of â—ecessity to be added namely y t this ice which according to historiographers representeth mans voice is the place of the damned doth not as all other things in this wide world consist of y e matter of some element For whereas it seemeth to be a body when indeed it is no body which may directly be gathered out of Frisius absurb opinion whereas also it peirceth through hard solide bodies no otherwise then spirits ghosts therfore it remaineth seeing it is not of an elementary nature y t it must haue either a spirituall or a celestial or an infernal matter But y t it should be infernall we can not be perswaded because we haue heard that infernall cold is farre more vnsufferable then this I se which vseth to be put into a boxe with mens hands is not of force any whit to hurt euen naked flesh by touching therof Nor yet will we grant it to be spirituall for we haue learned in naturall Philosophy that spiritual substances can neither be seene nor felt cannot haue any thing taken from them all which things do not withstanding most manifestly agree to this I se of the Historiographers howsoeuer according to them it be supernatural Besides also it is most true that the very same yse being melted with the heat of the sunne resolued into water vpon the vpper part therof standeth fishermen in as good stead to quench their thirst as any land-riuer would do which thing can no way be ascribed to a spirituall substance It is not therefore spirituall nor yet infernall Now none wil be so bold to affirme that it hath celestiall matter least some man perhaps might hereupon imagine y t this I se hath brought hell which the historiographers annexe vnto it downe from heauen together with it selfe or that the same thing should be common vnto heauen being of one the same matter with I se so that the prison of the damned may be thought to haue changed places with the heaueÌ„ly paradise all by the ouersight of these Historiographers Wherfore seeing the matter of this historicall I se is neither elementarie as we haue so often proued by this place of Frisius neither spirituall nor infernall both which we haue concluded euidently in short yet sound and substantiall reasons nor yet celestiall matterâ— which religion forbiddeth a man once to imagine it is altogether manifest y t according to the said historiographers there is no such thing at all which notwithstanding they blaze abroad with such astonishing admiration which we thinke to be an ordinary matter commonly seene and felt Therefore it is and it is not which proposition when it shall fall out true in the same respect in the same part and at the same time then will we giue credite to these frozen miracles Now therefore the Reader may easily iudge that we need none other helpe to refute these things but onely to shew how they disagree one with another But it is no maruell that he which hath once enclined himselfe to the fabulous reports of the common people should oftentimes fall into error There was a like strange thing inuented by another concerning the sympathy or conioining of this I se namely that it followeth the departure of that huge lumpe whereof it is a part so narrowly so swiftly that a man by no diligence can obserue it by reason of the vnchangeable necessitie of following But we haue oftentimes seene such a solitarie lumpe of I se remaining after the other parts thereof were driuen away and lying vpon the shore for many weekes together without any posts or engines at all to stay it Therefore it is plaine that these miracles of I se are grounded vpon a more slippery foundation then I se it selfe The eleuenth section Not farre from these mountaines the three forenamed declining to the sea shoare there be foure fountaines of a most contrary nature betweene themselues The first by reason of his continuall heat conuerteth into a stone any body cast into it the former shape only stil remaining The second is extremely cold The third is sweeter then hony and most pleasant to quench thirst The fourth is altogether deadly pestilent and full of ranke poison EUen this description of fountaines doth sufficiently declare how impure that fountaine was out of which the geographer drew all these miraculous stories For he seemeth to affirme that the three foresaid mountaines doe almost much one another for he ascribeth foure fountaines indifferently vnto them all Otherwise if he had not made them stand neare together he would haue placed next vnto some one of these two of the foresaide fountaines But neither doe these mountaines touch being distant so many leagues a sunder neither are there any such foure fountaines neare vnto them which he that wil not beleeue let him go try But to confuce these things the very contrariety of writers is sufficient For another concerning two fountaines gain sayth Frisius in these words There do burst out of the same hill Hecla two fountaines the one whereof by reason of the cold streames the other with intollerable heat exceedeth al the force of elâ—â—â—â—s These be Frisius his two first fountaines sauing that here is omitted the miracle of hardening bodies being by him attributed to one of the said fountaines But they cannot at one time breake forth both out of the mountaine it selfe and neare vnto the mountaine But here I would willingly demaund by what reason any of the Peripateticks can affirme that there is some thing in nature colder then the element of water or hotter then the element of fire From whence I pray you learned writers proceedeth this coldnesse From whence commeth this heare Haue we not learned out of your schole that water is an element most colde and somewhat moist and in such sort most cold that for the making of secundarie qualities it must of necessitie be remitted being simple that it cannot be applyed to the vses of mankind I do here deliuer these Oracles of the naturall Philosophers not knowing whether they be true or false M. Iohn Fernelius lib. 2. Phys. cap. 4. may stand for one witnesse amongst all the rest instead of theÌ„ all So excessiue saith he be these foure first qualities in the foure elements that as nothing is hotter theÌ„ pure fire nothing lighter so nothing is drier then earth nothing heauier and as for pure water there is no qualitie of any medicine whatsoeuer exceedeth the coldnes thereof nor the moisture of aire Moreouer the said qualities be so extreme surpassing in theÌ„ that they cannot be any whit encreased but remitted they may be I wil not heare heape vp the reasons or arguments of the natural Philosophers These writers had need be warie of one thing lest while they too much magnifie the miracles of the fountains they exempt them out of the number of things created aswel as they did the ice of the
they remained there for the space of three moneths and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie The whole Countrey is plaine and champion and few hils in it and towards the North it hath very large spacious woods wherein is great store Firre trees a wood very necessarie and fit for the building of houses there are also wilde beastes bred in those woods as Buffes Beares and blacke Wolues and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs but called by them Rossomakka and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull for when it is great with yong and ready to bring foorth it seeketh out some narrow place betweene two stakes and so going through them presseth it selfe and by that meanes is eased of her burden which otherwise could not be done They hunt their buffes for the most part a horsebacke but their Beares a foot with woodden forkes The north parts of the Countrey are reported to be so cold that the very ice or water which distilleth out of the moist wood which they lay vpon the fire is presently congealed and frozen the diuersitie growing suddenly to be so great that in one and the selfe same firebrand a man shall see both fire and ice When the winter doth once begin there it doth still more more increase by a perpetuitie of cold neither doth that colde slake vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dissolue the cold and make glad the earth returning to it againe Our mariners which we left in the ship in the meane time to keepe it in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away that they eftsoones fell downe as men very neere dead so great is the sharpenesse of that colde climate but as for the South parts of the Countrey they are somewhat more temperate Of Mosco the chiefe Citie of the kingdome and of the Emperour thereof IT remaineth that a larger discourse be made of Mosco the principall Citie of that Countrey and of the Prince also as before we haue promised The Empire and gouernment of the king is very large and his wealth at this time exceeding great And because the citie of Mosco is the chiefest of al the rest it seemeth of it selfe to challenge the first place in this discourse Our men say that in bignesse it is as great as the Citie of London with the suburbes thereof There are many and great buildings in it but for beautie and fairenesse nothing comparable to ours There are many Townes and Uillages also but built out of order and with no hansomnesse their streetes and wayes are not paued with stone as ours are the walles of their houses are of wood the roofes for the most part are couered with shingle boords There is hard by the Citie a very faire Castle strong and furnished with artillerie whereunto the Citie is ioyned directly towards the North with a bricke wall the walles also of the Castle are built with bricke and are in breadth or thickenesse eighteene foote This Castle hath on the one side a drie ditch on the other side the riuer Moscua whereby it is made almost iâ—erpugnable The same Moscua trending towards the East doth admit into it the companie of the riuer Occa. In the Castle aforesaide there are in number nine Churches or Chappels not altogether vnhansome which are vsed and kept by certaine religious men ouer whom there is after a sort a Patriarke or Gouernour and with him other reuerend Fathers all which for the greater part dwell within the Castle As for the kings Court and Palace it is not of the nearest onely in forme it is foure square and of lowe building much surpassed and excelled by the beautie and elegancie of the houses of the kings of England The windowes are very narrowly built and some of them by glasse some other by leuisses admit the light and whereas the Palaces of our Princes are decked and adorned with hangings of cloth of gold there is none such there they build and ioyne to all their wals benches and that not onely in the Court of the Emperour but in all priuate mens houses Nowe after that they had remained about twelue dayes in the Citie there was then a Messenger sent vnto them to bring them to the Kings house and they being after a sort wearied with their long stay were very ready and willing so to doe and being entred within the gates of the Court there sate a very honorable companie of Courtiers to the number of one hundred all apparelled in cloth of golde downe to their ankles and there-hence being conducted into the chamber of presence our men beganne to wonder at the Maiestie of the Emperour his seate was aloft in a very royall throne hauing on his head a Diademe or Crowne of golde apparelled with a robe all of Goldsmiths worke and in his hand hee held a Scepter garnished and beset with precious stones and besides all other notes and apparances of honour there was a Maiestie in his countenance proportionable with the excellencie of his estate on the one side of him stood his chiefe Secretarie on the other side the great Commander of silence both of them arayed also in cloth of gold and then there sate the Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number all in like sort arayed and of great state This so honorable an assemblie so great a Maiestie of the Emperour and of the place might very well haue amazed our men and haue dashâ— them out of countenance but not withstanding Master Chanceler being therewithall nothing dismaied saluted and did his duetie to the Emperour after the maner of England and withall deliuered vnto him the letters of our king Edward the sixt The Emperour hauing taken read the letters began a litle to question with them and to aske them of the welfare of our king whereunto our men answered him directly in few words hereupon our men presented some thing to the Emperour by the chiefe Secretary which at the deliuery of it put of his hat being before all the time couered and so the Emperour hauing inuited them to dinner dismissed them from his presence and going into the chamber of him that was Master of the Requests to the Emperour hauing stayed there the space of two howres at the last the Messenger commeth and calleth them to dinner they goe and being conducted into the golden Court for so they call it although not very faire they finde the Emperour sitting vpon an high and stately seate apparâ—lled with a robe of siluer and with another Diademe on his head our men being placed ouer against him sit downe in the middes of the roome stoode a mightie Cupboord vpon a square foote whereupon stoode also a round boord in manner of a Diamond broade beneath and towardes the toppe narrowe and euery steppe rose vp more narrowe then another Upon this Cupboorde was placed the
would breede in them many diseases but that they vse bathstoues or hote houses in steade of all Phisicke commonly twise or thrise euery weeke All the winter time and almost the whole Sommer they heat their Peaches which are made like the Germane bathstoues and their Poclads like ouens that so warme the house that a stranger at the first shall hardly like of it These two extremities specially in the winter of heat within their houses and of extreame colde without together with their diet make them of a darke and sallow complexion their skinnes being tanned and parched both with cold and with heate specially the women that for the greater part are of farre worse complexions then the men Whereof the cause I take to be their keeping within the hote houses and busying themselues about the hearing and vsing of their bath-stoues and peaches The Russe because that he is vsed to both these extremities of heat and of cold can beare them both a great deale more patiently then strangers can doe You shall see them sometimes to season their bodies come out of their bathstoues all on a froth and fuming as hoat almost as a pigge at a spit and presently to leape into the riuer starke naked or to powre cold water all ouer their bodies and that in the coldest of all the winter time The women to mende the bad hue of their skinnes vse to paint their faces with white and red colours so visibly that euery man may perceiue it Which is made no matter because it is common and liked well by their husbands who make their wiues and daughters an ordinarie allowance to buy them colours to paint their faces withall and delight themselues much to see them of fowle women to become such faire images This parcheth the skinne and helpeth to deforme them when their painting is of They apparell themselues after the Greeke manner The Noblemans attire is on this fashion First a Taffia or little night cappe on his head that couereth litle more then his crowne commonly verie rich wrought of silke and golde threede and set with pearle and precious stone His head he keepeth shauen close to the very skinne except he be in some displeasure with the Emperour Then hee suffereth his haire to growe and hang downe vpon his shoulders couering his face as vgly and deformedly as he can Ouer the Taffia hee weareth a wide cappe of blacke Fore which they account for the best furre with a Tiara or long bonnet put within it standing vp like a Persian or Babilonian hatte About his necke which is seene all bare is a coller set with peaâ—le and precious stone about three or foure fingers broad Next ouer his shirt which is curiously wrought because hee strippeth himselfe into it in the Sommer time while he is within the house is a Shepon or light garment of silke made downe to the knees buttoned before and then a Caftan or a close coat buttoned and girt to him with a Persian girdle whereat he hangs his kniues and spoone This commonly is of cloth of gold and hangeth downe as low as his ancles Ouer that hee weareth a lose garment of some rich silke furred and faced about with some golde lace called a Ferris An other ouer that of thamlet or like stuffe called an Alkaben sleeued and hanging lowe and the cape commonly brooched and set all with pearle When hee goeth abroad he casteth ouer all these which are but sleight though they seeme to be many an other garment called an Honoratkey like to the Alkaben saue that it is made without a coller for the necke And this is commonly of fine cloth or Camels haire His buskins which he weareth in stead of hose with linnen folles vnder them in stead of boot hose are made of a Persian leather called Saphian embrodered with pearle His vpper stockes commonly are of cloth of golde When he goeth abroad hee mounteth on horsebacke though it be but to the next doore which is the maner also of the Boiarskey or Gentlemen The Boiarskey or Gentlemans attire is of the same fashion but differeth in stuffe and yet he will haue his Caâ—tan or vndercoat sometimes of cloth of golde the rest of cloth or silke The Noble woman called Chyna Boiarshena weareth on her head first a caull of some soft silke which is commonly redde and ouer it a fruntlet called Obrosa of white colour Ouer that her cappe made after the coife fashion of cloth of gold called Shapka Zempska edged with some rich furre and set with pearle and stone Though they haue of late begunne to disdaine embrodering with pearle aboue their cappes because the Diacks and some Marchants wiues haue taken vp the fashion In their eares they weare earerings which they call Sargee of two inches or more compasso the matter of gold set with Rubies or Saphires or some like precious stone In Sommer they goe often with kerchieffes of fine white lawne or cambricke fastned vnder the â—hinne with two long â—assels pendent The kerchiefe spotted and set thicke with rich pearle When they ride or goe abroad in raynie weather they weare white hattes with coloured bandes called Stapa Zemskoy About their neckes they weare collers of three or foure fingers broad set with rich pearle and precious stone Their vpper garment is a loose gowne called Oposhen commonly of scarlet with wide loose sleeues hanging downe to the ground buttened before with great golde buttons or at least siluer and guilt nigh as bigge as a walnut Which hath hanging ouer it fastned vnder the cappe a large broad cape of some rich furre that hangeth downe almost to the middes of their backes Next vnder the Oposken or vpper garment they weare another called a Leitnick that is made close before with great wide sleeues the cuffe or halfe sleeue vp to the elbowes commonly of cloth of golde and vnder that a Ferris Zemskoy which hangeth loose buttoned throughout to the very foote On the hande wrests they weare very faire braselets about two fingers broad of pearle and precious stone They goe all in buskins of white yellow blew or some other coloured leather embrodered with pearle This is the attire of the Noblewoman of Russia when she maketh the best shewe of her selfe The Gentlewomans apparell may differ in the stuffe but is all one for the making or fashion As for the poore Mousick and his wife they goe poorely cladde The man with his Honoratkey or loose gowne to the small of the legge tyed together with a lace before of course white or blew cloth with some Shube or long wastcoate of furre or of sheepeskinne vnder it and his furred cappe and buskins The poorer sort of them haue their Honoratkey or vpper garment made of Rowes haire This is their winter habite In the sommer time commonly they weare nothing but their shirts on their backes and buskins on their legges The woman goeth in a red or blew gowne when she maketh the
