of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
time without the consent of the Gouernour for the time being and the more part of the said Company And further wee of our more ample and abundant grace meere motion and certaine knowledge haue graunted and by these patenâ—s for vs our heires and successors doe graunt to the saide Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors and administrators that they the saide Edward Thomas Richard and Willam their executors and administrators and the said person and persons by them the said Edward and Richard to be nominated or appointed as afore is said together with such two other persons as wee our heires or successors from time to time during the sayd terme shall nominate shall haue the whole trade and trafique and the whole entire onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing and vsing feate of marchandise into and from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior and euery of them And when there shall be no such persons so nominated or appointed by vs our heires or successors that then the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators and such persons by them so to be appointed shall haue the saide whole trade and trafique and the whole entire and onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing aforesaid And that they the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors administrators and also al such as shal so be nominated or appointed to be partners or aduenturers in the said trade according to such agreement as is abouesaid and euery of them their seruants factors and deputies shal haue ful and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafique into and from all and euery the saide dominions of the saide Grand Signior and into and from all places where by occasion of the said trade they shall happen to arriue or come whether they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or other and into and from all Seas riuers ports regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barks pinâ—esses and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will lead with them or send for the said trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper cost and expenses any law statute vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding And that it shal be lawful for the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and to the persons aforesaid and to and for the mariners and seamen to bee vsed and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and others vessels the armes of England with the red crosse ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed the red crosse any matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding And we of our further royal fauor and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt to the said Edward Osbâ—rne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators by these presents that the said lands territories and dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them shall not be visited frequented nor haunted by way of marchandise by any other our subiects during the said terme contrary to the true meaning of these patents And by vertue of our high prerogatiue royall which wee will not haue argued or brought in question we straightly charge and commaund and prohibite for vs our heires and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they be that none of them directly or indirectlâ— do visite haunt frequent or trade trafique or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the Dominions of the sayde Grand Signior or other places abouesayde by water or by lande other then the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executours or administrators or such as shal be admitted and nominated as is aforesaide without expresse licence agreement and consent of the said Gouernour and company or the more part of them whereof the said Gouernour alwayes to be one vpon paine of our high indignation and of forfeiâ—nre and losse as well of the ship and shippes with the furniture thereof as also of the goods marchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those our Subiects which shall attempt or presume to saile trafique or aduenture to or from any the dominions or places abouesaid contrary to the prohibition aforesaid the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs our heires successors and the other halfe to the vse of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and the said companie and further to suffer imprisonment during our pleasure and such other punishment as to vs for so high contempt shal seeme meete and conuenient And further of our grace speciall certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and graunted and by these patents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Thomas Richard William their executors and administrators that we our heires successors during the said terme will not grant liberty licence or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents to saile passe trade or trafique into or from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them without the coÌ„sent of the said Edward Thomas Richard William and such as shal be named or appointed as afore is said or the most of them And that if at any time hereafter during the said terme y e said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them shal admit or nominate any of our subiects to be partners aduenturers in the said trade to the number of 12. or vnder as afore is said that then we our heires and successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them in our Chauncerie to be made and vpon the sight of these presents will grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or to the suruiuors of them and to such persons as so shall be nominated or appointed by their speciall names surnames additions as is aforesaid new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of law with like agreement clauses prohibitions prouisoes and articles mutatis mutandis as in these our letters patents are conteined for and during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeres then remaining vnexpired And that the sight of these presents shal be sufficient warrant to the Lord Chancellour or Lord keeper of the great seale for the time being for the making sealing and passing of such new letters patents without further writ or warrant for the same to be required had or obtained And the said Edward Osburne Thomas Smith and Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shal be so nominated and appointed as is aforesaid to be of their trade or companie shall yeerely during 6. of the last yeres of
the king hath commanded vpon paine of death that they should not plant either wine or oile there but should alwayes stand in need of them to be brought out of Spaine although there would more grow there in foure yeeres then there groweth in Spaine in twenty it is so fertile a countrey And the king to keepe the countrey alwayes in subiection and to his owne vse hath streightly prouided by lawe vpon paine of death and losse of goods that none of these countreys should traffique with any other nation although the people themselues doe much now desire to trade with any other then with them and would vndoubtedly doe if they feared not the perill ensuing thereupon About Mexico and other places in Noua Hispania there groweth a certeine plant called magueis which yeeldeth wine vineger hony and blacke sugar and of the leaues of it dried they make hempe ropes shooes which they vse and tiles for their houses and at the ende of euery leafe there groweth a sharpe point like an awle wherewith they vse to bore or pearce thorow any thing Thus to make an end I haue heere set downe the summe of all the chiefest things that I haue obserued and noted in my seuenteene yeres trauell in those parts A relation of the commodities of Noua Hispania and the maners of the inhabitants written by Henry Hawks merchant which liued fiue yeeres in the sayd countrey and drew the same at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of Eston in the county of Hereford 1572. SAint Iohn de Vllua is an Island not high aboue the water where as now the Spanyards vpon M. Iohn Hawkins being there are in making a strong for t In this place all the ships that come out of Spaine with goods for these parts do vnlade for they haue none other port so good as this is The comming into this place hath three chanels and the best of all is the Northermost which goeth by the maine land and on euery side of the chanels there are many small rocks as big as a small barrell they wil make men stand in doubt of them but there is no feare of them There is another Island there by called The Island of sacrifices where as the Spanyards did in times past vnlade their goods and for that they say there are vpon it spirits or deuils it is not frequented as it hath bene In these places the North wind hath so great dominion that oftentimes it destroyeth many ships and barks This place is giuen to great sicknesse These Islands stand in 18 degrees and a halfe and about the same is great plenty of fish Fiue leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua is a faire riuer it lieth Northwest from the port and goeth to a little towne of the Spanyards called Vera Cruz and with small vessels or barks which they call frigats they cary all their merchandize which commeth out of Spaine to the said towne and in like maner bring all the gold siluer cochinilla hides and all other things that the shippes cary into Spaine vnto them And the goods being in Vera Cruz they cary them to Mexico and to Pueblo de los Angeles Sacatecas and Saint Martin and diuers other places so farre within the countrey that some of them are 70 miles off and some more and some lesse all vpon horses mules and in waines drawen with oâ—en and in carres drawen with mules In this towne of Vera Cruz within these twenty yeres when women were brought to bed the children new borne in continently died which is not so now in these dayes God be thanked This towne is inclined to many kinde of diseases by reason of the great heat and a certeine gnat or flie which they call a musquito which â—iâ—â—th both men and women in their sleepe and assoone as they are bitten incontinently the flesh swelleth as though they had bene bitten with some venimous worme And this musquito or gnat doth most follow such as are newly come into the countrey Many there are that die of this annoyance This towne is situated vpon the riuer aforesayd and compassed with woods of diuers maners and sorts and many fruits as orenges and limons guiaues and diuers others and birds in them popiniayes both small and great and some of them as big as a rauen and their tailes as long as the taile of a fezant There are also many other kinde of birds of purple colour and small munkeys maruellous proper This hote or sicke countrey coutinueth fiue and forty miles towards the city of Mexico and the fiue and forty miles being passed then there is a temperate countrey and full of tillage but they water all their corne with riuers which they turne in vpon it And they gather their Wheat twise a yere And if they should not water the ground where as their corne is sowen the country is so hote it would burne all Before you come to Mexico there is a great towne called Tlaxcalla which hath in it aboue 16000 households All the inhabitants thereof are free by the kings of Spaine for these were the occasion that Mexico was woonne in so short time and with so little losse of men Wherefore they are all gentlemen and pay no tribute to the king In this towne is all the cochinilla growing Mexico is a great city it hath more then fifty thousand households whereof there are not past fiue or sixe thousand houses of Spanyards all the other are the people of the countrey which liue vnder the Spanyards lawes There are in this city stately buildings and many monasteries of friers and nunnes which the Spanyards haue made And the building of the Indians is somewhat beautifull outwardly and within full of small chambers with very small windowes which is not so comly as the building of the Spanyards This city standeth in the midst of a great lake and the water goeth thorow all or the most part of the streets and there come small boats which they call canoas and in them they bring all things necessary as wood and coales and grasse for their horses stones and lime to build and corne This city is subiect to many earthquakes which oftentimes cast downe houses and kil people This city is very well prouided of water to drinke and with all maner of victuals as fruits flesh and fish bread hennes and capons Guiny cocks and hennes and all other fowle There are in this city euery weeke three Faires or Markets which are frequented with many people aswell Spanyards as the people of the countrey There are in these Faires or Markets all maner of things that may be inuented to sell and in especiall things of the countrey The one of these Faires is vpon the Munday which is called S. Hypolitos faire and S. Iames his faire is vpon the Thursday and vpon Saturday is S. Iohns faire In this city is alwayes the kings gouernour or viceroy and there are
did so whereupon they returned to the viceroy and told him that we were good Christians and that they liked vs well and then they brought vs much reliefe with clothes our sicke men were sent to their Hospitals where many were cured and many died From the Tanners house we were led to a gentlemans place where vpon paine of death we were charged to abide and not to come into the citie thither we had all things necessary brought vs on Sundayes and holy dayes much people came and brought vs great reliefe The viceroy practised to hang vs and caused a paire of new gallowes to be set vp to haue executed vs wherunto the noblemen of that countrey would not consent but prayed him to stay vntil the ship of aduise brought newes from the king of Spaine what should be done with vs for they said they could not find any thing by vs whereby they might lawfully put vs to death The viceroy then commanded vs to be sent to an Island there by and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico who sent foure priests to the Island to examine and confesse vs who said that the viceroy would burne vs when wee were examined and confessed according to the lawes of the countrey They returned to the Bishop and told him that we were very good Christians The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and confessions and said that wee were good Christians therefore he would not meddle with vs. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret whom he kept prisoner in his pallace vntill the fleete was departed for Spayne The rest of vs he sent to a towne seuen leagues from Mexico called Tescuco to card wooll among the Indian slaues which drudgery we disdained and concluded to beat our masters and so wee did wherefore they sent to the viceroy desiring him for Gods sake and our Ladies to send for vs for they would not keepe vs any longer they said that we were deuils and no men The viceroy sent for vs and imprisoned vs in a house in Mexico from thence he sent Anthony Goddard some other of our company with him into Spaine with Luçon the General that tooke vs the rest of vs staied in Mexico two yeres after and then were sent prisoners into Spaine with Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre admirall and generall of the Spanish fleet who caried with him in his ship to be presented to the K. of Spaine the anatomie of a giant which was sert from China to Mexico to the viceroy Don Martin Henriquez to bee sent to the king of Spaine for a great wonder It did appeare by the anatomie that he was of a monstrous size the skull of his head was neere as bigge as halfe a bushel his necke-bones shoulder-plates arme-bones and all other lineaments of his other partes were huge and monstrous to behold the shanke of his legge from the ankle to the knee was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his wast and of bignesse accordingly At this time and in this ship were also sent to be presented to the king of Spaine two chesles full of earth with ginger growing in them which were also sent from China to be sent to the king of Spaine The ginger runneth in the ground like to liccoras the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like vnto the blades of wild garlicke which they cut euery fifteene dayes they vse to water them twise a day as we doe our herbes here in England they put the blades in their pottage and vse them in their other meates whose excellent sauour and tast is very delightfull and procureth a good appetite When we were shipped in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua the Generall called our master Robert Barret and vs with him into his cabbin asked vs if wee would fight against Englishmen if we met them at the sea we said that we would not fight against our Crowne but if we met with any other we would do what we were able He said if we had said otherwise he would not haue beleeued vs and for that we should be the better vsed and haue allowance as other men had and he gaue a charge to euery one of vs according vnto our knowledge Robert Barret was placed with the pilote I was put in the gunners roome William Cawse with the boat-swaine Iohn Beare with the quarter-masters Edward Rider Geffrey Giles with the ordinary mariners Richard the masters boy attended on him and the pilote shortly after we departed from the port of S. Iohn de Vllua with all the fleete of Spaine for the port called Hauana wee were 26. dayes sayling thither There wee came in ankered tooke in fresh water and stayed 16. dayes for the fleete of Nombre de Dios which is the fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes After his comming when he had watred his ships both the fleetes ioyned in one and Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of both the fleets who turning through the chanell of Bahama his pilote had like to haue cast away all the fleet vpon the Cape called Cannaueral which was preuented by me Iohn Hortop our master Robert Barret for I being in the second watch escried land and called to Robert Barret bidding him looke ouer boord for I saw land vnder the lee-bow of the ship he called to the boat-swaine bid him let flie the fore saile sheat and lay the helm vpon the lee and cast the ship about When we were cast about we were but in seuen fathome water we shot off a piece giuing aduice to the fleet to cast about and so they did For this we were beloued of the Generall and all the fleet The Generall was in a great rage and swore by the king that he would hang his pilote for he said that twise before he had almost cast away the Admirall When it was day he commanded a piece to be shot off to call to councill the other Admirall in his ship came vp to him and asked what the matter was he said that his pilote had cast away his ship and all the fleet had it not bene for two of the Englishmâ—n and therefore he would hang him The other Admirall with many faire words perswaded him to the contrary When we came in the height of Bermuda we discouered a monster in the sea who shewed himselfe three times vnto vs from the middle vpwards in which parts hee was proportioned like a man of the complection of a Mulato or tawny Indian The Generall did commaund one of his clearks to put it in writing and hee certified the King and his Nobles thereof Presently after this for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule weather and then God sent vs a faire wind vntill such time as we discouered the Iland called Faial On S. Iames day we made
