up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab But we rested little because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again Our journey from Surà t to Cambaia was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina or Lake which we found by the way of a long and narrow form of which kind there are many in these parts Having travell'd sixteen Cos which was from Surà t in all two and twenty before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci or Behrug as they call it in Persian under the walls whereof on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda which we ferri'd over The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness built high upon a rising hill For the circuit 't is populous enough as generally are all the parts of India 'T is considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth or Callico made more plentifully there then in other places and dispers'd not onely through Asia but also into our Europe so that the English and Dutch which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here freight five or six great ships therewith every year and for the better imbarking it make it up in very great balls each as big as Roman Coach and every piece of Cloth little bigger then one of our Towels being carri'd to Aleppo will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre and in Italy at least for six Crowns Whence you may infer what wealth comes out of this small City alone which for compass and buildings is not greater then Siena in Tuscany although 't is above three times as populous and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise A few Cos from the City is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates white and green but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia although it be further from the Mine because there is a Sea-port and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes either round or oval to make Coronets or Neck-laces and also little Cups and divers other curious vessels for ornament The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides but is about as many miles distant as 't is from Surà t When we pass'd over the River our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci and they at the Summons came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache or small Indian ship which they were building and was not yet finish'd in which they treated us till night drinking of Tari which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India whitish and a little troubled of taste somewhat sowrish and sweet too not unpleasing to the palate almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine yet it inebriates as Wine doth if drunk immoderately The next day which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon Six Cos off we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governour of Cambaia remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom who had plac'd another there at his devotion and this being driven from thence return'd to Surà t where his house and usual habitation was His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant in a cover'd and very convenient litter Three other Elephants follow'd unladen saving with the men upon their necks who guided them then abundance of Coaches partly cover'd and full of women partly uncover'd with men in them then a great number of Souldiers Horse and Foot and in brief a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be After this we foarded a small River which I believe was of salt water which they say is call'd Dilavel and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser On Thursday two hours before day we arose to go along with a great Cafila or Caravan which was there united nevertheless we departed not so soon but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day because the City was lock'd up and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll as likewise was paid in many other places the same day though of small value The Cafila was so great and the Coaches so many that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps Having travell'd about five Cos an hour after Sun-rise we came to an arm of the Sea or to speak better to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea In which place the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent and with a more rapid current then perhaps in any other part of the world at least any whereof I have knowledge But before I proceed further 't is needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers even Moderns which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia which is a grievous error and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad and 't is no narrow one for Indus which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths sufficiently distant runs not on the East of Guzarat as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia but rather on the West and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia that all Guzarat and perhaps some other Countries lye between Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph is not Indus but this Mehi which I speak of a River of handsome but ordinary greatness and hath not the least correspondence with Indus Now being come to the side of it we were fain to foard over this Water and not without danger For there is a plain of about five Cos which is all over-flow'd at high Tide and when the water is lowest in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage he would infallibly be drown'd And besides even in those places which are always foardable when the Water is a little higher or the current more furious then ordinary for 't is not always equal but more or less according to the times of the Moon it often
us for besides the former whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora Lahhsa and divers other adjacent places and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now June the thirteenth After a long contest with our chief Camelier about hiring certain Arabian Guides which he pretended necessary to get money of us and I refus'd as superfluous since we knew the way without them and they could do us no good against the Thieves At length the business resting half undecided being I said if he would not go without those Guides I would return back to Bassora which he was loth to hear of because of restoring my money without speaking a word more about it he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat June the fourteenth Three hours before noon having travell'd till then we rested a while near certain Pits and setting forwards again in the Evening travell'd till mid-night and then we rested The next day rising early we travell'd till about noon till coming to a little bitter water we stay'd there to repose Here the great wind which blows continually in the Desart allaying the great heat of the Season having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions now broke them all in pieces so that we could no more make use of them Which indeed was a great inconvenience but for the future we had no other remedy but when we rested to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths fastned upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carry'd though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons Yet in the night when there was no need of shadow we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven After noon we proceeded further till an hour before night and then took up our lodging near another water June the sixteenth Having travell'd from break of day till noon and then rested two hours we proceeded again till night lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little The next Morning early we pass'd by a great dry Lake which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets very troublesome both to Men and beasts At the usual hour we set forwards again and journey'd till night June the eighteenth Rising before day-break we pass'd by at a distance leaving it on the right hand a place inhabited by Arabians which they call Argia govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo a Fugitive from his own Country and by Alliance with the Arabians become great amongst them The Capigi Ibrahim Aga had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar but being we could not go to Argia by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us we repos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were Having pass'd Argia a good way the Capigi got one to swim over the waters and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him and would have deliver'd himself had the way been passable he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desart In expectation of an Answer we stay'd in this place all day where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels shining within like Mother-of-Pearl some whole and some broken I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year I have a piece of it by me to shew Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's that is Vagrants or Vagabonds so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles sometimes in the Desarts and sometimes in Cities and are different from the Bedavi or Beduvi that is Deserticolae who are the noblest amongst them never residing in walled places but wandring about the Fields with black Tents as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts for more security we remov'd a mile further and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building which we discover'd afar off and I walkt on foot to behold near hand In the revolutions of Baghdad the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia was visited by the Persians the Sciah sending a Tag to him as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be or declare themselves of his Party and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him but did not do it perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose wherefore to keep him still faithful as I believe since it was not possible to punish him the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present June the nineteenth Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said ancient building What it had been I could not understand but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick not with lime but with bitumen or pitch which as I said is generated in these Desarts whence the Hill upon which these ruins are is call'd by the Arabians Muqeijer that is Pitchy In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing June the twenty first We set forth by day-light and journied till Noon and after two hours rest continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish with abundance of little canes sometimes whitish with salt and sometimes cover'd with thickets of Shrubs June the twenty second We travell'd again till Noon and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all cover'd with small dry grass a little sparkle falling from some of the Cameliers who according to their custom stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco set this grass on fire and the flame increas'd so suddenly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning but at length we extinguish't it by casting cloths and thick coverings upon it for water the place afforded none and we had only enough for drink Departing thence two or three hours before night we quarter'd in another place call'd Ehathuer where two or three
same day a Petache arriv'd from Ormuz bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat namely six Europaean Men of War and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people so that with those formerly arriv'd there were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War and the Portugal Armada not yet arriv'd This Petache they say Ruy Freira sent to Mascat to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies being alone He stay'd still there with his Vessels of Oars yet with no hope of hindring Ormuz from being reliev'd both with Men Ammunition and Victual at their pleasure January the nineteenth I went to see a Village of the Arabians a little distant from Mascat and call'd Kelbuh it lyes without the Mountains that incompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar the way that leads to it is a narrow passage and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart and some few pieces of Artillery The Town is small consisting onely of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs and so low that one cannot stand upright in them but onely sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors yet for its bigness it hath people enough because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place LETTER X. From Bassora May 20. 1625. OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora and being to touch by the way about Ormuz in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira pertaining to the service of the Armada after all the rest that were to go were imbarqu'd amongst which were Don Francesco Contigno Covacio who intended for Ormuz two bare-footed Carmelites who were for Bassora and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands who was passing into Europe I went aboard with my people at night January the six and twentieth Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day and with no favourable wind we sail'd about six Leagues casting Anchor at night not far from the shore January the eight and twentieth Having sail'd a while a contrary wind forc'd us to Anchor again and indeed in this Persian Gulph the wind is so inconstant and with-all so strong that if it happen to be contrary there is little good to be done by contesting against it in this narrow Sea but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor or be driven backwards We anchor'd so near land and in so little water under a place call'd Sibo about seven Leagues from Mascat that the contrary wind increasing and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship we were in great danger of being split upon the shore to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too the Coast being very craggy and the Sea extremely rough We were so near being lost that the Ship almost toucht the ground but a small sail hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern and is call'd by the Portugal's Sabaco sav'd us which sail alone we could make use of to keep off the shore though it being small and the Vessel heavy it suffic'd not to move it much The Arabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split for in these troublesom times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat But at length as it pleas'd God by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio who in many things supply'd the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea and being deliver'd from imminent danger had time to hoise the Trinket to the wind as before we could not because it was on the other side of the Mast which they call Under-the-wind and could not be brought about without more time then our sudden and present danger permitted After which because the wind so requir'd and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians we determin'd to return to Mascat and having pass'd the Island della Vittoria so call'd from a notable Victory obtain'd by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat about-evening we re-entred the port of Mascat where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that rode there at anchor we became in a new danger of suffering shipwrack or at least some considerable dammage Many went ashore to sleep there all night but being our departure was to be speedily I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment January the thirtieth The Ship having taken water and all our company imbarqu'd at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat and about Ave-Mary-time repass'd the Island della Vittoria which lies only two leagues from Mascat sailing between it and the Continent as we had done before January the one and thirtieth As we were sailing with a small wind we descry'd a Sail a far off which seeing us discharg'd a Gun as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us whence we understood it to be one of Freira's Fleet for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus and other Merchant-Ships are oblig'd to stay and obey if not the War-ship may sink them Accordingly we stay'd and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us Wherein I observ'd the little Military Discipline and good order practis'd by the Portugals in India for there was all the reason in the world that if we stay'd the coming up of this Ship according to the custom yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover as there are many in these Seas who being Portugals by Nation and banish'd for some misdemeanors betake themselves to carry Pepper Arms and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors Wherefore to secure our selves from all deceit and dammage which such a Ship feigning to be of Freira's Armada might have done us we should have stay'd indeed but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands Falcons Corchabuses and Muskets loaden and in short in a posture of defence and fighting as occasion requir'd On the contrary this good Discipline was observ'd neither on our part nor by the Vessel which came to see who we were which imprudent confidence though it succeeded well in this case yet was undeniably a great and perillous error and had the event been ill it could not have been excus'd otherwise then by saying Non putaram a word according to Cicero very little besitting Prudent Men. This Vessel of the Armada demanded of us water and Mariners Now amongst the Portugals t is a custom for these War-ships to take from Merchants which they meet what they please either
colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground and the Sceich was not there Yet he came presently after and we all rising up at his coming he went and sat down in the midst of the circle and so also did we in our places round about him Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him he perform'd his Orisons according to their manner after which sitting down again he began to read and subscribe certain Letters giving dispatch to several businesses and amongst others to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga who was there and waited for Licence to return These things being over I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter He ask'd whether I was the Frank or Christian of the Cafila Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was and declar'd to him the cause of my coming whereunto I added in Arabick what I thought fit He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand and caus'd it to be brought before him and being inform'd that I understood the Beâ—â—in-Language he told me that I must excuse what his Officers had done for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him but he would pay for them whereto I answer'd that I did not value his payment but would give him both the one and the other Then he call'd for the Turbant and having view'd and highly commended it though I told him it had been us'd as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils where-with to make Meal for Bread it being the custom amongst the Arabians for even the noblest Women to do such services By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery saying to him Mubarek that is Blessed to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes and we being all call'd about him he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes which were very sweet and good and the first that I had eaten this year This ended we retir'd to our places and after a short stay I took leave and departed with Mahhmâ—d Aga to the Cafila one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them July the first The Camelier return'd with an Answer that the Sceich would not take the Sword and the Changier or Ponyard from me and for the Turbant and piece of Silk he sent me 29 Piastres whereof the Camelier said he had expended five to wit two to the Officer that pay'd him and three to I know not who else so that he brought me but 24 which were not a third part of what the things were worth However I took them because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie I have related this Adventure that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known July the second We departed from this Station early in the Morning continuing our journey but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel We arriv'd late to bait near a water where we found many Arabian Tents from which and a neighbouring Village we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk and also of Grapes Here we stay'd all day and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam and Eugenia my Indian Maid at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight I had much adoe to recover her again and was in great danger of losing her in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian who undoubtedly would have hid her and perhaps carry'd her afar off and made her a slave for ever I mention this to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigor which may redound to the prejudice of themselves as well as of them July the third Setting sorth early we baited before noon near a Lake of Water streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres some of which we took and eat F. Gregorio Orsino who was with me bathing himself here as he was wont often to do for the heat and being unskilful of swimming was in great danger of being drowned hapning unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake then he imagin'd We travell'd no further this day but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water to avoid the Gnats there which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts The two next dayes we travell'd but little because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier who went back to the Sceich about it July the sixth We travell'd this day over Lands full of a white and shining Mineral which was either Talk or Salt-petre or some such thing I brought a good quantity of it away with me July the seventh We travell'd from day-break till noon passing over a clayie and slippery ground where the Camels went with much difficulty We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile and of the shape of a heart the fruit was round and red like small coral-beads of taste sweet mixt with a little sharpness having little stones in them it was very pleasant to the taste and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended July the eighth We came to several places of stagnant waters and baited at one two or three hours before noon but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted as most of the rest were also in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds We departed not from this place at night because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc whose Territory here-abouts begins Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta and this Prince whose proper name is Mudleg succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg who was very young at the time of his Father's decease At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians who finding us prepar'd with our Arms betook themselves to their heels and escap'd unhurt from us though we pursu'd them a while July the ninth The Morning was spent in paying Gabels I pay'd for my part for a load and half
running-water and stands in a shady retir'd place very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in On the right side of the said Gate in one of the Towers of the wall was a large and fair room as high as the wall with few windows besides low and half-fill'd loop-holes for defence so that it was very cool and would not be inconvenient in hot hours were it in good repair but 't is now all ruinous without a pavement being made only a Stall for Cattle The walls of the City were still standing all of Stone magnificent and built with Turrets after the ancient mode At the Gate where we enter'd began a Street not very broad but of great length extended within the City and pav'd all with white Marble Antioch is now inhabited by few people who live in little cottages patcht out of the ruins amongst Gardens of which the City is all full for of the ancient houses and structures saving the walls of the City there is none standing Near the place where we lodg'd The Turks shew'd us I know not what which they call'd Paulos de' Christiani which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul but every thing was so destroy'd that I neither saw nor understood it well There being nothing else remarkable to be seen we went away three hours before night by the same Gate we had enter'd at perhaps because the way was better without then within going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entring afterwards at a breach of the Wall we walkt a good way within the City which I found full of Gardens and Orchards with few dwellings saving at the end At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City though not full West where we pass'd over a fair Stone-bridg which lies upon the River Orontes taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern banck for they that go directly thither from Aleppo never see this River but leave it much South We travell'd along its banks till night contrary to its stream and took up our lodging by the River-side almost directly against the Eastern Gate at which we enter'd and which we beheld afar off on the other bank Antioch is almost square about a mile long and hath many Gates on the South it is terminated with Mountains which they said were seven like the seven Hills of Rome but I could distinguish no more then five that is not five Mountains for the Mountain appears but one continu'd ridg but five tops of it These Mountains are very steep and therefore I think could not be built upon but only that part of them was included within the wall for strength and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without in case of War That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains is of small circumference so that the City appear'd to me much less then I imagin'd it Within as I said there is not any Fabrick standing but infinite ruins and the earth is everywhere strow'd with great and goodly stones Only the Walls are almost all sound and intire with little decay After midnight the Moon arising we also got up and leaving this Station proceeded on our way A Platform of ANTIOCH 1. The Eastern Gate at which we enter'd 2. The Cistern 3. The Street pav'd with Stone and extending within the City 4. A few Habitations in the end of the City 5. A Bridg over Orontes without the City and contiguous to the Gate 6. The River Orontes 7. A Turret with a room within it August the twenty sixth Continuing our Journey at day-break we came to an end of the Plains and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea and if I am not mistaken they are part of the Mountain Amano which because at a distance it appears black is called by the Turks Cara Aman that is Black Aman whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain and was according to some the ancient Cilicia Caramania We refresht our weary Camels with two hours rest in a place amongst the Mountains where though there were no Houses yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arriv'd to the highest part of the Mountain and re-enter'd the common road from Aleppo we discover'd the Mediterranean Sea afar off which to me was a welcome sight in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secur'd with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together and at length came to the Town of Beilan from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan A little beyond this Town we repos'd in a by-place near a running-running-water and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees for the Town it self and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land August the twenty seventh An hour before day we began to descend amongst the streights of these Mountains where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships and was going to Aleppo After two or three hours travel we came to Alexandretta call'd by us Europaeans Scanderoon but more correctly in Turkish Eskander that is Alexandro Graeco because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great It was sometimes a noble City but by reason of the bad air for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain and inclos'd with Hills which keep off the wind it was never much inhabited and the year before my being there it was al-wholly destroy'd by the Pirats of Barbary who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself though their Lord so that I found onely four small Houses scarce re-edifi'd this year wherein the Lieutenant of the place for the right Governour remains at Aleppo the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria and a very few other people resided Sig Antonio Grandi the Venetian Vice-Consul having notice of my coming by a Messenger whom I sent to him from Beilan receiv'd and lodg'd us in his own House with much Courtesie upon the recommendation of his Consul from whom I presented him a Letter And when I had acquainted him with my desire to depart as soon as possible and shewn him the Governor's Pass for my self goods and people which I brought with me from Aleppo together with other commendatory Letters to his Lieutenant and other Ministers the said Sig Antonio went presently to present the same and by the authority he had here obtain'd much more easily then I expected that I might imbarque when I pleas'd yet upon promise according to the custom of Turkie of a small Present
Imprimatur White-hall June 4. 1664. WILL. MORICE THE TRAVELS OF Sig. Pietro della Valle A Noble ROMAN INTO EAST-INDIA AND Arabia Deserta In which the several Countries together with the Customs Manners Traffique and Rites both Religious and Civil of those Oriental Princes and Nations are faithfully Described In Familiar Letters to his Friend Signior MARIO SCHIPANO Whereunto is Added A Relation of Sir ROE's Voyage into the EAST-INDIES LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Henry Herringman and are to be sold at his Shop at the Blew-Anchor in the Lower-walk of the New-Exchange 1665. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE ROGER Earl of ORRERY c. My Lord IT is not more commonly then truly observ'd That the Preeminence of Excellent Things is universally attended with a proportionable Result of Benefit to those of Inferior Degree And the same may with equal verity be affirm'd of the Glory of Great Personages Your Names serve not onely to distinguish you or by the Addition of Titles to give you higher rank in the State but like the Sun communicating Light and Life together they animate and beautifie what-ever is irradiated by them Which general Consideration though it could not give me any particular Right yet it may in some sort warrant the sutableness of dedicating this Transcript to your Lordship's Name A Name which besides having been able to revive and support a long-deprâ—ssed Interest in a Considerable Kingdom is so highly celebrated upon the account of other Performances as scarce to find a Parallel among those of your own or any other Orb. Nor is it a little ground of Confidence to me that what I present is neither wholly my own in any sort nor any of it otherwise then as an Interpreter nor lastly one of those refined Pieces of Invention which while your Protection is implored do with-all solicite your Judgment But of that kind of Writings which containing Descriptions of Countries and their Customs can onely please by the Variety of the Relations and the Veracity of the Relator He whom I have interpreted was a Noble Roman Persons of which Quality as they have greater Curiosity so they have far more Advantages in reference to making of Observations in Forreign Countries than they whose chief business is Traffick and was carried onely by his own curious Genius into those Oriental parts of the World whereof he here gives an Account which is so full of delightful Variety and considerable Remarks that as after his Return his Person was dignifiâ—d with an Honourable Office in the Court of his own Prince so since his Death his Travels have no less happily travell'd and been naturaliz'd in some other Languages The other Piece hath been judg'd fit to be adjoyned as one of the Exactest Relations of the Eastern parts of the World that hitherto hath been publish'd by any Writer either Domestick or Forreign having been penn'd by one that attended Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Great Mogol Than whom 't is acknowledg'd by one of that Country that trades most into those parts none ever gave a more faithful Account thereof It remaines onely that as by this action I have though with all the Modesty that becomes me assum'd an Interest in a Great Name so I also testifie the Honour and Veneration I bear to Great Worth and Rare Accomplishments which I shall do summarily and yet in the utmost importance of the words by professing my self My Lord Your Lordships in all Humble Respect and Observance G. Havers P. Scipionis Sgambati è Societate Jesu PETRO à VALLE PATRICIO Romano Ob cineres Conjugis ex ASIA revectos AENeadum soboles Albani sanguinis haeres Aeneae proavi quà m bene facta refers Ille senem ex Asia fertur vexisse parentem Ex Asia conjux est tibi ducta comes Par utrique fides esset nisi quòd tua major Est pietas Italûm gloria VALLIADE Ille senem extinctum Siculâ tellure reliquit Tu Romam extinctae conjugis ossa vehis THE TRAVELS OF Peter Della Valle Sirnamed The Traveller Containing a DESCRIPTION of the EAST-INDIES c. LETTER I. From Surà t March 22. Anno 1623. IN the beginning of this year at my departure from Persia I writ last to you from aboard the Ship call'd the Whale in which I was newly embarqu'd upon the coasts of that Country and had not yet begun my Voyage Since which time having sail'd over a good part of the Ocean arriv'd at the famous Countries of India travell'd and view'd no inconsiderable portion thereof by conveniency of the same Ship which brought me hither and is ready to set sail speedily towards Muchà in the Arabian Gulph and the rather for that a German Gentleman a friend of mine is embarqu'd in her with an intention to travel from thence in case he can get passage to see Aethiopia with this Letter which I recommend to him to get transmitted into Italy if possible from those Ports of the Red Sea or by the way of Cairo where they trade or by some other conveyance I come again to give you an Account of my Adventures and the Curiosities which have hitherto afforded delicious repast to my alwayes hungry Intellect To begin therefore Upon Thursday the 19 of January having dispatch'd and taken order for what was needful a little before day after the discharge of some Guns as 't is the custome at going off from any Coast we began leisurely to display our sails moving but slowly because we waited for the ship-boat which was still at shore upon whose return we unfolded all our Canvase and though with a small gale directed our course between the Islands of Ormuz and Kesom passing on the outer side of Ormuz next Arabia in regard the shallowness of the Channel towards Persia afforded not water enough for such great Ships as ours We were in company only two English Ships namely the Whale which was the Captain-ship in which I was embarqu'd commanded by Captain Nicholas Woodcock and another call'd the Dolphin which had for Captain Master Matthew Willis At noon being near Lareck and no wind stirring we cast Anchor without falling our sails and our Captain sent his long boat a shore to Lareck with two Grey-hounds which the English of Combrù had given him to catch what game they could light upon Towards night we set sail again but though the wind somewhat increas'd yet because the boat was not return'd we struck sail a little and staid for it discharging also several musket-shots to the end those that were in it might hear and see where we were And because 't was one a clock in the night and the Boat was not yet come we doubted some disaster might have befaln it in regard of the multitude of those Arabian Thieves call'd Nouteks which rob upon that Sea and frequently reside in this Island of Lareck Yet at length it return'd safe and sound and brought us abundance of Goats whereupon we again spread our sails freely to the wind