Island Gronland of the miracles of water and aire this master of fragments hath gathered together into his looking glasse whereby alâ—hough he hath made his owne followers woonder and the common people to be astonished yet hath he ministred vnto vs nothing but occasion of laughter But let vs heare Frisius The flame of mount Hecla sayth he will not burne towe which is most apt matter for the wieke of a candle neither is it quenched with water But I say that this strange opinion may be confirmed by many reasons borrowed out of your schoole of Philosophy For the naturall Philosophers doe teach That it is common to all forcible flames to be quenched with dry things and nourished with moiste whereupon euen blacksmithes by sprinckling on of water vse to quicken and strengthen their fite For say they when fire is more vehement it is stirred vp by colde and nourished by moisture both which qualities doe concurre in water Item water is wont to kindle skorching fires because the moisture it selfe which ariseth doth proue more fattie and grosse neither is it consumed by the smoke enclosing it but the fire it selfe feedeth vpon the whole substance thereof whereby being made purer and gathering round together it becommeth then more vehement by reason of colde And therefore also wild-fires cannot be quenched with water Item There be places abounding with brimstone and pitch which burne of their owne accord the flame wherof cannot be quenched with water The graund Philosopher also hath affirmed that fire is nourished by water Arist. 3. de anim And Pliâ—ie in the second booke of his naturall historie cap. 110. And Strabo in his 7. booke In Nympheum there proceedeth a flame out of a rocke which is kindled with water The same author sayth The ashe continually flourisheth couering a burning fountaine And moreouer that there are sudden fiâ—es at some times euen vpon waters as namely that the lake of Thrasumenus in the field of Perugi was all on fire as the same Strabo witnesseth And in the yeares 1226 and 1236 not farre from the promontorie of Islande called Reykians a flame of fire brake forth out of the sea Yea euen vpon mens bodies sudden fires haue glitâ—ered as namely there sprang a flame from the head of Seruius Tullius lying a sleepe and also Lucius Martius in Spaine after the death of the Sâ—ipions making an oration to his souldiersâ— and exhorting them to reuenge was all in a flame as Valerius Antias doth report Plinie in like sort maketh mention of a flame in a certaine mountaine which as it is kindled with water so is it quenched with earth or haye also of another field which burneth not the leaues of shadie trees that growe directly ouer it These things bâ—ing thus it is strange that men should acâ—ompt that a wonder in Hecla onely for I will graunt it to be for disputation sake when indeede there is no such matter so farre foorth as euer I could learne of any man which is common to manie other parts or places in the world both hilly and plaine as well as to this And by the same force that bullets c. Munster saith the like also This mountaine when it rageth it soundeth like dreadfull thunder casteth forâ—h huge stones disgorgeth brimstone and with the cinders that are blowen abroad it couereth so much ground round about it that no man can inhabite within 20. miles thereof c. Howbeit they ought to haue compared it with Aetna or with other fierie mountaines whereof I will presently make mention seeing there is to be found in them not onely alike accident but in a manner the very same Unlesse perhaps this be the difference that flames brake seldomer out of Hecla then out of other mountaines of the same kinde For it hath now rested these 34. yeares full out the last fâ—erie breach being made in the yeare 1558. as we haue before noted And there can no such wonders be affirmed of our Hecla but the same or greater are to be ascribed vnto other burning mountaines as it shall by and by appeare But that brimstone should be sent foorth it is a meere fable and neuer knowen vnto our nation by any experiment This place is the prison of vncleane soules Here I am constrained to vse a preface and to craue pardon of the Reader because whereas in the beginning I propounded vnto my selfe to treat of the land and of the inhabitants distinctly by themselues I must of necessitie confusedly handle certaine matters in this first part which do properly belong vnto the second This is come to passe through the fault of these writers who haue confounded this part of the inhabitants religion concerning the opinion of hell or of the infernall prison with the situation miracles of the island Wherfore that we may come to this matter who can but wonder that wise men should be growen to this point not onely to listen after but euen to follow and embrace the dotings of the rude people For the common sort of strangers and the off-skowring of mariners here I do except them of better iudgement aswell mariners as others hearing of this rare miracle of nature by an inbred and naturall blockishnesse are carried to this imagination of the prison of soules and that because they see no wood nor any such fewell layed vpon this fire as they haue in their owne chimneys at home And by this perswasion of the grosse multitude the report grew strong especially as they are too much accustomed to banning and cursing while one would wish to another the firie torments of this mountaine As though elementarie materiall and visible fire could consume mens soules being spirituall bodilesse and inuisible substances And to be short who can but woonder why they should not faine the same prison of damned soules aswell in mount Aetna being no lesse famous for fires and inflamations then this But you will say that Pope Gregorie fained it so to be Therefore it is purgatorie I am content it should be so then there is the same trueth of this prison that there is of purgatorie But before I proceede any further I thinke it not amisse to tell a merie tale which was the originall and ground of this hellish opinion namely that a ship of certaine strangers departing from Island vnder full saile a most swift pace going directly on her course met with another ship sailing against winde weather and the force of the tempest as swiftly as themselues who hailing them of whence they were answere was giuen by their gouernour De Bischop van Bremen being the second time asked whether they were bound he answered Thom Heckelfeld tho Thom Heckelfeld tho I am affeard lest the reader at the sight of these things should call for a vason for it is such an abominable lie that it would make a man cast his gorge to heare it Away with it therefore to fenny frâ—gs for we esteeme no more of it then of their
for they were much offended with him because hee peopled not the countrey Quiuira is in fortie degrees it is a temperate countrey and hath very good waters and much grasse plummes mulberries nuts meloâ—s and grapes which ripen very well There is no cotton and they apparell themselues with ore-hides and deeres skinnes They sawe shippes on the sea coast which bare Alcatraizes or Pellicanes of golde and siluer in their prows and were laden with marchandises and they thought them to bee of Cathaya and China because they shewed our mâ—n by signes that they had sayled thirtie dayes Frier Iohn de Padilla stayed behinde in Tigues with another of his companions called Frier Francis and returned to Quiuira with some dozen Indians of Mechuacan and with Andrew de Campo a Portugall the gardiner of Francis de Solis Hee tooke with him horses and mules with prouision Hee tooke sheepe and hennes of Castile and ornaments to say Masse withall The people of Quiuira stewe the Friers and the Portugall escaped with certaine Indians of Mechuacan Who albeit at that time he escaped death yet could hee not free himselfe out of captiuitie for by and by after they caught him againe But ten moneths after he was taken captiue hee fled away with a couple of dogs As hee trauailed hee blessed the people with a crosse whereunto they offered much and wheresoeuer hee came they gaue him almes lodging and foode He came to the countrey of the Chichimechas and arriuâ—d at Panuco When he came to Mexico hee ware his haire very long and his beard tyed vp in a lace and reported strange things of the lands riuers and mountaines that he had passed It grieued Don Antonio de Mendoça very much that the army returned home for hee had spent aboue threescore thousand pesos of golde in the enterprise and ought a great part thereof still Many sought to haue dwelt there but Francis Vasquez de Coronado which was rich and lately married to a faire wife would not consent saying that they could not maintaine nor defend themselues in so poore a countrey and so farre from succour They trauailed aboue nine hundred leagues in this countrey The foresayd Francis Lopez de Gomara in his generall historie of the West Indies Chap. 215. writeth in maner following of certaine great and strange beasts neuer seene nor heard of in our knowen world of Asia Europe and Africa which somewhat resembling our oxen hauing high bunches on their backes like those on the backes of Camels are therefore called by him Vacas corcobadas that is to say Crooke-backed oxen being very deformed terrible in shewe and fierce by nature which notwithstanding for foode apparell and other necessarie vses are most seruiceable and beneficiall to the inhabitants of those countreys He reporteth also in the same chapter of certaine strange sheepe as bigge as horses and of dogs which vse to carie burthens of 50. pound weight pound weight vpon their backes ALl the way between Cicuic and Quiuira is a most plaine soyle without trees and stones and hath but fewe and small townes The men clothe and shooe themselues with lether and the women which are esteemed for their loâ—g lockes couer their heads and secrets with the same They haue no bread of any kinde of graine as they say which I account a very great matter Their chiefest foode is flesh and that oftentimes they eate rawe either of custome or for lacke of wood They eate the fatte as they take it out of the Oxe and drinke the blood hotte and die not there withall though the ancient writers say that it killeth as Empedocles and others affirmed they drinke it also colde dissolued in water They seeth not the flesh for lacke of pots but rost it or to say more properly warme it at a fire of Oxe-dung when they eate they chawe their meate but little and rauen vp much and holding the flesh with their teeth they cut it with rasors of stone which seemeth to be great bestialitie but such is their maner of liuing and fashion They goe together in companies and mooue from one place to another as the wilde Moores of Barbarie called Alarbes doe following the seasons and the pasture after their Oxen. These Oxen are of the bignesse and colour of our Bulles but their hornes are not so great They haue a great bunch vpon their fore shoulders and more haire on their fore part then on their hinder part and it is like wooll They haue as it were an horse-mane vpon their backe bone and much haire and very long from the knees downeward They haue great tuâ—fes of haire hanging downe their foreheads and it seemeth that they haue beardes because of the great store of haire hanging downe at their chinnes and throates The males haue very long tailes and a great knobbe or flocke at the end so that in some respect they resemble the Lion and in some other the Camell They push with their hornes they runne they ouertake and kill an horse when they are in their rage and anger Finally it is a foule and fierce beast of countenance and forme of bodie The horses fledde from them either because of their deformed shape or else because they had neuer seene them Their masters haue no other riches nor substance of them they eat they drinke they apparel they shooâ— themselues and of their hides they make many things as houses shooes apparell and ropes of their bones they make bodkins of their sinewes and haire threed of their hornes mawes and bladders vessels of their dung fire and of their calues-skinnes budgets wherein they drawe and keepe water To bee short they make so many things of them as they haue neede of or as many as suffice them in the vse of this life There are also in this countrey other beaâ—tes as big as horses which because they haue hornes and fine wool they cal them sheepe and they say that euery horne of theirs weigheth is fiftie pound weight There are also great dogs which will fight with a bull and will carrie fiftie pound weight in sackes when they goe on hunting or when they remooue from place to place with their flockes and heards EL VIAIE QVE HIZO ANTONIO de ESPEIO en el anno de ochenta y tres el qual con sus companneros descubrieron vna tierra en que hallaron quinze Prouincias todas llenas de pueblos y de casas de quatro y cinco altos a quien pusieron por nombre El nueuo Mexico por parecerse en muchas cosas al viejo Esta à la parte del Norte y se cree que por ella y por poblado se puede venir hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman del Labrador Del Nueuo Mexico y de su descubrimiento y lo que del se sabe Y A dixe en el titulo del libro que el anno de mil y quinientos y ochenta
or fountaines the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake becommeth hard salte like vnto ice And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera There come by sea also many ships for salt which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia we found the Tartars Amongst whome being entered me thought I was come into a new world Whose liâ—e and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can Of the Tartars and of their houses Chap. 2. THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne And euery of their captaines according to the great or or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his pastures and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer Spring and autumne For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water because then they vse snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth in like sorte of wickers meeting aboue into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney which they couer with white felte and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte The sayd felte on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines trees birds and beastes thereupon The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes I found it to be 20 feete ouer and when the house was vpon the carte it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least I told 22. oxen in one teame drawing an house vpon a cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte and eleuen more before them the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship And a fellow stood in the doore of the house vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen Moreouer they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers and make a doore in the fore side thereof And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe treasure Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts which are drawen with camels to y e end they may wade through riuers Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts When they take down their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South next of all they place the carts laden with their chests here there within half a stones cast of y e house insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts as it were between two wals The matrons make for theÌ„selues most beautiful carts which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you had my skill bin ought in that art One rich Moal or Taâ—tar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes When they take their houses from off the cartes the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once for their countries are very plaine and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen one behind another And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen and al the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slowe pace as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke Of their beds and of their drinking pots Chap. 3. HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes and turning the doores Southward they place the bed of the master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwaies on the East side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards but the mens place is vpon y e West side namely at the right hand of their master Men when they enter into the house wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image like a puppet made of felte which they call the masters brother and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse which they call her brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole houâ—e The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete on the right haâ—d the skinâ—e of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another image with a cowes vdder for the women that milke the kine For it is the duety of their women to milke kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another image with the vdder of a mare for the men which milke mares And when they come together to drinke and make merie they sprinckle parte
great For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men And when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre which are no small number He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie thousand men and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men and towarde the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand which is wonder to heare of yet doeth hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant All his men are horsemen he vseth no footmen but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers which are thirtie thousand The horsemen are all archers with such bowes as the Turkes haue and they ride shore as doe the Turkes Their armour is a coate of plate with a skull on their heads Some of their coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold their desire is to be sumptuous in the field and especially the nobles and gentlemen as I haue heard their trimming is very costly and partly I haue seene it or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it but the Duke himselfe is richly attired aboue all measure his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or siluer and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it I haue seene the Kings Maieslies of England and the French Kings pauilions which are fayre yet not like vnto his And when they bee sent into farre or strange countreys or that strangers come to them they be very gorgious Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell and when he goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two ambassadours to the King of Poleland which had at the lest fiue hundred horses their sumptuousnes was aboue measure not onely in themselues but also in their horses as veluet cloth of golde and cloth of siluer set with pearles and not scant What shall I farther say I neuer heard of nor saâ— men so sumptuous but it is no dayly guise for when they haue not occasion as I sayd before all their doing is but meane And now to the effect of their warres They are men without al order in the field For they runne hurling on heapes and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun for no cold wil hurt them Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke the common souldier hath neither tent nor any thing else ouer his head the most defence they haue against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and weather and when Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby Thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes from euery man must carie make prouision for himselfe his horse for a moneth or two which is very wonderful For he himselfe shal liue vpon water otemeale mingled together cold and drinke water thereto his horse shal eat green wood such like baggage shal stand open in the cold field without couert yet wil he labour serue him right wel I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with theÌ„ but one moneth I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man beast Now what might be made of these men if they were trained broken to order and knowledge of ciuill wars If this Prince had within his countreys such men as could make theÌ„ to vnderstand y e things aforesaid I do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not wel able to match with him coÌ„sidering the greatnes of his power the hardnes of his people straite liuing both of people and horse and the small charges which his warres stand him in for he giueth no wages except to strangers They haue a yerely sâ—ipend not much As for his own countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges sauing that he giueth to his Harcubusiers certaine allowance for powder shot or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages But it any man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande for the which hee is bound at all times to bee readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoynt who considereth in his mind what that lande or ferme is well able to finde and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions For there is no man of liuing but hee is bound likewise whether the Duke call for either souldier or labourer to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong Also if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land notwithstanding he haue neuer so many daughters and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to another man except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters with all Also if there be a richman a fermour or man of liuing which is striken in age or by chance is maimed and be not able to doe the Duke seruice some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice will come to the Duke and complayne saying your Grace hath such an one which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Higâ—nes who hath great abundance of welth and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing and we that lacke are well able to doe good seruice your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him and make him to helpe those that want Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth and if it be so proued he shall be called before the Duke and it shall bee sayd vnto him friend you haue too much liuing and are vnseruiceable to your prince lesse will serue you and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue whereupon immediately his liuing shal be taken away from him sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife on and he may not once repine thereat but for answere he will say that he hath nothing but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces and cannot say as we the common people in England say if wee haue any thing that it is Gods and our owne Men may say that these men are in wonderfull great awe and obedience that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene scraping and scratching for all his life to