sayd riuer where came aboord of vs sundry of their Boates which declared vnto me that they were also bound to the northwards a fishing for Morse and Salmon and gaue me liberally of their white and wheaten bread As we roade in this riuer wee sawe dayly comming downe the riuer many of their Lodias and they that had least had foure and twenty men in them and at the last they grew to thirtie saile of them and amongst the rest there was one of them whose name was Gabriel who shewed me very much friendshippe and he declared vnto mee that all they were bound to Pechora a fishing for Salmons and Morses insomuch that hee shewed mee by demonstrations that with a faire winde wee had seuen or eight dayes sailing to the Riuer Pechora so that I was glad of their company This Gabriel promised to giue mee warning of shoales as hee did indeede Sunday being the one and twentieth day Gabriel gaue me a barrell of Meade and one of his speciall friends gaue me a barrell of beere which was caryed vpon mens backs at least 2 miles Munday we departed from the riuer Cola with all the rest of the said Lodias but sailing before the wind they were all too good for vs but according to promise this Gabriel and his friend did often strike their sayles and caried for vs forsaking their owne company Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we were thwart of Cape S. Iohn It is to be vnderstood that from the Cape S. Iohn vnto the riuer or bay that goeth to Mezen it is all sunke land and full of shoales and dangers you shall haue scant two fadome water and see no land And this present day wee came to an anker thwart of a creeke which is 4 or 5 leagues to the Northwards of the sayd Cape into which creeke Gabriel and his fellow rowed but we could not get in and before night there were aboue 20 saile that went into the sayd creeke the wind being at the Northeast We had indifferent good landfang This afternoone Gabriel came aboord with his skiffe and then I rewarded him for the good company that he kept with vs ouer the shoales with two small iuory combes and a steele glasse with two or three trifles more for which he was not vngratefull But notwithstanding his first company had gotten further to the Northwards Wednesday being Midsummer day we sent our skiffe aland to sound the creeke where they found it almost drie at a low water And all the Lodais within were on ground Although the harborough were euil yet the stormie similitude of Northerly winds tempted vs to set our sayles we let flip a cable and an anker and bare with the harborough for it was then neere a high water and as alwaies in such iourneis varieties do chance when we came vpon the barre in the entrance of the creeke the wind did shrink so suddenly vpon vs that we were not able to lead it in and before we could haue flatted the shippe before the winde we should haue bene on ground on the lee shore so that we were constrained to let fall an anker vnder our sailes and rode in a very breach thinking to haue warpt in Gabriel came out with his skiffe and so did sundry others also shewing their good will to helpe vs but all to no purpose for they were likely to haue bene drowned for their labour in so much that I desired Gabriel to lend me his anker because our owne ankers were two big for our skiffe to layout who sent me his owne and borrowed another also and sent it vs. Then we layd out one of those ankers with a hawser which he had of 140 fadom long thinking to haue warpt in but it would not be for as we shorted vpon y e said warpe the anker came home so that we were faine to beare the end of the warpe that we rushed in vpon the other small anker that Gabriel sent aboord and layd that anker to seawards and then betweene these two ankers we trauersed the ships head to seawards and set our foresaile and maine sayle and when the barke had way we cut the hawser and so gate the sea to our friend and tryed out al that day with our maine corse The Thursday we went roome with Cape S. Iohn where we found indifferent good rode for a Northnortheast wind and for a neede for a North and by West winde Friday at afternoone we weyed and departed from thence the wether being meetly faire the winde at Eastsoutheast and plied for the place where we left our cable and anker and our hawser as soone as we were at an anker the foresaid Gabriel came aboord of vs with 3 or foure more of their small boats and brought with them of their Aquauitae Meade professing vnto me very much friendship and reioiced to see vs againe declaring that they earnestly thought that we had bene lost This Gabriel declared vnto me that they had saued both the ankers and our hauser and after we had thus communed I caused 4 or 5 of them a goe into my cabbin where I gaue them fâ—gs and made them such cheere as I could While I was thus banketing of theÌ„ there came another of their skiffes aboord with one who was a Keril whose name afterwards I learned that he dwelt in Colmogro Gabriel dwelled in the towne of Cola which is not far from the riuers mouth This foresaid Keril said vnto me that one of the ankers which I borowed was his I gaue him thanks for the loue of it thinking it had bene sufficient And as I continued in one accustomed maner that if the present which they brought were worth enterteinment they had it accordingly he brought nothing with him therfore I regarded him but litle And thus we ended they took their leaue and went a shore At their comming ashore Gabriel and Keril were at vnconuenient words and by the eares as I vnderstand the cause was because the one had better enterteinmeÌ„t then the other but you shal vnderstand that Gabriel was not able to make his party good because there were 17 lodias of the Kerils company who tooke his part and but 2 of Gabriels company The next high water Gabriel and his company departed from thence and rowed to their former company and neighbours which were in number 28 at the least and all of them belonging to the riuer Cola. And as I vnderstood Keril made reckoning that the hawser which was fast in his anker should haue bene his owne and at first would not deliuer it to our boat insomuch that I sent him worde that I would complaine vpon him whereupon he deliuered the hawser to my company The next day being Saturday I sent our boat on shore to fetch fresh water and wood and at their comming on shore this Keril welcomed our men most gently and also banketed them and in the meane time caused some of
his men to fill our baricoes with water and to help our men to beare wood into their boat and then he put on his best silke coate and his coller of pearles and came aboord againe brought his present with him and thus hauing more respect vnto his present then to his person because I perceiued him to be vainglorious I bade him welcome and gaue him a dish of figs and then he declared vnto me that his father was a gentleman and that he was able to shew me pleasure and not Gabriel who was but a priests sonne After their departure from vs we weied and plyed all the ebbe to the windewards the winde being Northerly towards night it waxed very stormie so that of force we were constrained to go roome with Cape S. Iohn againe in which storme wee lost out skiffe at our sterne that wee bought at Wardhouse and there we rode vntil the fourth of Iuly The latitude of Cape S. Iohn is 66 degrees 50 minutes And it is to be noted that the land of Cape S. Iohn is of height from the full sea marke as I iudge 10 fadomes being cleane without any trees growing also without stones or rockes and consists onely of blacke earth which is so rotten that if any of it fall into the sea it will swimme as though it were a piece of wood In which place about three leagues from the shore you shall not haue aboue 9 fadom water and clay ground Iulie SAturday at a Northnorthwest sunne the wind came at Eastnortheast then we weied and plied to the Northwards and as we were two leagues shot past the Cape we saw a house standing in a valley which is dainty to be seene in those parts and by and by I saw three men on the top of the hil Then I iudged them as it afterwards proued that they were men which came from some other place to set traps to take vermin for their furres which trappes we did perceiue very thicke alongst the shore as we went Sunday at an East sunne we were thwart off the creeke where the Russes lay and there came to an anker and perceiuing the most part of the Lodias to be gone we thought it not good to tary any longer there but weyed and spent all the ebbe plying to the windewards Munday at a South sunne it was high water All alongst the coast it floweth little onely a South moone makes a full sea and as we were a weying we espied the Russe Lodias which we first lost They came out of a creeke amongst the sandy hilles which hilles beginne 15 leagues Northnortheast from Cape S. Iohn Plying this ebbe to an end we came to an anker 6 leagues Northnortheast froÌ„ the place where we saw the Russes come out and there the Russes harboured themselues within a soonke banke but there was not water enough for vs. At a North sunne we weyed and plied to the Northwards the land lying Northnortheast and Southsouthwest vntil a South sunne and then we werein the latitude of 68 degrees a halfe â— and in this latitude ende those sandy hilles and the land beginneth to lie North and by West South and by East and Northnorthwest and to the Westwards and there the water beginneth to ware deepe At a Northwest sunne we came to an anker within halfe a league of the shore where wee had good plenty of fish both Haddocks and Cods riding in 10 fadom water Wednesday we weyed and plyed neerer the headland which is called Caninoz the wind being at East and by North. Thursday the wind being scant we turned to windwards the ebbe to get about Caninoz the latitude this day at noone was 68 degreee 40 minutes Friday we turned to the windward of the ebbe but to no purpose and as we rode at an anker we saw the similitude of a storme rising at Northnorthwest could not tell where to get rode nor succor for that winde and harborough we knew none that land which we rode vnder with that winde was a lee shorâ— And as I was musing what was best to be done I saw a saile come out of a creeke vnder the foresayd Caninoz which was my friend Gabriel who forsooke his harborough and company and came as neere vs as he might and pointed vs to the Eastwards then we weyed and followed him and went East and by South the wind being at Westnorthwest and very mistie Saturday we went Eastsoutheast followed Gabriel and he brought vs into an harborough called Morgiouets which is 30 leagues from Caninoz we had vpon the barre going in two fadome and a fourth part and after we were past in ouer the barre it waxed deâ—per for we had 5 fadoms 4 and a half and 3 fadom c. Our barke being mored I sent some of our men to shoare to prouide wood where they had plenty of drift wood but none growing and in this place we found plenty of young foule as Gulles Seapies and others whereof the Russes would eate none whereof we were nothing sory for there came the more to our part Sunday our men cut wood on shoare and brought it aboord and wee balasted our shippe with stones This morning Gabriel saw a smoke on y e way who rowed vnto it with his skiffe which smoke was two leagues from the place where we road and at a Northwest sunne he came aboord again and brought with him a Samoed which was but a young man his apparell was then strange vnto vs and he presented me with three young wild geese and one young barnacle Munday I sent a man to the maine in Gabriels boat and he brought vs aboord 8 barricoes of fresh water the latitude of the said Morgiouets is sixtie eight degrres and a terce It floweth there at a Southsouthwest moone full sea and hyeth two fadome and a halfe water At a Westnorthwest sunne we departed from this place and went East 25 leagues and then saw an Island North and by West of vs eight leagues which Island is called Dolgoieue and from the Eastermost part of this Island there lyeth a sand East and by South 7 leagues long Wednesday at a North and by East sunne Swetinoz was South of vs 5 leagues This day at afternoone we went in ouer the dangerous barre of Pechora and had vpon the barre but one fadome water Thursday we road still Friday I went on shoare and obserued the variation of the Compasse which was three degrees and a halfe from the North to the West the latitude this day was sixtie nine degrees ten minutes From two or three leagues to the Eastward of Swetinoz vntill the entering of the riuer Pechora it is all sandy hilles and towards Pechora the sandie hilles are very low It higheth on the barre of Pechora foure foote water it floweth there at a Southwest moone a full sea Munday at a North by East sunne we weyed and came out
in length is so imploied and as much in breadth this is vpon a flat soile The hempe groweth about Smolensko vpon the Polish border 300. miles in compasse much of the soile is so imploied Of this hempe they bring in Winter to Vologda and Colmogro and we set in worke in making of cables aboue 100. men The Russians do spin and hachell it and the English tarre it in threed and lay the cable And one table of those is woorth two of Danzick because the Danzickers put in old cable and rottâ—n stuffe which in fowle weather is found of no strength Sosnoua a tree that cureth the wolfe with the shauings of the wood groweth in these parts and of the barks they make ropes as big as a mans arme for their boats The Samoeds lacking linnen make handkerchiefs and towels of the very wood of this tree The wood of this tree is as heauie as hollie and the shauings tough Rose Island in S. Nicholas Baie is full of Roses damaske and red of violets and wild Rosemarie This Island is neere 7. or 8. miles about and good pasture and hath the name of the roses The snow here about the midst of May is cleared hauing bin two moneths in melting then the ground is made dry within 14. dayes after and then the grasse is knee high within a moneth TheÌ„ after September the frost commeth in the snow is a yard deepe vpon plaine ground The Island hath Firre and Birch and a faire fresh spring neere the house built there by the English The way discouered by water by vs Thomas Southam Iohn Sparke from the towne of Colmogro by the Westerne bottome of the Baie of S. Nicholas vnto the citie of Nouogrod in Russia containing many particulars of the way and distance of miles as hereafter foloweth Anno 1566. WE departed from Colmogro about 10â— of the clocke afore noone iu a Lodia or Barke which we hired to bring vs along the coast to a place called Soroka in the sayd barke we hired 6. mariners and a boy to conduct vs to the place before rehearsed The Lodia or barke was of the burden of 25. tunnes or thereabout wherewith we valed downe the riuer of Dwina the winde being then calme vnto a monasterie called S. Michael where we were constrained to anker because of a contrary wind which there met vs. From Colmogro to this monasterie are 50. versts or miles of Russia at which place we caried till the 21. day in the morning and then hauing the wind some what faire we set saile and departed thence 21 We departed from the monasterie of S. Michael hauing the wind somwhat faire and arriued at Rose Island ouer and against the monasterie of S. Nicholas the 22. day at 2. of the clocke in the morning which is 35. miles distant from the monasterie of S. Michael By reason of contrary wind and tide we were constrained to tary there all that day 23 We departed from the monasterie of S. Nicholas at 7. of the clocke in the euening came to an anker at the Beacons continued there vntil halfe an houre past 10. of the clocke and then set from thence the wind being South our course was West vntil 5. of the clock in the morning when as we came to an anker against Newnox towne where we continued vntil the 25. day The sayd towne of Newnox is from the monasterie of S. Nicholas 35. miles 25 We departed froÌ„ Newnox hauen at one of the clocke in the after noone the wind at South and Southeast and our course Northwest and by West The point of Tolstick which is the headland before the entrance of Newnox hauen and the headland of Seusemski lie next Southeast and by South Northwest and by North. We came to an anker there this day at 4. of the clock in y e afternoone being from Newnox hauen 15. miles where we continued in harbour til the 27. day of the moneth by reason of contrary winds 27 We departed from Seusemski in the morning at 5. of the clocke the wind next at East and by North and our course Northwest and by West The said land of Seusemski the headland going into Owna riuer lieth East and by South west and by North and between them is 25. miles This day at Sunne set we came to an Island called Sogisney passing betwixt it the maine with the wind at South and by East our course was West and by South being 85. miles from Owna riuer Being past the said Island 10. miles the wind came contrary whereupon we returned to the Island of Sogisney where we remained vntil the 29. day 29 The 29. day we departed from Sogisney aforesayd at 5. of the clocke in the afternoone the wind at East northeast our course was Southwest by west passing by an Island called Anger being 30. miles from Sogisney and keeping on our course we came by the headland of an Island called Abdon being from the Island of Anger 15. miles where we found many rocks and if the great prouidence of God had not preserued vs wee had there perished being fallen amongst them in the night time and our pilot none of the perfectest which was contrary to his profession as we found it But whosoeuer will trauell that way must either keepe hard aboord the shore for that there is a chanell which goeth along the coast within the rocks or els giue the headland a birth of 6. miles at the least and so goe a seaboord all for there are ledges of rocks that lie fiue miles from the headland We gaue the headland a birth of 3. miles notwithstanding there lay two rockes two miles to sea boord of vs so that we were inclosed with them and sate vpon the highest of them but it pleased God to make it calme and giue vs the day also or els we had miscaried 30 We departed from the headland of the Island of Abdon at 4. of the clocke in the morning directing our course West and at 10. of the clocke before noone we arriued at a monasterie named Solosky which is 15. miles from Abdon At this monasterie we continued vntâ—ll the 31. day of this moneth We had here deliuered vs by the chiefe monkes of the monasterie their letter and house seale and a seruant of theirs to conduct vs safely through the dangerous riuer of Owiga The people of all those parts are wild and speake another kind of language are for the most part all tenants to the monasterie The effect of the letter was that they should be ready to helpe and assist vs in all dangerous places and carie our boats and goods ouer land in places needfull as in deed they did as hereafter shall appeare Note that at our being at the monasterie there was no Abbot for the place as then chosen for 15. dayes before our arriual there the Abbot was sent for by the Emperour and made Metropolitane of the realme as he
abound or not abound in one and other and what plenty or scarsitie of fish they haue Things to be caried with you whereof more or lesse is to bee caried for a shew of our commodities to be made KArsies of all orient colours specially of stamell broadcloth of orient colours also Frizadoes Motlies Bristow friezes Spanish blankets Baies of al colours specially with Stamel Worsteds Carels Saies Woadmols Flanels Rash c. Felts of diuers colours Taffeta hats Deepe caps for Mariners coloured in Stamel whereof if ample vent may be found it would turne to an infinite commoditie of the common poore people by knitting Quilted caps of Leuant taffeta of diuers colours for the night Knit stocks of silke of orient colours Knit stocks of Ierzie yarne of orient colours whereof if ample vent might folow the poore multitude should be set in worke Stocks of karsie of diuers colours for men and for women Garters of silke of seuerall kinds and of colours diuers Girdles of Buffe and all other leather with gilt and vngilt buckles specially waste girdles waste girdles of veluet Gloues of all sorts knit and of leather Gloues perfumed Points of all sorts of silke threed and leather of all maner of colours Shooes of Spanish leather of diuers colours of diuers length cut and vncuâ—â— Shooes of other leather Ueluet shooes and pantophles These shooes and pantophles to be sent this time rather for a shew then for any other cause Purses knit and of leather Nightcaps knit and other A garnish of pewter for a shew of a vent of that English commoditie bottles flagons spoones c. of that mettall Glasses of English making Uenice glasses Looking glasses for women great and faire Small dials a few for proofe although there they will not hold the order they do here Spectacles of the common sort Others of Christall trimmed with siluer and otherwise Hower glasses Combes of boxe Combes of â—uorie Combes of horne Linnen of diuers sorts Handkerchiefs with silke of seuerall colours wrought Glazen eyes to ride with against dust Kniues in sheaths both single and double of good edge Needles great and small of euery kind Buttons greater and smaller with moulds of leather and not of wood and such as be durable of double silke and that of sundry colours Boxes with weights for gold and of euery kind of the coine of gold good and bad to shew that the people here vse weight and measure which is a certaine shew of wisedom and of certaine gouernment setled here All the seuerall siluer coynes of our English monies to be caried with you to be shewed to the gouernours at Cambalu which is a thing that shall in silence speake to wise men more then you imagine Locks and keyes hinges bolts haspes c. great and small of excellent workemanship whereof if vent may be hereafter we shall set our subiects in worke which you must haue in great regard For in finding ample uent of any thing that is to be wrought in this realme is more woorth to our people besides the gaine of the merchant then Christchurch Bridewell the Sauoy and all the Hospitals of England For banketting on shipboord persons of credite FIrst the sweetest persumes to set vnder hatches to make y e place sweet against their comming aboord if you arriue at Cambalu Quinsey or in any such great citie not among Sauages Marmelade Sucket Figs barrelled Raisins of the sunne Comfets of diuers kinds made of purpose by him that is most excellent that shal not dissolue Prunes damaske Dried peares Walnuts Almonds Smalnuts Oliues to make them taste their wine The apple Iohn that dureth two yeeres to make shew of our fruits Hullocke Sacke Uials of good sweet waters and casting bottels of glasses to be sprinkle the ghests withall after their comming aboord Suger to vse with their wine if they will The sweet oyle of Zante and excellent French vineger and a fine kind of Bisket stieped in the same do make a banketting dish and a little Sugar cast in it cooleth and comforteth and refresheth the spirits of man is to be had with you to make a shew of by taste and also to comfort your sicke in the voyage Cynamom water Imperiall water With these and such like you may banket where you arriue the greater and best persons Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes or small vials of sweet waters you may gratifie by way of gift or you may make a merchandize of them The Mappe of England and of London Take with you the mappe of England set out in faire colours one of the biggest sort I meane to make shew of your countrey from whence you come And also the large Mappe of London to make shew of your Citie And let the riuer be drawen full of Ships of all sorts to make the more shew of your great trade and traffike in trade of merchandize Ortelius booke of Mappes If you take Ortelius booke of Mappes with you to marke all these Regions it were not amisse and if need were to present the same to the great Can for it would be to a Prince of marueilous account The booke of the attire of all Nations Such a booke caried with you and bestowed in gift would be much esteemed as I perswade my selfe Bookes If any man will lend you the new Herball and such Bookes as make shew of herbes plants trees fishes foules and beasts of these regions it may much delight the great Can and the nobilitie and also their merchants to haue the view of them for all things in these partes so much differing from the things of those regions since they may not be here to see them by meane of the distance yet to see those things in a shadow by this meane will delight them The booke of Rates TAke with you the booke of Rates to the ende you may pricke all those commodities there specified that you shall chance to find in Cambalu in Quinsey or in any part of the East where you shall chance to be Parchment Rowles of Parchment for that we may vent much without hurt to the Realme and it lieth in small roume Glew To carie Glew for that we haue plentie and want vent Red Oker for Painters To seeke vent because we haue great mines of it and haue no vent Sope of both kindes To try what vent it may haue for that we make of both kinds and may perhaps make more Saffron To try what vent you may haue of Saffron because this realme yeelds the bell of the world and for the rillage and other labours may set the poore greatly in worke to their reliefe Aquauitae By new deuises wonderful quantities may be made here and therefore to seeke the vent Blacke Conies skins To try the vent at Cambalu for that it lieth towards the North and for that we abound with the commoditie and may spare it Threed of all colours The vent thereof may set our people in worke Copper Spurres and