which was pretty stiff although not much favourable to our course However we went onwards plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia and on Saturday morning as we drew near the Arabian shore we saw three small Islands situate near one another and not far from a certain Cape the name of which and the Islands they could not tell me so as that I might set it down truly whereby I perceiv'd how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts for in the Countries themselves where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people few of them know how to pronounce the same aright On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate our selves in the Dolphin our companion where the Captain entertain'd us liberally all day In the mean time we had a good fresh gale and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia and in the latter discern'd a famous white Rock which standing in the midst of a low sandy shore looks like a little hill made by hand We pass'd the Cape which they call in Persian Com barick that is small sand and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck On Monday the Sea being calm the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship discoursing of sundry matters and he took occasion to shew me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country whither he then sail'd which they call Greenland lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees He related how he found this horn in the earth being probably the horn of some Animal dead there and that when it was intire it was between five and six feet long and seven inches in circumference at the root where it was thickest The piece which I saw for the horn was broken and sold by pieces in several places was something more then half a span long and little less then five inches thick the colour of it was white inclining to yellow like that of Ivory when it is old it was hollow and smooth within but wreath'd on the outside The Captain saw not the Animal nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea for according to the place where he found it it might be as well one as the other but he believ'd for certain that it was of a Unicorn both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this as he conceiv'd But herein I dissent from him inasmuch as if I remember aright the horn of the Unicorn whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros is by Pliny describ'd black and not white The Captain added that it was a report that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America not far from that Country of Greenland and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland a neighbouring Country and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America in case it be no Island This Country of Greenland is of late discovery and the first Christian that discover'd it or went thither was this Captain Woodcock in the year above-mention'd and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account because whereas the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things he found this green and full of Grass although it be always cover'd over with Snow so that when the Animals there mind to feed they hollow the snow with their feet and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same The English now yearly sail thither where they take abundance of Whales and some so vast that when they open the mouth the wideness is above three Geometrical paces or fifteen foot over Of these Whales the English make Oyle drawing it onely out of the fat of their paunch and they make such plenty that out of one single Whale they say they often get 19 20 and 21 Tun of Oyl This Greenland by what Captain Woodcock saw who discover'd it from the end of seventy six degrees to seventy eight and a half the cold not suffering him to go further was un-inhabited he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries and besides their salary must make no other profit of their Voyages but what ever they gain or find in case it be known and they conceal it not all accrues to the Company that employes them When the Horn was intire it was sent to Constantinople to be sold where two thousand pounds Sterling was offer'd for it But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople but sent it into Muscovy where much about the same price was bidden for it which being refus'd it was carry'd back into Turkey and fell of its value a much less sum being now proffer'd then before Hereupon the Company conceiv'd that it would sell more easily in pieces then intire because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate Accordingly they broke it and it was sold by pieces in sundry places yet for all this the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds Sterling And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it and this was it which he shew'd me On the 25. of January sailing in the main Sea with the prow of the Ship South East and by East and as I conceive at a good distance from the Country of Macran which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania or else of Gedrosia and at this day having a Prince of its own lyes upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol we discern'd behind us three or four Ships which seem'd to be Frigots or Galliots but towards Evening we lost sight of them The same day and the other before began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things which I took to be Snakes or at least fishes in the form of Snakes being exactly of the form of large Eeles long and round and according to the motion of the water seem'd crooked as they floated along the Sea Nevertheless demanding of intelligent persons what they were I understood that they were neither those Animals nor yet living things but onely a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape void of all motion saving what the agitated water gave it although by reason of the motion of the ship they seem'd to move contrary to us whilst
rains which render it not onely habitable but also fertile and most delitious Now for that the Country is in some parts so scarce of water many Cities and inhabited places have no other but the rain-rain-water gather'd in these great Cisterns which are so capacious that one of them suffices a City for a whole year and more And it not onely affords drink to men and animals but also they wash clothes and beasts in it when occasion requires and make use of it to all purposes whereby it comes to pass that in some places the water they have is not over clear and the rude Indians care not for such delicacies but 't is enough for them if they have what is barely needful The Cistern or Lake of Surà t hath a great Trench adjoyn'd to it on one side long large and deep over which certain small bridges are built and it falls into another less Cistern a good way off which though but small here comparatively would yet be a very large one in our parts 't is built with many sides of stone like the former as also the banks of the Trench are Between the great Lake and the less upon the Trench stands a small Cupola or arched Structure made for the sepulture of some principal Mahometans of the Country and as they say of two brethren who kill'd one the other and of their Wives 'T is no long time since this Cistern was made according to the common report by a private man of this City but sufficiently wealthy whose Daughter they say or rather one descended from him is still living and I know not by what sinister hap of fortune very poor so that she hath scarce bread to eat Wherein I observ'd a great ingratitude of the Citizens of Surà t in suffering his heir to want food who for their publick benefit had been at so great expence This Poole of Surà t is call'd Gopì Telau that is the Poole of Gopì which was his name who made it at his own charge And although the King who in those dayes rul'd over Guzarà t did what he could to have it call'd after his own name yet that of the Builder has been justly retain'd by the vulgar and remains to this day 'T is not improbable that this Gopì who made this Piscina of Surà t is the same whom Giovanni di Barros in his second Decade of Asia frequently mentions with the title of Melìk and relates to have been in those times a little above a hundred years ago a great friend to the Portugals styling him often Lord of Barocci and once in the last book Lord of Surà t but I rather believe that he was onely Governour of either of these Cities under the then Mahometan Kings of Cambaia as he speaks that is of Guzarà t of which Province Cambaia is a principal and in a manner the Maritine City more known then the rest to the Portugals by trade whence they have given its name to the whole Kingdome although not Cambaia but Ahmedabà d more within land is properly the Royal Seat 'T is therefore possible that Melìk Gopì mention'd by Barros made this Cistern when he was Governour of Surà t it being the work and expence of such a person Nor do the vulgar mistake in saying that he was a private man since under the Mahometan Princes who never allow any hereditary Lord in their Territories the Governours of their Cities and all other Ministers whom they choose indifferently out of all sorts of people and not seldome out of the lowest plebeians and are always removable at pleasure may with reason be call'd private persons although advanc'd to whatever high dignity On an other side of the City but out of the circuit of the houses in an open place is seen a great and fair Tree of that kind which I saw in the sea coasts of Persia near Ormùz called there Lul but here Ber. The Gentiles of the Country hold it in great veneration for its greatness and age visiting and honoring it often with their superstitious ceremonies as dear and dedicated to a Goddess of theirs call'd Parvetì whom they hold to be the Wife of Mahadeù one of their greatest Deities On the trunk of this Tree a little above the ground they have rudely engraven a round circle which really hath not any feature of a humane countenance but according to their gross application represents that of their Idol This face they keep painted with a bright Flesh-colour and this by a sacred rite of Religion as the Romans also dy'd the face of Jupiter with Vermillion as Pliny testifies Round about it are fastned Flowers and abundance of a plant whose leaves resemble a Heart call'd here Pan but in other places of India Betle These leaves the Indians use to champ or chaw all day long either for health's sake or for entertainment and delight as some other Nations for the same reasons or rather through evil custome continually take Tobacco And therewith they mix a little ashes of sea-shels and some small pieces of an Indian Nut sufficiently common which here they call Foufel and in other places Areca a very dry fruit seeming within like perfect wood and being of an astringent nature they hold it good to strengthen the Teeth Which mixture besides its comforting the stomack hath also a certain biting taste wherewith they are delighted and as they chaw it it strangely dyes their lips and mouths red which also they account gallant but I do not because it appears not to be natural They swallow down onely the juice after long mastication and spit out the rest In Visits 't is the first thing offer'd to the visitants nor is there any society or pastime without it He that is curious to know more of it may consult the Natural Historians who have written of the exotick Simples of India particularly Garcias ab Horto Christopher Acosta Nicolaus Monardes translated all together into Latin by Carolus Clusius I shall onely add that the fame I had heard in Persia of this Indian Masticatory especially from an Italian Fryer who had been in India and told me 't was a thing not onely of great nutriment and very good for the stomack but moreover of an exquisite relish made me desirous to try it As for its other qualities I can say nothing but there is no great matter in the taste nor should I make much difference of chawing these leaves of Pan or those of our Cedars But to return to my Relation Those flowers and leaves about the Idol's face carv'd in the Tree are frequently chang'd and fresh constantly supply'd and those which at times are taken away are given as a sacred thing to the people who come from all parts to visit it In the same rude sculpture of a humane face they have put certain eyes of Silver and Gold with some jewels which were given by some persons who foolishly believ'd themselves cur'd of maladies of the eyes by virtue of the Idol Before whom upon a
carries away people and sometimes with such violence that an Elephant cannot bear up against it but is swept away by the Water Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard namely when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb which if I mistake not in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon as on the contrary when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven the Tide uses to be at the highest But in the Gulph of Cambaia I know not upon what reason perhaps because 't is much within the Land and far from the great mass of the Ocean it happens at another different hour yet well known to the Country-people The more cautious wait also the most fitting days in the moneth because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher and without comparison highest and most impetuous of all about the Aequinoxes and Solstices In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate and in other intermediate days lower then the rest So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon were come in a good time and likewise in a seasonable hour the Cafila or Caravan having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right for the owners of the Coaches and the others imploy'd in this journey are well instructed of every thing and know what they have to do So being united in a great troop the better to break the stream we pass'd over all that space of five Cos which was moist yet firm ground saving that in four places where we foarded the running-running-water of the River which nevertheless is salt there the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River Of the four streams which we waded the first was inconsiderable the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not because their floar and especially the wheels are very high and you sit according to the manner of the East as upon plain ground without hanging the Legs downwards but keeping them bow'd under you For greater security they hir'd sundry men on foot who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands that so in regard of their lightness they might not float and be carry'd away and also to carry our bundles high on their heads that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches The men who go on foot in this passage either strip themselves naked covering onely their privities with a little cloth or pulling up their coat which as I said is of plain white linnen and serves both for garment and shirt and also tucking up their breeches made of the same they care not for wetting themselves 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage which is very much frequented abundance of people go every day in this manner some in Coaches and Charriots others on Horseback and a foot men and also women naked without being shie who sees them a spectacle no doubt sufficiently extravagant This wet passage being over there remain two other Cos but of firm and higher ground which is not overflow'd although it be plain and the Sea-shore to arrive at the City of Cambaia whither we came before dinner-time having travell'd that day in all twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness and treated continually with exquisite chear for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places Cambaia is a City indifferently large though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls which are sufficiently spacious 'T is seated on the Sea-shore in a plain almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph whereunto it gives name The City that is the inner part without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls built with plain cortines and round battlements The Houses within are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns which is the custom in India for provision of Water which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses but in these parts they are counted good and perhaps the best of the whole Province and they are made shady and cool as the heat of the place requires The City hath no form'd Port because it stands in a low Plain but 't is call'd a Port by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots Galeots and other small ones of that make which go either by oar or sail because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles and here more then elsewhere their vain superstitions are observed with rigor Wherefore we who came particularly to see these things the same day of our arrival after we had din'd and rested a while caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts which for being sick lame depriv'd of their mates or otherwise needing food and cure are kept and tended there with diligence as also the men who take care of them are maintain'd by the publick alms the Indian Gentiles who with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians the first Authors of this opinion according to Herodotus believe the Transmigration of Souls not onely from Man to Man but also from Man to brute beast conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small a little room sufficing for many Birds Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance as Cocks Hens Pigeons Peacocks Ducks and small Birds which during their being lame or sick or mateless are kept here but being recover'd and in good plight if they be wild they are let go at liberty if domestick they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House The most curious thing I saw in this place were certain little Mice who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them were put into this Hospital and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else and as he told us he intended when they were grown up to let them go free whither they pleas'd From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat 'T is small adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Surà t with some also of ours as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe which