Emperours plate which was so much that the very Cupboord it selfe was scant able to sustaine the waight of it the better part of all the vessels and goblets was made of very fine gold and amongst the rest there were foure pots of very large bignesse which did adorne the rest of the place in great measure for they were so high that they thought them at the least fiue foote long There were also vpon this Cupbord certaine siluer caskes not much differing from the quantitie of our Fyrkins wherein was reserued the Emperours drinke on each side of the Hall stood foure Tables each of them layde and couered with very cleane table clothes whereunto the company ascended by three steps or degrees all which were filled with the assemblie present the ghests were all apparelled with linnen without and with rich skinnes within and so did notably set out this royall feast The Emperour when hee takes any bread or knife in his hand doth first of all crosse himselfe vpon his forehead they that are in speciall fauour with the Emperour sit vpon the same bench with him but somewhat farre from him and before the comming in of the meate the Emperour himselfe according to an ancient custome of the kings of Moscouy doth first bestow a piece of bread vpon euery one of his ghests with a loud pronunciation of his title and honour in this manner The great Duke of Moscouie and chiefe Emperour of Russia Iohn Basiliwich then the officer nameth the ghest doth giue thee bread Whereupon al the ghests rise vp and by by sit downe againe This done the Gentleman Usher of the Hall comes in with a notable company of seruants carying the dishes and hauing done his reuerence to the Emperour puts a yong Swanne in a golden platter vpon the table and immediatly takes it thence againe deliuering it to the Caruer and seuen other of his fellowes to be cut vp which being perfourmed the meate is then distributed to the ghests with the like pompe and ceremonies In the meane time the Gentleman Usher receiues his bread and tasteth to the Emperour and afterward hauing done his reuerence he departeth Touching the rest of the dishes because they were brought in out of order our men can report no certaintie but this is true that all the furniture of dishes and drinking vessels which were then for the vse of a hundred ghests was all of pure golde and the tables were so laden with vessels of gold that there was no roome for some to stand vpon them We may not forget that there were 140. seruitors arayed in cloth of gold that in the dinner time changed thrise their habit and apparell which seruitors are in like sort serued with bread from the Emperour as the rest of the ghests Last of all dinner being ended and candles brought in for by this time night was come the Emperour calleth all his ghests and Noble men by their names in such sort that it seemes miraculous that a Prince otherwise occupied in great matters of estate should so well remember so many and sundry particular names The Russes tolde our men that the reason thereof as also of the bestowing of bread in that maner was to the ende that the Emperour might keepe the knowledge of his owne houshold and withal that such as are vnder his displeasure might by this meanes be knowen Of the discipline of warre among the Russes VVHensoeuer the iniures of their neighbours doe call the King foorth to battell hee neuer armeth a lesse number against the enemie then 300. thousand soldiers 100. thousand whereof hee carieth out into the field with him and leaueth the rest in garison in some fit places for the better safetâ—e of his Empire He presseth no husbandman nor Marchant for the Countrey is so populous that these being left at home the youth of the Realme is sufficient for all his wars As many as goe out to warfare doe prouide all things of their owne cost they fight not on foote but altogether on horsebacke their armour is a coate of maile a helmet the coate of maile wtout is gilded or els adorned with silke although it pertaine to a common soldier they haue a great pride in shewing their wealth they vse bowes and arrowes as the Turks do they carylances also into the field They ride with a short stirrop after the maner of the Turks They are a kinde of people most sparing in diet and most patient in extremitie of cold aboue all others For when the ground is couered with snowe and is growen terrible and hard with the frost this Russe hangs vp his mantle or souldiers coate against that part from whence the winde and Snowe driues and so making a little fire lieth downe with his backe towards the weather this mantle of his serues him for his bed wall house and all his drinke is colde water of the riuer mingled with oatemeale and this is all his good cheere and he thinketh himselfe well and daintily feâ—re therewith and so sitteth downe by his fire and vpon the hard ground rosteth as it were his wearie sides thus daintily stuffed the hard ground is his feather bed some blocke or stone his pillow and as for his horse he is as it were a chamberfellow with his master faring both alike How iustly may this barbarous and rude Russe condemne the daintinesse and nicenesse of our Captaines who liuing in a soile aire much more temeprate yet commonly vse furred boots and clokes But thus much of the furniture of their common souldiers But those that are of higher degrees come into the field little better prouided As for the furniture of the Emperour himselfe it is then aboue all other times most notable The couerings of his tent for the most part are all of gold adorned with stones of great price and with the curious workemanship of plumasiers As often as they are to skirmish with the enemie they goe forth without any order at all they make no wings nor militarie diuisions of their men as we doe but lying for the most part in ambush doe suddenly set vpon the enemie Their horses can well abstaine two whole daies from any meate They feede vpon the barkes of trees and the most tender branches in all the time of warre And this scant and miserable maner of liuing both the horse and his Master can well endure sometimes for the space of two moneths lustie and in good state of body If any man behaue himselfe valiantly in the fielde to the contentation of the Emperour he bestoweth vpon him in recompense of his seruice some farme or so much ground as he and his may liue vpon which not withstanding after his death returneth againe to the Emperour if he die without a male issue For although his daughters be neuer so many yet no part of that inheritance comes to them except peraduenture the Emperour of his goodnesse giue some portion of the land amongst them to bestowe
falleth into the Bay at Solouetsko 90. verst from the port of S. Nicholas This Riuer below the towne Cargapolia meeteth with the Riuer Volock that falleth into the Finland Sea by the towne Yama So that from the port of S. Nicholas into the Finland sea and so into the Sound you may passe all by water as hath bene tried by the Russe The seuenth Suchana that floweth into Duyna and so into the North sea The eight Ocka that fetcheth his head from the borders of the Chrim and streameth into Volgha The ninth Moscua that runneth thorow the Citie Mosco and giueth it the name There is Wichida also a very large and long riuer that riseth out of Permia and falleth into Volgha All these are riuers of very large streames the least to be compared to the Thames in bignesse and in length farre more besides diuers other The Pole at Mosco is 55. degrees 10. minutes At the port of S. Nicholas towards the North 63. degrees and 50. minutes The natiue commodities of the Countrey FOr kindes of fruites they haue Apples peares plummes cherries red and blacke but the blacke wilde a deene like a muske millian but more sweete and pleasant cucumbers and goords which they call Arbouse rasps strawberies and hurtilberies with many other beries in great quantitie in euery wood and hedge Their kindes of graine are wheat rie barley oates pease buckway psnytha that in taste is somewhat like to rice Of all these graines the Countrey yeeldeth very sufficient with an ouerplus quantitie so that wheate is solde sometime for two alteens or ten pence starling the Chetfird which maketh almost three English bushels Their rie is sowed before the Winter all their other graine in the Spring time and for the most part in May. The Permians and some other that dwell farre North and in desert places are serued from the parts that lye more Southward and are forced to make bread sometimes of a kinde of roote called Vaghnoy and of the middle rine of the firre tree If there be any dearth as they accompted this last yeere Anno 1588. wheat and rie being at 13. alteens or 5. shillings fiue pence starling the Chetfird the fault is rather in the practise of their Nobilitie that vse to engrosse it then in the Countrey it selfe The natiue commodities of the Countrey wherewith they serue both their owne turnes and send much abroad to the great enriching of the Emperor and his people are many substantiall First furres of all sorts Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted that prouideth a naturall remedie for them to helpe the naturall inconuenience of their Countrey by the cold of the Climat Their chiefe furres are these Blacke fox Sables Lusernes dun fox Martrones Gurnestalles or Armins Lasets or Miniuer Beuer Wuluerins the skin of a great water Rat that smelleth naturally like muske Calaber or gray squirrel red squirrel red white fox Besides the great quantitie spent within y e Countrey the people being clad al in furres the whole winter there are transported out of the Countrey some yeeres by the merchants of Turkie Persia Bougharia Georgia Armenia and some other of Christendom to the value of foure or fiue hundred thousand rubbles as I haue heard of the merchants The best Sable furre groweth in the countrey of Pechora Momgosorskoy and Obdorskoy the worser sort in Siberia Perm other places The blacke foxe and red come out of Siberia white and dunne from Pechora whence also come the white wolfe and white Beare skin The best Wuluerin also thence and from Perm The best Martrons are from Siberia Cadam Morum Perm and Cazan Lyserns Mineuer and Armins the best are out of Gallets and Ouglits many from Nouogrod and Perm The Beauer of the best sort breedeth in Murmonskey by Cola. Other common furres and most of these kindes grow in many and some in all parts of the Countrey The second commoditie is of Waxe whereof hath beâ—e shipped into forreigne countreys as I haue heard it reported by those that best know it the summe of 50000. pood yeerely euery pood conteyneth 40. pound but now about 10000. pood a yeere The third is their Honie whereof besides an exceeding great quantitie spent in their ordinary drinkes which is Mead of all sorts and their other vses some good quantitie is caried out of the countrey The chiefe encrease of hony is in Mordua and Cadam neere to the Cheremissen Tartar much out of Seuerskoy Rezan Morum Cazan Dorogobose and Vasma Fourthly of Tallow they afoord a great waight for transportation not onely for that their countrey hath very much good ground apt for pasturage of cattell but also by reason of their many Lents and other fastes and partly because their greater men vse much waxe for their lights the poorer and meaner sort birch dried in their stoaues and cut into long shiuers which they call Luchineos Of tallow there hath bene shipped out of the Realme a few yeeres since about 100000. pood yerely now not past 30000. or thereabouts The best yeeld of tallow is in the parts and territories of Smolensko Yaruslaue Ouglits Nouogrod and Vologda Otfer and Gorodetskey An other principall commoditie is their Losh and Cowhide Their Losh or Buffe hide is very faire and large Their bull and cowe hide for oxen they make none neither yet weather is of a small sise There hath bene transported by merchants strangers some yeres 100000. hides Now it is decreased to 30000. or thereabouts Besides great store of goates skinnes whereof great numbers are shipped out of the countrey The largest kinde of Losh or Buffe breedeth about Rostoue Wichida Nouogrod Morum and Perm The lesser sort within the kingdome of Cazan An other very great and principall commoditie is their Trane oyle drawen out of the Seal fish Where it will not be impertinent to shewe the maner of their huntâ—ng the Seal which they make this oyle of which is in this sort Towards the ende of Sommer before the frost beginne they goe downe with their boates into the Bay of S. Nicholas to a cape called Cusconesse or Foxnose whâ—re they leaue their boats till the next spring tide When the Sunne waxeth warme toward the spring and yet the yce not melted within the Bay they returne thither againe Then drawing their boates ouer the sea yce they vse them for houses to rest and lodge in There are commonly about 17. or 18. fleete of them of great large boates which diuide themselues into diuers companies fiue or sixe boats in a consort They that first finde the haunt fire a beacon which they carry with them for the nonce Which being espied by the other companies by such among them as are appointed of purpose they come altogether and compasse the Seales round about in a ring that lie sunning themselues together vpon the yce commonly foure or fiue thousand in a shoale and so they inuade
Islanders We wil prosecute in order the properties of these fountains set downe by the foresaid writers The first by reason of his continuall heat There be very many Baths or hote fountains in Island but fewer vehemently hote which we thinke ought not to make any man wonder when as I haue learned out of authors that Germanie euery where aboundeth with such hote Baths especially neere the foot of the Alpes The hote Baths of Baden Gebarsuil Calben in the duchy of Wittenberg and many other be very famous all which Fuchsius doeth mention in his booke de Arte medendi And not onely Germanie but also France beyond all the rest Italy that mother of all commodities saith Cardan And Aristotle reporteth that about Epyrus these hote waters doe much abound whereupon the place is called Pyriplegethon And I say these things should therefore be y e lesse admired because the searchers of nature haue as wel found out causes of the heate in waters as of the fire in mountaines namely that water runneth within the earth through certaine veines of Brimstone Allom and from thence taketh not onely heat but taste also other strange qualities Aristotle in his booke de Mundo hath taught this The earth saith he conteineth within it fountains not only of water but also of spirite fire some of them flowing like riuers doe cast foorth red hote iron from whence also doeth flow somtimes luke-warme water somtimes skalding hote and somtimes temperate And Seneca Empedocles thought that Baths were made hote by fire which the earth secretly conteineth in many places especially if the said fire bee vnder that ground where the water passeth And Pontanus writeth very learnedly concerning the Baian Baths No maruell though from banke of Baian shore hote Baths or veines of skalding licour flow For Vulcans forge incensed euermore doeth teach vs plaine that heart of earth below And bowels burne and fire enraged glow From hence the flitting flood sends smokie streames And Baths doe boile with secret burning gleames I thought good in this place to touch that which Saxo Grammaticus the most famous historiographer of the Danes reporteth That certaine fountains of Island do somtime encrease flow vp to the brinke sometimes againe they fall so lowe that you can skarse discerne them to be fountains Which kind of fountains albeit they bee very seldome found with vs yet I will make mention of some like vnto them produced by nature in other countries lest any man should think it somwhat strange Plinie maketh a great recitall of these There is one saieth he in the Isle of Tenedos which at the Solstitium of sommer doth alwaies flow from the third houre of the night till the sixt In the field of Pitinas beyond the Apennine mountaine there is a riuer which in the midst of sommer alwaies encreaseth and in winter is dried vp He maketh mention also of a very large fountaine which euery houre doeth encrease and fall Neither is it to be omitted that sâ—me riuers run vnder the ground and after that fall againe into an open chanel as Lycus in Asia Erasinus in Argolica Tigris in Mesopotamia vnto which Cardan addeth Tanais in Moscouia and those things which were throwen into Aesculapius fountaine at Athens were cast vp againe in Phaletico And Seneca writeth that there are certaine riuers which being let downe into some caue vnâ—er ground are withdrawen out of sight seeming for the time to be vtterly perished and taken away and that after some distance the very same riuers returne enioying their former name and their course And againe Pliuie reporteth that there is a riuer receiued vnder ground in the field of Atinas that issueth out twentie miles from that place All which examples and the like should teach vs that the fountaines of Island are not to be made greater wonders then the rest Doth forth with conuert into a stone any body cast into it By these two properties namely warmth or most vehement heat a vertue of hardening bodies doth Frisius describe his first fountaine And I haue heard reported though I neuer had experience thereof my selfe that there is such a fountain in Island not far froÌ„ the bishops seat of Schalholt in a village called Haukadal Seneca reporteth of the like saying That there is a certain fountain which conuerteth wood into stone hardening the bowels of those men which drinke thereof And addeth further that such fountains are to bee found in certaine places of Italy which thing Ouid in the 15. booke of his Metamor ascribeth vnto the riuer of the Cicones Water drunke out of Ciconian flood fleshy bowels to flintie stone doeth change Ought else therewith besprinckt as earth or wood becommeth marble streight a thing most strange And Cardane Georgius Agricola affirmeth that in the territorie of Elbogan about the town which is named of Falcons that the whole bodies of Pine trees are conuerted into stone and which is more wonderfull that they containe within certaine rifts the stone called Pyrites or the Flint And Domitius Brusonius reporteth that in the riuer of Silar running by the foote of that mountain which standeth in the field of the citie in old time called Vrsence but now Contursia leaues and boughs of trees change into stones that not vpon other mens credite but vpon his own experience being borne brought vp in that country which thing Plinie also auoucheth saying that the said stones doe shew the number of their yeeres by the number of their Barks or stony husks So if we may giue credite to authors drops of the Gothes fountain being dispersed abroad become stones And in Hungary the water of Cepusius being poured into pitchers is conuerted to stone And Plinie reporteth that wood being cast into the riuer of the Cicones and into the Veline lake in the field of Pice is enclosed in a barke of stone growing ouer it The second is extremely cold As for the second fountaine here is none to any mens knowledge so extremely cold In deed there be very many that bee indifferently coole insomuch that our common riuers in the Sommer time being luke-warme wee take delight to fetch water from those coole springs It may be that there are some farre colder in other countries for Cardane maketh mention of a riuer streaming from the top of an hill in the field of Corinth colder then snow and within a mile of Culma the riuer called Insana seeming to be very hote is most extremely cold c. The third is sweeter then honie Neither is this altogether true For there is not any fountaine with vs which may in the least respect be compared with the sweetnesse of honie And therfore Saxo wrote more truly saying that certaine fountains for there be very many yeelding taste as good as beere and also in the same place there are fountains riuers not onely of diuers tasts but of diuers colours And albeit naturall Philosophers teach that water