these thieues part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king of Calicut for hee giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing liberally to goe in such wise that all along that coast there is such a number of thieues that there is no saillng in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed or els they must go in company with the army of the Portugals From Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles Cochin COchin is next vnto Goa the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies and there is great trade of Spices brugges and all other sortes of merchandize for the kingdome of Portugale and there within the land is the kingdome of Pepper which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke and not in sackes the Pepper that goeth for Portugale is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin in the name of the king of Portugale for the prizes of Pepper and by reason of that agreâ—ment betweene them at that time made the price can neither rise nor fall which is a very lowe and base price and for this cause the villaines bring it to the Portugales greene and full of filthe The Moores of Mecca that giue a better price haue it cleane and drie and better conditioned All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca are stollen from thence as Contrabanda Cochin is two cities one of the Portugales and another of the king of Cochin that of the Portugales is situate neerest vnto the Sea and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of a good depth of water which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper which is a king of the Gentiles in whose kingdome are many Christians of saint Thomas order the king of Cochin is also a king of the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale and to those Portugales which are married and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies they call all the Christians that come out of the West whether they bee Italians Frenchmen or Almaines and all they that marrie in Cochin do get an office according to the trade he is of this they haue by the great priuileges which the Citizens haue of that city because there are two principal commodities that they deale withal in that place which are these The great store of Silke that commeth from China and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities for all other commodities they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of Cochin rating their goods at their owne pleasure Those which are not married and strangers pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all maner of merchandise I was in Cochin when the Uiceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the Citizens and to make them to pay custome as other did at which time the Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships withall that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night The king of Cochin hauing vnderstanding of this would not suffer any more Pepper to bee weighed Then presently after this the marchants were licensed to doe as they did before and there was no more speach of this matter nor any wrong done This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies for hee can make but seuentie thousand men of armes in his campe hee hath a great number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi and some are called Nairi these two sorts of men esteeme not their liues any thing so that it may be for the honour of their king they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger although they know they shall die These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes with a clothe rolled about their thighs going barefooted and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes naked these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women hee leaueth his sworde and target at the doore and the time that hee is there there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house The kings children shall not inherite the kingdome after their father because they hold this opinion that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father but of some other man therefore they accept for their king one of the sonnes of the kings sisters or of some other woman of the blood roial for that they be sure they are of the blood roiall The Nairi and their wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares and so bigge and wide that it is incredible holding this opinion that the greater the holes bee the more noble they esteeme themselues I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder clothed as it was so that in effect they are monstrous great Thus they doe make them when they be litle for then they open the eare hang a piece of gold or lead thereat within the opening in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose which maketh the hole so great They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus but they that goe for Ormus carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue to carrie that away for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia and so all other merchandize which come from other places but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper great quantitie of Ginger dried and conserued wild Sinamom good quantitie of Arecca great store of Cordage of Cairo made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut and better then that of Hempe of which they carrie great store into Portugale The shippes euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall on the fift day of December or the fift day of Ianuary Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies from Cochin I went to Coulam distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales situate in the kingdom of Coulam which is a king of the Gentiles and of small trade at that place they lade onely halfe a ship
Tenerif haue it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe The Iland of Yron called Hierro THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward it is but a little Iland which containeth sixe leagues in circuit and hath but small extension It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell There is no wine in all that Iland but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks his name was Iohn Hill This Iland hath no kind of fresh water but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree This tree continually is couered with clouds and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree continually drop water very sweet into the sayd cisterne which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities aswell for the cattell as for the inhabitanes It standeth in 27 degrees The Iland of Lanzarota THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell It is an earledome and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lanzarota But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges which reside in Canaria as I haue sayd before because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands called Canaria Tenerif and Palma yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria Tenerif Palma boats laden with dried goats flesh called Tussinetta which serueth in stead of bacon and is very good meat This Iland standeth in 26 degrees and is in length twelue leagues The I le of Forteuentura THe I le of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer in the firme land of Africa and foure twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley and also of kine goats and orchel this I le is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships and is called Graciosa Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands It standeth in 27 degrees Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience because I was a dweller there as I haue sayd before the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke master Anthonie Hickman and master Edward Castelin who in those dayes were worthy merchants and of great credite in the citie of London A description of the Iland of Madera THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line and seuentie leagues from the I le of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nationâ— It was first called the Iland of Madera by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe and yet doe as Cedars Cypres Uinatico Barbuzano Pine trees and diuers others and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name Howbeit they hold opinion that betweene the fayd Iland and the I le of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely it hath one faire citie called Fouchall which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes and a strong bulwarke and a faire Cathedrall church with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there This Iland hath another towne called Machico which hath likewise a good road for ships which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman who first discouered the same There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios which make excellent good sugar There is besides the goodly timber before declared great store of diuers sortes of fruites as Peares Apples Plummes wild Dates Peaches of diuers sortes Mellons Batatas Orenges Lemmons Pomgranates Citrons Figges and all maner of garden herbes There are many Dragon trees such as grow in the Canarie Ilands but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo the people thereof liueth by husbandrie for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif On the East side of the I le of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert which produceth onely Orchell and nourisheth a great number of Goates for the prouision of the maine Iland which may be thirtie leagues in circuit and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages which may bee about one league in compasse which hath neither tree nor fruit but is onely food for Goates The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie to the worshipfull master Michael Locke which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade WOrshipfull Sir hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai if therein with my knowledge trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point Trueth it is that I haue bene by some men not my friends euill spoken of at London saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect yet say they maliciously and without iust cause that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand taking example especially of two
and landed because they had no boates to come to vs and so the young man which was with vs the night before was sent aboord who seemed to haue dealt and bargained before with the Portugals for he could speake a litle Portuguise and was perfect in weights and measures at his comming he offered vs as he had done before one Angell and twelue graines for foure elles and more he would not giue and made signes that if we would not take that we should depart which we did but before we did indeede depart I offered him of some rotten cloth three elles for his waight of an Angell and twelue graines which he would not take and then we departed making signes to him that we would go away as indeede we would haue done rather then haue giuen that measure although the cloth was ill seeing we were so neere to the places which we iudged to be better for sale Then we went aboord our ships which lay about a league off and came backe againe to the shoare for sand and balaste and then the Captaine perceiuing that the boats had brought no marchandize but came onely for water and sand and seeing that we would depart came vnto them making signes againe to know whether we would not giue the foure elles and they made signes againe that we would giue them but three and when they sawe that the boates were ready to depart they came vnto them and gaue them the weight of our Angell and twelue graines which we required before and made signes that if we would come againe they would take three elles So when the boates came aboord we layde wares in them both and for the speedier dispatch I and Iohn Sauill went in one boat and the Master Iohn Makeworth and Richard Curâ—â—gin in the other and went on shoare and that night I tooke for my part fiftie and two ounces and in the other boate they tooke eight ounces and a quarter all by one weight and measure and so being very late we departed and went aboord and tooke in all this day three pound The seuenth day we went a shoare againe and that day I tooke in our boate three pound 19 ounces so that we dispatched almost all the cloth that we caried with vs before noone and then many of the people were departed those that remained had litle golde yet they made vs signes to fetch them some latten basons which I would not because I purposed not to trifle out y â— time but goe thence with speede to Don Iohns towne But Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth were desirous to goe againe and I loth to hinder them of any profite consented but went not my selfe so they tooke eighteene ounces of gold and came away seeing that the people at a certaine crie made were departed While they were at the shoare there came a young fellow which could speake a little Portuguise with three more with him and to him I solde 39 basons and two small white sawcers for three ounces c. which was the best reckoning that we did make of any basons and in the forenoone when I was at the shoare the Master solde fiue basons vnto the same fellow for halfe an ounce of golde This fellow as farre as we could perceiue had bene taken into the Castle by the Portugales and was gotten away from them for he tolde vs that the Portugales were bad men and that they made them slaues if they could take them and would put yrons vpon their legges and besides he told vs that as many Frenchmen or Englishmen as they could take for he could name these two very well they would hang them he told vs further that there were 60 men in the castle and that euery yeere there came thither two shippes one great and one small caruell and further that Don Iohn had warres with the Portugals which gaue mee the better courage to goe to his towne which lieth but foure leagues from the Castle wherehence our men were beaten the last yeere This fellowe came aboord our shippe without feare and assoone as he came he demaunded why we had not brought againe their men which the last yeere we tooke â—way and could tell vs that there were fiue taken away by Englishmen we made him answere that they were in England well vsed and were there kept till they could speake the language and then they should be brought againe to be a helpe to Englishmen in this Countrey and then he spake no more of that matter Our boates being come aboord we wayed and set sayle and a litle after spied a great fire vpon the shoare and by the light of the fire we might discerne a white thing which they tooke to be the Castle and for feare of ouershooting the towne of Don Iohn we there ankered two leagues off the shoare for it is hard to fetch vp a towne here if a ship ouershoot it This day we tooke seuen pound and fiue ounces of golde This towne lieth in a great Bay which is very deepe The people in this place desired most to haue basons and cloth They would buy some of them also many trifles as kniues horsetailes hornes and some of our men going a shoare sold a cap a dagger a hat c. They shewed vs a certain course cloth which I thinke to be made in France for it was course wooll and a small threed and as thicke as wosted and striped with stripes of greene white yellow c. Diuers of the people did weare about their neckes great beades of glasse of diuerse colours Here also I learned some of their language as followeth Mattea mattea Is their salutation Dassee dassee I thanke you Sheke Golde Cowrte Cut. Cracca Kniues Bassina Basons Foco foco Cloth Molta Much or great store The eight day in the morning we had sight of the Castle but by reason of a misâ—e that then fell we could not haue the perfect sight of it till we were almost at the towne of Don Iohn and then it cleared vp and we saw it and a white house as it were a Chappell vpon the hill about it then we halled into the shoare within two English miles of Don Iohns tâ—wne and there ankered in seuen fadome water Here as in many other places before we perceiued that the currant went with the winde The land here is in some places low and in some high and full of wood altogether The towne of Don Iohn is but litle of about twentie houses and the most part of the towne is walled in with a wall of a mans height made with reede or sedge or some such thing Here we staied two or three houres after we had ankered to see if any man would come vnto vs and seeing that none did come we manned our boates and put in marchandize and went and ankered with our boates neere to the shoare then they sent out a man to vs who made vs signes that that was
yet by the helpe of God they got from them with their boates although many of them were hurt with their poysoned arrowes and the poison is vncurable if the arrow enter within the skin and drawe blood and except the poison bee presently suckt out or the place where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away hee dieth within foure dayes and within three houres after they bee hurt or pricked wheresoeuer it be although but at the litle toe yet it striketh vp to the heart and taketh away the stomacke and causeth the partie marueilously to vomite being able to brooke neither meat nor drinke The Negros hauing vsed our men with such cruelty whose names were Nicholas Day William Bats and Iohn Tomson led them away to a towne which was within a mile of the water side or thereabout The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein were eight persons and one of them was the foresayd Iohn Tomson and our interpreter which was a Frenchman for there was one of the Negros which spake good French and they caried with them two harquebusses two targets and a mantell The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome they demaunded for Bats and Day whom they detained And when they came to the shore and told tâ—â— Negros what they desired they went and fetched them from among the trees and brought them loose among fortie or fiftie of them And being come within a stones cast of the sea side William Bats brake from them and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat and he was not so soone in the water but hee fell downe either being out of breath or his foote failing him in the sand being soft so that the Negros came and fell on him and tooke him and haled him that we thought they had torne him in pieces for they tore againe all the apparell from his backe so that some of them caried our men againe to the towne and the rest shot at vs with their poisoned arrowes and hurt one of our men called Androwes in the smal of the leg who being come aboord for al that our Surgeons could do we thought he would haue died Our Generall notwithstanding all this villanie sent agayne to them and offered them any thing that they desired for the raunsome of our men buâ— they would not deliuer them giuing vs this answere That there was in the foresayd roade three weekes before wee came an English shippe which had taken three of their people and vntiâ—l wee did bring or send them againe wee should not haue our men although wee would giue our three shippes with their furniture The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 tunnes or thereabouts came to the place where we were being bound to traffique at the Cape we told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negros and seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negros we wished them to see whether they could procure them againe of the Negros and bring them along with them and our Generall promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them So wee committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes foure died and one to saue his life had his arme cut off Androwes that was last of all hurt lay lame not able to helpe himselfe onely two recouered of their hurts So we placed other men in the roomes of those that we lost and set saile The 26 day betweene Cape Verde and Bona vista we sawe many flying fishes of the bignesse of herrings whereof two flew into our boat which we towed at our sterne The 28 day we fell with an Iland called Bona vista which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues The Northside of the sayde Iland is full of white sandie hils and dales and somewhat high land The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Westermost point about a league within the point and found in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome water but you may goe neere till you be in fiue or six fadome for the ground is faire As soone as we were at an anker our Generall sent his pinnasse a land and found fiue or sixe small houses but the people were fled into the mountains and the next day he sent a shore againe and met with two Portugals who willingly went aboord with his men and at their comming he welcommed them although they were but poore simple and gaue each of them a paire of shoes and so set them a shore againe The 30 day we weighed sailed into a Bay within a smal Iland about a league from vs and tooke plentie of diuers sortes of fishe The foresayd Iland lieth in sixteene degrees And if you meane to anker in the said Bay you may borow in foure or fiue fadome of the Southermost point of the sayd Iland which you may see when you ride in the road But beware of the middle of the Baie for there lieth a ledge of rocks which at a lowe water breaketh yet there is three fadome water ouer them The last day of Ianuarie our Generall with certaine of his men went a shore in the Baie to the houses where he found 12 Portugals In all the Iland there were not aboue 30 persons which were banished men for a time some for more yeeres some for lesse and amongst them there was one simple man which was their captaine They liue vpon goats flesh cocks hennes and fresh water other victuals they haue none sauing fish which they esteeme not neither haue they any boats to take them They reported that this Iland was giuen by the king of Portugall to one of his gentlemen who hath let it foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a yeere which rent is reared onely in goats skinnes For by their speaches there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Iland into Portugall 40000 skins in one yeere We were to these men marueilously welcome and to their powers very wel entertained and they gaue vs the flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would haue and tooke much paines for vs in taking them and bringing them from the mountains vpon their asses They haue there great store of the oyle of Tortoises which Tortoise is a fish which swimmeth in the Sea with a shell on his backe as broad as a target It raineth not in this Iland but in three moneths of the yeere from the midst of Iuly to the midst of October and it is here alwayes very hote Kine haue bene brought hither but by reason of the heate and drought they haue died The 3 of February wee departed from this Iland and the same day fell with another Iland called the Iland of Maiyo which is 14 leagues from the other Iland there is in the midst of the way between these two Ilands a danger which is alwayes to be seene We ankred in the