in India are accounted rare things There is a running-running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck or cover'd place to keep cool standing upon a great Piscina or Lake contiguous to the Garden on the out-side and serving like that of Surà t to the common uses of the City Besides which in this Garden there is nothing worth notice Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita or Temple of the Mahometans whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions not onely Mahometans but likewise Gentiles In the street before the Gate many persons sitting on the ground asked Alms to whom the passers-by cast some Rice others certain other Corn but no Money Within the Meschita in a narrow dark place by a walls side is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble and this they call Pir that is Old which they say is equivalent to Holy I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such The people enter in with great crowds especially Women who use to be more forward in these things then others All who go in strew Flowers or Rice there to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles then Mahometans and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia 't is no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adher'd to the Mahometans A little distant from this place we saw another Sepuchre ador'd too of some Mahometan for the Gentiles who burn their dead have no Sepulchres built with a great roof four square supported by divers pillars and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch this also many persons came to kiss and venerate Beyond the abovemention'd Garden upon the Sea-side we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality having a high round Cupola like a Tower which is ascended by a little ladder and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land to a great distance These things being seen we return'd home the same way we came The next Morning going about the City we saw another Hospital of Goats Kids Sheep and Weathers either sick or lame and there were also some Cocks Peacocks and other Animals needing the same help and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court nor wanted there Men and Women lodg'd in little rooms of the same Hospital who had care of them In another place far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves some whereof had broken Legs others more infirm very old or lean and therefore were kept here to be cur'd Among the beasts there was also a Mahometan Thief who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off But the compassionate Gentiles that he might not perish miserably now he was no longer able to get his living took him into this place and kept him among the poor beasts not suffering him to want any thing Moreover without one of the Gates of the City we saw another great troop of Cows Calves and Goats which being cur'd and brought into better plight or gather'd together from being dispers'd and without Masters or being redeem'd with Money from the Mahometans who would have kill'd them to eat namely the Goats and other Animals but not the Cows and Calves were sent into the field to feed by Neat-herds purposely maintain'd at the publick charge and thus they are kept till being reduc'd to perfect health 't is found fitting to give them to some Citizens or others who may charitably keep them I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeem'd from slaughter because in Cambaia Cows Calves and Oxen are not killed by any And there 's a great prohibition against it by the instance of the Gentiles who upon this account pay a great summ of Money to the Prince and should any either Mahometan or other be found to kill them he would be punish'd severely even with death At Night we had Musick at home made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts who with their Indian Instruments which aâ—â— Drums Bells ty'd to the Arms and the like all of great noise gave us divertisement playing dancing and singing whilst we were at Supper but their Musick being too full of noise was to me rather distasteful then pleasing The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia The form of it is perfect square with walls round about supporting a flat roof which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars dispos'd in a square too within which upon the little space remaining is advanc'd somewhat higher then the roof and yet of a square form a kind of Cupoletta or little Chappel In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols made of white Marble and naked as the Indians paint all their Idols They are in a sitting posture yet after the manner of the East as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gather'd under but they sit in a place somewhat higher then the floare as it were upon a large Pedestal These Nieches are inclos'd with doors made with lattices that so the Idols may be seen without opening them but they are open'd upon occasion for any that are minded to go in They were so for us but we entred not because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors The principal Idol in this Temple is that which stands in the middle Nieche call'd Mahavir from whom the Temple is denominated Who this Mahavir is and whether he be all one with Mahadeu as I have some suspicion I do not yet know because the Indians who talkt with us either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue being all Factors or Merchants and consequently unlearned could not give us any account of these things besides they speak those Languages ill and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling With other learned Gentiles to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar we could not discourse for want of Language wherefore of all these things and all the particularities of their Religion I reserve my self to be further inform'd at Goa if it shall please God where I shall have better convenience and more time and meet with some learned Brachman perhaps turn'd Christian and able to give me a more certain Relation hereof either in Portuguez or Latine and if he be a Christian he will no doubt give it me more truly then the Gentiles who I believe talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely Wherefore referring my self to the better intelligence which I hope to have there I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes and something more which I attain'd to understand without suspicion of error Before the Idol
that of immature Figgs which is very pernicious to the flesh wherever it touches The Fields were full of Olive-trees Tamarind-trees and other such which in India are familiar About noon having travell'd twelve or as others said fourteen Cos we arriv'd at Ahmedabà d and our journey from Cambaia hither was always with our Faces towards the North East Being entred into the City which is competently large with great Suburbs we went directly to alight at the house of the English Merchants till other lodging were prepar'd for us where also we din'd with them After which we retir'd to one of the houses which stand in the street which they call Terzì Carvanserai that is the Taylers Inn. For you must know that the Carvanserai or Inns in Ahmedabà d and other great Cities of India are not as in Persia and Turkey one single habitation made in form of a great Cloyster with abundance of Lodgings round about separate one from another for quartering of strangers but they are whole great streets of the City destinated for strangers to dwell in and whosoever is minded to hire a house and because these streets are lockt up in the night time for security of the persons and goods which are there therefore they call the Cavanserai Notwithstanding the wearisomness of our journey because we were to stay but a little while at Ahmedabà d therefore after a little rest we went the same Evening to view the market-place buying sundry things It displeas'd me sufficiently that the streets not being well pav'd although they are large fair and strait yet through the great dryness of the Earth they are so dusty that there 's almost no going a foot because the foot sinks very deep in the ground with great defilement and the going on Horse-back or in a Coach is likewise very troublesome in regard of the dust a thing indeed of great disparagement to so goodly and great a City as this is I saw in Ahmedabà d Roses Flowers of Jasmin and other sorts and divers such fruits as we have in our Countries in the Summer whence I imagin'd that probably we had repass'd the Tropick of Cancer and re-enter'd a little into the temperate Zone which doubt I could not clear for want of my Astrolabe which I had left with my other goods at Surà t On Tuesday following which to us was the day of Carnaval or Shrove-Tuesday walking in the Morning about the Town I saw a handsome street strait long and very broad full of shops of various Trades they call it Bezari Kelà n that is the Great Merkat in distinction from others than which this is bigger In the middle is a structure of stone athwart the street like a bridge with three Arches almost resembling the Triumphal Arches of Rome A good way beyond this bridge in the middle of the same street is a great Well round about which is built a square Piazzetta a little higher then the ground The Water of the Well is of great service to all the City and there is always a great concourse of people who come to fetch it Going forwards to the end of the Market we came to the great Gate which stands confronting the street and beautifi'd with many Ornaments between two goodly Towers 't is the Gate of a small Castle which they call by the Persian word Cut. Nor let it seem strange that in India in the Countries of the Moghòl the Persian Tongue is us'd more perhaps then the Indian it self since the Mogholian Princes being originally Tartars and of Samarcand where the Persian Tongue is the natural of the Country have therefore been willing to retain their native Speech in India in brief the Persian is the Language of the Moghols Court most spoken and us'd in all publick writings Near this Castle Gate in a void place of the street are two pulpits handsomely built of stone somewhat rais'd from the ground wherein 't is the custome to read the King's Commandments publickly when they are be proclaim'd Thence turning to the right hand and passing another great Gate and through a fair Street we came to the Royal Palace for Ahmedabà d is one of the four Cities amongst all the others of his Dominions where the Grand Moghòl by particular priviledge hath a Palace and a Court and accordingly he comes sometimes to reside there This Palace hath a great square Court surrounded with white and well polish'd walls In the midst stands a high Post to shoot at with arrows as is also usual in the Piazzaes of Persia. On the left side of the Court as you go in are the King's Lodgings a small and low building What 't is within side I know not for I enter'd not into it but without 't is as follows Under the King's Windows is a square place inclos'd with a rail of colour'd wood and the pavement somewhat rais'd within which when the King is there are wont to stand certain Officers of the Militia whom they call Mansubdà r and they are almost the same with our Colonels their Command extends not to above a Thousand Horse nor are they all equal but from a thousand downwards some have more some less under them Within this inclosure of the Mansubdary under the King's Balconies stand two carv'd Elephants of emboss'd work but not large painted with their natural colours and in the front of the Royal Lodgings are other such Ornaments after their mode of little consideration Some said that a while ago in one of the Balconies stood expos'd to publick view an Image of the Virgin Mary plac'd there by Scià h Selim who they say was devoted to her and to whom perhaps it was given by one of our Priests who frequent his Court out of a desire to draw him to the Christian Faith but the Image was not there now and possibly was taken away by Sultan Chorrom his Son reported an Enemy of the Christians and their affairs since his coming to the Government of those parts of Guzarà t The station of the greater Captains and of higher dignity then the Mansubdary as the Chans and others of that rank is in the King's Balconies or near hand above there within the Rooms The inferior Souldiers that is such as have onely two or three Horses stand upon the ground in the Court without the above mention'd inclosure In the front of the Court is another building with an inclosure also before it but less adorned 't is the place where the King's Guard stands with all its Captains And the same order I believe is always observ'd in the Moghòl's Court in whatsoever place or City he happens to be Within this Court is another on the left hand surrounded with other buildings for necessary Offices but not so well built nor polish'd Having seen what we could of the Royal Palace we return'd by the same way we came to the street of the great Market From whence we went to see a famous Temple of Mahadeù to which there is hourly a great concourse of people
Colledge in Daman and to the Father Rector of their Colledge of Bassaim desiring them that since I could not imbarque at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals because I was to return to Surà t where I had left my goods in the Ships they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila either at Daman or Bassaim where I intended to meet it as it return'd I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Fathers Resident at Agrà to whom I had written formerly from Persia desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books written by their Fathers in that Court in order to get the same printed at Rome and by Sig Alberto Scilling I had understood that my first Letter was receiv'd there and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia particularly of this Sig Alberto In this other Letter from Cambaia I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa and desiring them to write to me there and remember to favour me with those Books Having dispatch'd the Father Jesuit we return'd to the Dutch House to have a Collation and here we were entertain'd a good while with good Musick by an Indian who sung tolerably well and play'd upon a certain odd instrument us'd in India which pleas'd me well enough because it was not so obstreperous Musick as the ordinary of the vulgar Indians but rather low and very sweet and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country having liv'd at the Court of Tisapor in the service of Adilsiah His Instrument was made of two round Gourds dy'd black and vernish'd with a hole bor'd in one of them to reverberate the sound Between the one Gourd and the other about the distance of three spans was fastned a piece of wood upon which they both hung and the strings which were many partly of brass and partly of steel were extended passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges and these were the frets which he touch'd with the left Hand to diversify the sounds and the strings with the right not with his Fingers or Nails but with certain iron wires fastned to his Fingers by certain rings like thimbles wherewith he did not strike the strings strongly but lightly touch'd them from the top downwards so that they render'd a sound sufficiently pleasant When he play'd he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder and the other under his right arm so that it was a prety sight Collation and Musick ended we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants and took the same way by which we came We pass'd over the five Cos of wet ground with the four Currents of Water of which the second was the deepest having waited a while for a fit hour in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches Carts Horse-men and Foot-men in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before onely the Water was now much higher then we had found it at our coming so that it came into all the Coaches and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches bare leg'd too because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water and the Coaches being light if Men hir'd purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in without doubt the Water would have swept them away In this place on the left hand towards the land in the moist ground we beheld at a distance many Fowls as big or bigger then Turkies go up and down rather running then flying They told us