many of them as he pleased and the rest the saide man carried vnto the place from whence he came In this citie lyeth the body of Athanasius vpon the gate of the citie And then I passed on further vnto Armenia maior to a certaine citie called Azaron which had bene very rich in olde time but nowe the Tartars haue almost layed it waste In the saide citie there was abundance of bread and flesh and of all other victuals except wine and fruites This citie also is very colde and is reported to be higher situated then any other city in the world It hath most holesome and sweete waters about it for the veines of the said waters seeme to spring and flow from the mighty riuer of Euphrates which is but a dayes iourney from the saide city Also the said citie stands directly in the way to Tauris And I passed on vnto a certaine mountaine called Sobissacalo In the foresaide countrey there is the very same mountaine whereupon the Arke of Noah rested vnto the which I would willingly haue ascended if my company would haue stayed for me Howbeit the people of that countrey report that no man could euer ascend the said mountaine because say they it pleaseth not the highest God And I trauailed on further vnto Tauris that great and royal city which was in old time called Susis This city is accompted for traffique of marchandize the chiefe city of the world for there is no kinde of victuals nor any thing else belonging vnto marchandize which is not to be had there in great abundance This city stands very commodiously for vnto it all the nations of the whole worlde in a maner may resort for traffique Concerning the said citie the Christians in those parts are of opinion that the Persian Emperour receiues more tribute out of it then the King of France out of all his dominions Neare vnto the said city there is a salt-hill yeelding salt vnto the city and of that salt ech man may take what pleaseth him not paying ought to any man therefore In this city many Christians of all nations do inhabite ouer whom the Saracens beare rule in all things Then I traueiled on further vnto a city called Soldania wherein the Persian Emperour lieth all Sommer time but in winter hee takes his progresse vnto another city standing vpon the Sea called Baku Also the foresaid city is very great and colde hauing good and holesome waters therein vnto the which also store of marchandize is brought Moreouer I trauelled with a certaine company of Carauans toward vpper India and in the way after many dayes iourney I came vnto the citie of the the three wisemen called Cassan which is a noble and renowmed city sauing that the Tartars haue destroyed a great part thereof and it aboundeth with bread wine and many other commodities From this city vnto Ierusalem whither the three foresaid wisemen were miraculously led it is fiftie dayes iourney There be many wonders in this citie also which for breuities sake I omit From thence I departed vnto a certaine city called Geste whence the Sea of Sand is distant one dayes iourney which is a most wonderfull and dangerous thing In this city there is abundance of all kinds of victuals and especially of figs reisins and grapes more as I suppose then in any part of the whole world besides This is one of the three principall cities in all the Persian Empire Of this city the Saracens report that no Christian can by any meanes liue therein aboue a yeere Then passing many dayes iourney on forward I came vnto a certaine citie called Comum which was an huge and mightie city in olde time conteyning well nigh fiftie miles in circuite and hath done in times past great damage vnto the Romanes In it there are stately palaces altogether destitute of inhabitants notwithstanding it aboundeth with great store of victuals From hence traueiling through many countreys at length I came vnto the land of Iob named Hus which is full of all kinde of victuals and very pleasantly situated Thereabouts are certaine mountaines hauing good pastures for cattell vpon them Here also Manna is found in great aboundance Foure partriges are here solde for lesse then a groat In this countrey there are most comely olde men Here also the men spin and card and not the women This land bordereth vpon the North part of Chaldea Of the maners of the Chaldaeans and of India FRom thence I traueled into Chaldea which is a great kingdome and I passed by the tower of Babel This region hath a language peculiar vnto it selfe and there are beautifull men and deformed women The men of the same countrey vse to haue their haire kempt and trimmed like vnto our women and they weare golden turbants vpon their heades richly set with pearle and pretious stones The women are clad in a course smock onely reaching to their knees and hauing long sleeues hanging downe to the ground And they got bare-footed wearing breeches which reach to the ground also They weare no attire vpon their heads but their haire hangs disheaueled about their â—â—res and there be many other strange things alâ—o From thence I came into the lower India which the Tartars ouerran and wasted And in this countrey the people eat dates for the most part whereof 42. li. are there sold for lesse then a groat I passed further also many dayes iourney vnto then Ocean sea and the first land where I arriued is called Ormes being well fortified and hauing great store of marchandize and treasure therein Such and so extreme is the heat in that countrey that the priuities of men come out of their bodies and hang downe euen vnto their mid-legs And therefore the inhabitants of the same place to preserue their owne liues do make a certaine ointment and anointing their priuie members therewith do lap them vp in certaine bags fastened vnto their bodies for otherwise they must needs die Here also they vse a kinde of Bark or shippe called Iase being compact together onely with hempe And I went on bourd into one of them wherein I could not finde any yron at all and in the space of 28. dayes I arriued at the city of Thana wherein foure of our Friers where martyred for the faith of Christ. This countrey is well situate hauing abundance of bread and wine and of other victuals therein This kingdome in olde time was very large and vnder the dominion of king Porus who fought a great battel with Alexander the great The people of this countrey are idolaters worshipping fire serpents and trees And ouer all this land the Saracens do beare rule who tooke it by maine force and they themselues are in subiection vnto king Daldilus There be diuers kinds of beasts as namely blacke lyons in great abundance and apes also and monkeis and battes as bigge as our doues Also there are mise as bigge as our
We found it here very hote The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala whether come many shippes out of India Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden with Pepper spices and other commodities The countrie is very good and fruitfull From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey and the king is called the king of Bread The houses here bee all thâ—tched and made of lome Here be many Moores and Gentiles but there is small religion among them From thence I went to Bellapore and so to Barrampore which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke to the value of twentie pence which is very good siluer It is marueilous great and a populous countrey In their winter which is in Iune Iuly and August there is no passing in the streetes but with horses the waters be so high The houses are made of lome and thatched Here is great store of cotton cloth made and painted clothes of cotton wooll here groweth great store of corne and Rice We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed of boyes of eight or ten yeeres and girles of fiue or six yeeres old They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old They say they marry their children so yoong because it is an order that when the man dieth the woman must be burned with him so that if the father die yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues nor their daughters without husbands From thence we went to Mandoway which is a very strong towne It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before hee could winne it It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of of their castles doe and was of a very great circuite From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe where wee ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men elephants and camels Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton and great store of drugs From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers which by reason of the raine were so swollen that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues Agra is a very great citie and populous built with stone hauing faire and large streetes with a faire riuer running by it which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch Here bee many Moores and Gentiles the king is called Zelabdim Echebar the people for the most part call him The great Mogor From thence wee went for Fatepore which is the place where the king kept his court The towne is greater then Agra but the houses and streetes be not so faire Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe crâ—dibly report 1000. elephants thirtie thousand horses 1400. tame Deere 800. concubines such store of Ounces Tigera Buffles Cocks Haukes that is very strange to see He keepeth a great court which they call Dericcan Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities either of them much greater then London and very populous Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles and all the way is a market of victuals other things as full as though a man were still in a towne and so many people as if a man were in a market They haue many fine cartes and many of them carued and gilded with gold with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England and they will runne with any horse and carie two or three men in one of these cartes they are couerâ—d with silke or very fine cloth and be vsed here as our Coches be in England Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India and very much marchandise of silke and cloth and of precious stones both Rubies Diamants and Pearles The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow None come into his house but his eunuches â—hich keepe his women Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople whether hee could get soonest passage vnto and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu and did promise me if it pleased God to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore who did entertaine him very well and gaue him an house and fiue slaues an horse and euery day sixe S. S. in money I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt Opium Hinge Lead Carpets and diuers other commodities downe the riuer Iemena The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies The Bramanes which are their priests come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies and lade vp water with both their hands and turne the string first with both their hands within and then one arme after the other out Though it be neuer so cold they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing They liue with rice butter milke and fruits They pray in the water naked and dresse their meat eate it naked and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne to kisse the earth with their armes and legs stretched along out and their right leg alwayes before the left Euery time they lie downe they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind euery morning they do it And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow pouder and marke men on their heads necks as they meet them And
Ducks and Pidgeons and great Partridges Wood is the thing that most wanteth and because I haue particularly to intreat of the other sixe Ilands I leaue further inlarging of Canaria which standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator The I le of Tenerif THe Iland of Tenerif standeth in 27 degrees and a halfe from the equator and is distant from Canaria 12 leagues Northward This Iland containeth 17 leagues in length and the land lieth high in forme of a ridge of sowen land in some part of England and in the midst of the sayd place standeth a round hill called Pico Deteithe situated in this sort The top of this pike conteineth of heigth directly vpward 15 leagues more which is 45 English miles out of the which often times proceedeth fire and brimstone and it may be about halfe a mile in compasse the sayd top is in forme or likenesse of a caldron But within two miles of the top is nothing but ashes pumish stones yet beneath that two miles is the colde region couered all the yere with snow and somwhat lower are mighty huge trees growing called Vinatico which are exceeding heauy and will not rot in any water although they lie a thousand yeeres therein Also there is a wood called Barbusano of like vertue with many Sauine trees and Pine trees And beneath these sorts of trees are woods of Bay trees of 10 12 miles long which is a pleasant thing to trauell thorow among the which are great numbers of small birds which sing exceeding sweet but especially one sort that are very litle and of colour in all respects like a Swallow sauing that he hath a little blacke spot on his breast as broad as a peny He singeth more sweetly then all the rest but if he be taken and imprisoned in a cage he liueth but a small while This Iland bringeth foorth all sorts of fruits as Canaria doth and also all the other Ilands in generall bring foorth shrubs or bushes out of the which issueth a iuice as white as milke which after a while that it hath come out waxeth thicke and is exceeding good birdlime the bush is called Taybayba This Iland also bringeth foorth another tree called Drago which groweth on high among rocks and by incision at the foot of the tree issueth out a liquor like blood which is a commō drug among Apothecaries Of the wood of this tree are made targets greatly esteemed because if any sword or dagger hit thereon they sticke so fast that it is hard plucking them out This is the most fruitfull Iland of all the rest for corne and in that respect is a mother or nurse to all the others in time of need There groweth also a certaine mosse vpon the high rocks called Orchel which is bought for Diars to die withall There are 12 sugar houses called Ingenios which make great quantity of sugar There is also one league of ground which standeth between two townes the one called Larotaua and the other Rialeio and it is thought that the like plot of ground is not in all the world The reason is that this one league of ground produceth sweet water out of the cliffes or rocky mountaines corne of all sortes fruites of all sortes and excellent good silke flaxe waxe and hony and very good wines in abundance with great store of sugar and fire-wood Out of this Iland is laden great quantity of wines for the West India and other countreys The best groweth on a hill side called the Ramble There is in that Iland a faire city standing three leagues from the sea nere vnto a lake called Laguna wherein are two faire parish churches there dwelleth the gouernour who ruleth all that Iland with iustice There are also aldermen for the publike weale who buy their offices of the king the most of the whole inhabitants of this city are gentlemen merchants and husband men There are other foure townes called Santa Cruz Larotaua Rialeio and Garachico In this Iland before the conquest dwelt seuen kings who with all their people dwelt in caues and were clothed in goat skinnes as the Canaria people were and vsed such like order of diet as they had Their order of buriall was that when any died he was carried naked to a great caue where he was propped vp against the wall standing on his feet But if he were of any authority among them then had he a staffe in his hand and a vessell of milke standing by him I haue seene caues of 300 of these corpses together the flesh being dried vp the body remained as light as parchment These people were called Guanches naturally they spake another language cleane contrary to the Canarians and so consequently euery Iland spake a seuerall language Note gentle reader that the Iland of Canaria the I le of Tenerif and the I le of Palma appertaine to the king of Spaine vnto whom they pay fifty thousand duckats yeerely for custome and other profits All these Ilands ioyntly are one bishopricke which pay to the bishop twelue thousand duckats yeerely And thus I conclude of the I le of Tenerif which standeth in 27 degrees and a halfe as I haue before declared Gomera THe Iland of Gomera standeth Westward from Tenerif in distance sixe leagues this is but a small Iland conteining eight leagues in length It is an Earledome the Lord thereof is called the earle of Gomera But in case of any controuersie the vassals may appeale to the kings superior Iudges which reside in Canaria This Iland hath one proper towne called Gomera which hath an excellent good port or harbour for ships where often times the Indian fleet take refreshing for their voyage There is also sufficient graine and fruit for the maintenance of themselues There is one Ingenio or Sugar-house with great plenty of wine and other sorts of fruits as Canaria and Tenerif hath This Iland yeeldeth no other commodity but onely orchell it standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator toward the pole Arcticke The I le of Palma THe I le of Palma standeth twelue leagues distant from the I le of Gomera Northwestward This Iland is fruitfull of wine and sugar it hath a proper city called the city of Palma where is great contraction for wines which are laden for the West India other places This city hath one faire church and a gouernour and aldermen to maintaine and execute iustice It hath also another prety towne called S. Andrewes It hath also foure Ingenios which make excellent sugar two of the which are called Zauzes and the other two Tassacort This Iland yeeldeth but little bread-corne but rather is thereof prouided from Tenerif and other places Their best wines grow in a soile called the Brenia where yerely is gathered twelue thousand buts of wine like vnto Malmsies This Iland standeth round and containeth in circuit neere fiue and twenty leagues It hath plenty of all sorts of fruits as Canaria and
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
the least one hundred and twentie the female almost as long but the floure of their age is but threescore yeres as some write They cannot suffer winter or cold they loue riuers and will often go into them vp to the snout wherewith they blow and snuffe and play in the water but swimme they cannot for the weight of their bodies Plinie and Soline write that they vse none adulterie If they happen to meete with a man in wildernesse being out of the way gently they wil go before him bring him into the plaine way Ioyned in battel they haue no small respect vnto them that be wounded for they bring them that are hurt or weary into the middle of the army to be defended they are made â—ame by drinking the iusse of barley They haue continual warre against Dragons which desire their blood because it is very cold and therfore the Dragon lying awaite as the Elephant passeth by windeth his taile being of exceeding length about the hinder legs of the Elephant so staying him thrusteth his head into his tronke and exhausteth his breath or else biteth him in the eare wherunto he cannot reach with his tronke and when the Elephant wareth faint he falleth downe on the serpent being now full of blood and with the poise of his body breaketh him so that his owne blood with the blood of the Elephant runneth out of him mingled together which being colde is congealed into that substance which the Apothecaries call Sanguis Draconis that is Dragons blood otherwise called Cinnabaâ—â—s although there be an other kinde of Cinnabaris commonly called Cinoper or Uermilion which the Painters vse in certaine colours They are also of three kinds as of the Marshes the plaines and the mountaines no lesse differing in conditions Philostratus writeth that as much as the Elephant of Libya in bignes passeth the horse of Nysea so much doe the Elephants of India exceed them of Libya for the Elephants of India some haue bene seene of the height of nine cubits the other do so greatly feare these that they dare not abide the sight of them Of the Indian Elephants onely the males haue tuskes but of them of Ethiopia and Libya both kindes are tusked they are of diuers heights as of twelue thirteene and fourteene dodrants euery dodrant being a measure of nine inches Some write that an Elephant is bigger then three wilde Oxen or Buffes They of India are black or of y e colour of a mouse but they of Ethiope or Guinea are browne the hide or skinne of them all is very hard and without haire or bristles their eares are two dodrants broad and their eyes very litle Our men saw one drinking at a riuer in Guinea as they sailed into the land Of other properties conditions of the Elephant as of their marueilous docilâ—tie of their fight and vse in the warâ—es of their generation and chastitie when they were first seene in the Theaters and triumphes of the Romanes how they are taken tamed and when they cast their tusks with the vse of the same in medicine who so desireth to know let him reade Plinie in the eight booke of his naturall history He also writeth in his twelft booke that in olde time they made many goodly workes of iuory or Elephants teeth as tables tressels postes of houses railes lattesses for windowes images of their gods and diuers other things of iuory both coloured and vncoloured and intermixt with sundry kindes of precious woods as at this day are made certaine chaires lutes and virginals They had such plenty thereof in olde time that as far as I remember Iosephus writeth that one of the gates of Hierusalem was called Porta Eburnea that is the Iuory gate The whitenesse thereof was so much esteemed that it was thought to represent the natural faireÌ„nesse of mans skinne insomuch that such as went about to set foorth or rather corrupt naturall beautie with colours and painting were reproued by this prouerbe Ebur attaâ—â—ento candefacere that is To make iuory white with inke The Poets also describing the faire necks of beautifull virgins call them Eburnea colla that is Iuory necks And to haue said thus much of Elephants and Iuory it may suffice Now therefore I will speake somewhat of the people and their maners and maner of liuing with an other briefe description of Africa also It is to be vnderstood that the people which now inhabite the reigons of the coast of Guâ—nea and the midle parts of Africa as Libya the inner and Nubia with diuers other great large regions about the same were in old time called AEthiopes and Nigritae which we now call Moores Moorens or Negroes a people of beastly liuing without a God lawe religion or common wealth and so scorched and vexed with the heat of the sunne that in many places they curse it when it riseth Of the regions and people about the inner Libya called Libya interior Gemma Phrysius writeth thus Libya interior is very large and desolate in the which are many horrible wildernesses mountaines replenished with diuers kinds of wilde and monstrous beastes and serpents First from Mauritania or Barbary toward the South is Getulia a rough and sauage region whose inhabitants are wilde and wandering people After these follow the people called Melanogetuli and Pharusij which wander in the wildernesse carrying with them great gourdes of water The Ethiopians called Nigritae occupy a great part of Africa and are extended to the West Ocean Southward also they reach to the riuer Nigritis whose nature agreeth with the riuer of Nilus forasmuch as it is increased and diminished at the same time and bringeth forth the like beasts as the Crocodile By reason whereof I thinke this to be the same riuer which the Portugals call Senega For this riuer is also of the same nature It is furthermore marueilous and very strange that is said of this riuer And this is that on the one side thereof the inhabitants are of high stature and black and on the other side of browne or tawnie colour and low stature which thing also our men confirme to be true There are also other people of Libya called Garamantes whose women are common for they contract no matrimonie neither haue respect to chastitie After these are the nations of the people called Pyrei Sathiodaphnitae Odrangi Mimaces Lynxamate Dolopes Agangine Leuci Ethiopes Xilicei Ethiopes Calcei Ethiopes and Nubi These haue the same situation in Ptolome that they now giue to the kingdome of Nubia Here are certaine Christians vnder the dominion of the great Emperour of AEthiopia called Prester Iohn From these toward the West is a great nation of people called Aphricerones whose region as farre as may be gathered by coniecture is the same that is now called Regnum Orguene confining vpon the East parts of Guinea From hence Westward and somewhat