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
calme which yeelded no breath to spread a saile Insomuch that fitly to discouer her what she was of what burthen force and countenance sir Iohn Burrough tooke his boat and rowed the space of three miles to make her exactly and being returned he consulted with the better sort of the company then present vpon the boording her in the morning But a very mighty storme arising in the night the extremity thereof forced them all to wey ankers yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to lose the carak that in the morning the tempest being qualified and our men bearing againe with the shore they might perceiue the carak very neere the land and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they could any maner of way conuey out of her and seeing the haste our men made to come vpon them forsooke her but first that nothing might be left commodious to our men set fire to that which they could not cary with them intending by that meanes wholly to consume her that neither glory of victory nor benefit of shippe might remaine to ours And least the approch and industry of the English should bring meanes to extinguish the flame thereby to preserue the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed being foure hundred of them in number and well armed they intrenched themselues on land so neere to the carak that she being by their forces protected and our men kept aloofe off the fire might continue to the consumption of the whole This being noted by sir Iohn Burrough he soone prouided a present remedy for this mischiefe For landing one hundred of his men whereof many did swim and wade more then brest high to shore and easily scattering those that presented themselues to guard the coast he no sooner drew toward their new trenches but they fled immediatly leauing as much as the fire had spared to be the reward of our mens paines Here was taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugall Purser of the carak with two others one an Almaine and the second a Low-dutchman canoniers who refusing to make any voluntary report of those things which were demanded of them had the torture threatened the feare whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence that within fifteene dayes three other greater caraks then that lately fired would arriue at the same Iland and that being fiue caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa to wit the Buen Iesus admirall the Madre de Dios the S. Bernardo the S. Christophoro and the S. Cruz whose fortune you haue already heard they had receiued speciall commandement from the king not to touch in any case at the Iland of S. Helena where the Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India were alwayes till now woont to arriue to refresh themselues with water and victuals And the kings reason was because of the English men of warre who as he was informed lay there in wait to intercept them If therefore their necessity of water should driue them to seeke supply any where he appointed them Angola in the maine of Africa with order there to stay onely the taking in of water to auoid the inconuenice of infections wherunto that hot latitude is dangerously subiect The last rendeuous for them all was the Iland of Flores where the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither sent of purpose for their wasting to Lisbon Upon this information sir Iohn drew to counsel meeting there captaine Norton captaine Dounton captaine Abraham Cocke captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumberland M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir Iohn Haukins one of sir W. Raleghs fleet and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly returned from the West India and others These being assembled he communicated with them what he had vnderstood of the foresaid examinates and what great presumptions of trueth their relation did cary wishing that forasmuch as God good fortune had brought them together in so good a season they would shew the vttermost of their indeuors to bring these Easterlings vnder the lee of the English obedience Hereupon a present actors on all sides followed not to part company or leaue of those seas till time should present cause to put their consultatious in execution The next day her Maiesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Crosse came in to the rest and he like wise informed of the matter was soone drawen into this seruice Thus sir Iohn with al these ships departing thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores they spread themselues abroad from the North to the South ech ship two leagues at the least distant from another By which order of extension they were able to discouer the space of two whole degrees at sea In this sort they lay from the 29 of Iune to the third of August what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios one of the greatest receit belonging to the crowne of Portugall The Dainty being of excellent saile got the start of the rest of our fleet and began the conflict somewhat to her cost with the slaughter and hurt of diuers of her men Within a while after sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs was at hand to second her who saluted her with shot of great ordinance and continued the fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir R. Crosse viceadmirall of the fleet came vp being to lee ward at whose arriual sir I. Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done who answered that if the carak were not boorded she would recouer the shore and fire herselfe as the other had done Wherupon sir I. Burgh concluded to intangle her and sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her together at the instant which was performed but after a while sir Iohn Burgh receiuing a shot with a canon perier vnder water and ready to sinke desired sir R. C. to fall off that he might also cleere himselfe and saue his ship from sinking which with difficulty he did for both the Roebucke and the Foresight were so intangled as with much adoe could they cleere themselues The same euening sir R. Crosse finding the carak then sure drawing nere the Iland perswaded his company to boord her againe or els there was no hope to recouer her who after many excuses feares were by him incouraged and so fell athwart her foreships all alone and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to come vp to his succour to recouer the carak yer she recouered the land and so toward the euening after he had fought with her alone three houres single my lord of Cumberlands two ships came vp with very litle losse entred with sir R. Crosse who had in that time broken their courages and
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâ—ie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâ—â—â—e burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes wherof was M. Steuen Benner bound vnto the riuer of Canada set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants the saide Charles Leigh himselfe and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances arriuing at Falmoâ—th in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the banke of Newfoundland The 19 we lost the Chancewel The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship and afterward in the same bay wee met with our conâ—ort Whereupon we presently put to sea againe and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay where we remained by extremitie of foule weather and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme The 4 we set saile and this day we saw a great Island of yce The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouâ—h of the bay of Placentia The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground In that place we caught great store of Cods which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland The 13 wee weyed anker againe and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds some 23 leagues froÌ„ Menego where there were such abundance of Birds as is almost incredible to report And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleepe vpon the rockes but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them The 16 we arriued at Brians Island which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them Here we caught also a great Tuâ—but which was an elâ—e long and a yard broad which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke escaped In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow great store of wood but of smal groweth Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island but some standing pooles of raine water The same day at night we weyed anker againe The 17 we had stormy weather The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea where we appointed to meet with our consort And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company who when they came in found 4 ships Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne and two of Sâ—bâ—buro adioyning to Saint Iohn de luz being the French Kings subiâ—cts whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into haâ—borough â—inding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great cuâ—rent in when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all thâ— ships but those onely of Saint Malo came aboord whom wee entertained very friendly and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes to request them to come aboord and to bring with them their Charters parties and other euidences to the ende we might knowe of whence they were At which message one of the sayde Masteâ—s came aboord with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe whom when we had examined they sayd that they were of Sibiburo and the French Kings subiectes We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer vp their powder and munition promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiectes it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing But they woulde not consent thereunto whereunto we replyed that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies They not consenting we sent the boate well manned to fetch thâ—ir powder and munition from aboorde their ship but straightly commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship vpon their further perill which they promised to performe When they came aboorde the saide ships which were mored together they were resisted by force of armes but quickly they got the victorie which done they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes contrary to their promise whereupon we sent another to forbidde them but when he came to them none was more ready of pillage then he Whereupon I went my selfe and tooke away from our men whatsoeuer they had pillaged and gaue it againe to the owners onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were When I had done I gaue the Baskes possâ—ssion of their shippe againe and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings of subiects Then I caryed away all our men and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them and when I came aboord went to examining of them and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France whereupon I tolde the master of the â—aid ship that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so diâ—missed him in peace Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine but had nâ— certaine proofe thereof wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace After I had thus dismissed them our ships company fell into a mutiny and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away But they weâ—e
Diamonts and a quantitie of Golde ore which was found in the Countrey Which ore the Sunday next ensuing was tryed in a Furnace and found to be good Furthermore hee enformed the Generall that hee could not with his small company withstand the Sauages which went about dayly to annoy him and that this was the cause of his returne into Fraâ—ce Neuerthelesse hee and his company commended the Countrey to bee very rich and fruitfull But when our Generall being furnished with sufficient forces commaunded him to goe backe againe with him hee and his company mooued as it seemeth with ambition because they would haue all the glory of the discouerie of those partes themselues stole priuily away the next night from vs and without taking their leaues departed home for Bretaigne Wee spent the greatest part of Iune in this Harbour of Saint Iohn partly in furnishing our selues with fresh water whereof wee stoode in very great neede by the way and partly in composing and taking vp of a quarell betweene some of our Countreymen and certaine Portugals At length about the last of the aforesayde Moneth wee departed hence and entred into the Grand Baye and passed by the Isle of Ascension and finally arriued foure leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans In this place wee found a conuenient Harbour for our shipping where wee cast anchor went a shoare with our people and chose out a conuenient place to fortifie our selues in fitte to commaund the mayne Riuer and of strong situation against all inuasion of enemies Thus towarde the ende of Iuly wee brought our victuals and other munitions and prouisions on shore and began to trauaile in fortifying of our selues Of the Fort of France-Roy and that which was done there HAuing described the beginning the middest and the ende of the Uoyage made by Monsieur Roberual in the Countreyes of Canada Hochelaga Saguenay and other Countreyes in the Westpartes He sayled so farre as it is declared in other bookes that hee arriued in the sayde Countrey accompanyed with two hundred persons souldiers mariners and common people with all furniture necessary for a Fleete The sayde Generall at his first arriuall built a fayre Fort neere and somewhat Westward aboue Canada which is very beautifull to beholde and of great force situated vpon an high mountaine wherein there were two courtes of buyldings a great Towre and another of fortie or fiftie foote long wherein there were diuers Chambers an Hall a Kitchine houses of office Sellers high and lowe and neere vnto it were an Ouen and Milles and a stooue to warme men in and a Well before the house And the buylding was situated vpon the great Riuer of Canada called France prime by Monsieur Roberual There was also at the foote of the mountaine another lodging part whereof was a great Towre of two stories high two courtes of good buylding where at the first all our victuals and whatsoeuer was brought with vs was sent to be kept and neere vnto that Towre there is another small riuer In these two places aboue and beneath all the meaner sort was lodged And in the Moneth of August and in the beginning of September euery man was occupied in such woorke as eche one was able to doe But the fourteenth of September our aforesayde Generall sent backe into France two Shippes which had brought his furniture and he appoynted for Admirall Monsieur de Saine-terre and the other captaine was Monsieur Guine-court to carie newes vnto the King and to come backe againe vnto him the yeere next ensuing furnished with victuals and other things as it should please the King and also to bring newes out of France how the King accepted certaine Diamants which were sent him and were found in this countrey After these two Shippes were departed consideration was had how they should doe and how they might passe out the Winter in this place First they tooke a view of the victuals and it was found that they fell out short and they were scantled so that in eche messe they had but two loaues weighing a pound a piece and halfe a pound of biefe They are Bacon at dinner with halfe a pound of butter and Biefe at supper and about two handfuls of Beanes without butter On the Wednesday Friday and Saturday they did eate dry Cod and sometimes they did eate it greene at dinner with butter and they are of Porposes and beanes at supper About that time the Sauages brought vs great store of Aloses which is a fish some what redde like a Salmon to get kniues and other small trifles for them In the ende many of our people fell sicke of a certaine disease in their legges reynes and stomacke so that they seemed to bee depriued of all their lymmes and there dyed thereof about fiftie Note that the yce began to breake vp in April Monsieur Roberual vsed very good iustice and punished euery man according to his offence One whose name was Michael Gaillon was hanged for his theft Iohn of Nantes was layde in yrons and kept prisoner for his offence and others also were put in yrons and diuers were whipped as well men as women by which meanes they liued in quiet The maners of the Sauages TO declare vnto you the state of the Sauages they are people of a goodly stature and well made they are very white but they are all naked and if they were apparelled as the French are they would bee as white and as fayre but they paynt themselues for feare of heat and sunne burning In stead of apparell they we are skinnes vpon them like mantles and they haue a small payre of breeches wherewith they couer their priuities aswell men as women They haue hosen and shooes of lether excellently made And they haue no shirts neither couer they their heads but their hayre is trussed vp aboue the crowne of their heads and palyted or broyded Touâ—hing their victuals they eate good meate but all vnsalted but they drye it and afterward they broyle it aswell fish as flesh They haue no certaine dwelling place and they goe from place to place as they thinke they may best finde foode as Aloses in one place and other fish Salmons Sturgions Mullets Surmullets Barz Carpes Eeles Pinperneaux aud other fresh water fish and store of Porposes They feede also of Stagges wilde Bores Bugles Porkespynes and store of other wilde beastes And there is as great store of Fowle as they can desire Touching their bread they make very good and it is of great myll and they liue very well for they take care for nothing else They drinke Seale oyle buâ— this is at their great feasts They haue a King in euery Countrey and are wonderfull obedient vnto him and they doe him honour according vnto their maner and fashion And when they trauayle from place to place they cary all their goods with them in their boates The weomen nurse
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câ—me aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ— brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantâ—â— with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ— made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by 〈◊〉 of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ— Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had â—ut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asâ—â—â—â— my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
