made in the streight of Magellan by certeine of the company of the Delight of Bristoll vnto Robert Burnet the Master of the sayd ship and one of the consorts of M. Chidley the 12 of February 1589. pag. 840 The testimoniall of the company of the Desire a ship of M. Canâ—ishes fleet in his last voyage touching the loosing of their generall which appeareth to haue bene vtterly against their meanings 845 The letters of the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 to the emperour of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield merchants of London who were embarked in the fleet whereof M. Beniamin Wood was generall pag. 852 Three seuerall
a plaine marsh they stayed expecting the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise to furnish vs with victuals who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breach of promise came not whereupon our Generall fired the woods thereabout and so retired to our Fort which the same day was fired also and each man came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning The 29. day wee set saile from Saint Iohns being many of vs stung before vpon shoare with the Muskitos but the same night wee tooke a Spanish Frigat which was forsaken by the Spaniards vpon the sight of vs and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat with good and rich fraight and diuers Spaniards of account in her which afterwards wee rausomed for good round summes and landed them in S. Iohns The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats which we had taken to Roxo bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohns to fetch salt being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot as soone as hee arriued there hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched himselfe vpon the sandes immediatly compassing one of their salte hils within the trench who being seene of the Spaniards there came downe towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and fooâ—nen who gaue him the looking and gazing on but durst not come neere him to offer any resistance so that Master Lane maugre their troopes caryed their salte aboord and laded his Friâ—at and so returned againe to our fleete the 29. day which road at S. Germans Bay The same day we all departed and the next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola Iune THe 1. day of Iune we anchored at Isabella on the North side of Hispaniola The 3. day of Iune the Gouernour of Isabella and Captaine of the Port de Plata being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards who had beene well intertained aboord our shippes by our Generall that in our fleete were many braue and gallant Gentlemen who greatly desired to see the Gouernour aforesayd he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our Generall promising within few dayes to come to him in person which he perfourmed accordingly The 5. day the aforesayd Gouernour accompanied with a lusty Fryer and twenty other Spaniards with their seruants and Negroes came dowâ—e to the Sea side where our ships road at anker who being seene our Generall manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our Fleete euery man appointed and furnished in the best sort at the landing of our Generall the Spanish gouernour receiued him very courteously and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen and their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men liking our men and likewise their qualities although at the first they seemed to stand in feare of vs and of so many of our boates whereof they desired that all might not land their men yet in the end the courtesies that passed on both sides were so great that all feare and mistrust on the Spaniards part was abandoned In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour discoursed betwixt them of diuers mattersâ— as of the state of the Countrey the multitude of the Townes and people and the commodities of the Iland our men prouided two banquetting houses couered with greene boughes the one for the Gentlemen the other for the seruaunts and a sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in plate with the sound of trumpets and consort of musicke wherwith the Spaniards were more then delighted Which banquet being ended the Spaniardes inrecompence of our courtesie caused a great heard of white buls and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines and appoynted for euery Gentleman and Captaine that would ride a horse ready sadled and then singled out three of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres wherein all three of the beasts were killed whereof one tooke the Sea and there was slaine with a musket After this sport many rare presents and gifts were giuen and bestowed on both parts and the next day wee played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of diuers of their commodities as horses mares kine buls goates swine sheepe bull-hides sugar ginger pearle tabacco and such like commodities of the Iland The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the Iland of Hispaniola but the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie vsed towards vs by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst vs then to any heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement for doubtlesse if they â—â—d bene stronger then wee wee might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes then Master Iohn Hankins receiued at Saint Iohn de Vllua or Iohn Oxnam â—eere the streights of Dariene and diuers others of our Countrymen in other places The 8. day we ankred at a small Iland to take Seales which in that place wee vnderstood to haue bene in great quâ—ntitie where the Generall and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to haue beene all cast away but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie The 9. day we arriued and landed in the I le of Caycos in which Iland we searched for saltepondes vpon the aduertisment and information of a Portugall who indeede abused our Generall and vs deseruing a haster for his hire if it had so pleased vs. The 12. we ankered at Guanima and landed The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breath called the Cape of Feare The 24. we came to anker in a harbour where wee caught in one tyde so much fish as would haue yeelded vs twentie pounds in London this was our first landing in Florida The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour where through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando the Admirall strooke on ground and sunke The 3. we sent word of our arriuing at Wococon to Wingina at Roanoak The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine and Manteo with him and Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan where they found two of our men left there with 30 other by Captaine Reymond some 20. dayes before The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned with two of our men found by them to vs at Wocokon The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn Arundell Master Stukeley and diuers other Gentlemen