leagues from Lisbone westwards early in the morning Captaine Preston descried a sayle some two or three leagues a head of vs after which we presently hastened our chase and ouertooke her about eight or nine of the clocke before noone She came lately from Saint Michaels roade hauing beene before at Brasill loden with Sugar and Brasile Hauing sent our boat to them to bring some of the chiefe of their men aboord the Victorie in the meane time whilest they were in comming to vs one out of the maine toppe espied another saile a head some three or foure leagues from vs. So immediately vpon the returne of our boate hauing sent her backe againe with some of our men aboord the prize we pursued speedily this new chase with all the sayles we could packe on and about two a clocke in the afternoone ouertooke her she had made prouision to fight with vs hauing hanged the sides of the ship so thicke with hides wherewith especially she was loden that musket shot could not haue pearced them but yer we had discharged two great pieces of our Ordinance at her she stroke sayle and approching neerer we asking of whence they were they answered from the West-Indies from Mexico and Saint Iohn de Lowe truely called Vlhuaâ— This ship was of some three or foure hundred tunnes and had in her seuen hundred hides worth tenne shillings a peece sixe chests of Cochinell euery chest houlding one hundred pound weight and euery pound worth sixe and twentie shillings and eight pence and certaine chests of Sugar and China dishes with some plate and siluer The Captaine of her was an Italian and by his behauiour seemed to be a graue wise and ciuill man he had put in aduenture in this shippe fiue and twentie thousand Duckats Wee tooke him with certaine other of her chiefest men which were Spaniards into the Victorie and Captaine Lister with so manie other of the chiefest of our Mariners souldiers and saylers as were thought sufficient to the number of 20. or there abouts were sent into her In the meane time we staying our other prizes which followed after came vp to vs. And nowe wee had our hands full and with ioy shaped our course for England for so it was thought meetest hauing now so many Portugals Spaniards and French men amongst vs that if we should haue taken any more prizes afterwards wee had not bene well able to haue manned them without endangering our selues So about 6. of the clocke in the afternoone when our other prize had ouertaken vs wee set saile for England But our prizes not being able to beare vs company without sparing them many of our sailes which caused our ship to rowle and wallow in such sort that it was not onely veâ—y troublesome to vs but as it was thought would also haue put the maine Maste in danger of falling ouerboord hauing acquainted them with these inconueniences we gaue them direction to keepe their courses together folowing vs and so to come to Portsmouth We tooke this last prize in the latitude of 39. degrees and about 46. leagues to the Westwards from The Rocke She was one of those 16. ships which we saw going into the hauen at Angra in Terçera October 8. Some of the men that we tooke out of her tolde vs that whilest wee were plying vp and downe before that hauen as before was shewed expecting the comming foorth of those shippes three of the greatest and best of them at the appointment of the Gouernour of Terçera were vnloden of their treasure and marchandize And in euery of them were put three hundred Souldiers which were appointed to haue come to lay the Victory aboord in the night and take her but when this should haue bene done the Victory was gone out of their sight Now we went meerily before the winde with all the sailes we could beare insomuch that in the space of 24. houres we sailed neere 47. leagues that is seuenscore English miles betwixt Friday at noone and Saturday at noone notwithstanding the shippe was very foule and much growne with long being at Sea which caused some of our company to make accompt they would see what running at Tilt there should bee at Whitehall vpon the Queenes day Others were imagining what a Christmas they would keepe in England with their shares of the prizes we had taken But so it befell that we kept a colde Christmas with the Bishop and his clearks rockes that lye to the Westwards from Sylly and the Westerne parts of England For soone after the wind scanting came about to the Eastwards the worst part of the heauens for vs from which the winde could blow in such sort that we could not fetch any part of England And hereupon also our allowance of drinke which was scant ynough before was yet more more scanted because of the scarcitie thereof in the shippe So that now a man was allowed but halfe a pinte at a meale and that many times colde water and scarce sweete Notwithstanding this was an happie estate in comparison of that which followed For from halfe a pinte we came to a quarter and that lasted not long neither so that by reason of this great scarcitie of drinke and contrarietie of winde we thought to put into Ireland there to relieue our wants But when wee came neere thither lying at hull all night tarrying for the daylight of the next morning whereby we might the safelyer bring our ship into some conuenient harbour there we were driuen so farre to lee-ward that we could fetch no part of Ireland so as with heauie hearts and sad cheare wee were constreined to returne backe againe and expect till it should please God to send vs a faire winde either for England or Ireland In the meane time we were allowed euery man three or foure spoones full of vineger to drinke at a meale for other drinke we had none sauing onely at two or three meales when we had in stead hereof as much wine which was wringed out of Wine-lees that remained With this hard fare for by reason of our great want of drinke wee durst eate but very litle wee continued for the space of a fourtnight or thereabouts Sauing that now and then wee feasted for it in the meane time And that was when there fell any haile or raine the haile-stones wee gathered vp and did eate them more pleasantly then if they had bene the sweetest Comfits in the world The raine-drops were so carefully saued that so neere as wee coulde not one was lost in all our shippe Some hanged vp sheetes tied with cordes by the foure corners and a weight in the midst that the water might runne downe thither and so be receiued into some vessell set or hanged vnderneth Some that wanted sheetes hanged vp nakins and cloutes and watched them till they were thorow wet then wringing and sucking out the water And that water which fell downe and washed away the filth and soyling of the shippe trod vnder foote
men hurt at the Capsten wee were faine to giue ouer and leaue it behinde holding on our course to Ventre hauen where wee safely arriued the same day that place being a very safe and conuenient harbor for vs that now wee might sing as we had iust cause They that goe downe to the Sea c. So soone as we had ankered here my Lord went foorthwith to shoare and brought presently fresh water and fresh victuals as Muttons pigges hennes c. to refresh his company withall Notwithstanding himselfe had lately bene very weake and tasted of the same extremitie that his Company did For in the time of our former want hauing a little fresh water left him remaining in a pot in the night it was broken and the water drunke and dried vp Soone after the sicke and wounded men were carried to the next principall Towne called Dingenacusli being about three miles distant from the foresaide hauen where our shippe roade to the Eastwards that there they might be the better refreshed and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend vpon them Here we wel refreshed our selues whilest the Irish harpe sounded sweetely in our eares and here we who for the former extremities were in maner halfe dead had our liues as it were restored vnto vs againe This Dingenacush is the chiefe Towne in al that part of Ireland it coÌ„sisteth but of one maine streete from whence some smaller doe proceede on either side It hath had gates as it seemeth in times past at either ende to open and shut as a Towne of warre and a Castle also The houses are very strongly built with thicke stone walles and narrow windowes like vnto Castles for as they confessed in time of trouble by reason of the wilde Irish or otherwise they vsed their houses for their defence as Castles The castle and all the houses in the Towne saue foure were won burnt and ruinated by the Erle of Desmond These foure houses fortified themselues against him and withstood him and all his power perforce so as he could not winne them There remaineth yet a thicke stone wall that passeth ouerthwart the midst of the streete which was a part of their fortification Notwithstanding whilest they thus defended themselues as some of them yet aliue confessed they were driuen to as great extremities as the Iewes besieged by Titus the Romane Emperour insomuch that they were constrained to eat dead mens carcases for hunger The Towne is nowe againe somewhat repaired but in effect there remaine but the ruines of the former Towne Commonly they haue no chimneis in their houses excepting them of the better sort so that the smoake was very troublesom to vs while we continued there Their fewell is turfes which they haue very good and whinnes or furres There groweth little wood thereabouts which maketh building chargeable there as also want of lime as they reported which they are faine to fetch from farre when they haue neede thereof But of stones there is store ynough so that with them they commonly make their hedges to part ech mans ground from other and the ground seemeth to be nothing else within but rockes and stones Yet it is very fruitfull and plentifull of grasse and graine as may appeare by the abundance of kine and cattel there insomuch that we had good muttons though somewhat lesse then ours in England for two shillings or fiue groates a piece good pigges and hennes for 3. pence a piece The greatest want is industrious painefull and husbandly inhabitants to till and trimme the ground for the common sort if they can prouide sufficient to serue from hand to mouth take no further care Of money as it seemeth there is very small store amongst them which perhaps was the cause that made them double and triple the prizes of many things we bought of them more then they were before our comming thither Good land was here to be had for foure pence the Acre yeerely rent There are Mines of Alome Tinne brasse and yron Sâ—ones wee sawe there as cleare as Christall naturally squared like Diamonds That part of the Countrey is all ful of great mountaines and hills from whence came running downe the pleasant streames of sweete fresh running water The naturall hardnesse of that Nation appeareth in this that their small children runne vsually in the middest of Winter vp and downe the streetes bare-foote and bare-legged with no other apparell many times saue onely a mantell to couer their nakednesse The chiefe Officer of their Towne they call their Soueraigne who hath the same office and authoritie among them that our Maiors haue with vs in England and hath his Sergeants to attenâ— vpon him and beare the Mace before him as our Maiors We were first intertained at the Soueraignes house which was one of those 4. that withstood the Erle of Desmond in his rebellion They haue the same forme of Common prayer word for word in Latin that we haue here in England Upon the Sunday the Soueraigne commeth into the Church with his Sergeant before him and the Sheriffe and others of the Towne accompany him and there they kneele downe euery man by himselfe priuately to make his prayers After this they rise and go out of the Church againe to drinke which being done they returne againe into the Church and then the Minister beginneth prayers Their maner of baptizing differeth something from ours part of the seruice belonging thereto is repeated in Latin and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child in his hands and first dippeth it backwards and then forwards ouer head and eares into the cold water in the midst of Winter whereby also may appeare their naturall hardnesse as before was specified They had neither Bell drum nor trumpet to call the Parishioners together but they expect till their Soueraigne come and then they that haue any deuotion follow him They make their bread all in cakes and for the tenth part the bakers bake for all the towne We had of them some 10. or 11. Tunnes of beere for the Victory but it proued like a present purgation to them that tooke it so that we chose rather to drinke water then it The 20. of December we loosed froÌ„ hence hauing well prouided our selues of fresh water and other things necessary being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie his Lady and two yong sonnes This day in the morning my Lord going ashoare to dispatch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the Victory the winde being very faire for vs brought vs newes that there were 60. Spanish prizes taken and brought to England For two or three dayes wee had a faire winde but afterwards it scanted so that as I said before we were faine to keepe a cold Christmas with The Bishop and his clearkes After this we met with an English ship that brought vs ioyful news of 91. Spanish prizes that were come to England and sorrowfull newes withall that the last and best prize we tooke had suffered shipwracke at
to thinke for that the first principle and chiefe ground in all Geographie as Ptolome saith is the history of trauell that is reports made by trauellers skilful in Geometrie and Astronomie of all such things in their iourney as to Geographie doe belong It onely then remaineth that we now answere to those arguments that seemed to make against this former conclusion The first obiection is of no force that generall table of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mercator for it greatly skilleth not being vnskilfully drowen for that point as manifestly it may appeare vnto any one that conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his vniuersall Mappe with his round quartered carde with his globe with Sebastian Cabota his cable and Ortelius his generall mappe alone worthily preferred in this case before all Mercator Ortelius other doings for that Cabota was not onely a skilful Seamanâ— but a long traueller and such a one as entred personally that straight sent by king Henry the â—euenth to make this aforesayd Discouerie as in his owne discourse of nauigation you may reade in his carde drawen with his owne hand that the mouth of the Northwesterne straight lyeth neere the 318. Meridianâ— betweene 61. and 64. degrees in the eleuation continuing the â—ame bredth about 10. degrees West where it openeth Southerly more and more vntill it come vnder the tropicke of Cancer and so runneth into Mar del Zur at the least 18. degrees more in bredth there then it was where it first began otherwise I could as well imagine this passage to be more vnlikely then the voyage to Moscouia and more impossible then it for the farre situation and coâ—tinâ—â—nce thereof in the frostie clime as now I can affirme it to be very possible and most likely in comparison thereof for that it neither coasteth so farre North as the Moscouian passage doeth neither is this straight so long as that before it bow downe Southerly towardes the Sunne againe The second argument concludeth nothing Ptolome knew not what was aboue sixteene degrees South beyond the Equinoctiall line he was ignorant of all passages Northward from the eleuation of 63. degrees he knewe no Ocean sea beyond Asia yet haue the Portugals trended the cape of Good hope at the South point of Afrike and trauelled to Iapan an Island in the East Ocean betweene Asia America our merchants in the time of king Edward the sixt discouered the Moscouian passage farther North then Thyle shewed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland Norway the like our Northwesterne trauellers haue done declaring by their nauigation that way the ignorance of all Cosmographers that either doe ioyne Groenland with America or continue the West Indies with that frosty region vnder the north pole As for Virgil he sang according to the knowledge of men in his time as an other Poet did of the hot zone Quarum quae media est non est habitabilis aestu Imagining as most men then did Zonam torridam the hot zone to be altogether dishabited for heat though presently wee know many famous and woorthy kingdomes and cities in that part of the earth and the Island of S. Thomas neere AEthiopia the wealthy Islands for the which chiefly all these voyages are taken in hand to be inhabited euen vnder the equinoctiall line To answere the third obiection besides Cabota and all other trauellers nauigations the onely credit of M. Frobisher may suffice who lately through all these Islands of ice and mountaines of snow passed that way euen beyond the gulfe that tumbleth downe from the North and in some places though he drewe one inch thicke ice as he returning in August did yet came he home safely againe The fourth argument is altogether friuolous vaine for neither is there any isthmos or strait of land betweene America and Asia ne can these two landes ioyntly be one continent The first part of my answere is manifestly allowed of by Homer whom that excellent Geographer Strabo followeth yeelding him in this facultie the price The authour of that booke likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Alexander attributed vnto Aristotle is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of in two or three places Dionisius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath this verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So doth the Ocean Sea runne round about the worlde speaking onely of Europe Afrike and Asia as then Asia was trauelled and knowen With these Doctours may you ioyne Pomponius Mela. cap. 2. lib. 1. Plinius lib. 2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap. 2. in his description of Asia All the which writers doe no lesse confirme the whole Easterne side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea then Plato doeth affirme in Timaeo vnder the name Atlantis the West Indies to be an Island as in a special discourse thereof R. Eden writeth agreeable vnto the sentence of Proclus Marsilius Ficinus and others Out of Plato it is gathered that America is an Island Homer Strabo Aristotle Dionysius Mela Plinic Pius 2. affirme the continent of Asia Afrike Europe to be enuironed with the Ocean I may therfore boldly say though later intelligences therof had we none at all that Asia the West Indies be not tied together by any Isthmos or straight of land contrary to the opinion of some new Cosmographers by whom doubtfully this matter hath bin brought in controuersie And thus much for the first part of my answere vnto the fourth obiection The second part namely that America and Asia cannot be one continent may thus be proued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The most Riuers take downe that way their course where the earth is most hollow and deepe writeth Aristotle and the Sea sayth he in the same place as it goeth further so is it found deeper Into what gulfe doe the Moscouian riuers Onega Duina Ob powre out their streames Northward out of Moscouia into the sea Which way doeth that sea strike The South is maine land the Easterne coast waxeth more and more shalow from the North either naturally because that part of the earth is higher Aristot. 2. Met. cap. 1. or of necessitie for that the forcible influence of some Northerne starres causeth the earth there to shake off the Sea as some Philosophers doe thinke or finally for the great store of waters engendred in that frostie and colde climate that the bankes are not able to holde them Alber in 2. Meteor cap. 6. From the North I say continually falleth downe great abundance of water So that this Northeasterne currant must at the length abruptly bow toward vs South on the West side of Finmarke and Norway or else strike downe Southwest aboue Groneland or betwixt Groneland and Iseland into the Northwest straight we speake of as of congruence it doeth if you marke the situation of that Region and by the report of M. Frobisher experience teacheth vs. And M. Frobisher the further he trauailed