Iohn Bridger Griffen Iones Richard Shabedge Iames Lasie Iohn Cheuen Thomas Hewet William Berde Women Elyoner Dare. Margery Haruie Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell Ioyce Archard Iane Iones Elizabeth Glane Iane Pierce Audry Tappan Alis Chapman Emme Merrimoth Colman Margaret Lawrence Ioan Warren Iane Mannering Rose Payne Elizabeth Viccars Boyâ—â— and children Iohn Sampson Robert Ellis Ambrose Viccars Thomas Archard Thomas Humfrey Thomas Smart George How Iohn Prat. William Wythers Children borne in Virginia Virginia Dare. Haruie Sauages Manteo That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them Towaye That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt much happinesse in the Lord. SIr as well for the satisfying of your earnest request as the performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in England I haue sent you although in a homely stile especially for the contentation of a delicate care the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies and partes of America called Virginia taken in hand about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what euents happened vnto vs in this our iourney you shall plainely perceiue by the sequele of my discourse There were at the time aforesaid thereâ—â— ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies at the speciall charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant But when they were fully furnished and in readinesse to make their departure a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England Which so soone as I heard I presently as I thought it most requisite acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and troublesome vnto him for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia so likewise that by his endeuour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage that thereby the people in Virginia if it were Gods pleasure might speedily be comforted and relieued without further changes vnto him Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Maiestie and order to be taken that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes in 3000 pounds that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in transport a conuenient number of passengers with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers or any thing els transported in any of the â—aid ships sauing only my selfe my chest no not so much as a boy to attend vpoÌ„ me although I made great sute earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders as to the owner of the said ships Which crosse and vnkind dealing although it very much discontented me notwithstanding the scarsity of time was such that I could haue no opportunity to go vnto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint for the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea would haue bene departed before I could haue made my returne Thus both Gouernors Masters and sailers regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places but wholly disposed themselues to seâ—ke after purchase spoiles spending so much time therein thaâ— sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia And when we were come thither the season was so vnfit weather so foule that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast hauing not seene any of our planters with lesse of one of our ship-boates and 7 of our chiefest men and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore not possible to be had aboord Which euils â—nfortunate euents as wel to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Uirginia had not chanced if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued or if my dayly continuall pâ—â—itions â—or the performance of the same might haue tâ—ken any place Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fist last voiage to Virginia which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly begun and as lucklesse to many as sinister to my selfe But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all as noysome to the planters as ioyfull to me as discomfortable to them Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage I remaine contented And wanting my wishes I leaue off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia to the merâ—iful help of the Almighty whom I most humbly beseech to helpe comfort them according to his most holy will their good desire I take my leaue from my house at New towne in Kylmore the 4 of February 1593. Your most welwishing friend IOHN WHITE The fift voyage of M. Iohn VVhite into the VVest Indies and parts of America called Virginia in the yeere 1590. THe 20 of March the three shippes the Hopewell the Iohn Euangelist and the Little Iohn put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence On the 30 we saw a head vs that part of the coast of Barbary lying East of Cape Cantyn and the Bay of Asaphi The next day we came to the I le of Mogador where rode at our passing by a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine Aprill ON the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode where we found two great shippes of London lading in Sugar of whom we had 2 shipboats to supply the losse of our Shallops On the â— we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz for the Canaries On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza the East I le of the Canaries On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gaue chase to a double flyboat the which we also the same day fought with and tooke her with losse of three of their men slaine and one hurt On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie and the next day we landed and tooke in fresh water on the Southside thereof On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary and framed our course for Dominica The last of Aprill we saw Dominica and the same night we came to an anker on the South-side thereof May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboord our ships in their Canowes and did traffique with vs we also the same day landed and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord without any resistance of the Saluages or any offence done to them
departure of our men to Croatoan and assoone as they were departed digged vp euery place where they suspected any thing to be buriedâ— but although it much grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods yet on the other side I greatly ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan which is the place where Manteo was borne and the Sauages of the Iland our friends When we had seene in this place so much as we could we returned to our Boates and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes with as much speede as wee could For the weather beganne to ouercast and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue Therefore the same Euening with much danger and labour we got our selues aboard by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde vntill Morning wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with fiue lusty men who could swimme all well and sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour to bring aboard sixe of our men who had filled our caske with fresh water the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde vnpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates for this night prooued very stormie and foule The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe with the Master and others to wey anchor and goe for the place at Croatoan where our planters were for that then the winde was good for that place and also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill our returne So then they brought the cable to the Capston but when the anchor was almost apecke the Cable broke by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water closer by the shoare then wee accompted of wee could neuer haue gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts Being thus cleare of some dangers and gotten into deeper waters but not without some losse for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left vs of foure and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler our victuals scarse and our caske and fresh water lost it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water And it was further purposed that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries either at Hispaniola Sant Iohn or Trynidad that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one and at our returne to visit our countrymen at Virginia The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall with my earnest petitions thereunto agreed so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moone-light our consort would doe herein But when we demanded them if they would accompany vs in that new determination they alledged that their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it wherefore the same night we parted leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad which course we kept two dayes On the 28. the winde changed and it was sette on foule weather euery way but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest and blewe so forcibly that wee were able to beare no sayle but our fore-course halfe mast high wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce the due course for England for that wee were dryuen to change our first determination for Trynidad and stoode for the Ilands of Açores where wee purposed to take in fresh water and also there hoped to meete with some English men of warre about those Ilands at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of our wants And thus continuing our course for the Açores sometimes with calmes and sometimes with very scarce windes on the fifteenth of September the winde came South Southeast and blew so exceedingly that wee were forced to lye arry all that day At this time by account we iudged our selues to be about twentie leagues to the Wâ—st of Cueruo and Flores but about night the storme ceased and fayre weather ensued On Thursday the seuenteenth wee saw Cueruo and Flores but we could not come to anker that night by reason the winde shifted The next Morning being the eighteenth standing in againe with Cueruo we escryed a sayle ahead vs to whom we gaue chase but when wee came neere him we knew him to be a Spanyard and hoped to make sure purchase of him but we vnderstood at our speaking with him that he was a prize and of the Domingo fleete already taken by the Iohn our consort in the Indies We learned also of thie prize that our Uiceadmirall and Pinnisse had fought with the rest of the Domingo fleete and had foed them with their Adâ—irall to flee vnto Iamaica vnder the Fort for succour and some of them ran themselues aground whereof one of them they brought away and tooke out of some others so much as the tâ—me would permit And further wee vnderstood of them that in their returne from Iamaica about the Organes neere Cape Saint Anthony our Uiceadmirall mette with two Shippes of the mayne land come from Mexico bound for Hauana with whom he fought in which fight our Uiceadmirals Lieutenant was slaine and the Captaines right arme strooken off with fâ—ure other of his men slaine and sixteene hurt But in the ende he entred and tooke one of the Spanish shippes which was so sore shot by vs vnder water that before they could take out her treasure she sunke so that we lost thirteene Pipes of siluer which sunke with her besides much other rich marchandise And in the meane time the other Spanish shippe being pearced with nine shotte vnder water got away whâ—m our Uiceadmirall intended to pursue but some of their men in the toppe made certaine rockes which they saw aboue water neere the shoare to be Gallies of Hauana and Cartagena comming from Hauana to rescue the two Ships Wherefore they gaue ouer their chase and went for England After this intelligence was giuen vs by this our prize he departed from vs and went for England On Saturday the 19. of September we came to an Ancre neere a small village on the North side of Flores where we found ryding 5. English men of warre of whom wee vnderstood that our Uiceadmirall and Prize were gone thence for England One of these fiue was the Moonelight our consort who vpon the first sight of our comming into Flores set sayle and
villages Wherevpon the boates were foorthwith laden with mill after they had made our men as good cheere as they could deuise The Queene sent me two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was vnpossible to make better Nowe finding our selues by this meane sufficiently furnished with victuals we began each of vs in his place to trauaile and vse such diligence as the desire to see our natiue countrey-might mooue vs. But because two of our Carpenters were slaine by the Indians as heretofore I mentioned Iohn de Hais master Carpenter a man very worthy of his vocation repaired vnto me and tolde me that by reason of want of men hee was not able to make me vp the ship against the time that he had promised me which speech caused such a mutinie among the souldiers that very hardly he escaped killing howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could and determined to worke no more from thencefoorth vpon the shippe but to content our selues to repaire the Brigandine which I had So we began to beate downe all the houses that were without the Fort and caused coles to be made of the timber thereof likewise the souldiers beate downe the pallisade which was toward the waters side neither was I euer able to keepe them from doing it I had also determined to beat downe the Fort before my departure and to set it on fire for feare least some new-come guest should haue enioyed and possessed it In the meane while there was none of vs to whom it was not an extreme griefe to leaue a countrey wherein wee had endured so great trauailes and necessities to discouer that which we must forsake through our owne countreymens default For if wee had bene succoured in time place according to the promise that was made vnto vs the waire which was between vs and Vtina had not fallen out neither should wee haue had occasion to offend the Indians which with all paines in the world I entertained in good amitie aswell with merchandise and apparel as with promise of greater matters and with whom I so behaued my self that although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some few villages yet I lost not the alliance of eight Kings and Lords my neighbours which continually succoured and ayded me with whatsoeuer they were able to afford Yea this was the principall scope of all my purposes to wiâ—ne and entertaine them knowing how greatly their amitie might aduance our enterprise and principally while I discouered the commodities of the countrey and sought to strengthen my selfe therein I leaue it to yourcogitation to thinke how neere it went to our hearts to leaue a place abounding in riches as we were throughly enformed thereof in comming whereunto and doing seruicâ— vnto our Prince we left our owne countrey wiues children parents and friends and passed the perils of the sea and were therein arriued as in a plentifull treasure of all our hearts desire As ech of vs were much tormented in minde with these or such like cogitations the third of August A descried foure fayles in the sea as I walked vpon a little hill whereof I was exceeding well apaid I sent immediately one of them which were with me to aduertise those of the Fort thereof which were so glad of those newes that one would haue thought them to bee out of there wittes to see them laugh and leape for ioy After these ships had cast anker we descried that they sent one of their ship beates to land whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence to send to meete them and to know who they were In the meane while tearing left they were Spaniards I set my souldiers in order and in readinesse accending the returne of Captaine Vasseur and my Lieutenant which were gone to meete them which brought me word that they were Englishmen and in trueth they had in their company one whose name was Martine Atinas of Diepe which at that time was in their seruice which on the behalfe of Master Iohn Hawkins their Generall came to request mee that I would suffer them to take fresh water whereof they stood in great neede signifying vnto me that they had bene aboue fifteene dayes on the coast to get some Hee brought vnto mee from the Generall two flagons of wine and bread made of wheate which greatly refreshed me forasmuch as for seuen moneths space I neuer tasted a drop of wine neuerthelesse it was all diuided among the greatest part of my souldiers This Martine Atinas had guided the Englishmen vnto our coast wherewith he was acquainted for in the yeere 1562 he came thither with me and therefore the Generall sent him to me Therefore after I had granted his request hee signified the same vnto the Generall which the next day following caused one of his small shippes to enter into the riuer and came to see me in a great ship-boate accompanied with gentlemen honourably apparelled yet vnarmed He sent for great store of bread and wine to distribute thereof to euery one On my part I made him the best cheere I could possibly and caused certaine sheepe and poultry to be killed which vntill this present I had carefully preserued hoping to store the countrey withall For notwithstanding all the necessities and sicknesse that happened vnto me I would not suffer so much as one chicken to be killed by which meanes in a short time I had gathered together aboue an hundred pullets Nowe three dayes passed while the English General remained with me during which time the Indians came in from all parts to see him and asked me whether he were my brother I tolde them he was so and signified vnto them that he was come to see me and ayde me with so great store of victuals that from thence forward I should haue no neede to take any thing of them The bruite hereof incontinently was spread ouer ouer all the countrey in such sort as Ambassadours came vnto me from all parts which on the behalfe of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with me and euen they which before sought to make warre against me came to offer their friendship and seruice vnto me Whereupon I receiued them and gratifieâ— them with certaine presents The General immediately vnderstood the desire vrgent occasion which I had to returne into France whereupon he offred to transport me and all my company home whereunto notwithstanding I would not agree being in doubt vpon what occasion he made so large an offer For I knewe not how the case stood betweene the French and the English and although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land in France before hee would touch in England yet I stood in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse Wherfore I flatly refused his offer whereupon there arose a great mutinie among my souldiers which sayd that I sought to
fish to be taken with hookes and nets also we stayed on shore and fowled Here sir Iohn Hawkins was extreme sicke which his sicknes began vpon newes of the taking of the Francis The 18 day wee weyed and stoode North and by East into a letter sound which sir Francis in his barge discouered the night before and ankored in 13 fadoms hauing hie steepe hils on either side some league distant from our first â—iding The 12 in the morning we weied and set sayle into the sea due South through a small sâ—reit but without danger and then stode West and by North for S. Iuan de Puerto rico and in the after noone left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of vs and that night came vp to the Eastermost end of S. Iohn where sir Iohn Hawkins departed this life â—pon whose decease sir Thomas Baskcruil presently went into the Garland At 2 of the clocke we came to anker at the estermost side of the chiefe towne called Puerto rico in a sandie bay 2 miles off â—here we receiued from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot the last of whiâ—h strake the admâ—rall through the misâ—n and the last but â—ne strake through her quarter into the sterage the Generall being there at supper and strake the stoole from vndâ—r him but hurt him not but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford M. Browne captaine Stratford with one or two more Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts Then wee set sayle and stood to the Eastward and at midnight tacked about to the West and in the morning came to an anker before the point without the towne a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands The 13 we rode still vntill night when in the beginning with twenty fiue pinnesses boats and shallops manned and furnished with fire-workes and small shot wee went into the rode within the great castels and in despite of them fired the fiue Zabras or frigats all ships of two hundreth tunnes the piece or more quite burning the Rere admirall downe to the water which was the greatest shippe of them all and also mightily spoiled the admirall and viceadmirall notwithstanding the castles and ships gaue vs a hundreth eightie and fiue great shot besides small shot abundance They had also sunke a great shippe in the mouth of the chanell and rafted it ouer with hâ—r mastes almost to the very fortes and castles so as they thought it impregnable The frigats had in each of them twenty pieces of brasse and a hundreth barrels of powder Their chiefe lading that they brought thither was silke oyle and wine The treasure which they went to fetch which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia was conueyed into the strongest and surest castell of defence being as one of the prisoners câ—nfessed three millions of ducats or fiue and thirty tunnes of siluer Also they had sent all the women children and vnable persons into the woods and left none but souldiers and fighting men in the towne The fight on our side was resolute hote and dangerous wherein wee lost some forty or fifty men and sâ— many were hurt There was also great death of the Spaniards aboord the frigats with burning drowning and killing and besides some taken prisoners The 14 we rode stil being within shot of the vttermost castell but they fearing the neâ—t night we would come in againe began to warpe vp the other 4 frigats beginning first with the Admirall which whether by chance or their owne willes wee saw to sinke and as wee suppose so did they with all the rest or else by stealth got vp farther within their chiefest forces The 15 also we rode still and at afternoone wee espied a carauell comming from the castell point but before our pinnesses could fetch her vp she ranne on shore where our boates could noâ— come at her because of the breach and also many of the Islandâ—rs came downe to guard her with shot The beginning of this night we weyed and stoode one houre to the East and then tacked about to the West The 16 being Sunday and the 17 also we were becalmed The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the Southwest point of the Island giuing the point a birth because of a shoald of sand that lieth some two cables length off there we rode iâ— foure fiue and siâ—e fadomes faire white sand where wee set vp more pinnesses washed our ships and refreshed our men on shore Here the Generall tooke a pinnesse of Hispaniola with diuers letters signifying that two Englishmen of warre had done great hurt along their Island The 20 the Generall rowed to the Pheniâ— the Delighâ— and the carâ—uell and caused them to wey and anker right against the mouth of a fresh riuer in two fâ—domes water in ozie sâ—nd to the Southward of the other ships some league or more The Generall went into this riuer three or fouâ—e leagues vp and tooke horses in the countrey Sir Thomas Baskeruil rowed vp the riuer and stayed there all night and went vp into the land three or foure leagues The 23 wee discharged a barker called the Pulpit and burnt her and at three of â—he clocke that afternoone when we were ready to set saile there came aboord â—he Defiance our Admiral a Spaniard with his wife who feared some great torment for not hauing repaâ—red to the towne according to the Generals commandement of that Island who had commanded that all able men of the fleete should repaire to the towne to defend it against vs. Then we stood againe West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunke 4 or 5 leagues off the Southside of the Island The 25 we stood away Southwest and saw Mona being a lowe flat Island betweene Hispaniola and S. Iuan de Puerto rico That day the Exchange of captaine Winter spent her boulâ—sprite and in the beginning of the night the Phenix was sent backe to seeke â—er which by Gods help that night met with her and kept her company vntil the neâ—t morning then taking in a small table from her for a towe but by 9 that morning she spent her maine mast and split her foreyard breaking also her tow so as they were faine to saue some trifles out of her and the men and to sinke the hull Then we stood away South and South and by West aâ—ter the fleete and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleete againe The 29 we had sight of the Island called Curâ—çao within 8 leagues of the mâ—ineâ— and on the Northwest side came to an anker in very deepe water hard aboord the shore without any danger but the Generall weyed presently and stoode away Northwest by the West and Northnorthwest for the maine and that night saw Aruba being somewhat a lesse Island then the other we left it some three leagues to the Southward