they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros Flamencos from their bright colour and I think they are those of whose beaks Mir Mahhammed in Spahà n makes bow-rings for the King although he erroneously takes it for the beak of the Cocnos or Phoenix which good Authors describe not a water Fowl but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains Having at length pass'd this dangerous foard and following our way we came at night to lodge at Giambuser the same Town where we had lodg'd formerly March the eighth We put our selves upon the way again and foarded the little salt-salt-water Dilavel and at night arriv'd at Barocci and were as formerly entertain'd in the House of the Dutch But upon the way before we enter'd the City we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who but seems to be some great person's and is worship'd by the Moors as a sacred thing This Fabrick is pleasantly seated amongst Trees something elevated upon the side of a little Lake or Great Cistern In the chief part of it besides the principal Sepulchre which stands apart in the most worthy place are many other Sepulchres of white Marble of an oblong form with many carvings and works tolerable enough 't is likely they are the Tombs either of the Wives and Children or of the other kindred of the Principal because they seem all of the same work and time Round this greater structure stand other less with Sepulchres of Moors in them who cause themselves to be buried there out of devotion to the place whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not onely of some great person or Prince as it intimates but also of one that dy'd with some opinion among the Moors of Sanctity I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King who came to have dominion in those parts but I credit not the Relation because I had it not from a good hand March the ninth We departed from Barocci ferrying over the River and at night lodg'd at Periab where we had quarter'd before as we went March the tenth Having gone the short way which remain'd and pass'd the River of Surat by boat we came to that City about Noon where I repair'd to the House before assign'd me by the Dutch Commendator and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants seen by us at Ahmedabà d who was come thither with a Brother of hers in order to be marry'd shortly to one Sig Guilielmo a Hollander to whom she had been promis'd in Marriage at Ahmedabà d and who also was in the same House which was capable of him and more I understood at Surà t that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sackt the City of Agrà except the Castle and that his Army and himself had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and discovering the Goods and Mony of the Citizens particularly that he had tortur'd and undecently mangled many Women of quality and
done other like barbarities whereby he render'd himself very odious to the people Concerning Asaf Chan it was said that he was held in custody by the King as suspected of Rebellion although his affairs were spoken of with much uncertainty and that the King was hastning to come against his Son but was not yet far off and mov'd slowly March the one and twentieth Conceiving the return of the Portugal Cafila from Cambaia to Goa to be near hand and desiring to make a Voyage with the same since in regard of the greatness of my luggage and the length of the way I could not go by Land and 't was not safe going by Sea by reason of the continual incursions of the Mahabar Pirates I dispatch'd a Messenger to Daman a City of the Portugals a little way from Surà t to F. Antonio Albertino Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits with the Letter which their above-mention'd Father had given me in Cambaia and giving him account of my self and my intention I desir'd him to send me from Daman one of those Light Vessels which they call Almadiae and are of that swiftness that they are not at all afraid of Pirates to carry me from Surà t to Daman where I desir'd to meet the Cafila For I could not go by a Boat of Surà t since the Mariners of Surà t would not have taken my Goods aboard which were in the English Ships without first carrying them into the City to make them pay Custom whereby I might have been put to a great deal of trouble of going backward and forward as also upon the account of the Moorish Books which I had with me and reliques of Sig Maani Wherefore to prevent these intricacies I pray'd the Father to send me a Boat from Daman to take me in not at the City but at the Port where the Ships ride and where I intended to be with my Goods ready upon the shore of Sohali And to the end this Portugal Boat might come securely and not fear I sent him two safe Conducts one from the English and the other from the Dutch although there was no necessity of them because Boats come many times secretly from Daman without such safe Conduct to sell Commodities to the English Ships March the fifteenth Was the first day of the Feast of the Indian-Gentiles which they celebrate very solemnly at the entrance of the Spring with dancings through the street and casting Orange Water and red Colours in jest one upon another with other festivities of Songs and Mummeries as I have formerly seen the same in Sphahan where also reside constantly a great number of Banians and Indian-Gentiles Yet the solemnity and concourse of people was greater then in Persia as being in their own Country and a City inhabited in a great part by Gentiles and wealthier persons Otherwise I saw nothing at Surat during these three Festival Days but what I had seen already at Sphahan and have mention'd in my Writings from that place March the eighteenth Being invited to the Dutch House we there saw the Contract of Sig ra Mariam the Daughter of the abovesaid Armenian or Syrian Merchant Resident Ahmedabad with Sig r Guiglielmo a Dutch-man which was follow'd by a sumptuous Dinner at which were all the Christian Dames of Europe that liv'd at Surat to attend upon the Bride namely one Portugal Woman taken in the last Ships which were surpriz'd by the Dutch and married likewise to a Dutch man Mary Bagdadina Wife to another Hollander and with them also my young Mariam Tinatìn and another born in India and contracted to a Dutch-man of which Nation many upon the encouragement of certain priviledges granted them by the State marry Wives in India of any kind either white Women or black and go to people New Batavia which they have built in Java Major near a place which they call Giacatora and they that cannot light upon Free-women for Marriage buy slaves and make them their lawful Wives to transport thither At this entertainment were present also the President of the English with all those of his Nation all the Dutch Merchants the Brides Brother Sig Alberto Scilling my self and in short all the Europaean Christians that were in Surat March the one and twentieth A Post came to the Dutch Merchants from Agra with fresh News that Sultan Chorròm had besides the former given a new sack to the said City and the Souldiers committing the like and greater Cruelties exasperated perhaps at their being valorously repuls'd in assaulting the Castle with loss of many of their Companions March the two and twentieth This Morning the Messenger whom I had sent to Daman return'd to Surat with the answer which I expected F. Antonio writ me word that there was but one of those Light Vessels belonging to Daman and it was now at Surat being lately come thither the Master of which was one Sebastian Luis wherefore he advis'd me to agree with him for my transportation and in case he were already gone then I should advertise him thereof at Daman and they would speedily send him back for which purpose they kept the safe Conducts which I had sent for security of the Vessel But having presently found the abovesaid Sebastian Luis I have agreed with him to bring his Boat out of the River to the Sea-side and take me in at the Port which is some distance from the mouth of the River where I have appointed to meet him to morrow morning It remains onely that I take leave of the Dutch Commendator and the English President from whom I have receiv'd infinite Obligations during all my residence here particularly to the Sig r Commendator the remembrance whereof shall continue with me during Life I hope God willing to write to you speedily from Goa and in the mean time humbly kiss your Hands LETTER II. From Goa April 27. 1623. I Now salute you my dear Sig Mario from Goa in India indeed I am but no Indian Having pass'd through the Syrian and afterwards the Persian Garb I am again transvested into our Europaean In Turkie and Persia you would not have known me but could not mistake me in India where I have almost resum'd my first shape This is the third transformation which my Beard hath undergone having here met with an odd Barber who hath advanc'd my mustachios according to the Portugal Mode and in the middle of my chin shaven after the Persian Mode he hath left the Europaean tuft But to continue my Diary where I left off in my last Letter which was about my departure from Surà t March the three and twentieth Having taken leave of all Friends a little after Dinner I set forth to depart but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana or Custom-house that they detain'd me till almost night before I could get away The occasion was this In the Pass given me without which none can depart the Governour three times expresly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me and this
small Islands almost all united together lying in a long square form towards the West not far from the Coast of India of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people fled to the Portugals and turn'd Christian with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf and so he and his descendents remain depriv'd of the Kingdom enjoying onely the naked Title which the Portugals being now ally'd to him still give him and because many Merchants Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign of which though the Governours of Ports to whom upon necessity he must entrust purloin above half from him nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly and therewith supports himself The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India who hoping in the Portugals have found themselves deluded Wherein Reason of State is but ill observ'd by the Portugals because by this proceeding they have discourag'd all others from having confidence in them whereas had they assisted and protected them as they ought and might easily and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions they would by this time have got the love of all India and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends undoubtedly have become more potent as also without comparison more fear'd by their Enemies June the nine and twentieth This year the Moors began their Ramadhan according to the Rules of my Calculation July the five and twentieth being the Feast of Saint James the Protector of Spain was solemnis'd with the same gallantry of Cariers and Dresses as are above describ'd saving that the Vice-Roy heard Mass in the Church of St. James In the Evening I went with Sig Ruy Gomez Boraccio a Priest and Brother of Sig Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint James which stands somewhat distant without the City upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Scià h which is on the other side of a little River or Arm of the Sea For which reason the Island is in this as well as many other dangerous places fortifi'd with strong walls and here there is a Gate upon the pass which is almost full of people going and coming from the main Land and is call'd by the Indians Benastarni by which name some of our Historians mention it in their writings concerning these parts as Osorius Maffaeus c. which Gate as likewise many others which are upon divers places of passage about the Island is guarded continually with Souldiers commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island which in this place are very high forming a kind of Bastion or rather a Cavaliero or mount for Ordnance not very well design'd but sufficiently strong wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place We went to visit the said Captain who was then Sig Manoel Pereira de la Gerda and from the high Balconies of his House and the Bastion we enjoy'd the goodly prospect of the Fields round about both of the Island and the Continent being discernable to a great distance The Captain entertain'd us with the Musick of his three Daughters who sung and play'd very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute after which we return'd home About the Church of Saint James are some few habitations in form of a little Town which is also call'd Santiago and the way from thence to the City is a very fine walk the Country being all green and the way-sides beset with Indian Nut-trees which the Portugals call Palms and their fruit Cocco the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us as also because in Winter-time the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss and other herbs growing there which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days and the rather because 't is natural and without artifice The same happens I believe not in this Island onely but in all the Region round about In the field adjoyning to the City near the ruines of a deserted building once intended for a Church but never finish'd is a work of the Gentiles sometimes Lords of this Country namely one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld round and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre and very deep it hath Parapets or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom to fetch water when it is very low July the six and twentieth I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island where was a Church of Saint Anna to which there was a great concourse of people because it was her Festival This Church stands very low built amongst many Country dwellings partly of the Islanders who live there and partly of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a moneth for recreation The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees and the way leading to it is extreamly pleasant all cover'd with green After I had heard Mass here Sig Giovanni da Costa de Menecas a Friend of mine whom I found there carry'd me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant and of small Building which they call Santa Maria di Loreto where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends At night because it rain'd I caus'd my self to be carry'd home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete being nothing else but a net of cords ty'd at the head and feet and hanging down from a great Indian Cane in which Net which is of the length of a Man and so wide that opening in the middle for the two ends are ty'd fast to the Cane 't is capable of one person a Man lyes along very conveniently with a cushion under his head although somewhat crooked to wit with the feet and head advanc'd towards the Ligatures and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane which is carry'd upon the shoulders of two men before and two behind if the person be light or the way short two Men onely bear it one before and the other behind These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr for in these from the Cane hang not nets but litters like little beds upon which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth or half lying along upon cushions and so is carry'd very conveniently Moreover the Palanchini and the Andòr differ from one another for that in