their feete likewise are as great as our oxens which we measured to be seuen or eight ynches in breadth There are also hares wolues fishing beares and sea foule of sundry sorts As the Countrey is barren and vnfertile so are they rude and of no capacitie to culture the same to any perfection but are contented by their hunting fishing and fouling with raw flesh and warme blood to satisfie their greedy panches which is their only glory There is great likelihood of Earthquakes or thunder for that there are huge and monstrous mountaines whose greatest substance are stones and those stones so shaken with some extraordinarie meanes that one is separated from another which is discordant from all other Quarries There are no riuers or running springs but such as through the heate of the Sunne with such water as discendeth from the mountaines and hilles whereon great drifts of snow do lie are ingendred It argueth also that there should be none for that the earth which with the extremitie of the Winter is so frosen within that that water which should haue recourse within the same to maintaine springs hath not his motion whereof great waters haue their originall as by experience is seene otherwhere Such valleis as are capable to receiue the water that in the Summer time by the operation of the Sunne descendeth from great abundance of snowe which continually lyeth on the mountaines and hath no passage sinketh into the earth and so vanisheth away without any runnell aboue the earth by which occasion or continuall standing of the said water the earth is opened and the great frost yeeldeth to the force thereof which in other places foure or fiue fathoms within the ground for lacke of the said moisture the earth euen in the very Summer time is frosen and so combineth the stones together that scarcely instruments with great force can vnknit them Also where the water in those valleis can haue no such passage away by the continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed the yeerely descent from the mountaines filleth them full that at the lowest banke of the same they fall into the valley and so continue as fishing Ponds or Stagnes in Summer time full of water and in the Winter hard frosen as by skarres that remaine thereof in Summer may easily be perceiued so that the heat of Summer is nothing comparable or of force to dissolue the extremitie of cold that commeth in Winter Neuerthelesse I am assured that below the force of the frost within the earth the waters haue recourse and emptie themselues out of sight into the sea which through the extremitie of the frost are constrained to doe the same by which occasion the earth within is kept the warmer and springs haue their recourse which is the onely nutriment of golde and Minerals within the same There is much to be sayd of the commodities of these Countreys which are couched within the bowels of the earth which I let passe till more perfect triall be made thereof The 24. of August after we had satisfied our minds with fraight sufficient for our vessels though not our couetous desires with such knowledge of the Countrey people and other commodities as are before rehearsed we departed therehence The 17. of September we fell with the lands end of England and so sailed to Milford Hauen from whence our Generall rode to the Court for order to what Port or Hauen to conduct the ship We lost our two Barkes in the way homeward the one the 29. of August the other the 31. of the same moneth by occasion of great tempest and fogge Howbeit God restored the one to Bristowe and the other made his course by Scotland to Yermouth In this voyage we lost two men one in the way by Gods visitation and the other homeward cast ouer borde with a surge of the sea I Could declare vnto the Readers the latitude and longitude of such places and regions as we haue bene at but not altogether so perfectly as our masters and others with many circumstances of tempests and other accidents incident to Sea faring men which seeme not altogether strange but I let them passe to their reports as men most apt to set forth and declare the same I haue also left the names of the Countreys on both the shores vntouched for lacke of vnderstanding the peoples language as also for sundry respects not needfull as yet to be declared Countreys new discouered where commoditie is to be looked for doe better accord with a new name giuen by the discouerers then an vncertaine name by a doubtfull Authour Our general named sundry Islands Mountaines Capes and Harboroughs after the names of diuers Noble men and other gentlemen his friends aswel on the one shore as also on the other The third and last voyage vnto Meta Incognita made by M. Martin Frobisher in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis THese are to let you know that vpon the 25 of May the Thomas Allen being Uiceadmirall whose Captaine was M. Yorke M. Gibbes Master Christopher Hall Pilot accompanied with the Reareadmiral named the Hopewel whose Captaine was M. Henrie Carewe the M. Andrewe Dier and certaine other ships came to Grauesend where wee ankred and abode the comming of certaine of our Fleete which were not yet come The 27. of the same moneth our Fleete being nowe come together and all things prest in a readinesse the wind fauouring and tide seruing we being of sailes in number eight waied ankers and hoised our sailes toward Harwich to meete with our Admirall and the residue which then and there abode our arriuall Where we safely arriued the 28. thereof finding there our Admirall whom we with the discharge of certaine pieces saluted acording to order and duety and were welcommed with the like courtesie which being finished we landed where our Generall continued mustering his souldiers and Miners and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage vntill the last of the said moneth of May which day we hoised our sailes and committing our selues to the conducting of Almightie God we set forward toward the west Countrey in such luckie wife and good successe that by the fift of Iune we passed the Dursies being the vtmost part of Ireland to the Westward And here it were not much amisse nor farre from our purpose if I should a little discourse and speake of our aduentures and chances by the way as our landing at Plimmouth as also the meeting câ—rtaine poore men which were robbed and spoyled of all that they had by Pirates and Rouers amongst whom was a man of Bristow on whom our Generall vsed his liberality and sent him away with letters into England But because such things are impertinent to the matter I will returne without any more mentioning of the same to that from the which I haue digressed and swarued I meane our ships now sailing
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâ—ie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâ—â—â—e burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
thereby assured by their proper inheritance of grounds conuenient to dresse and to drie their fish whereof many times before they did faile being preuented by them that came first into the harbor For which grounds they did couenant to pay a certaine rent and seruice vnto sir Humfrey Gilbert his heires or assignes for euer and yeerely to maintaine possession of the same by themselues or their assignes Now remained only to take in prouision granted according as euery shippe was taxed which did fish vpon the coast adioyning In the meane while the Generall appointed men vnto their charge some to repaire and trim the ships others to attend in gathering togither our supply and prouisions others to search the commodities and singularities of the countrey to be found by sea or land and to make relation vnto the Generall what eyther themselues could knowe by their owne trauaile and experience or by good intelligence of English men or strangers who had longest frequented the same coast Also some obserued the eleuation of the pole and drewe plats of the countrey exactly graded And by that I could gather by each mans seuerall relation I haue drawen a briefe description of the Newfound land with the commodities by sea or lande alreadie made and such also as are in possibilitie and great likelihood to be made Neuerthelesse the Cardes and plats that were drawing with the due gradation of the harbors bayes and capes did perish with the Admirall wherefore in the description following I must omit the particulars of such things A briefe relation of the New found lande and the commodities thereof THat which we doe call the Newfound land and the Frenchmen Bacalaos is an Iland or rather after the opinion of some it consisteth of sundry Ilands and broken lands situate in the North regions of America vpon the gulfe and entrance of the great riuer called S. Laurence in Canada Into the which nauigation may be made both on the South and North side of this Iland The land lyeth South and North containing in length betweene three 400 miles accounting from cape Race which is in 46 degrees 25 minuts vnto the Grand bay in 52 degrees of Septenâ—rionall latitude The Iland round about hath very many goodly bayes and harbors safe roads for ships the like not to be found in any part of the knowen world The common opinion that is had of intemperature extreme cold that should be in this countrey as of some part it may be verified namely the North where I grant it is more colde then in countries of Europe which are vnder the same eleuation euen so it cannot stand with reason and nature of the clime that the South parts should be so intemperate as the brute hath gone For as the same doe lie vnder the climats of Briton Aniou Poictou in France betweene 46 and 49 degrees so can they not so much differ from the temperature of those countries vnlesse vpon the outcoast lying open vnto the Ocean and sharpe windes it must in deede be subiect to more colde then further within the land where the mountaines are interposed as walles and bulwarkes to defend and to resist the asperitie and rigor of the sea and weather Some hold opinion that the Newfound land might be the more subiect to cold by how much it lyeth high and neere vnto the middle region I grant that not in Newfound land alone but in Germany Italy and Afrike euen vnder the Equinoctiall line the mountaines are extreme cold and seeldome vncouered of snow in their culme and highest tops which commeth to passe by the same reason that they are extended towards the middle region yet in the countries lying beneth them it is found quite contrary Euen so all hils hauing their discents the valleis also and low grounds must be likewise hot or temperate as the clime doeth giue in Newfound land though I am of opinion that the Sunnes reflection is much cooled and cannot be so forcible in the Newfound land nor generally throughout America as in Europe or Afrike by how much the Sunne in his diurnall course from East to West passeth ouer for the most part dry land and sandy countries before he arriueth at the West of Europe or Afrike whereby his motion increaseth heate with little or no qualification by moyst vapours Where on the contrarie he passeth from Europe and Afrike vnto America ouer the Ocean from whence it draweth and carieth with him abundance of moyst vapours which doe qualifie and infeeble greatly the Sunnes reuerberation vpon this countrey chiefly of Newfound land being so much to the Northward Neuerthelesse as I sayd before the cold cannot be so intollerable vnder the latitude of 46 47 and 48 especiall within land that it should be vnhabitable as some doe suppose seeing also there are very many people more to the North by a great deale And in these South parts there be certaine beastes Ounces or Leopards and birdes in like maner which in the Sommer we haue seene not heard of in countries of extreme and vehement coldnesse Besides as in the monethes of Iune Iuly August and September the heate is somewhat more then in England at those seasons so men remaining vpon the South parts neere vnto Cape Rece vntill after Hollandtide haue not found the cold so extreme nor much differing from the temperature of England Those which haue arriued there after Nouember and December haue found the snow exceeding deepe whereat no maruaile considering the ground vpon the coast is rough and vneuen and the snow is driuen into the places most declyning as the like is to be seene with vs. The like depth of snow happily shall not be found within land vpon the playner countries which also are defended by the mountaines breaking off the violence of winds and weather But admitting extraordinary cold in those South parts aboue that with vs here it can not be so great as in Swedland much lesse in Moscouia or Russia yet are the same countries very populous and the rigor of cold is dispensed with by the commoditie of Stoues warme clothing meats and drinkes all which neede not to be wanting in the Newfound land if we had intent there to inhabite In the South parts we found no inhabitants which by all lilkelihood haue abandoned those coastes the same being so much frequented by Christians But in the North are sauages altogether harmelesse Touching the commodities of this countrie seruing either for sustentation of inhabitants or for maintenance of traffique there are may be made diuers so y t it seemeth Nature hath recompenced that only defect and incommoditie of some sharpe cold by many benefits viz. With incredible quantitie and no lesse varietie of kindes of fish in the sea and fresh waters as Trouts Salmons and other fish to vs vnknowen Also Cod which alone draweth many nations thither and is become the most famous fishing of the world Abundance of Whales for which
deuise certifying them of the purpose of my comming into this countrey which is in the name of his Maiestie and by the commandement of your Lordship that they and all the rest of the people of this prouince should become Christians and should knowe the true God for their Lorde and receiue his Maiestie for their King and earthly Soueraigne And herewithall they returned to their houses and suddenly the next day they see in order all their goods and substance their women and children and fled to the hilles leauing their townes as it were abandoned wherein remained very fewe of them When I sawe this within eight or tenne dayes after being recouered of my woundes I went to the citie which I sayde to bee greater then this where I am and found there some fewe of them to whom I sayde that they should not bee afrayd and that they should call their gouernour vnto mee howbeit forasmuch as I can learne or gather none of them hath any gouernour for I sawe not there any chiefe house whereby any preeminence of one ouer another might bee gathered Aftâ—r this an olde man came which sayd that hâ—e was their lord with a piece of a mantle made of many pieces with whom I reasoned that small while that hee stayed with mee and hee sayd that within three dayes after hee and the rest of the chiefe of that towne would come and visite mee and giue order what course should bee taken with them Which they did for they brought mee certaine mantles and some Turqueses I aduised them to come downe from their holdes and to returne with their wiues and children to their houses and to become Christians and that they would acknowledge the Emperours maiestie for their King and lorde And euen to this present they keepe in those strong holdes their women and children and all the goods which they haue I commaunded them that they should paint mee out a cloth of all the beastes which they knowe in their countrey And such badde painters as they are foorth with they painted mee two clothes one of their beastes another of their birdes and fishes They say that they will bring their children that our religious men may instruct them and that they desire to knowe our lawe And they assure vs that aboue fiftie yeeres past it was prophecied among them that a certaine people like vs should come and from that part that wee came from and that they should subdue all that countrey That which these Indians worship as farre as hitherto wee can learne is the water for they say it causeth their corne to growe and maintaineth their life and that they know none other reason but that their ancesters did so I haue sought by all meanes possible to learne of the inhabitants of these townes whether they haue any knowledge of other people countreys and cities And they tell mee of seuen cities which are farre distant from this place which are like vnto these though they haue not houses like vnto these but they are of earth and small and that among them much cotton is gathered The chiefe of these townes whereof they haue knowledge they say is called Tucano and they gaue mee no perfect knowledge of the rest And I thinke they doe not tell me the trueth imagining that of nâ—cessitie I must speedily depart from them and returne home But herein they shall soone finde themselues decâ—iued I sent Don Pedro de Touar with his companie of footemen and with certaine other horsemen to see this towne And I would not haue dispatched this packet vnto your lordship vntill I had knowen what this towne was if I had thought that within twelue or fifteene dayes I might haue had newes from him for hee will stay in this iourney thirtie dayes at least And hauing â—xamined that thâ— knowledge hereof is of small importance and that the colde and the waters approch I thought it my duety to doe according as your lordship gaue mee charge in your instructions which is that immediatly vpon mine arriuall here I should signifie so much vnto your lordship and so I doe sending withall the bare râ—lation of that which I haue seene I haue determined â—o send round about the countrey from hence to haue knowledge of all things and rather to suffer all extremitie then to leaue this enterprise to serue his maiestie if I may find any thing wherein I may performe it and not to omit any diligence therein vntill your lordship send mee order what I shall doe Wee haue great want of pasture and your lordship also shal vnderstand that among all those which are here there is not one pound of raisins nor suger nor oyle nor any wine saue only one pinte which is saued to say MaÌ„sse for all is spent spilt by the way Now your lordship may prouide vs what you thinke needefull And if your honour meane to send vs cattell your lordship must vnderstand that they will bee a sommer in comming vnto vs for they will not be able to come vnto vs any sooner I would haue sent your lordshippe with this dispatch many musters of things which are in this countrey but the way is so long and rough that it is hard for me to doe so neuerthelesse I send you twelue small mantles such as the people of the countrey are woont to weare and a certaine garment also which seemeth vnto me to bee well made I kept the same because it seemed to mee to bee excellent well wrought because I beleeue that no man euer sawe any needle worke in these Indies except it were since the Spaniards inhabited the same I send your Lordshippe alâ—o two clothes painted with the beasts of this countrey although as I haue sayde the picture bee very rudâ—ly done because the painter spent but one day in drawing of the lâ—me I haue seâ—ne other pictures on the walles of the houses of this citie with faire better proportion and bettâ—r mâ—de I send your honour one Oâ—e-hide certaine Turqueses and two caterings of the sâ—me and fifteene combes of the Indians and certain tablets set with these Turqueses and two small baskets made of wicker whereof the Indians haue great store I send your lordship also two rollâ—s which the women in these parts are woont to weare on their heads when they fetch water from their wâ—lles as wee vse to doe in Spainâ— And one of these Indian women with one of these rolles on her head will carie a pitcher of water without touching the same with her hande vp a lather I send you also a muster of the weapons wherewith these people are wooâ—t to fight a tuckler a mace a bowe and certaine arrowes among which are two with points of bones the like whereof as these conquerours say haue neuer beene seene I can say nothing vnto your lordshippe touching the apparell of their women For the Indians keepe them so carefully from vs that