golde and diuers stones called Piedras Hijadas or Spleene-stones Now Berreo for executing of Morequito and other cruelties spoiles and slaughters done in Aromaia hath lost the loue of the Orenoqueponi and of all the borderers and dare not send any of his souldiers any further into the land then to Carapana which he called the port of Guiana but from thence by the helpe of Carapana he had trade further into the countrey and alwayes appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapanas towne by whose fauour and by being conduâ—â—ed by his people those ten searched the countrey thereabouts aswell for mines as for other trades and commodities They also haue gotâ—en a nephew of Morequito whom they haue Christened and named Don Iuan of whom they haue great hope endeuouring by all meanes to establish him in the sayd prouince Among many other trades those Spaniards vsed canoas to passe to the riuers of Barema Pawroma Dissequebe which are on the South side of the mouth of Orenoque and there buy women and children from the Canibals which are of that barbarous nature as they will for three or foure hatchets sell the sonnes and daughters of their owne brethren and sisters and for somewhat more euen their owne daughters Hereof the Spaniards make great profit for buying a maid of twelue or thirteene yeres for three or foure hatchets they sell them againe at Margarita in the West Indies for fifty and an hundred pezos which is so many crownes The master of my shippe Iohn Dowglas tooke one of the canoas which came laden from thence with people to be solde and the most of them escaped yet of those he brought there was one as well fauoured and as well shaped as euer I saw any in England and afterward I saw many of them which but for their tawnie colour may be compared to any of Europe They also trade in those riuers for bread of Cassaui of which they buy an hundred pound weight for a knife and sell it at Margarita for ten pezos They also recouer great store of Cotton Brasill wood and those beds which they call Hamacas or Brasill beds wherein in hot countreyes all the Spaniards vsed to lie commonly and in no other neither did we our selues while we were there By meanes of which trades for ransome of diuers of the Guianians and for exchange of hatchets and kniues Berreo recouered some store of golde plates eagles of golde and images of men and diuers birdes and dispatched his campe-master for Spaine with all that hee had gathered therewith to leuie souldiers and by the shew thereof to draw others to the loue of the enterprise And hauing sent diuers images aswell of men as beasts birds fishes so curiously wrought in gold he doubted not but to perswade the king to yeeld to him some further helpe especially for that this land hath neuer beene sacked the mines neuer wrought and in the Indies their works were well spent and the golde drawen out with great labour and charge He also dispatched messengers to his sonne in Nueuo reyno to leuie all the forces he could to come downe the riuer Orenoque to Emeria the prouince of Carapana to meet him he had also sent to Saint Iago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas to buy horses and mules After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed I told him that I had resolued to see Guiana and that it was the end of my iourney and the cause of my comming to Trinidad as it was indeed and for that purpose I sent Iacob Whiddon the yeere before to get intelligence with whom Berreo himselfe had speech at that time and remembred how inquisitiue Iacob Whiddon was of his proceedings and of the countrey of Guiana Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and sadnesse and vsed all the arguments he could to disswade me and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded And first he deliuered that I could not enter any of the riuers with any barke or pinnesse or hardly with any ships boat it was so low sandy and full of flats and that his companies were dayly grounded in their canoas which drew but twelue inches water Hee further sayde that none of the countrey would come to speake with vs but would all flie and if we followed them to their dwellings they would burne their owne townes and besides that the way was long the Winter at hand and that the riuers beginning once to swell it was impossible to stem the current and that we could not in those small boats by any means cary victuall for halfe the time and that which indeed most discouraged my company the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for golde because the same would be their owne ouerthrow and that for the loue of gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossesse them of all together Many and the most of these I found to be true but yet I resoluing to make triall of all whatsoeuer happened directed captaine George Gifford my vice-admirall to take the Lions whelpe and captaine Calfield his barke to turne to the Eastward against the mouth of a riuer called Capuri whose entrance I had before sent captaine Whiddon and Iohn Dowglas the master to discouer who found some nine foot water or better vpon the flood and fiue at low water to whom I had giuen instructions that they should anker at the edge of the shoald and vpon the best of the flood to thrust ouer which shoald Iohn Dowglas bwoyed and beckoned for them before but they laboured in vaine for neither could they turne it vp altogether so farre to the East neither did the flood continue so long but the water fell yer they could haue passed the sands as wee after found by a second experience so as now wee must either giue ouer our enterprise or leauing our ships at aduenture foure hundred mile behinde vs must run vp in our ships boats one barge and two wheries But being doubtfull how to cary victuals for so long a time in such bables or any strength of men especially for that Berreo assured vs that his sonne must be by that time come downe with many souldiers I sent away one King master of the Lions whelpe with his ship-boat to trie another branch of a riuer in the bottome of the bay of Guanipa which was called Amana to prooue if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter But when he came to the mouth of Amana he found it as the rest but stayed not to discouer it thorowly because he was assured by an Indian his guide that the Canibals of Guanipa would assaile them with many canoas and that they shot poisoned arrowes so as if he hasted not backe they should all be lost In the meane
time fearing the woorst I caused all the carpenters we had to cut downe a Galego boat which we meant to cast off and to fit her with banks to row on and in all things to prepare her the best they could so as she might be brought to draw but fiue foot for so much we had on the barre of Capuri at low water And doubting of Kings returne I sent Iohn Dowglas againe in my long barge aswell to relieue him as also to make a perfect search in the bottome of that bay for it hath bene held for infallible that whatsoeuer ship or boat shall fall therein can neuer disemboque againe by reason of the violent current which setteth into the sayde bay as also for that the brize and Easterly winde bloweth directly into the same Of which opinion I haue heard Iohn Hampton of Plymmouth one of the greatest experience of England and diuers other besides that haue traded to Trinidad I sent with Iohn Dowglas an olde casique of Trinidad for a pilot who tolde vs that we could not returne againe by the bay or gulfe but that he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to the Eastward and that he thought by it we might fall into Capuri and so returne in foure dayes Iohn Dowglas searched those riuers and found foure goodly entrances whereof the least was as bigge as the Thames at Wolwich but in the bay thitherward it was shoald and but sixe foot water so as we were now without hope of any ship or barke to passe ouer and therefore resolued to go on with the boats and the bottome of the Galego in which we thrust 60 men In the Lions whelps boat whery we caried 20. Captaine Calfield in his whery caried ten more and in my barge other tenne which made vp a hundred we had no other meanes but to cary victuall for a moneth in the same and also to lodge therein as we could and to boile and dresse our meat Captaine Gifford had with him master Edward Porter captaine Eynos and eight more in his whery with all their victuall weapons and prouisions Captaine Calfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges and eight more In the galley of gentlemen and officers my selfe had captaine Thin my cousin Iohn Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert captaine Whiddon captâ—ine Keymis Edward Handcocke captaine Clarke lieutenant Hewes Thomas Vpton captaine Facy Ierome Ferrar Anthony Welles William Connocke and aboue fifty more We could not learne of Berreo any other way to enter but in branches so farre to wind-ward as it was impossible for vs to recouer for wee had as much sea to crosse ouer in our wheries as betweene Douer and Calice and in a great billow the winde and current being both very strong so as we were driuen to goe in those small boats directly before the winde into the bottome of the bay of Guanipa and from thence to eater the mouth of some one of those riuers which Iohn Dowglas had last discouered and had with vs for pilot an Indian of Barema a riuer to the South of Orenoque betweene that and Amazones whose canoas we had formerly taken as hee was going from the sayd Barema laden with Cassaui-bread to sell at Margarita This Arwacan promised to bring me into the great riuer of Orenoque but indeed of that which he entred he was vtterly ignorant for he had not seene it in twelue yeeres before at which time he was very young and of no iudgement and if God had not sent vs another helpe we might haue wandred a whole yere in that labyrinth of riuers yer wee had found any way either out or in especially after wee were past ebbing and flowing which was in foure dayes for I know all the earth doeth not yeelde the like confluence of streames and branches the one crossing the other so many times and all so faire and large and so like one to another as no man can tell which to take and if wee went by the Sunne or Compasse hoping thereby to goe directly one way or other yet that way wee were also caried in a circle amongst multitudes of Islands and euery Island so bordered with high trees as no man coulde see any further then the bredth of the riuer or length of the breach But this it câ—anced that entering into a riuer which because it had no name wee called the riuer of the Red crosse our seâ—ues being the first Christians that euer came therein the two and twentieth of May as wee were rowing vp the same wee espied a small canoa with three Indians which by the swiftnesse of my barge rowing with eight oares I ouertooke yer they could crosse the riuer the rest of the people on the banks shadowed vnder the thicke wood gazed oâ— with a doubtfull conceit what might befall those three which we had taken But when they perceiued that we offered them no violence neither entred their canoa with any of ours nor tooke out of the canoa any of theirs they then beganne to shew themselues on the banks side and offered to traffique with vs for such things as they had And as wee drew neere they all stayed and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creeke which came from their towne into the great riuer As we abode there a while our Indian pilot called Ferdinando would needs goe ashore to their village to fetch some fruits and to drinke of their artificiall wines and also to see the place and know the lord of it against another time and tooke with him a brother of his which hee had with him in the iourney when they came to the village of these people the lord of the Island offered to lay hands on them purposing to haue slaine them both yeelding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory to spoile and destroy them But the pilot being quicke and of a disposed body slipt their fingers and ran into the woods and his brother being the better footman of the two recouered the creekes mouth where we stayed in our baâ—ge crying out that his brother was slaine with that we set hands on one of them that was next vs a very olde man and brought him into the barge assuring him that if we had not our pilot againe we would presently cut off his head This olde man being resolued that he should pay the losse of the other cried out to those in the woods to saue Ferdinando our pilot but they followed him notwithâ—tanding and hunted after him vpon the foot with the Deere-dogges and with so maine a crie that all the woods eckoed with the shouâ— they made but at the last this poore chased Indian recouered the riuer side and got vpon a tree and as we were coasting leaped downe and swamme to the barge halfe dead with feare But our good happe was that we kept the other olde Indian which we hand fasted to redeeme
our ship of the harmes and leakes which the wormes had made in her while wee ridde at the yland of S. Sebastian and in the meane time we departed from before the towne of Santos Our Master sent his skiffe from the barre of Santos thinking to haue brought Thomas Babington and William Euet with the Pilot which wee had â—arried for three dayes and as the skiffe was going William Euet being by the Riuers side called to our pinnesse and sent a letter to our Master which Thomas Babington had written wherein were no newes but that the Ministrador was arriued at Santos from the Riuer of Ienero and would speake with our Master but he willed that whatsoeuer Thomas Babington did write no credit should be giuen to it And further he wished vs presently to depart for Sant Sebastian and there to dispatch our businesse and then to sende backe for Babington and himselfe to Guaybea where he if he were well would giue his attendance to come abord As we rid two leagues a sea-bord the barre of Santos wee broke a cable in the open sea which happened the 15. day of this moneth We arriued at S. Sebastian the 15. day and there shifted our balast and had in stones and halled our ship a ground to stop our leakes caried our caske a shoare to be hooped for water which indeed might better haue bene done in Santos before the Ministrador came thither yet we finished all things pertaining to our ship by the 22. of this moneth at S. Sebastian The first day of Iuly Thomas Babington came abord with William Euet in our pinnesse and the rest of our men that went for them but there was no Pilot brought according to promise to cary vs to Baya The things that we obserued and noted in the time of our being at Santos were these All such wares and marchandizes as owe no custome in Brasill their vse is to set a price vpoâ— the same how they shal be sold which is done by the magistrates of the towne according to the ordinances of their king But for all such marchandizes as do owe custome there the marchants are to sell them according as they may to the greatest profit and aduantange that they can Concerning the prouince of Peru wee learned that one part of it by land water is but twelue dayes iourney from the towne of Santos and from thence it may be about foure or fiue dayes iourney by water to the maine riuer of Plate From the head of the riuer of Plate and from their chiefe townes there they doe trade and trafique by lâ—nd into Peru by waggons and horses or mules The saide riuer of Plate is so full of sands and dangers and the fresh to fierce sometimes that no shipping dares to deale with it small barks to their knowledge may go vp it and not els The Portugales here cannot bee suffered to vse their Mines of treasure in these parts vpon paine of death the contrary being commanded by the king and the Uice-roy who is as their king in place of authoritie About twentie leagues from Santos there is a certaine kinde of wilde Sauages lying in the mountaines which are in friendship with the Portugales and they haue continuall warres with certaine other Sauages that dwell towards the borders of Peru which is distant from Santos about 400. or 500. leagues Those Sauages of Peru haue store of gold and siluer but they knowe not the vse of it Looke what Sauages of their enemies they take they sell them to the Portugales for kniues combes ares or hatchets and other â—rifles they will sell one for a pennie-knife to a Portugal and after two yeeres they are worth twentie or thirtie duckets to the Portugal This people haue also continuall warres with the Spaniards and this was tolde vs by one of those Sauages which hath â—welt among the Portugales these seuen yeeres with his master called Sennor Manoel Veloso And this fellowe â—ould willingly haue come with vs for England There are certaine rockes that lie off betweene the yle of Alcatrarzas and S. Sebastian about two leagues which are to be taken heed of which a farre off in faire weather shewe like the sailes of ships There are other rocks that lie off S. Catelina also fiue leagues to the East and by South into the sea off the yland At our comming vp to Santos we found foure fadom and a halfe water in the shallowest place and the like we found within a league after we were departed from S. Catelina litle more or lesse but after you haue runne in the depth of foure fadome and a halfe about a mile or lesse then you shall haue it deeper againe more and more Before the towne of Santos we rode in eight and tenne fadome water A letter of Francis Suares to his brother Diego Suares dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasill in Iune 1596. concerning the exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barks of 30. and 40. tunnes SIr we set saile from Lisbon the fourth of April 1596. and arriued here in this riuer oâ— Ienero the twentie seuenth of Iune next ensuing And tâ—e same day the Visitadores did visit our ship with great ioy thinking that those commodities which wee brought with vs had bene for the marchants of this countrey but it prooued to the contrary The pilot brought with him in the sayd shippe two pipes of wine which were taken from him and solde by the Iustice for foure and twenty reals euery gallon But I solde mine for two and thirty and sixe and thirty reals the gallon If I had brought any great store of wine I should haue made a great gaine of it for I should haue gotten eight reals for one The next day in the morning wee went all on shore and gaue God thanks for our prosperous voyage and good successe which he had sent vs. And because the gouernour of this countrey was gone from this Towne to another house of his three leagues vp into the riuer beyond the place where we rode at anker I desired the captaine of our shippe after dinner that we might take the shippe boat and goe to the place where the gouernour did lie And so going vp the riuer we met with a canoa which was comming downe the riuer and going aboord our shippe which canoa was laden with fresh victuals and in the same was one Portugall which met vs and tolde vs that the gouernour of that captaine shippe had sent vs a present which we receiued very thankefully and sent it aboord And we went vp the riuer to the place where the gouernour did dwell and comming to the place where we landed hard by the the riuers side the gouernour came thither and receiued vs very courteously So we remained at his house two dayes talking of many matters of Portugall then we departed from him