the latter the Cane upon which they carry is strait as it is likewise in the Nets but in the Palanchini for greater ease of the person carry'd that he may have more room to carry his head upright the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊ and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight therefore they are sold dear at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece which amount to about sixty of our Crowns Besides as well the Palanchini as the Andòr and the Nets are cover'd for avoiding the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves to wit those of the Indian Nut and other such Trees sufficiently handsome which being cast over the Cane hang down on each side having two windows with little shutters They keep out the water very well and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncover'd and carry'd by a servant Yet I never saw any go uncover'd in Goa either in Andòr or Nets but out of the City in the Country many I have spoken more at length of these Carriages because they are unknown in our Countries although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete engraven in certain Maps of the World and if I mistake not amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil where I believe they are us'd and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India not onely in Cities but also in journeys and those of sufficient length wherefore to make experience of it I was minded to have my self carry'd this day after the manner which I have describ'd nor must I omit that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfi'd with a very small reward Going in Palanchino in the Territories of the Portugals in India is prohibited to Men because indeed 't is a thing too effeminate nevertheless as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain and for favours or presents and afterwards become so common that they are us'd almost by every body throughout the whole year On the tenth of August I believe the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa returning from the Northern signes and passing to the Southern yet for the day and precise hour I refer my self to a better Calculation according to the good Books which I have not here with me On the eleventh of the same Moneth I saw at Goa a Carnero or Weather without horns which they told me was of the Race of Balagà t not great but of strong limbs harness'd with a velvet saddle crupper head-stall bridle stirrups and all the accoutrements of a Horse and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù which low School of Reading and Writing the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children not at the Colledge which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are but at the Church of Giesù which is the Profess'd House and stands in the middle of the City whither the abovesaid Youth rode daily upon his Martin and I observ'd that the beast being us'd to the place knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him as they do many Horses I took the more notice of this trifle because it seem'd a new thing to ride upon such creatures for although in our Countries Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture running leaping and capring yet 't is onely for sport and with puppets upon the saddle but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mention'd although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness On the sevententh of August the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa which they call Narvè or as the vulgar corruptly speak Narvà as it were for pardon or absolution and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here plunging themselves into the Arm of the Sea Men and Women together all naked without any respect at all even persons of quality and casting Fruits Perfumes and other things into the water as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place with other Ceremonies Devotions and the like which I relate not more particularly because I was not present at them because the great Rain kept me from going to see them as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in general of it as being a considerable thing amongst them This Feast and their Devotion lasts two days but the first is most remarkable August the one and thirtieth A Galeon coming from Mascà t being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Moneths before at Mascà t with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships was gone to attempt Sohèr which place being formerly abandon'd by the Portugals was now fortifi'd by the Persians with a strong Garrison and that after he had landed he assaulted the Fort but could not take it though many Moors were slain in the encounter and about twenty five Portugals amongst which were three or four Captains Men of Valor and Esteem in which action some conceiv'd that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance but he continuing to besiege it it was deliver'd to him upon Articles the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage after which he raz'd the Fortifications and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia which they call Galfarcan and having taken it out of indignation as I believe for the many good Souldiers which they had kill'd of his at Sohà r and to cast a terror left no person alive sparing neither sex nor age Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve because on the one side it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country and on the other it will incite Enemies to fight against more obstinately and valorously as knowing they are to expect no quarter This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Vice-Roy but they say likewise that Ormùz and Kesciome are extreamly well fortifi'd by the Moors September the six and twentieth Sig Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa Ambassador in Persia from the Catholick King in my time who by
of Plains that afford onely an ordinary prospect nor of towring mountains but of an unequal surface Hills and Valleys all green and delightful to the eyes cloth'd with thick and high Groves and many times with fruit Trees as Indian Nuts Foufel Ambe and such like all water'd with innumerable Rivolets and Springs of fresh water the sides of the River all shady beset with Flowers Herbs and sundry Plants which like Ivy creeping about the Trees and Indian reeds of excessive height call'd by the Country-people Bambù and very thick along the banks make the wood more verdant through the middle whereof the River strayes with sundry windings In short the River of Garsopà for a natural thing without any artificial ornament of buildings or the like is the goodliest River that ever I beheld Our boats being large could not go to the ordinary landing place at Garsopà because the River which is discharg'd into the Sea with one stream is there divided into many which fall from several Springs upon some neighbouring Hills so that the water is but little Wherefore we landed at some distance from Garsopà which stands on the South-bank of the River and walkt the rest of the way on foot and our goods were carry'd upon the Men's shoulders whom we had hir'd for that purpose Before we got to our lodging it was night and we were fain to wade over one of the arms of the River which took me up to the middle of the thigh the bottom was stony and not so dangerous to us who were free in reference to falling as to the poor men who carry'd burthens upon their heads so that I wonder'd not he who carry'd the hamper of my clothes fell down with it and wetted it in the water At length we lodg'd not within the compass of Garsopà which was somewhat within land but near it upon the River in a place cover'd with a roof amongst certain Trees where many are wont to lodge and where the Pepper is weigh'd and contracted for when the Portugals come to fetch it for this is the Country wherein greatest plenty of Pepper grows for which reason the Queen of Garsopà was wont to be call'd by the Portugals Reyna da Pimenta that is Queen of Pepper The River is call'd by the Portugals the River of Garsopà but by the Indians in their own Language one branch is term'd Ambù nidi and the other Sarà nidi From the River's mouth where it falls into the Sea to Garsopà the way if I mistake not is directly East November the first After dinner we departed from our station and passing by the Cottages and the places where the City of Garsopà sometimes stood we walk'd a good way Southwards or rather South South-west always through an uneven woody Country irrigated with water and delightful like the banks of the River which I describ'd Then we began to climb up a Mountain which the Country-people call Gat and divides the whole length of this part of India being wash'd on the East with the Gulph of Bengala and on the West with the Ocean or Sea of Goa The ascent of this Mountain is not very rough but rather easie and pleasant like the other soil being thick set with Groves of Trees of excessive greatness some of them so strait that one alone might serve for the Mast of a Ship With all the Mountain is so water'd with Rivulets and Fountains and so cloth'd with Grass and Flowers that me-thought I saw the most delightful place of the Appennine in Italy If there be any difference the Gat of India hath the advantage in this place because the height is much less then that of our Appennine the ascent more easie the wood more beautiful and thick the waters not less plentiful and clear If Gat yields to it in any thing 't is in the frequency of inhabited places the sumptuousness of buildings and lastly in the beauty which the industrious art of the inhabitants adds to the Appennine the Indian Gat having no other besides what liberal yet unpolish'd Nature gives it About three hours after noon we came to the top of Gat where a little beneath the highest cliff is found a kind of barr'd Gate with a wall in a narrow pass which renders the place sufficiently strong a little further than which in the top of all are found earthen Bulwarks and lines which guard the passage and in this place is a sufficient Fortress being a mile and half in circuit It was sometimes call'd Garicota but now Gavarada Naghar we lodg'd about a Musket-shot without the Fort in a plane and somewhat low place where are some Houses like a Village and amongst them a Temple of Hamant who is one of those two Scimions who were imploy'd by Ramo for recovering his Wife Sità as their Fables relate for which good work and their other miracles the Indians adore them Here I saw his Statue in the Temple with burning lights before it and a consecrated Silver Hand hung up by some devout person perhaps cur'd of some evil of his Hands Below this place where we lodg'd amongst the little Valleys of the Hill is a fair and large Cistern or Receptacle of water which falls thereinto from a River descending from the Mountain and the over-plus running into the lower Valleys At night we heard Musick at the Gate of the above-mention'd Temple divers barbarous Instruments sounding and amongst the rest certain great Horns of metal fashion'd almost into a semicircle I ask'd the reason of this Festival and they told me The Idol was to go presently accompany'd with a great number of Men and Women in pilgrimage to a place of their devotion near San Tomè a moneths journey and more and that it was to be carry'd in a Palanchino as the custom is and in procession with sundry sounds and songs almost in the same manner as amongst us Christians the Bodies or Images of Saints are carry'd in procession when any Community or Fraternity go in pilgrimage to Loreto or Rome in the Holy year At this time assisted at the service of the Idol amongst others a Woman who they said was so abstinent that she did not so much as eat Rice they held her for a kind of Saint upon a fame that the Idol delighted to sleep with her which these silly souls accounted a great spiritual favour and haply it may be true that some Incubus-Devil ha's to do with her and deceives her with false illusions telling her that he is her God of which kind of Women there are many among the Moors Divers come to ask her about future things and she consulting the Idol gives them their answer one of these interrogations was made to her whilst we were present Others came to offer Fruits and other edibles to the Idol which one of the Priests presented to it murmuring his Orisons and taking half of the things offer'd which after presentation to the Idol remains to the servants of the
great thick Groves full of Grass and running water no less delightful then the former Fields A little more then half a League from the Fort we found a Meschita of the Moors built upon the way with a Lake or Receptacle of water but not very well contriv'd by the Captain of the said Fort which his King had allow'd him to make as a great favour for the Gentiles are not wont to suffer in their Countries Temples of other Religions Here we found our Ambassador who stay'd for us and we tarry'd likewise here above an hour in expectation of our baggage much of which was still behind At length continuing our journey and having rested a good while in another place night came upon us in the midst of a Wood so shady that although we had very clear Moon-light yet we were fain to light Torches otherwise we could not see our way The Torches us'd in India are not like ours but made of metal in form of those wherewith the Infernal Furies are painted the fire of which is fed with Bitumen and other dry materials which are put into the mouth or hollow at the top into which also they frequently powre a combustible liquor which the Man that holds the Torch carries in his other hand in a metalline bottle with a long slender neck very fit for that purpose for when he is minded to recruit the flame he distills a little liquor into it the length of the neck securing his hand from hurt By the light of these Torches we travell'd a great part of the night At length being unable to overtake the Horses which were led before and the baggage being behind for fear of losing our way we stay'd under a great Tree where some in Palanchinoes and others upon the ground spent this night inconveniently and supper-less having nothing else to eat but a little Bread which we toasted at the fire that we might eat it hot and with the same fire which we kindled we allay'd the coldness of the night which in the top of these Indian Mountains is very cold in regard of their height yet it was not sharper to us this night then it uses to be at Rome in the beginning of September even in temperate years November the third As soon as it was day we follow'd our way and in a short time came to a Village of four Cottages call'd Tumbrè where the Horses were lodg'd and we also stay'd till the baggage came up which was much later then we and we stay'd the longer to rest the people that travell'd on foot for all the servants and I know not how many Musketiers which our Ambassador carried with him were on foot Vitulà Sinay lay there likewise this night but was gone before we came thither From Garicota to Tumbrè is about a League and half for in this Country they measure the way by Gaù's and every Gaù is about two Leagues and they said that from Garicota to Tumbrè was not one Gaù When we arriv'd at this Town we found the pavements of the Cottages were vernish'd over with Cow-dung mix'd with water A custom of the Gentiles in the places where they are wont to eat as I have formerly observ'd I took it for a superstitious Rite of Religion but I since better understand that it is us'd onely for elegancy and ornament because not using or not knowing how to make such strong and lasting pavements as ours theirs being made sleightly of Earth and so easily spoyl'd therefore when they are minded to have them plain smooth and firm they smear the same over with Cow-dung temper'd with water in case it be not liquid for if it be there needs no water and plaining it either with their hands or some other instrument and so make it smooth bright strong and of a fine green colour the Cows whose dung they use never eating any thing but Grass and it hath one convenience that this polishing is presently made soon dry endures walking or any thing else to be done upon it and the Houses wherein we lodg'd we found were preparing thus at our coming and were presently dry enough for our use Indeed it is a prety Curiosity and I intend to cause tryal to be made of it in Italy and the rather because they say for certain that the Houses whose pavements are thus stercorated are good against the Plague which is no despicable advantage Onely it hath this evil that its handsomness and politeness lasteth not but requires frequent renovation and he that would have it handsome must renew it every eight or ten days yet being a thing so easie to be done and of so little charge it matters not for a little trouble which every poor person knows how 's to dispatch The Portugals use it in their Houses at Goa and other places of India and in brief 't is certain that it is no superstitious custom but onely for neatness and ornament and therefore 't is no wonder that the Gentiles use it often and perhaps every day in places where they eat which above all the rest are to be very neat 'T is true they make a Religious Rite of not eating in any place where people of another Sect or Race in their opinion unclean hath eaten unless they first repolish the same with Cow-dung which is a kind of Purification as we do by washing it with water and whitening the wall not as a Religious Rite but through Custom in Chambers where any one ha's dy'd I said where people not onely of different Religion but also of impure Race have eaten because the Gentiles are very rigorous and superstitious among themselves for a noble Race not to hold Commerce of eating with others more base yea in one and the same Race as in that of the Brachmans which is the noblest some Brachmans as the Panditi or Boti who are held in great esteem amongst them will not eat in the Company or so much as in the House of a Brachmans Sinay or Naieke and other Nobles who eat Fish and are call'd by the general name Mazari and much less esteem'd then those who eat none yet the Brachmans Sinay or Naieke or other species of Mazari who are inferior eat in the House of a Pandito or Boto without being contaminated but rather account it an honor After dinner we departed from Tumbre travelling through unequal wayes and lands like the former but rather descending then otherwise we rested once a while under a Tree to stay for the baggage and then proceeding again at almost six a clock after noon we came to the side of a River called Barenghì which in that place runs from West to East and is not fordable although narrow but requires a boat to pass it On the Southern bank on which we came were four Cottages where we took up our station that Night enjoying the cool the shadow and the sight of a very goodly Wood which cloaths the River sides with green but above all