habitations of the Indians and here we stayed all Saturday what time we lost the Trinitie againe but on Sunday-night being the 18 we saw her againe and beganne to proceede on our way to compasse that Iland if it pleased God to send vs good weather On Sunday Munday and Tuesday which was the twentieth of the said moneth of Ianuarie wee sailed with scarse and contrary windes and at length came to the cape of the point of the Iland which we called Isla de los Cedros or the I le of Cedars because that on the tops of the mountaines therein there growes a wood of these Cedars being very tall as the nature of them is to be This day the Trinitie descryed a village or towne of the Indians and found water for on Sunday night we had newly lost her and had no sight of her vntill Tuesday whenas we found her riding neere the shore not farre from those cottages of the Indians And as soone as we had descryed her we made toward her and before we could reach her we espied three Canoas of Indians which came hard aboord the said ship called The Trinitie so that they touched almost the side of the ship and gaue them of their fish and our people on the other side gaue them certaine trifles in exchange and after they had spoken with them the Indians went backe to the shore and at the same instant we came vp vnto the Admirall and rode by them and they all saluted vs saying that the Indians were neere them and telling what had passed betweene them whereat the Generall and we receiued great coâ—tentment They told vs moreouer that they had found fresh water whereby they increased our great ioy because we stood in much neede thereof for at the other place of the Indians we could get but a little While we thus rode at ankor we saw a Canoa with 3 Indians put out into the sea from their cottages and they went vnto a fishing place among certaine great and high weedes which grow in this sea among certaine rockes the greatest part of which weedes groweth in 15 or 20 fadome depth and with great celeritie they caught seuen or eight fishes and returned with them vnto the Trinity and gaue them vnto them and they in recompense gaue the Indians certaine trifles After this the Indians stayed at the sterne of the ship viewing the same aboue three houres space and taking the oares of our boat they tryed how they could rowe with them where at they tooke great pleasure and we which were in the Admirall stirred not a whit all this while to giue them the more assurance that they should not flie away but should see that we ment to doe them no harme that we were good people As soone as we were come to anker beheld all that had passed betweene the Indians and those of the Trinity after the Indians were gone to the shore in their Canoas made of the bodies of trees the General commanded the boat which was without to be brought vnto him and when it was come he and Francis Preciado and two others went into it and so we went aboord the Trinity The Indians seeing people comming out of the other ship into the Trinitie sent two Canoas vnto the sterne of the ship and brought vs a bottle of water and we gaue vnto them certain beads and continued talking with them a little while but euening approching the aire grew somewhat cold The Indians returned on shore to their lodgings and the General and we to our ship The next day being Wednesday in the morning the General commanded certaine of vs to take the bote and goe ashore to see if we could find any brooke or well of fresh water in the houses of the Indians because he thought it vnpossible for them to dwell there without any water to drinke The father frier Raimund likewise went out in our company because the day before seeing the Indians came to the sterne of the shippe and parlying with vs he thought he might haue spoken a little with them with the like familiarity In like sort many mariners and souldiers went out in the boat of the Trinity and going altogether with their weapons toward the shore somewhat aboue the lodgings of the Indians very early in the morning they watched the boats and perceiued that wee would come on land wherevpon they sent away their women children with certaine of them who caried their goods vp into certaine exceeding â—leepe mountaines and hilles and 5 or 6 of them came toward vs which were excellently well made and of a good stature Two of them had bowes and arrowes and other two 2 bastonadoes much thicker then the wrist of a mans hand and other two with 2 long sâ—aues like iâ—uelins with very sharpe poinâ—s and approched very neere vs bring nowe come on shore And beginning by sigâ—es very siercely to braue vs they came so neere vs that almost they strooke with one of those staues one of our souldiers called Garcia a man of good parentage but the General commanded him to with draw himselfe and not to hurt any of them In the meane season the General and frier Raimund stept foorth the frier lapping a garment about his arme because they had taken vp stones in their hands fearing that they would do them some mischiefe Then began both of them to speake vnto them by signes words to be quiet signifying that they ment them no harme but only were come to take water and the frier shewed them a drinking-cup but nothing would serue to make them leaue that bragging and flinging of stones and the General continuing still in a mind not to hurâ— them commanded his men gently to come neere vnto them and that by signes they should all shew them that they meant in no wise to hurt them but that we were come on land onely to take water On the other side refusing vtterly to take knowledge of these things they still insulted more and more whereupon Francis Preciado counselled the General to giue him leaue to kill one of them because all the rest would flee away whereby at our ease we might take water but he replied that he would not haue it so but willed them to looze the two mastiues Berecillo and Achillo wherefore the dogs were let loose and as soone as they saw them they vanished immediately betaking them to their heeles and running vp those cliffes like goates Also others which came from the mountains to succour them betooke themselues to flight The dogs ouertooke two of them and bit them a little and we running after laid hold on them and they seemed as fierce as wild vntamed beasts for 3 or 4 of vs held either of them to cherish pacifie them and to seeke to giue them same thing but we auailed not for they bit vs by the hands and stooped downe to take vp stones for to â—â—rike vs with them We led
Spaniards and Indian gard as aforesayd Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man who all the way did very courteously intreate vs and would carefully go before to prouide for vs both meat and things necessary to the vttermost of his power the other was a yong man who all the way trauelled with vs and neuer departed from vs who was a very cruell caitiue and he caried a iaueline in his hand and sometimes when as our men with very feeblenesse and faintnesse were not able to goe so fast as he required them he would take his iauelin in both his handes and strike them with the same betweene the necke and the shoulders so violently that he would strike them downe then would he cry and say Marchad marchad Ingleses perros Luterianos enemigos de Dios which is as much to say in English as March march on you English dogges Lutherans enemies to God And the next day we came to a towne called Pachuca and there are two places of that name as this towne of Pachuca and the mines of Pachuca which are mines of siluer and are about sixe leagues distant from this towne of Pachuca towards the Northwest Here at this towne the good olde man our Gouernour suffered vs to stay two dayes and two nights hauing compassion of our sicke and weake men full sore against the minde of the yoong man his companion From thence we tooke our iourney and trauelled foure or fiue dayes by little villages and Stantias which are farmes or dairie houses of the Spaniards and euer as wee had neede the good olde man would still prouide vs sufficient of meates fruites and water to sustaine vs. At the end of which fiue dayes wee came to a towne within fiue leagues of Mexico which is called Quoghliclan where wee also stayed one whole day and two nights where was a faire house of gray friers howbeit wee saw none of them Here wee were told by the Spaniards in the towne that wee had not past fifteene English miles from thence to Mexico whereof we were all very ioyfull and glad hoping that when we came thither we should either be relieued and set free out of bonds or els bee quickly dispatched out of our liues for seeing our selues thus caried bound from place to place although some vsed vs courteously yet could wee neuer ioy nor be merrie till wee might perceiue our selues set free from that bondage either by death or otherwise The next morning we departed from thence on our iourney towards Mexico and so trauelled till wee came within two leagues of it where there was built by the Spaniards a very faire church called our Ladyes church in which there is an image of our Lady of siluer gilt being as high as large as a tall woman in which church and before this image there are as many lamps of siluer as there be dayes in the yeere which vpon high dayes are all lighted Whensoeuer any Spaniards passe by this church although they be on horse backe they will alight and come into the church and kneele before thie image and pray to our Lady to defend them from all euil so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not passe by but first goe into the Church an◠pray as aforesayd which if they doe not they thinke and beleeue that they shall neuer prosper which image they call in the Spanish tongue Nuestra sennora de Guadalupe At this place there are certain cold baths which arise springing vp as though the water did seeth the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste but very good for any that haue any sore or wound to wash themselues therewith for as they say it healeth many and euery yeere once vpon our Lady day the people vse to repaire thither to offer and to pray in that Church before the image and they say that our Lady of Guadalupe doeth worke a number of miracles About this Church there is not any towne of Spaniards that is inhabited but certaine Indians doe dwell there in houses of their own countrey building Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on horsebacke which came from Mexico to see vs both gentlemen and men of occupations and they came as people to see a wonder we were still called vpon to march on and so about foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the said day we entred into the citie of Mexico by the way or street called La calle Santa Catherina and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Vice Roy Don Martin Henriques which standeth in the middest of the city hard by the market place called La plaça del Marquese We had not stayed any long time at this place but there was brought vs by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat sufficient to haue satisfied fiue times so many as we were some also gaue vs hats some gaue vs money in which place we stayed for the space of two houres from thence we were conueyed by water in two large Canoas to an hospital where as certaine of our men were lodged which were taken before the fight at S. Iohn de Vllua wee should haue gone to our Ladies hospitall but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no roome for vs. After our comming thither many of the company that came with me from Panuco dyed within the space of fourteene dayes soone after which time we were taken forth from that place and put altogether into our Ladies hospitall in which place we were courteously vsed and visited oftentimes by vertuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the citie who brought vs diuers things to comfort vs withall as succats and marmilads and such other things and would also many times giue vs many things and that very liberally In which hospitall we remained for the space of sixe moneths vntill we were all whole and sound of body and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to be caried vnto the town of Tescuco which is from Mexico Southwest distant eight leagues in which towne there are certaine houses of correction and punishment for ill people called Obraches like to Bridewell here in London into which place diuers Indians are sold for slaues some for ten yeeres and some for twelue It was no small griefe vnto vs when we vnderstood that we should be caried thither and to bee vsed as slaues we had rather be put to death howbeit there was no remedy but we were caried to the prison of Tescuco where we were not put to any labour but were very straitly kept almost famished yet by the good prouidence of our mercifull God we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting who was the sonne of an Englishman borne of a Spanish woman this man could speake very good English and by his means wee were holpen very much with
wracks haue beene made of Spanyards hauing much treasure for the Frenchmen hauing trauelled to the cape ward an hundred and fiftie miles did finde two Spanyards with the Floridians which they brought afterward to their fort whereof one was in a carauel comming from the Indies which was cast away foureteene yeeres ago the other twelue yeres of whose fellowes some escaped othersome were slain by the inhabitants It seemeth they had estimation of their golde siluer for it is wrought flat and grauen which they weare about their neckes othersome made round like a pancake with a hole in the midst to boulster vp their breasts withall because they thinke it a deformity to haue great breasts As for mines either of gold or siluer the Frenchmen can heare of none they haue vpon the Island but of copper whereof as yet also they haue not made the proofe because they were but few men but it is not vnlike but that in the maine where are high hilles may be golde and siluer aswell as in Mexico because it is all one maine The Frechmen obteined pearles of them of great bignesse but they were blacke by meanes of rosting of them for they do not fish for them as the Spanyards doe but for their meat for the Spanyards vse to keepe dayly afishing some two or three hundred Indians some of them that be of choise a thousand and their order is to go in canoas or rather great pinnesses with thirty men in a piece whereof the one halfe or most part be diuers the rest doe open the same for the pearles for it is not suffered that they should vse dragging for that would bring them out of estimation and marre the beds of them The oisters which haue the smallest fort of pearles are found in seuen or eight fadome water but the greatest in eleuen or twelue fadome The Floridians haue pieces of vnicornes hornes which they weare about their necks whereof the Frenchmen obteined many pieces Of those vnicornes they haue many for that they doe affirme it to be a beast with one horne which comming to the riuer to drinke putteth the same into the water before he drinketh Of this vnicornes horne there are of our company that hauing gotten the same of the Frenchmen brought home thereof to shew It is therfore to be presupposed that there are more commodities aswell as that which for want of time and people sufficient to inhabit the same can not yet come to light but I trust God will reueale the same before it be long to the great profit of them that shal take it in hand Of beasts in this countrey besides deere fores hares polcats conies ownces leopards I am not able certeinly to say but it is thought that there are lions and tygres aswell as vnicornes lions especially if it be true that is sayd of the enmity betweene them and the vnicornes for there is no beast but hath his enemy as the cony the polcat a sheepe the woolfe the elephant the rinoceros and so of other beasts the like insomuch that whereas the one is the other can not be missing And seeing I haue made mention of the beasts of this countrey it shall not be from my purpose to speake also of the venimous beasts as crocodiles whereof there is great abundance adders of great bignesse whereof our men killed some of a yard and a halfe long Also I heard a miracle of one of these adders vpon the which a faulcon seizing the sayd adder did claspe her taile about her which the French captaine seeing came to the rescue of the faulcon and tooke her staying the adder and this faulcon being wilde he did reclaime her and kept her for the space of two moneths at which time for very want of meat he was faine to cast her off On these adders the Frenchmen did feed to no little admiration of vs and affirmed the same to be a delicate meat And the captaine of the Frenchmen saw also a serpent with three heads and foure feet of the bignesse of a great spaniell which for want of a harquebuz he durst not attempt to stay Of fish also they haue in the riuer pike roch salmon trout and diuers other small fishes and of great fish some of the length of a man and longer being of bignesse accordingly hauing a snout much like a sword of a yard long There be also of sea fishes which we saw comming along the coast flying which are of the bignesse of a smelt the biggest sort whereof haue foure wings but the other haue but two of these wee sawe comming â—ut of Guinea a hundred in a company which being chased by the gilt-heads otheâ—wise called the bonitos do to auoid them the better take their flight out of the water but yet are they not able to flie farre because of the drying of their wings which serue them not to flie but when they are moist and therefore when they can flie no further they fall into the water and hauing wet their wings take a new flight againe These bonitos be of bignesse like a carpe and in colour like a makarell but it is the swiftest fish in swimming that is and followeth her prey very fiercely not â—nely in the water but also out of the waâ—er for as the flying fish taketh hâ—r flight so doeth this bonito leape after them and taketh them sometimes aboue the water There were some of those bonitos which being galled by a fisgig did follow our shippe comming out of Guinea 500 leagues There is a sea-fowle also that chaseth this flying fish as well as the bonito â—or as the flying fish taketh her flight so doth this fowle pursue to take her which to beholde is a greater pleasure then hawking for both the flights are as pleasant and also more often then an â—undred times for the fowle can flie no way but one or other lighteth in her pawes the number of them are so abundant There is an innumerable yoong frie of these flying fishes which commonly keepe about the ship and are not so big as butter-flies and yet by flying do auoid the vnsatiablenesse of the bonito Of the bigger sort of these fishes wee tooke many which both night and day flew into the sailes of our ship and there was not one of them which was not woorth a bonito for being put vpon a hooke drabling in the water the bonito would leape thereat and so was taken Also we tooke many with a white cloth made fast to a hooke which being tied so short in the water that it might leape out and in the greedie bonito thinking it to be a flying fish leapeth thereat and so is deceiued We tooke also dolphins which are of very goodly colour and proportion to behold and no lesse delicate in taste Fowles also there be many both vpon land and vpon sea but concerning them on the land I am not able to name them
meane time our General discharged the fly-boat and ran her vpon on the maine where we broke her vp for fire-wood In the meane while there came about 30 of the countrey people downe to the sea side and when they were within 100 pases of our men they set themselues in array very orderly casting their companie into the forme of a ring euery man hauing his bow and arrowes who when they had pight a stalfe on the ground with certeine glasses beads and other trifles returned backe Then the countrey people came and tooke them and afterward approched neerer to our men shewing themselues very pleasantâ— insomuch that M. Winter daunced with them They were exceedingly delighted with the sound of the trumpet and vialles They be of a meane stature wel limined and os a duskish tawnie or browne colour Some of them hauing their faces spotted with diuers colours as red white and blacke Their apparel is a certaine â—kinne wherein they wrap themselues not reaching so low as to couer their priuy members all the rest of their bodies be naked sauing that they weare certaine roules vpon their heads whose ends haâ—g ouer their shoulders Euery one beareth his bow being an ell in length and arrowes made of reeds hauing heads framed very strangly cunningly of a flint stone They be much giuen to mirth and iollity and are very sly and ready to steale any thing that comes within their reach for one of them snatched our Generals cap from his head as he stouped being of skarlet with a golden band yet he would suffer no man to hurt any of them They eate rawe flesh for we found seales bones the raw flesh whereof they had gnawen with their teeth like dogs In this bay we watered and victualed with seales for there is such plentie that we slew aboue 200 in the space of one houre vpon a litle island The 3 of Iune we departed from thence and being at sea we were put backe againe to Cape Hope where we discharged our Canter and let her float in the sea Afterward wee ran to the 50 degree of the South pole where wee met with the winde Southerly and so turned backe againe to the Northward And as we ran along the shore we met with our Prize the 19 of Iune which we lost the 13 of May. The day following we found a harbour into the which we entred with all our fleet the same day This port is 49 degrees and an halfe in latitude and I suppose it to be the same which Magellan named Port S. Iulian for we found a gybbet on an hil whereupon they were executed that did conspire against Magellan and certaine bones also of their dead bodies The 22 of this moneth our Generall going to shore vpon the maine with 7 or 8 of his men met with 3 of the Patagons hauing bowes and arrowes who came neere to our meÌ„ making them signes to depart Whereupon a gentleman being there present and hauing a bowe and arrowes made a shot to the end to shew them the force our bowes with the which shot his string broke whereupon the Patagons presumed to encounter them directing their arrowes first at our M. Gunner who had a caliuer ready bent to shot at them but it would not take fire and as he leuelled his pecce one of them shot him through the brest and out at the backe wherewith he fell downe starke dead Also the gentleman that shot the arrow was so wounded that hee oyed the 2 day after and with the other was buryed in a litle island lying in the said port Our men left the slaine man on shore till night and then fetched him in a boat In the meane time the Patagons had stript him of all his clothes and viewed his body laying his clothes vnder his head and so left him vntouched sauing that they had stucke the English arrow in his left eye These men be of no such stature as the Spaniardes report being but of the height of English men for I haue seene men in England taller then I could see any of them But peraduenture the Spaniard did not thinke that any English men would haue come thither so soone to haue disproued them in this diuers others of their notorious lies wherefore thâ—y presumed more boldly to abuse the world The last of Iune M. Thomas Doughty wâ—s brought to his answere was accused and conuicted of certaine articles and by M. Drake condemned He was beheaded the 2 of Iuly 1578 whose body was buried in the said iâ—â—and neer to them which were sâ—aine We wintered in this port 2 moneths during which time we had such weather as is commonly in England in the depth of winter or rather colder After we had trimmed vp our ships and made prouision of fewell and fresh water we departed thence with 3 ships the 17 of August about noone And the 20 of the said moneth we seazed Cape Victorie by the which Cape is the way into the South sea called The streights of Magellan the first discouerer thereof Wee found the mouth of the streights to be 52 degrees ½ Southward of Equinoctial In this streight we found the sea to haue no such current as some do imagine following the course of the primum mobile from East to West but to eb and flow as ordinarily as vpoÌ„ other coasts rising 5 fathoms vpright The flood riseth out of the East ocean and stretcheth it selfe â—o far into the streights that it meetech the flood of the South sea neere about the midst of the streights where it bendeth like an elbow tending to the West-north-west into the South Sea whereas the East part from the mouth of the streights to this elbow lyeth South-wâ—st and by West or South-west â—o 53 degrees and â— 30 leagues within the streights there be 3 islands To the greatest our general gaue the name of Elizabeth to the 2 Bartholomew because we found it on S. Bartholomews day the 3 he named S. Georges island Here we staied one day victualled our selues with a kinde of foule which is plentifull in that isle and whose flesh is not farre vnlike a fat goose here in England they haue no wings but short pineons which serue their turne in swimming Their colour is somewhat blacke mixt with white spots vnder their belly and about their necke They walke so vpright that a farre off a man would take them to be litle children If a man aproch any thing neere them they run into holes in the ground which be not very deepe whereof the island is full So that to take them we had staues with hookes fast to the ends wherewith some of our men pullâ—d them out and others being ready with cudgels did knocke them on the head for they bite so cruellie with their crooked bils that none of vs was able to handle thâ—m aliue The land on both parts is very high but especially toward the South sea monstrous high