for two more of their fleete were much spoyled by the storme which they had In these sixeteene shippes Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee gouernour in the streites and had assigned vnto him 500 men to stay there with him and hee carried with him all kinde of â—â—rificers to make him forts and other necessaries with great store of ordinance and other munition This fleete because it was late did winter on the coast of Brasil in the riuer of Ienero and from thence they went when the winter was past and about the height of 42 degrees they had a sudden storme so that Diego Flores beat it vp and downe 22 dayes in which time hee lost one of the best ships he had which had in her 300 men and 20 women that went to inhabit the Streits and in this ship also was most part of the munition which should haue bene left in the Streits so in the end the storme grew to bee so great that the ships were not able to endure it any longer but were put backe vnto an Island called Santa Catelina and there he sound a barke wherein were some fryers going for the riuer of Plate which friers told him of two great English ships and a pinnesse which had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did the many harme but onely asked them for the king of Spaines ships Hereupon Diego Flores knowing that these English ships would goe for the Streits determined to goe thither although it was in the moneth of Februarie and choosing 10 ships of the 1â— that were left hee left two ships which were not in case to goe to sea at the Island and into the other three ships which were old and shaken with the storme hee put all the women and sicke men in all the fleete and sent them to the riuer of Ienero and he with the other 10 returned againe for the Streits The three ships in which the sicke men and women were went to Brasil and there they found within the por of S. Vincent the two ships before mentioned They woulde haue had the English men to haue gone out of the harbour and thereupon they fell to fight and because that these three ships were weake with the storme and the men that they had were the worst in all the fleete the Englishmen easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might haue sunke another if the Englishmen would but they minded not the destruction of any man for that is the greatest vertue that can be in a man that when hee may doe hurt yet he will not doe it So the Englishmen wâ—nt from this port to Spirito Santo where they had victuals for their merchandise and so they went backe for England without doing of any harme in the Countrey The cause why these English shippes vnder the conduct of M. Fenton went not to the streits I know not but some say that they were put backe by foule weather other some say that it was for feare of the kings ships But the pinnesse of these two ships went from them in which was Captaine Iohn Drake the cause why they parted I know not but the pinnesse came into the riuer of Plate and within fiue leagues of Seale Island not farre from the place where the Earle of Cumberlands shippes did take in fresh water shee was cast away vpon a leâ—ge of rockes but the men were saued in their boat which were in number 18 who went ashore on the North side and went a dayes iourney into the land and met with the Sauages which are no men-â—aters but take all the Christians that they can and make them slaues But the Englishmen fought with them and the Sauages flew 5 of them and tooke 13 aliue which were with the Sauages about 15 moneths But the Master of the pinnesse whose name was Richard Faireweather being not willing to indure the misery that hee was in and hauing knowledge that there was a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer he in a night called Iohn Drake and another yong man which was with them and tooke a very little Canoa which had but two oares so passed to the other side of the riuer which is about 19 leagues broade and were three dayes before they could get ouer without meat and comming to land they hit vpon an highway that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of horses they followed it and at last came to an house where there was corne sowed and there they met with Indians seruants vnto the Spaniards which gaue them meate and clothes to couer them for they were all naked and one of the Indians went to the towne and told them of the Englishmen so the Captaine sent foure horsemen who brought them to the towne behind them This Captaine clothed them and prouided lodging for them and Iohn Drake dieted at the Captaines table and they were all very well intreated the Captaine purposing to send them for Spaine But the Uiceroy of Peru hauing newes hereof sent for them and so Iohn Drake was sent to him but the other two were kept there because they were married in the countrey so that I know no more of their affaires Upon this comming of the Englishmen there were pâ—epared 50 horsemen to goe ouer the riuer to secke the rest of the Englishmen and also certaine Spaniards that were among the savage people but I am not certaine whether they went forward or not A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the Isle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plata and all along vp within the sayd riuer and what armes and mouthes it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable â—ith small barks FRom the Isle of Santa Catelina which is in 28 degrees of Southerly latitude vnto Rio Grande is fortie leagues This riuer by another name is called Ygai The Island of Santa Catelina is sixe leagues in length it hath two small Islands on the North side betweene the maine land and it and on the South side it hath a shoald of rockes which lyeth hidden very neere vnto the poynt of the Isâ—e You are to passe betweene the firme land and the poynt of the Isle From Santa Catelina to the hauen of Biaça which by another name is called la Laguna are twelue leagues it is a good hauen within but you must stay the full sea to enter into it because it hath shoaldes in the mouth and it may be knowen by a small Island which lyeth a league into the sea which is called La Isla de Reparo that is The Island of succour or defence and you must ride there to search the chanell From this harbour vnto the riuer before named there is no hauen for a ship to harbour it selfe And Râ—o Grande hath many shoalds in the mouth thereof It â—s a riuer that none but very
master Walker master Shawe master Ieffries the master the masters mate and the pilot to whom I shewed that I was desirous to goe backe to seeke our admirall whereunto the master pilot and masters mate answered directly that wee could not fetch the ile where wee left them and to meete them in going backe it was very vnlikely and to vs dangerous many wayes aswell for falling into the laps of the Spaniards as to be put on a lee shoare whereupon all the rest aduised me to stand off into the sea whereunto I assented remembring withal that time spent consumed victuall and howe long wee had beaten vp and downe in the same bay before to get in with calmes and contrary windes Thus wee concluded that M. Walker should set downe each mans opinion and wee set to ouâ— handes and from hencefoorth hee to keepe a Register of all our proceeding as M. Maddox did abord the Admirall The first day of February wee went East by south and East southeast with a stoute gale and went the same course the 3.4 and 5. dayes following The 5. day about 10. a clocke in the forenoone M. Walker died who had bene weake and sicke of the bloodie flixe 6. dayes wee tooke a view of his things and prised them and heaued him ouer bord and shot a peece for his knell The 14. day I called into my cabbin the two marchants the Master and the Pilot shewing them our wants of victuals and other necessaries whereupon they and I concluded that it was best for vs to returne to our countrey with as litle losse of time and expense of victuals as might be being without hope of reliefe vpon this coast and yet to keepe the coast of Brasil to friend for feare of extremitie The 17. day in the morning hauing much raiue wee saued aboue two tunne of water of which we were very glad The 18. day I obserued the variation of the compasse which varied one point and a halfe to the Southwards by our ordinary compasse of London The second day of March the Master Pilot I agreed to fetch the yle of Fernando Loronha From the 3. day to the 10. day we went West and by South and ran in for the shoare The 10. day we saw the land which was sandie hilles with woods on it The 11. day seeking to goe a shoare wee sawe foure men which weaued to vs with a white shirt and we weaued to them with a flagge of truce At length one of them swamme to our boatâ— side and there lay in the Sea talking with vs almost an houre in the ende being partly perswaded by Pinto who talked with them in the Indian-tongue and partly entised with such trifles as I shewed him hee came into our Skiffe and called to his companions on shoare who came abord swimming wee deliuered them certaine barricos to fetch vs them full of fresh water after there came downe 40. Indians boyes women and men and with them a French boy but the former Indians deceiued vs of our barricos Whereupon Pinto and Russell swamme a shoare to seeke water but found none The same day wee sailed to a place where boats might land I went a land in my Skiffe and found the Indians and Frenchmen which were with mee the day before and they brought our three barricos full of fresh water for whâ—â—â— I rewarded them with some trifles In the meane time our boat went ashoare and one men with some of the Indians brought vs twentie barricos more of fresh water and I my selfe went to shoare and brought 23. hennes of India The 12. day betimes in the morning wee manned our boat and Skiffe and â—ooke some trifling things to shoare and barricos at our first arriuall the rude Indians stocked together wading to the Skiffe wherein I was begging and wondering about vs First I caused them to fetch 27. barricos of water whom I rewarded with small bells c. In the meane time they brought hens to me wading to the Skiffe for I kept my selfe alwayes afleat and for their hens I gaue them a knife and a smal looking glasse All this while M. Blackcoller our Pilot Thomas Russel Mâ—rkâ— Thawgâ—â—s were still on shoare and would not tarry abord In the ende fearing some treacherie because all the Indians were slipped on shoare from mee I called our men away and suddenly they layed handes on our men ashoare and with their bowes shot thicke at vs in the boats and waded into the water to vs laying hands on our Skiffe yet God of his mercie deliuered vs from their hands with the losse of fiue men slaine and others hurt Thus we got abord with 40. hens ducks turkies and parrats and three hogsheads of water and I caried a Frenchman abord with mee named Iaques Humfrey who was by chance in the boat with me when this fray began The 17. day we tooke three sharks in the morning From that day to the first of April wee went our course sometime with raine and sometime with variable windes so til the 4. of April which day we saw 4. birds with long tailes which houered about the ship and in the afternoone we saw and tooke vp many weedes which draue thickâ— in the sea which we iudged to be driuen with the East windes from the yles of Cape verde From this day till the 11. day we went our course sometime Northeast sometime Northwest according to the winds vpon this 11. day George Coxe one of our Carpenters hauing the night before broken vp the hold and stolâ—e wine and drunken himselfe drunke being taken in the roome lept ouerbord out of the beake head and so drowned himselfe The 12. day wee spied our foremast to be perished in the hownes and durst not beare our foretop saile vpon it but went hence with our sailes next hand North all day and night From hence to the 20. day we went Northeast and by North. This day I obserued the variation of the compasse and I noted that the South point of the compasse caried more then halfe a point to the Westwards The 25. day of May wee went betweene the East northeast and the Northeast with a small gale till fiue a clocke in the afternoone then had we sight of land which rose ragged to the Northwards like broken land we bring about fiue leagues off that yle bare Northeast by North of vs and the Northermost part bare North by East of vs with a rocke a sea bord we then sounded and had fiftie and fiue fadome grey sand and maze great store in it so wee stood in Northeast till eight a clocke and then be helde it againe being within foure leagues of it bearing as before but wee coulde not make it for some thought it to bee the foreland of Fontenay some iudged it the yle of Vssanâ—â— then we sounded againe in 55. fadome browne sand and little maze in it at eight a clocke at night we
to passe the said streights of Magellan were two ships of Genoa which comming as farre as the mouth of the streights were by a mightie storme driuen backe againe and one of them whose mastâ—r was called Pancaldo put into the riuer of Plate and was cast away about Buenos Aeres where to this day part of the said ship is to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship returned to Genoa againe Also there was a bishop of Placencia in Spaine who couering riches set foorth a fleet of foure sailes to passe the streights and so to goe for the Malucos and getting license of the Emperour he sent his said 4 ships toward the streights which had very faire windes till they came thither but being entered 20 leagues within the streights a storme of Westerly windes tooke them droue 3 of them on shore the fourth backe into the sea which the storme being past returned into the streights to seeke for his consorts found many men going on the shores side but the ships were beaten all to pieces So they on land called vnto the ship but the captaine therof considering that his ship was but little that he had but small store of victuals would not go to them on shore but proceeded on his voyage passed the streights And because he was alone he would not saile to the Malucos but went for the coast of Peru to the citie of Lima where the ship remaineth vnto this day The men of the other three ships which were left in the streights being to the number of two hundred and fiftie whose Captaine being kinsman to the bishop of Placencia was called Queros were neuer heard of vntill this present day it being fortie yeres since they were left there A yeare after this certaine marchants of the Groine in Galicia set foorth other three ships which ships also came to the streights mouth where one of them was cast away with all the men and the other two returned for Spaine Also I haue had intelligence of certaine Portugall ships which being come to the mouth of the Streights lost two of their Pinnesses which they sent to discouer the land and then returned back And after these two French ships were sent from the riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de Villegagnon but being come to the latitude of 45. degrees they were driuen backe by a storme of contrary winds After all this the gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoça sonne to the Marques of Cannette determining to discouer the sayd Streights from the South sea sent from Chili two ships vnder the conduct of a captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke these Streights by the South sea is more then by the North sea because all the stormes of the North sea come from the land but in the South sea all the windes and stormes come off the sea and force the ships to run vpon the lee-shore insomuch that the sayd two ships were cast away in fiftie degrees The seeking of these Streights of Magellan is so dangerous and the voyage so troublesome that it seemeth a matter almost impossible to be perfourmed insomuch that for the space of thirty yeeres no man made account thereof vntill of late one Francis Drake an Englishman of whom I hâ—ue before spoken seeing hee could doe no good on the maine lande of the West Indies to benâ—fit himselfe because of the galleys of Cartagena that kept the coast determined to seeke the Sâ—reights of Magellan and to passe into the South sea And so hauing prouided two ships and three pinnesses in England he proceeded on his voyage and comming to the Islandes of Cape Verde tooke a Portugal shippe laden with wine the Pilot whereof beeing a Portugal called Nuno da Sylâ—a hee caried along with him who was a great helpe and furtherance vnto him in his voyage And this which I shall here say I had in writing of the Portugal pilot himselfe From the Islands of Cape Verde the sayd Francis Drake sailed vnto Port Sant Iulian where he wintered and there also hee put to death a gentleman of his company because hee wouldâ— haue returned home This port I take to bee accursed for that Magellan likewise put some to death there for the like offence This Francis Drake putting out of the sayd port entred the Streights and within twelue dayes gotte into the South sea And two dayes after there arose such a storme of Westerly windes which are vsuall in those parts that he lost his pinnesse and his Uiceadmirall master Iohn Winter was driuen backe againe into the Streights who passing many dangers returned home into England But Francis Drake himselfe ranne with this storme into seuen and fifty degrees of Southerly latitude where hee found an Island with a good harborough and fresh water and stayed at the same Island two moneths to repayre his ships and then the weather beeing faire he proceeded on his voyage and came to the coast of Chili to an Island called La Mocha where hee went on shore and talked with the Indians but when hee would haue returned vnto his boate they shotte their arrowes at him and killed two of his men and hee himselfe was wounded in the face Going from thence hee passed by the â—owne of Concepcion not knowing the place and so to Valparizo which is the port of Sant Iago where hee found a ship laden with a kind of victuals and wine and had in her besides threescore thousand pâ—zos of gold euery pezo being worth eight shillings sterling and taking this ship with him hee went from thence to another pâ—rt called Coquimbo where seeing many cattell on the land he sent presently some of his men with calieuers to kill of the sayd cattell but being espied of the Spaniards that dwelt in the towne they sent twelue horsemen to see what they were that killed their cattell for they knew them not and comming neere vnto them the Englishmen fled to their boates but the horsemen ouertooke one of them who had a halbard in his hand whom the Spaniards thought to haue taken but hee with his halbard killing one of their horses was himselfe runne through with a lance and so the Spaniards carried him dead with them into the towne The next day the newes came to Sant Iago that they were Englishmen and how they had taken the shippe out of the harbour of Valparizo whereupon they of Sant Iago sent a Post by land to giue warning vnto them of Peru. Howbeit by reason that the countrey betweene this place and Peru is not inhabited for the space of two hundreth leagues and many huge and colde mountaines couered with snowe he in the way the Poste was so long in perfourmance of this iourney that captaine Drake was vpon the coast of Peru a moneth before the sayd Poste came thither neither could they send any newes by
great English ships and a pinnesse that had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did them any harme but onely asked them for the king of Spaines ships Now Diego Flores supposing that these English ships would go to the streights was himselfe determined to go to the streights also though it was in the moneth of February and choosing tenne shippes of the fifteene that were left he sent three of the residue that were old aâ—d shaken with the storme wherein he put all the women and sicke men that were in the fleete backe againe to the riuer of Ienero leauing the other two shippes which were not able to brooke the sea at the foresayd Island and so himselfe with the sayd ten ships returned againe for the streights Now the three ships wherein the sicke men and the women were embarked came to the port of Sant Vincent where finding the two foresayd English ships and vrging them to auoide the harbour the English entred combat with them and by reason that these three ships were weakened with former tempests and were manned with the refuse of all the Spanish flâ—ete the Englishmeu easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might also haue sunke another if they had bene so minded but they desired not the destruction of any man and doubtlesse it is the greatest valour that any man can shew that when hee may doe hurte he will not Hereupon the Englishmen departed from this porte vnto Espirito Santo where they had victuals for their merchandize and so they returned home to England without doing any harme in the countrey The cause why these English captaines went not to the streights I know not some say that they were put backe by foule weather others suppose that it was for feare of the kings ships but the pinnesse that belonged to these shippes wherein Iohn Drake went as captaine departed from them the cause why hee did so is vnknowen but this pinnesse entred the riuer of Plate and within fiue leaguas of Seale-island not farre from the place where the Erle of Cumberlands ships tooke in fresh water it was cast away vpon a ledge of rockes but the men were all saued in the boate Who being eighteene in number went on shore vpon the Northside of the Island and passing tenne dayes iourney vp into the lande they met with certaine Saluage people which are no man-eaters but take all the Christians that they can get and make them their slaues howbeit the Englishmen fought with them and being too fewe in number fiue of them were slaine and the other thirteene taken prisoners who remained with the Saluages about fifteene moneths But the Master of the pinnesse called Richard Faireweather being loth any longer to indure that miserie wherein hee was and hauing knowledge of a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer called on a night Iohn Drake and another yoong man which was with them and tooke a Canoa being very little and hauing but two oares and passed therewith on the other side of the riuer which is full nine leagues broade and being three dayes before they could get ouer they were much pined for lacke of meate But comming to land they hit vpon an high way that went towards the Christians and spying the footing of horses they followed it and at last came to an house neere vnto the which corne was sowed And there they met with Indians that were seruants to the Spaniards who gaue them foode and clothes to couer them withall for they were all naked And one of the sayd Indians went to the towne and caried newes of the Englishmen whereupon the captaine of the towne sent our foure horsemen which brought them to the towne behinde them and the sayd captaine clothed them and prouided lodging for them and Iohn Drake sate at the captaines owne table and hee intreated them all very well thinking to send them for Spaine But the Uiceroy of Peru hearing this newes sent for them and they sent him Iohn Drake but the other two they kept because they were maried in the countrey Thus much concerning their affaires Upon these newes also there were prepared fifty horsemen to goe ouer the riuer both to seeke the rest of the Englishmen and certaine Spaniardes which were amongst those Saluage people but I am not assured whether they went forward or no. Nowe let vs returne to Diego Flores who passing from the Island of Santa Catelina towards the streights of Magellan in the middle of February and comming to the height of the riuer of Plate sent the gouernour of Chili with three ships vp the riuer to Buenos Ayres that hee might from thence passe ouerland to Chili Of these three ships two were lost but the men and prouisions were saued and the third returned for Spaine Then Diego Flores with the other seuen ships proceeded on to the latitude of 52. degrees whereas the mouth of the Streights beginneth but because it was the ende of March which there is the latter ende of summer the countrey was so full of snow and withall there arose such a sudden storme that he could not set Sarmiento and his men on shore but was constrained the second time to returne vnto the riuer of Ienero vpon the coast of Brasil where he heard newes of the English ships by the two Spanish ships that escaped from them Upon which newes he left his lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Pedro Sarmiento that they might the next yeere returne for the streights And so Diego Flores himselfe with foure ships which were yet remaining vnto him and other foure which the king sent to succour him set forth to seeke the Englishmen but hauing runne along all the coast of Brasil hee could not finde them because they were gone directly for England Whereupon shaping his course vnto a port called Paraiua and finding there fiue French ships he burnt three and tooke two and the fort also which the Frenchmen had built and put Spaniardes therein but the Frenchmen fledde into the mountaines to the Saluages This done hee returned for Spaine In the meane season his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Pedro Sarmiento had the next yeere so good fortune that they arriued safely in the streights with all their ships and set on shore foure hundreth men but because the ships boate could not land being once laden they ran that ship which had all the victuals and munition in her on shore in a bay and as the water did ebbe they tooke all things out of her This being done Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with foure hundreth men thirtie women and a ship with victuals for eight moneths and with the other three shippes hee returned hauing remained in the Streights but eight dayes Nowe Pedro Sarmiento built a towne at the mouth of the Sreights on the North side placing therein an hundreth and fiftie men and from thence he went by land and sent the ship