one Gau consists of two Cos and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues we lodg'd at night in a competent Town the name whereof is Dermapora In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant as well because I understood not the Language of the Country for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter because being by Race a Pulià which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean they would not suffer him to come into their Houses nor touch their things though they were not shie of me albeit of a different Religion because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them one must be contented onely with Rice Butter or Milk and other such inanimate things wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes but which is worse they will cook every thing themselves and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs which yet are smooth enough and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels Besides one must entreat them three hours for this and account it a great favor so that in brief to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience The truth is 't is a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ to put it so in the heads of these people that they are polluted and become unclean even by touching others of a different Religion of which superstition they are so rigorous observers that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean though a Gentile dye then go near him to relieve him November the four and twentieth In the Morning before day the Brachman Nangasà and the Ambassador's other Men being in haste advanc'd before but I desirous to go more at my own ease remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master as I might well enough do since the High-ways of Naieka's Country are very secure The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills and through Woods many great streams likewise occurring I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice some of which I was fain to walk a foot my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces I din'd after I had travelled one Gau and a half in a good Town called Colùr where there is a great Temple the Idol whereof if I mis-understood not is the Image of a Woman the place is much venerated and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage After dinner my Horse being tired I travelled not above half another Gau and having gone in all this day but two Gau's went to lodg at a certain little village which they said was called Nalcà l Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses and prepared supper for us This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns but like the Mazandran in Persia with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water which abounds in all places but they pay as they told me very large Tributes to the King so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves and live in great Poverty November the twenty fifth I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former and foarded many deep Rivers Having gone three Cos we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice whereof the whole Country is full at a place call'd Kelidì In the Evening my Pulià being very weary and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnà r about a mile forwards so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau. November the twenty sixth I pass'd over clifts of Hills and uneeven and woody places At noon I came to a great River on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvarì near which the River makes a little Island We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr call'd the Higher i. e. within Land belonging to the Indians and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka to difference it from the Lower Barselòr at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast there happens to be two places of the same Name one call'd the Higher or In-land belonging to the Natives the other the Lower near the Sea to the Portugals where-ever they have footing Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side I came into a fair long broad and strait Street having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand The soil is fruitful and well peopled encompass'd with weak walls and ditches which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones which shew that there is good and fair Marble here whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry or are the remains of ancient Fabricks It stands on the South side of the River which from the Town Gulvà n fetches a great circuit seeming to return backwards and many Travellers without touching at the Upper Barselòr are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat which is soon done but I was desirous to see both places and therefore came hither Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream for a little below the said Town it is divided into many branches and forms divers little fruitful Islands About an hour and half before night I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals which also stands on the Southern bank of the River distant two good Cannon-shot from the mouth of the Sea having travell'd this day in all one Gau and a half The Fort of the Portugals is very small built almost in form of a Star having no bad walls but wanting ditches in a Plain and much expos'd to all sort of assaults Such Portugals as are married have Houses without the Fort in the Town which is prety large and hath good buildings I went directly to the House of Sig Antonio Borges a former acquaintance who came from Goa to Onòr together with us and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkerì had recommended me I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr call'd Sig Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while and he seem'd a gallant man though but young Here was an Armado and a Cafila
of Ships which came from Goa and went to Mangalòr and Cocìn or further they were to depart the next day and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr This night I supp'd at the House of Sig Antonio Borges with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet and went to lodg by his direction in another good House together with some Souldiers of the same November the seven and twentieth That I might not go alone without any body to serve me in the Ship I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr recommended to me by Sig Antonio and nam'd Manoel de Matos with whom alone I went aboard about noon having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig Rocco Gomes the chief Portugal in Barselòr who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well Among others that din'd with us there was one Sig Neittor Fernandez by me elsewhere mention'd who came from Goa to Onòr with us the Captain Major of the whole Armado Sig Francesco de Lobo Faria who commanded a Galley and six other Ships besides the Cafila of Merchants I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig Neittor Fernandez who in the street express'd much courtesie to me Being gone a good way upon the Sea and it being now night the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr whereinto we designing to enter in the dark and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept struck upon land and the wind growing prety stiff were in great danger of being over-set and lost and the more for that when we perceiv'd it and went to strike fail we could not for a good while because the ropes either through moistness or some other fault would not slip so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground not onely became very leaky but gave two or three such violent knocks that had she not been new without doubt she had been split The Sea-men were not onely confounded but all amaz'd nothing was heard but disorderly cryes the voice of him that commanded could not be heard every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety many of the Souldiers had already strip'd themselves to leap into the Sea some ty'd their Money at their backs to endeavour to save the same together with their lives making little account of their other goods divers made vows and promises of Alms all heartily recommended themselves to God one embrac'd the Image of our Lady and plac'd his hope in that alone I could not induce my self to believe that God had reserv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart nevertheless seeing the danger extream great I fail'd not to commend my self to God his most Holy Mother and all the Saints By whose favour at length the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope and the Sea not rough for if it had it would have done us greater mischief the Mariners freed the Ship having cast themselves into the Sea and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven soliciting the other Ships out and mending our own The whole Fleet being set forth before day we return'd where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us and thence we set sail all together November the eight and twentieth We sail'd constantly Southwards coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us Half way to Mangalòr to wit six Leagues from Barselòr we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria one of which we approach'd with our Ship and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons of whose nests there is great abundance wherewith we made a good supper Afterwards continuing our course we pass'd by Carnate and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel the other more Southern from those of Olaza which stands beyond the River Southwards or rather beyond the bay of salt-salt-water which is form'd round and large like a great Haven by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea whose flowing fills the same with salt water Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor into which the Fort extends it self being almost encompass'd with water on three sides 'T is but small the worst built of any I have seen in India and as the Captain told me one day when I visited him may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither contiguous to the Fort and encompass'd with weak walls within which the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd There are three Churches namely the See or Cathedral within the Fort our Lady Del Rosario La Misericordia and San Francesco without Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all two Franciscan Fryers and one Vicar Priest to whose charge with very small revenews belong all the other Churches I went not ashore because it was night but slept in the Ship November the nine and twentieth Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr and went together with Sig Neittor Fernandez and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig Ascentio Veira a Notary of the City After which I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his by Sig Paolo Sodrino who was married in Mangalòr and came for Goa in our Ship The next night the Fleet departed from Cocìn but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza November the thirtieth After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario I visited the Captain of Mangalòr not in the Fort but in a cover'd place without the Gate which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea and where he was then in conversation He was an old Man all gray by Name Sig Pero Gomes Pasagna The first of December in the Morning I went to see Banghel by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher or Banghervarì 't is a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr towards the South and upon the Sea and the King that rul'd there and in the circumjacent lands being at this day driven out 't is subject to Venk-tapà Naieka A Musket-shot without Mangalòr on that side is a small River which is pass'd over by a ruinous stone bridg and may likewise be forded 't is the boundary of the Portugals jurisdiction The above-said mile is through cultivated fields and then you come to Banghel which is a rich soil and sometimes better peopled then
all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts who indeed had they but as much order discipline and good government as they have valour Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters But God gives not all things to all It being now broad day we set sail with the whole Cafila but by reason of contrary wind sail'd no more then three leagues and late in the evening came to anchor in the place where we hapned to be the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous January the sixth We had the wind still contrary and having saild three other leagues at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà On the seventh the said wind blowing somewhat favourably about noon we pass'd by Onòr and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port if any were there that would accompany us for greater diligence was not needful because few come from thence In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising we came to an anchor a little distant from Mirizeo At the second watch of the night a good stiff South-wind arose and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso January the ninth the wind was contrary our way short and because we could not proceed forwards we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale also the next day for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda as they speak or Bay call'd Mormogòn in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South but greater and divided from the same only by a River This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns and abundance of Houses Above all the Jesuits have the goodliest places and 't is counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs they have Churches everywhere Lands and store of Goods and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage upon the matter to the Jesuits then to the King himself The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos adjacent also to that of Goa but more Northward which is under the government of the Franciscans Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy-men Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time and knowing that we were not to depart the night following our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea which they told us was hard by yet we found it not so near but that we walk't about a league to get to it because we knew not the right way but mistook it and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall to the great laughter of the rest besides many other inconveniences We found the Church large neat and well built with a fair square Court or Yard before it surrounded with handsom Stone-walls and within with some great Trees under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore who hath the present superintendency thereof which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector who told us sundry news from Goa and invited us to Supper but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here we wav'd the Courtesie and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way yet we got not thither to imbarque till after two hours within night January the eleventh at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day in which we were to arrive at Goa the General who was wont to go in the Rear-guard being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada commanded our Ship hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard where great diligence was to to be us'd both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of being surpriz'd by Rovers or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa and go to unlade in other places of Counterband Wherefore having sail'd the little remainder of the way and caus'd all the other Ships to enter which were in number more then two hundred and fifty we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa where we anchor'd under a Port hard by without going further to the City it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy Here we found the Ship which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail as also some Galeons in readiness likewise whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship having got leave of the General went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompani'd him We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night because 't is three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City almost directly from South to North so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed every one went to his own home and I who had no house ready for me nor yet any servant went alone as I was to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend according as himself Sig Ruy Gomes his Brother had promis'd I should when I departed from Goa As I was going thither I was unexpectedly met by the said two Brothers who receiv'd me with their wonted courtesie My Bed and Goods which I had in the Ship were soon after brought to the same place by the procurement of Sig. Ayres I understood here that my quondam servant the honest Cacciatùr coming hither from Ikkerì to Goa after his false dealing with me had attempted to put a trick upon Signora Maria also but it did not succeed He feign'd that I had sent him beforehand to take order for a house against my return and was importunate for mony to prepare and