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ— accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
at sea as also a pinnesse which he had built at Santos and being abord The Desire he tolde our Captaine of all his extremities and spake most hardly of his company and of diuers gentlemen that were with him purposing no more to goe abord his owne ship but to stay in The Desire We all sorrowed to heare such hard speaches of our good friends but hauing spoken with the gentlemen of the Galeon wee found them faithfull honest and resolute in proceeding although it pleased our Generall otherwise to conceiue of them The 20. of March we departed from Port Desire master Candish being in The Desire with vs. The eighth of April 1592. wee fell with the Streights of Magellan induring many furious stormes betweene Port Desire and the Streight The 14. we passed through the first Streight The 16. we passed the second Streight being ten leagues distant from the first The 18. we doubled Cape Froward which Capelieth in 53. degrees and ½ The 21. wee were inforced by the fury of the weather to put into a small cooue with our ships 4. leagues from the said Cape vpon the South shoare where wee remained vntil the 15. of May. In the which time wee indured extreeme stormes with perpetual snow where many of our men died with cursed famine and miserable cold not hauing wherewith to couer their bodies nor to fill their bellies but liuing â—y muskles water and weeds of the sea with a small reliefe of the ships store in meale sometimes And all the sicke men in the Galeon were most vncharitably put a shore into the woods in the snowâ— raine and cold when men of good health could skarcely indure it where they ended their liues in the highest degree of misery master Candish all this while being abord the Desire In these great extremities of snow and cold doubting what the ende would be he asked our Captaines opinion because he was a man that had good experience of the Northwest parts in his 3. seuerall discoueries that way imployed by the marchants of London Our Captaine tolde him that this snowe was a matter of no long continuance and gaue him sufficient reason for it and that thereby hee could not much be preiudiced or hindered in his proceeding Notwithstanding he called together all the company and tolde them that he purposed not to stay in the Streights but to depart vpon some other voyage or else to returne againe for Brasil But his resolution was to goe for the Cape of Buena Esperança The company answered that if it pleased him they did desire to stay Gods fauour for a winde and to indure all hardnesse whatsoeuer rather then to giue ouer the voyage considering they had bene here but a smal time and because they were within fourtie leagues of the South sea it grieued them now to returne notwithstanding what hee purposed that they would performe So hee concluded to goe for the Cape of Buena Esperança and to giue ouer this voyage Then our Captaine after master Candish was come abord The Desire from talking with the company tolde him that if it pleased him to consider the great extremitie of his estate the sâ—endernesse of his prouisions with the weakenesse of his men it was no course for him to proceed in that newe enterprize for if the rest of your shippes said hee bee furnished answerable to this it is impossible to performe your determination for wee haue no more sailes then mastes no victuals no ground-tackling no cordage more then is ouer head and among seuentie and fiue persons there is but the Master alone that can order the shippe and but foureteene saylers The rest are gentlemen seruing men and artificers Therefore it will be a desperate case to take so hard an enterprize in hand These perswasions did our Captaine not onely vse to master Candish but also to master Cocke In fine vpon a petition deliuered in writing by the chiefe of the whole company the Generall determined to depart out of The Streights of Magellan and to returne againe for Santos in Brasil So the 15. of May wee set saile the Generall then being in the Galeon The eighteenth wee were free of the Streights but at Cape Froward it was our hard hap to haue our boat sunke at our sterne in the night and to be split and sore spoiled and to loose all our ores The twentieth of May being thwart of Port Desire in the night the Generall altered his course as we suppose by which occasion wee lost him for in the euening he stood close by a winde to seaward hauing the winde at Northnortheast and wee standing the same way the winde not altering could not the next day see him so that we them perswaded our selues that hee was gone for Port Desire to relieue himselfe or that hee had sustained some mischance at Sea and was gone thither to remedy it Whereupon our Captaine called the Generals men vnto him with the rest and asked their opinion what was to bee done Euery one sayde that they thought that the Generall was gone for Port Desire Then the Master being the Generals man and carefull of his masters seruice as also of good iudgement in Sea-matters tolde the company howe dangerous it was to goe for Port Desire if wee shoulde there misse the Generall for saide hee wee haue no boate to lande our selues nor any cables nor anckers that I dare trust in so quicke streames as are there yet in all likelyhood concluding that the Generall was gone thither wee stayed our course for Port Desire and by chance mette with the Blacke pinnesse which had likewise lost the Fleete being in very miserable case so wee both concluded to seeke the Generall at Port Desire The sixe and twentieth day of May we came to Port Desire where not finding our Generall as we hoped being most sâ—enderly victualled without sailes boate ores nailes cordage and all other necessaries for our reliefe wee were strooken into a deadly sorrow But referring all to the prouidence and fatherly protection of the Almightie wee entered the harbour and by Gods fauour sound a place of quiâ—t roade which before wee knewe not Hauing mored our shippe with the pinnesses boate wee landed vpon the South shore where wee found a standing poole of fresh water which by estimation might holde some tenne tunnes whereby wee were greatly comforted From this poole wee fet more then fortie tunnes of water and yet we left the poole as full as wee found it And because at our first being in this harbour wee were at this place and found no water we perswaded our selues that God had sent it for our reliefe Also there were such extraordinary low ebbes as we had neuer seene whereby wee got muskles in great plentie Likewise God sent about our shippes great abundance of smelts so that with hookes made of pinnes euery man caught as many as hee coulde eate by which meanes wee preserued our ships victuals and
Currants The I le de Flores The I le of Coruo Where they lost the sight of the North starre How the compasse doâ—th varie The Primrose The towne of Samma Golde Gold foure hundreth â—â—â—â—gâ—â— Graines Elephants teeth The head of an Elephant Sir Andrew Iudde The contemplations of Gods worâ—s The description and pâ—â—â—â—â—â—ies of the Elephant Debate betweene the Elephant the Dragon Sanguis Draconis Cinnabaris Three kinds of Elephants Workes of Iuorie The people of Africa Libya interior â—â—tulâ—â— AEthiope Nigrite The riuer Nigritis or Senega â— strange thing Garamantes People of Libya Prester Iohn Regnum Orguene Gambra Guinea Cabo Verde The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile Aethiopia The 7 Bank of Meroe The Queene of Saba Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia People of the Eastside of Africa People without heads Myrth Azania Regnum Melinde Aethiopia interior White Elephants Habasia Iâ—â—â—hiophagi Anthropophagi Monteâ— Lunae Gazatia Cap. bonç Spei Africa without colde The winter of Africa Flames of fire and noise in the aire The middle region of the aire 〈◊〉 cold The sâ—â—â—â—e of Elements Winde The heate of the Moone The nature of the starres Spoutes of water falling out of the aire Cataracts of heauen Uehement motions in the Sea A strange thing The power of nature They rase their skinnes Fiue iewels A bracelet Shackles Kings Dogs chaines of golde A muske cat Their houses Their feeding Flying fishes A strange thing Their bread Their wheat The Sunne Their drinke Graines â—â—els that â—leaue to ships Barnacles Bromas A secret The death of our men Fiue blacke Moues brought vnto England Colde may be better abiden then heate September October Nouember Porto Santo Madera Tenerif Palma Gomera Ferro Riuer del Oro. A Caruell taken Great store of fish vpon the coast of Barbary The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe Cape Blanke Cape Verde The coast of Guinea The Currant setting Eastward Riuer S. Vincent Cloth made of the barke of trees The Negroes race their skinnes Graines of Guinea Elephants teeth The description of their Townes and houses Diago the name of a Captaine The latitude of S. Vincent riuer is 4. degrees and a halfe Leaues of exceeding length Long pease stalkes Long womens breasts The language about the Riuer of S. Vincent The tides and nature of the shoare The point of Palmas * That was the yere 1554. The tides running Eastward A Towne Many Palme trees Cape Tres puntas Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea Two townes Cape Tres puntas The towne of Don Iohn Their weapons 60. Portugales in the castle of Mina The English in anno 1554 tooke away 5 Negroes This language seemeth partly to be corrupt Sight of the castle of Mina Don Iohns towne described The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men The towne of Don Iohn de Viso Foure men taken away by the English A great towne The like they doe in the countrey of Prete lanni Master Roberâ— Gainshes voyage to Guâ—â—ea uâ— anno 1554. The English were offered to buâ—â—d a towne in Gâ—â—ne A Portugale Brigandine Februarie They returne for England Cape de Monte. March Cape Verde in latitude 14 degrâ—es a halfe Aprill May. Their arriual â—t Bristoll Nouember December Sierra Leona The riuer of Sestos They admit certaine Frenchmen into their companie An assault vpon elephants Rio de S. Andre Captaine Blundel the French Admirall Allow Dondoâ— a great towne The castle of Mina Cape de Tres puntas Bulle Hanâ—a Shamma The Negros brought â—ome by our men * Note Robert Gaynsh Hanta Fiue sailes of Portiugals descried The fight with the Portugals The French foâ—sake our men Februarie George our Negro Two Portugalâ— slaine by the Engliâ—h The Frenchmen bridled by the English Iâ—ing Abaan The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort. A towne in circuit as big as London A pretie deuise to descrit the enemie The kings friendly entertainment of oâ—r men Their ceremonies in drinking Mowâ—e Lagoua They returneâ— Ships of Portugall Cape Mensâ—rado Two small Ilands by Sierra Leona Note A Freâ—ch bâ—as uado It is to be vnderstood that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpoâ— the losse of Tales Two English Marcâ—ants Ligiers in the Grand Canary The Spanish West Indian fleet oâ— nineteene saile Rio del Oro. Francis Castelin Cape verde Foure Ilands A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape â—erde A faire Iland where the French trade Elephants teeth muske and hides Cabo de Monte. The riuer de Sestos Rio de Potos They descrie fiâ—e saile of the Portugals The fight Lagua Periâ—nen Weamba Peâ—ecow Egâ—â—nd The English boord the Frenchmen Fifty pound of golde taken in the French prise Benin Our men die of sicknesse Sicknesse Mowre The great towne of Don Iohn Cormatin A fight with the Negros Note They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pinnesse Shamma burnt by the English Their returne homeward The currant S. Thome Iland The description of the â—le of S. Thome The Iland of Salt The great inconuâ—nience by late sâ—aying vpon the coast of Guinie The Tyger giuen vp Extreame weaknesse of our men The English marchants intend to fortifie in Ghinea in the king of Habaans countrey The king of Haban Capo verde Rio de Sestos The Minion Rio de Potis Rio de S. Andre Cauo das palmas Cauo de tres puntas Anta Equi Two galies Mowre Cormantin Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder They returne Rio de Barbos The blacke pinnasse Rio de Sesto The Minion of the Queene The firing and sâ—nking of the Merline bound for Guinea They meet their Admirall againe A good caueat Cape Verde The foolish rashnes of Wil. Bats perswading the company to land vnarmed Ciuet muske gold grains the commoditieâ— of Cape Verde The Negros trecherie A French interpreter for Cape Verde The danger of poisonâ—d arrowes The answere of the Negros Bona vista A good admonition Banished Portugals Great store of goates The I le of Maiyo S. Iago The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men The Isle of Fuego Mill. Cotton in Fuego The Isle of Braua They returne March Aprill Woad May. A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship Iune A Portugall ship notwithstanding all their vilanies defended by one men from Rouers M. Hogan his arriual at Azafi in Barbarie May. â—n Barbary theâ— haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water The singular humaniâ—ie of the king to our Ambassadour The Spaniards and Poâ—â—â—gales were coÌ„mandeâ— by the king in paine of death to â—eete thâ— Enâ—lish Ambasâ—adour The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene heâ— Ambassour The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians A rich gift bestowed vpon our Ambassadour Iune The
reserued for the English nation to possâ—sse The Spanyards prosperous in the Southerne discoueries yet vnhappy in thâ—se Northerne The French are but viuepers vpon our right The FreÌ„ch also infortunate in those North parts of America A good incouragement for the English nation to proceed in the conquests of the North of America The due time approcheth by all likelihood of calling these heathens vnto Christianity The word of God moueth circularly The planting of Gods word must be handled with reuerence Ill actions coloured by pretence of planting vpon remote lands The fiâ—st and great preparation of sir HuÌ„frey Gilbert A constant resolution of sir Humfey Gilbert A second preparation of sir Humfrey Gilbert Consultation about our course Comodities in discouering from South Northward Cause why we began our discouery froÌ„ the North. Incommodities in begining North. Beginning of the voyage Our fleet consisted of fiue sailes in which we had about 260 men Prouisions fit for such discoueries Iune 11. Iune 13. Obserue Iune 15. Iuly 20. Great fogges vpon the Ocean sea Northward Iuly 27. The banke in length vnknowen stretcheth from North into South in bredth 10. leagues in depth of water vpon it 30 fadome A great fishing vpon y e banke Abundance of foules Iuly 30. First sight of land Iland and a foule named Penguin An Iland called Baccalaos of the fish taken there Misdemeanor of them in the Swallow English ships are the strongest and Admirals of other fleetes fishing vpon the South parts of New-found land Good order taken by English marchaÌ„ts for our supply in Newfound land Good entertainment in Newfound land No Sauages in the South part of New-found land August 4. August 5. Possession taken Three Lawes Actuall possession maintained in New-found land Men appointed to makâ— search New found land is al Islands or brokeÌ„ lands Goodly roads and harbours New found land is habitable Cold by accidental meanes Commodities Fish of sea and fresh water Newfound land both minister commoditieâ— abundantly for art industrie Siluer Ore brought vnto the Generall Reasons why no further search was made for the silver mine Misdemeanor in our companie God brought togither these men into the ship ordained to perish who before had coÌ„mitted such outrage Why sir Huâ—â— Gilbert went in the Frigate Liberalitie of the Portugals August 20 S. Iohns in 47 deg 40 min. Cape Race in 46 degrees 25 minutes Fish large and plentifull Cattel in the Isle of Sablon Good soile August 27. Predictions before the wracke Losse of our Admirall Stephanus Parmenius a learned Hungarian Daniel a refiner of mettals A wonderfull scape and deliuerance A great distresse A desperate resolution Two men famished Causes inforcing vs to returne home againe August 31. A monster of the sea September 2. Our last conference with our Generall Circumstances to be well obserued in our Generall importing the Ore to be of a siluer Mine Wilfulnes in the Generall A token of a good mind A resolute and Christianlike saying in a distresse Sir Humfrey Gilbâ—rt drowned Arriuall in England of the Golden Hindâ— A fit motion of the Captain vnto sir Humâ—â—ey Gilbert An ill recompense Constancie in sir Humfrey Gilbert His temeritie and presumption Afflictions needfull in the children of God Dominus Ralegh Insula Penguâ—â— In the south side of Newe found land there is store of plaine and champion Countrey as Richard Clarke found The great heate of the sunne in summer 20. Leaguesâ— from the Isle of Sablon 15. Leagues froâ— the Isle of Sablon Herein Clarke 〈◊〉 chargethâ—â— Hâ—mâ—â—ey Gilbert The ship cast away on Châ—â—â—a◠〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 â—5â—3 Sâ—xteene gate into the ship-boate Master Hâ—dlyes vngodly propâ—sâ—â—oâ— They came on land the 7. day after theiâ— shipwracke The fruitfulnesse of the south part of Newfoundland Foureteene oâ— our men brought out of Newfound land in a ship of Sâ— Iohn de Luz Master Edward Hays Sir Humfrey Gilbert did arriue at Saint Iohns Hauen in Neâ—found land the 3. of August Anno 1583. Among these there was found the tract of a beast oâ— 7. ynches and a halfe ouer Sir Humfrey tooke possâ—ssion of the New-found land in right of the Crowne of England Three lawes estaâ—lished theâ—e by Sir â—â—â—frey Sundry pâ—rsons â—ecame Tenants to Sir Humfrey and doe mainteine possâ—ssion 〈◊〉 in diuers places â—hâ—re 〈◊〉 ‖ Englishmen Master Iohn Hawkins Sir Francis Drake M. William Winter M. Iohn Chester M. Martin Frobisher Anthony Parkhurst William â—aties Iohn Louel Dauid Iâ—gram Strangers French Iohn Kidault Iaques Carrieâ— Andrew Theueâ— Moâ—litus Goutgues Monsieur Laudonniete Italians Christopher Columbus Iohn Verâ—zarus God doeth not alwayes begin his greatest workes by the greatest persons His custome was to bowe himselfe very lowe in making of courtesie Hernando Cortes Francisco Pizarâ—o A reasonable â—equesâ— The argument of the booke The principall causes why this voyage is vndertaken The seconde kinde of planting Iosua 4. Iosua 6. Iosua 8. Iosua 9. Iudg. 11.13 Iudg. 1. A good now for al Conquerers to be mercifull Iudg. 6.7 Ruffinus lib. cap. 9. Meâ—opius slaâ—nâ— Edesius and Frumenâ—ius preserued by the Indians Frumentius in great fauour with y t Queene of the IndiaÌ„s An other great worke of God begunne by a man of meâ—nâ— birth Ruffinuâ— the Author of this storie â—usebâ—â—â— his ecclesiasticall Historie testifieth how that Conâ—tantine the great did enlarge his doâ—inions bâ— subduing of Infidels and Idolatrous nations Eusebius lib. 1. de vita Constant. cap. 4. eâ— cap. 9. Euseb. eâ—d lib. â—ap â—9 â—â—eoâ—oâ—â—â— in eccle lib. 5. cap. â—â— Theodoretus cap. 26. eodem 〈◊〉 1170. Owen Gwyneth was then Prince of Northwales Nullum â—emâ—us 〈◊〉 Regi This Islanâ— was discouered by Sir Humfrey and his company in this hâ—â— iourney Mutezuma hiâ— Oration to his subiects in presence of Hernando Cortes which Oration was made about the yeere 152â— M. Oliuer Dalbony M. Edward Reow. M.R.H. M.I.A. Cox the mâ—â—ster Clothiâ—â—s Woolmâ—n Carders Spâ—â—ters Weauersâ— Fiâ—lersâ— Sheermeâ— Diers Dâ—apeâ—â— Cappers Yaâ—â—rs c. and many decayed townes reported The idle persons of this realme shall by occasion of this iourney hee well imployed a set on worke â—empe doeth grow neere S. Laurence riuer naturally Head the beginning of the booke intituled Diuers voyages touching the discouery of America Beasts for pleasure Given 〈◊〉 for forty shillings a piece Great grapes Wine of the Palme tree Commodities found in August last 1. 〈…〉 This â—â—argeâ— cannot be vniust where both parties are gainers â— Decad lib. â— fol. 77. of the West Indies in English Canoa is a kind of boat â— Decad lib. â— fol 97. About the yere of our Lord 1511. Conquest at the West Indies fol. 43. and 45. English A marueilouâ— victorie Ceffala accounted to be the place where the noble and wise king Salomon did fetch his gold These are the furthest parts of the world from England At these Ilands hath siâ— Francis Drake bene where the same of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was renowmed Moscouie Dutchmen Denmarke Easterlings Turkie Leuani Barbarie