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn
dozens died into skarlet LondoÌ„ clothes much talked of in Persia. Much Venice cloth worne in Persia. The second admission to the Shaughs presence the 29. of Iune 1566. at which time he receiued the priuiledge The Shaughs promise to increase the priuiledge Aleppo a citie of great trade Armenians barter with the Venetians The distance from Shamaky to Aleppo Armenians and other desirous to barter silke and spices for karsies The Shaugh desirous to bargaine for our commodities 2000. pieces of karsies to be sent into Persia He departed from Casbin the 15. of Iuly Rich. Iohnsons great negligence Cozomomet was Arthur Edwards friend to the Shaugh Victuals and all things dear at Casbin The Ambassador of y e prince of Gilan Gilan but fiue dayes riding from Casbin Gals Grainâ— Ormus Aleppo M. Anthonie Ienkinsons offer to the Persian M. Anthonie Ienkinson commended The Shaughs letters to the Moscoup companie * By the word Karangies I thinke they meane karsles Fishing for Sturgeon for 3. moneths The Englishmen in making of cables set on worke a 100. men in Russia Sosnoua tree excellent for the 〈◊〉 of the wolfe The description of Rose Island A verst is but 3. quarters of an english mile At this towne Newnox Richard Chanceller in his first voyage with â—is companie a shipboard were relieued August The riuer Owiga The fall of a riuer A lake very ful of Islands The famous lake of Onega S. Clement his Monasterie ‖ Or. Sermaxe The riuer of Volhuski The lake of Ladiskai The Monasterie of Gosnopoli The Citie of Nouogrod Trauel by Sleds 2000. Sleds belongiâ—g to one towne A good caueat for seasonable trauell Nouogrod within 180. miles of the Narue This is meant by Alderman Bond the elder English Merchants for discouery of new trades Triall by lots The riuer of Ob traffikable The vse of furres wholesome delicate graue and comely The trade to S. Nicholas offensiue to diuers princes states Eastward Smolenâ—co won by the Russe Polotzko taken Polotzko recouered by Stephanus Batore 1568 In this voyage went Thomas Bannister Geofrey Ducket for their voyage into Persia. The abbey of S. Nicholas of 20 Monks The English house at S. Nâ—cholas The riuer of Dwina Colmogro An English house with lands at Colmogro The description of the inland of Moscouie â—is arriuall at Mosco A special house at Mosco built for Ambassadours Two Pristaues His admission to the Emperors presence The Queenes present The Emperoâ—s speech to the Ambassadour A second conference with the Emperor Andrew Sauia Ambassadour to the Queene Oâ—â—rhosâ—n sâ—or Cara Recâ— Naramsi Reca Their arriual at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568. Prince Erasbec Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle Warre against the Portingals at Ormuz The gouernour of Grozin his Merchant The generall inconstancie in the merchants and dealers of those parts The trade betweene the Venetians and the Armenians not easily to be broken Babylon 15. dayes iourneâ— from Casbin His voyage to Gilan The malice of the Turkish merchants The price of spices Londro Loâ—don The Venetians traffike in England The English Barke assaulted neere Astracan by the Nagaian Tartars Astraâ—an besâ—eged by 70000. Turks and Tartars The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman Humfrey Greensell burnt at Ormus The English ship taken by the Cassaks Ice in the beginning of October 1574 Grosin or Georgia How strangers are vsed A goodly and well grounded religion Their opinion of Christ. Their money Their bookes and learning Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason Dissention for religion Their priests and preaching Their Lent Their saints and holy men Pilgrimage Their praier worshipping of God and Mahumet Washing and outward clenlinesse Their swearing The kings magnificence Pursuiuants The kings company with his wiues and concubines The succession of y â— kingdom Circumcision Their houses and maner of eating Bondmen and bondwomen Women bought sold and let to hire Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground Oleum Petroleum Two sorts of kine Foxes in great plenty Fiue ships of Freeboters taken 1571 The citie of Mosco burnt by y â— Crimme Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco M. Glouer and M. Rowley preserued Andrew Sauinâ— Ambassadour from the Emperour The causes of the Emperors displeasure He maruelleth the company do not coÌ„ferre with him of Lappia 1574. 5 English men wintered in Lappia Christopher Colt a simple marchant Good trade in winter in Lappia Henry Cocknedge honest but ignorant Roger Leche expert of Lappia If the companie do not enter into the trade of Lappia others wil preuent them The trade of Vedagoba He can say somewhat though not much 1183 barrels of oyle bought by others Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander The first Interrogatorie The deponents answeâ— Pechingo abbey The second Interrogatorie The deponents answer Note Hull the best market of England for sale of fish ‖ 1568 pag. 394. Yeraslaue Great store oâ— Licoris Perauolok Astracan Peter Garrard Ice at Astracan for foure moneths Anno 1580. Astracan situate vpon an IslaÌ„d The variation oâ— the compas in Aâ—â—racan was 13. deg 40. minuts May. Vchoog Shoald water Flats Chetera Boâ—gorâ— The Caspiaâ— sea 45. degrees 20. minuts The first obseruâ—tion in the Caspian sea Brackish water farre within the sea 43. degrees 15. minuts 41. degrees 32. minuts 40. degrees 54. minuts Bilbill Bachu port Thomas Hâ—dson oâ— Limehouse maister of the English barke M. Christopher Burrough The receiuing of the English into Derbent The latitude of Bildih 40. deg 25 min. The variation of the compas 10 deg 40. min. Zeâ—e Island The English suffer shipwracke Arthur Edwards dieth at Astâ—acan Septâ—mber The Armenian village The Turke his treasure sent to Derbent Osman Basha Derbent built by Alexander the great The latitude of Derbent 41. deg 52. min. The variation of the Compasse Nezauoo Two Spaniards deliuered by our English men A strange accident of prouision for their reliefe Nouember Ice the 13 of Nouember in the mouth of the riuer of Volga The 16 day Trauaile vpâ— on the yce Chetera Babbas The English ship cut in pieces with yce December Their returne to Astracan The breaking vp of the yce Morgan Hubblethorne dier sent into Persia. May. Borroughs streiâ—s The land of Samoeda The Queenes letters The Queenes letters The Citie of Siberia Willoughbies land How to note downe in his Iornall of the voyage his dead reckoning and other obseruations For noting the shape and view of the land at first discouery c. For obseruing of tides and currants To take the platformes of places witâ—in compasse of view vpon land M. d ee gaue them a Chart of his owne making which here he refers them vnto A good consideration Ingens Sinus post Insulam Vaigats Nouâ—m Zemblam Tabin promontorium ingens Quo propius ad polum acceditur eò directorium Nauticum magis a Septeouiorâ— deuiat Bautisus Oechardus maxima fluâ—ina in hunc Sinum illabuntur Postulata Mercatoris de quibus certior fieri cupit
Brasill Hogs grease instead of oile Silks of sundry sorts Horses Mules Iennets Maiz grainâ— for man and beast eaten in cakes An Hanege is a bushel and an halfe Salomons Ilands sought and â—ound in the South sea 1568. China found by the West * This is to be vnderstood of the time where this discourse was written Anno 1572. China ships with one saile Chamoice Spanish leather India Rauens not killed to deuoure carcion Wrongs done to the Indians punished Iustice cause of ciuilism The apparel of the Indians The houses of the Indians Fire rubbed out of two stickes Diuers speeches Mutezuma and his riches The Indians wash themselues euery day Canaybal Islands of salâ—â— Alume Cassia fistula Salsa Perilla Florida This Fleete consisted of 6. ships I. The Iesus 2 The Mynion 3 The William and Iohn 4 The Iudith 5 The Angel 6 The Swallow The William and Iohn separated and neuer after met with the fleeteâ— Mexico 60. leaâ—â—â—s froâ— S. Iuan de Vlluâ— It is put downe 6. millions in Sir Iohn Hawkins his relations 4 Articles concluded vpon betwixt the English the Spaniards although the treacherous Spaniards kept none of them A faire castle and bulwarke diuided vpon the yland of San Iuan de Vllua The vaine of a Spanish uiceroy his faith The villanous treacherie of the Spaniards and their crueltie Copstow◠〈◊〉 of M. Hawkins men returned from Nueua Espanna Theâ— were put on land 2â— leagues Northward of Panuco the 8 of October 1568. Capule a kind of stone fruit Chichiâ—â—ci a warlike and cruel people Our men assailed by the Chichemiâ—â— Eight of our men slaine Anthony Godard Dauid Ingram The riuer oâ— Panuco The Salines of Panuco Nuestra Sennorâ— Certaine Englishmen taken prisoners at the fight at Sant Iuan de Vllua Robeâ—t Sweeting an EnglishmaÌ„ English geÌ„tlemen hostages Almost an huÌ„dred Englishmen prisoners in Mexicoâ— Our men are truelly rackt The cruell iudgements of the Spanish Inquisitors vpoÌ„ our poorâ— countreâ—men Tuatepâ—c Washaca Tepiaca Pueblo de los Angeles Stapâ—lapa The Spanish Uiceroy prophecied buâ— falsely Vera Cruz distant 5 leagues from S. Iuan dâ— Vlluaâ— Miles Philips his last wonderâ—ull escape Guatimala on the South sea Puerto de Cauallos Don Pedro de Guzman He commetâ— home in an English ship from Maiorca A remedie against poysoned arrowes The riuer of Calousa The riuer of Taggarin 500 Negroes taken Rio grande Doâ—iâ—â—â—â— Margarita Burboroata Placencia in the maine Rio dela Hachâ— taken Santa Martha Cartagenâ—â— Campeche Don Martin de Henriquez thâ— trecherous Uice-roy Augustine de villa nueua a most thankelesse traytour The Spanish â—ice-admirall fiâ—iâ—d One of those three was Iob Hortop They sunke the Generals the reporter hereof Foure Spanish ships sunke About an hundred Englishmen landed Iohn Cornisâ— slaine Anthony Goddard A riuer Iames Collier 8. Englishmen slaine Another riueâ— Seuen dayes trauell to Pâ—nucoâ— The manifold vâ—e of Magueâ— Mexico A descripâ—ioâ— of ginger 157â— Haâ—â—â—â— A sea-monster in the shape of a man Robert Barret whom two familiars of the Inquisition and Iohn Gilbert burned Iob Hortop his condemnation 1590 1590 The Port of Tecuanapa The Bishopricks of Guaxacan Tlarcali Cuahintla Tulaningo a small lake Quacapotla The riuer of Ometepec Nicaraguâ— Xicaiâ—â— Aioanapa â—â—chistlahuaca 〈◊〉 â—hualapa 〈◊〉 Pio a frontier towne against the Mexicans Huehuatlan Cuahucapotla Cacatepec The riuer of Tlacamama Atoiaque â—icaian â—â—notespanâ— The towne of Tlacamama A lake hauing hard salt growing vnder the water Quesalâ— Cuahâ—ntâ—an del Rey. Huatulco or Guatulco in 15. deg and 50. minutes The riuer â—â— Tlacolula Azoyoque The prouinces of Tututepec and Tlapa Tecuanapa â— most fit harborough to builâ— ships for the South â—â—a This sir Tho. Pert was Uiceadmirall of England and dwelt in Poplar at Blackmall Note An English great shippe at Brasill 1517â— San Iuan de puerto Rico. M. Thomas Hampton â—â—â—rra Leona â—alled Tagâ—rin The Iles of Caycus October 1â—â— The Minion the Iohn Baptist and the Merlin bound for Guinea Good 〈…〉 a long day A dreadfull mischance by fire The I le of Palmes Gomera and Teneriffe Santa Cruz. A briefe description of the commodities of the Canaâ—ie Ilands 〈◊〉 Trees dropping water in Guinie The pike of Teneriffe Cape de las Barbas Cape Blanco Cape Verde in 14 degrees Leophares Ieloffes The trafficke of the Frenchmen at Cape Verde Alcatraâ—ses or Ganets The Sapieâ— Rio grande The Idols The Island called Sambula The Samboses â—apies The Samboses man-eaters The Sapies burie their dead with golde The Canoas of Aâ—trica The forme of their townes The Consultation house or towne-howâ—e Palmito is a â—â—lde datâ— A venemous Cucumber Idoles like deuils The extreme negligence of one of the companie The riuer Calowsa The Towne of Bimba Portugals nâ—â— to be trusted Want of circumspecâ— in ouâ— M. Field Captaine of the Salomon slaine Taggarin The riuer of Casterroes A new assault on the slegroo Great townes â—erâ— great Canoas The contagion of the countrey of Sierra Leona Tangomangos Dominica Island Canybals execeeding cruell and to be auoybed The Testigos Island Margarita Island Cumana Santa Fe. The description of the Indians of Terra â—â—â— The vse of Sorrell Memour of quilted canuas two ynches thicke The making of their poison The maners of the yong women The Isle of Tortuga The crueltie of the Caribes Burboroata An hundreth Englishmen in Aâ—â—â—ous The reports of the mishaps of the Minion in Guinie May. Horses kept ready sadled Exceeding plentie of â—aâ—tell in Curazâ—â— Great numbers of wilde dogs Aruba La Rancheria Rio de la Hacha M. Hawkins his letter to the Treasurer of Rio de la Hacha The authour of this storie Iune The deceitfull foâ—ce of the current Two hundred ylands for the most part not inhabited The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Florida The Isles of â—ortugaâ— Great store of birds A hill called the Table The port oâ— Hauana The sâ—ate oâ— the current of Florida M. Hawkins ranged all the coast of Florida The riuer of May. Florida found to be cut into Islands Sorell The commodities of Florida The houses of Florida The maner of kindling of fire in Florida The French fort Monsieur Laudonniere Bread made of â—cornâ— The occasion of the falling out with the Floridians The French greatly recieued by M. Hawkins Twentie hogsheads of wine made in Florida like to the wine of Orleans Labourers necessary to inhabit new countreys Tobacco the great vertue thereof The variety of commodities in Florida Colours Golde and siluer Two Spanyards liued log among y e Floridians Pieces of gold grauen among y e Floridians Florida esteemed an Island This copper was sound perfect golde called vp the Sauages Sye roa phyre Pearles Vnicornes hornes which y e inhabitants call Sonamamma Beasts Faulcons in Florida Serpents Flying fishes Dolphins Flemingo The egript The pellicane Meanes to reape a sufficient profit in Florida and Virginia These arriuall in Padstow in the moneth of September 1565. A storm Gomerâ— Enâ—enomeâ— arrowes A towne of 3000 Negros
a plaine marsh they stayed expecting the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise to furnish vs with victuals who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breach of promise came not whereupon our Generall fired the woods thereabout and so retired to our Fort which the same day was fired also and each man came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning The 29. day wee set saile from Saint Iohns being many of vs stung before vpon shoare with the Muskitos but the same night wee tooke a Spanish Frigat which was forsaken by the Spaniards vpon the sight of vs and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat with good and rich fraight and diuers Spaniards of account in her which afterwards wee rausomed for good round summes and landed them in S. Iohns The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats which we had taken to Roxo bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohns to fetch salt being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot as soone as hee arriued there hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched himselfe vpon the sandes immediatly compassing one of their salte hils within the trench who being seene of the Spaniards there came downe towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and fooâ—nen who gaue him the looking and gazing on but durst not come neere him to offer any resistance so that Master Lane maugre their troopes caryed their salte aboord and laded his Friâ—at and so returned againe to our fleete the 29. day which road at S. Germans Bay The same day we all departed and the next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola Iune THe 1. day of Iune we anchored at Isabella on the North side of Hispaniola The 3. day of Iune the Gouernour of Isabella and Captaine of the Port de Plata being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards who had beene well intertained aboord our shippes by our Generall that in our fleete were many braue and gallant Gentlemen who greatly desired to see the Gouernour aforesayd he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our Generall promising within few dayes to come to him in person which he perfourmed accordingly The 5. day the aforesayd Gouernour accompanied with a lusty Fryer and twenty other Spaniards with their seruants and Negroes came dowâ—e to the Sea side where our ships road at anker who being seene our Generall manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our Fleete euery man appointed and furnished in the best sort at the landing of our Generall the Spanish gouernour receiued him very courteously and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen and their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men liking our men and likewise their qualities although at the first they seemed to stand in feare of vs and of so many of our boates whereof they desired that all might not land their men yet in the end the courtesies that passed on both sides were so great that all feare and mistrust on the Spaniards part was abandoned In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour discoursed betwixt them of diuers mattersâ— as of the state of the Countrey the multitude of the Townes and people and the commodities of the Iland our men prouided two banquetting houses couered with greene boughes the one for the Gentlemen the other for the seruaunts and a sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in plate with the sound of trumpets and consort of musicke wherwith the Spaniards were more then delighted Which banquet being ended the Spaniardes inrecompence of our courtesie caused a great heard of white buls and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines and appoynted for euery Gentleman and Captaine that would ride a horse ready sadled and then singled out three of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres wherein all three of the beasts were killed whereof one tooke the Sea and there was slaine with a musket After this sport many rare presents and gifts were giuen and bestowed on both parts and the next day wee played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of diuers of their commodities as horses mares kine buls goates swine sheepe bull-hides sugar ginger pearle tabacco and such like commodities of the Iland The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the Iland of Hispaniola but the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie vsed towards vs by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst vs then to any heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement for doubtlesse if they â—â—d bene stronger then wee wee might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes then Master Iohn Hankins receiued at Saint Iohn de Vllua or Iohn Oxnam â—eere the streights of Dariene and diuers others of our Countrymen in other places The 8. day we ankred at a small Iland to take Seales which in that place wee vnderstood to haue bene in great quâ—ntitie where the Generall and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to haue beene all cast away but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie The 9. day we arriued and landed in the I le of Caycos in which Iland we searched for saltepondes vpon the aduertisment and information of a Portugall who indeede abused our Generall and vs deseruing a haster for his hire if it had so pleased vs. The 12. we ankered at Guanima and landed The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breath called the Cape of Feare The 24. we came to anker in a harbour where wee caught in one tyde so much fish as would haue yeelded vs twentie pounds in London this was our first landing in Florida The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour where through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando the Admirall strooke on ground and sunke The 3. we sent word of our arriuing at Wococon to Wingina at Roanoak The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine and Manteo with him and Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan where they found two of our men left there with 30 other by Captaine Reymond some 20. dayes before The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned with two of our men found by them to vs at Wocokon The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn Arundell Master Stukeley and diuers other Gentlemen