to see and spend a day at Guadalupe which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa distant from the City about two leagues populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spatious Lake which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice so that the prospect is always very lovely because the Lake is either full of water in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants or else 't is all green with Rice which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return so that it makes a very pretty Shew and the more because this Water being collected in great rain is fed also by a small but constantly running River and though so kept there for many months yet causes not any bad affection of the Air but through the goodness of the Climate the Air is always better here then any where else Nor is the Sea far distant to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour where sometimes even the greatest Portugal Ships ride and in old time the City stood there so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia or old Goa As we return'd we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits and many fair and well-kept Churches as San Lorenzo and others within a small distance so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa January the thirtieth Being in Guadalupe in the Garden of the House where we were which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend and Kinsman to the Sigg Baracci I saw a Canella or Cinamon Tree of which some are found in Goa but strangers 'T is as big a Tree as any not a shrub as I imagin'd some of the leaves which have a taste of Cinamon and are pleasant to be masticated I keep among my baggage to shew the same in Italy as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers which blow every day and night and fall at the approach of day as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House This Flower is very like the Jasmin of Catalonia but the Canella hath a yellow one which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats and upon other occasions Moreover I saw and observ'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers one great the other very small both white with something of yellow in the midst the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun The greater Flower hath smooth long and strait leaves and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large and almost perfectly round swimming on the surface of the water totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd Both these Flowers have a strange property in the night they are alwayes clos'd in the day alwayes open displaying themselves at the rising and closing at the setting of the Sun besides that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell I could not keep any to shew because they are so tender and so full of moisture especially the lesser sort which is the fairest that they fade presently upon being kept in papers as the Custom is The Indians call them and tell a Fable of Brahmà 's being born of one of these Flowers and afterwards re-entring into one again wherein he hath spent ten thousand years You see what fine Stories we have here I leave them with you and kiss your Hands LETTER VIII From Goa Novemb. 4. 1624. MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from Goa to Portugal the first of February and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year On which Day the Bells rung at Goa and many rejoycings were made particularly in the Churches of the Jesuits the Augustines the Dominicans upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in Japan amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders and particularly of Jesuits were Martyred three Italians to wit F. Carlo Spinola a Genouese of principal quality F. Camillo Costanzo a Calabrese or rather a Neapolitan of a Family whose Estate lyes in Calabria And F. Pietro Paolo a Neapolitan likewise if I mistake not February the eighth A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz in which I know not what was resolved because some talked one thing and some another but as for the Souldiers it was determined that all should go and he that refused was imprisoned as some were to my knowledge February the tenth As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù The night following they caused a numerous Maskerade of young Students not Collegians but Out-liers to pass through the streets on Horse-back cloth'd in several rich habits and following a Standard whereon was pourtrayed the Effigies of the Saints The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor Andrea Palmuro at which the Vice-Roy was present In the Evening upon a very great Theatre erected without the Church in the Piazza for representing many dayes together the Life of San Francesco Sciavier they caused a Squadron of young men mask'd in the habits of Peasants to dance many gallant Balls with Musick On the twelfth of February in the presence of the Vice-Roy and of all the Nobility and People of the City for whose conveniency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women the first Act of the above-said Comedy or Tragedy as they said of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented Of which Tragedy which was represented by about thirty persons all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels the vast and no less extravagant Machin whereinto they entered to act the rare Musick gallant Dances and various contrivances of Charriots Ships Gallies Pageants Heavens Hells Mountains and Clouds I forbear to speak because I have the printed Relation by me On the eighteenth of February The Vice-Roy being indispos'd the proceedings were superseded But in the three following dayes by two Acts a day the whole Tragedy was rehearsed It comprehended not onely the whole Life but also the Death of San Francesco Sciavier the transportation of his Body to Goa his ascension into Heaven and lastly his Canonization On the seventh of the same moneth Mass was sung in the Colledge of San Paolo Nouvo and a predication made
ado go to Surat and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies then sail to Ormuz December the sixteenth The Ship wherein I was to imbarque being to set sail the night following I put my Goods aboard and having taken leave of my Friends I was accompanied to the Sea-side by Sig. Luigi Cabreira from whom I separated with many embraces and much regret on either side As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind although the Captain of Ciaul sent a publick Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night the service of the King so requiring I believe it was that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning to the end we might go altogether more secure from the Malabars the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports about which they lie waiting and near the Land where they ply up and down more then in the main Sea We had no wind in the night and therefore went not out of the Port. December the seventeenth In the morning we set out of the Port with a small gale and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts We had not sail'd far but we descry'd some Vessels coming towards us which we took for Pirats and therefore prepar'd to fight them but at length we lost sight of them and hois'd the great sail directing our course almost Northwest having first rehears'd the Litanies of our Lady and invok'd the Divine Assistance and her's propitious to our Voyage December the twenty third Having hitherto sail'd prosperously we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half under the Tropick of Cancer leaving the Torrid Zone under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months Here the wind fail'd us and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August We began to find the Sky which hitherto we had seen constantly clear as it uses to be in India during these Months now interstinguish'd with clouds and in short the mutation of the Climate was manifest The Coast of Arabia for which we were bound could not be far off but we could not get to discover it for want of wind December the twenty seventh Having hitherto been becalm'd without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water the Portugals as their custom is after reciting the Litanies and praying to God and Sant ' Antonio of Padua to whom they bear great devotion to give us a good wind intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carry'd in the Ship as if to imprison it for thus they use to do when they would obtain any favour as if they meant to force it threatning not to loose it till he grant them what they demand They intended I say to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance who pass'd his word for the Saint telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated he would do what they desir'd This manner of demanding of favours of S. Antonio of Padua is much in use amongst the Portugals especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners though amongst us 't is a vain thing A barbarous Superstition indeed but yet such as sometimes through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it uses to be heard December the twenty eighth We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous yet not only not favourable but altogether contrary so that we could neither bear up against it nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea which growing rough and tempestuous we were forc't to furl our sails and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleas'd which was Southwards not without fear falling upon Mombaza or some other remote Coast of Africk and consequently suffering shipwrack and a thousand other Dysasters December the twenty ninth The Captain with the others of the Ship resolv'd at length to bind S. Anthony and as chance would have it it prov'd well for the wind chang'd and we sail'd prosperously in our right course all day and part of the night A little before mid-night we discover'd the Coast of Arabia so neer that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows which are thereabouts In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass but rather stony in appearance and Desart although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy December the thirtieth We began to move forward East South-East having the Land on the left hand but a sudden contrary wind arising forc't us to cast anchor again in the place where we were not without danger for in the furling of the sail through the negligence of the Sea-men it wrapt about the Mast the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided or some of the Passengers less diligent to help it had been overturn'd and sunk like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwrack of Aeneas which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty At night the contrary wind ceasing we proceeded in our intended course December the one and thirtieth The wind failing we cast anchor but in an unsecure place not without danger of being split upon the shore whither in spight of our anchors the wind hurri'd us but tacking about we got to a more secure place near that from whence we had mov'd the day before On the first of January and of the year 1625 We stood at anchor till night and then made a little progress but all the next day we stood at anchor again and took very good fish and at night a little wind blowing from the Land we went forwards now and then but very little January the eighth Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia casting anchor every day and weighing again at night during which a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket which we gave him at length having a good wind this day after noon we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad but is not it At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad that is the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia being as they say in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards and distant from Mascat whither we were going forty leagues the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate Having pass'd this Cape we steer'd Northwest
to the Portugals as Merchants and in case we trusted him not so much as to go a shore we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea and they would send people and money to buy many things The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan and therefore he promis'd them good and secure passage with all courtesie But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing nor the Religious think good to land in that place for all those promises February the two and twentieth Being at Anchor in a certain place at night we descry'd some Vessels afar off which we knew not what they were and therefore weighing Anchor and putting our selves in a posture for fight we row'd up to them When we came near we found them to be of those Persian Vessels which they call Terrats a kind of great bark frequent in these Seas laden with Dates and Victuals Yet because they neither stay'd for us nor obey'd we discharg'd some Falcons and many Muskets at them without doing any hurt because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought but all was done with great confusion and disorder as is usual amongst the Portugals especially in our Ship which was a Merchant and not a Man of War So that the Persian Terrats went away untouch'd and we not onely took them not as we might easily have done had our Ships been well arm'd and well-govern'd but it seem'd also that had those Vessels had armed people and a mind to assault us they might easily have taken us considerng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip February the seven and twentieth The wind not being good our Marriners who were Indians but of the Mahometan Religion ty'd a bundle of clothes which they said was the Old Man but I know not what Old Man they meant to one of the Ropes of the sails and there fell to beat it vehemently crying out to it to give them a good wind in the mean time other Mariners desir'd him that beat it to desist saying that it would give them a good wind This superstitious Ceremony not unlike that above-mention'd of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Padua I was willing to insert for its strangeness although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so or because they would not tell us I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt under the figure of a bundle of Clothes or from whom they demanded a good wind February the eight and twentieth We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan a part of Persia of which we had great need but the people of the place prohibited us repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots And being we had not Souldiers to land and take water by force it behov'd us to have patience and depart without March the first We put out to Sea to avoid certain shelves that were neer the Persian shore which here we found low and flat whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous at night we came under Riscel a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz but no good one March the second A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charg which lyes distant from Cais 24 Giam A Giam is a measure us'd by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Persian Gulph containing three leagues so that from Cais to Charg we had sayl'd 70 Leagues From Charg to Bassora they told us there remain'd eight Giam and as many from Charg to Bahhaerein The part of the Continent nearest Charg is Bender Rich belonging as I conceive to the Country of Loristan from which this Island is distant two Giam We cast Anchor between Charg and another little Island which lyes to the North-west and is call'd Chargia Charg is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre venerated by the Moors of one Muhhammed Anefia who the people of the Island say was one of the Descendents of Muhhammed Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore but a Portugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bassora put in at the same Island March the fourth We went on the other side of the Island to get water of which we stood in great need and my Ague having left me I landed with the rest upon the Island where I saw little besides the above-said Sepulchre and others less venerable which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone which by some carv'd work of the Frontis-piece and the form within seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial but now 't is used onely as a stall for Cattel The Island it self is low and plain the Peasants sow it with Corn Onyons and a few other such things but 't is poor enough the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take They speak the Persian Language and indeed are Vassals of Persia though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians They told me that they are govern'd by a Chief called according the custom of the Arabians Sceich which dignity descends from Father to Son that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals the former had intended to have built a Fort here whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty and by treating all parties alike friendly they have escaped unmolested by any and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty They told me also that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charg and Bassora both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora so that they were not molested by any party the ground of which I take to be because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals the greatest part being brought thither from these Lands of Persia and on the other side the Portugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora to assist the place against the Persians At night we return'd aboard having exchanged the Persian Pilot which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charg it being the custom so to do It rained in the night and the Sea grew high wherefore for more security we put off from the land further to Sea March the sixth Very early in the Morning we departed from Charg together with the other Ship of Ciaul yet each taking its own way and we proceeded coasting along Persia which lay on the right hand The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor so far from
the Persian shore that it was out of sight yet we found no more water than about ten fathom and indeed we were fain to sail when the wind arose with plummet constantly in hand by reason of the shallow which are hereabouts March the eighth We sailed still out of sight of land yet had but four fathom of water and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together the Persian Pilots call it Meidan that is the Plain The next day we sailed a little but most of the day lay at Anchor because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora although it seem'd to us to be very near and indeed 't is no easie matter to find it the shore being so low that it is not discerned unless very near hand and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River is not safe by reason of the shallows March the eleventh In seeking the mouth of the River opinions were so various and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion that the rudder strook on ground not without some danger but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship and got into more water the Ship of Ciaul which as lighter drew less water going before us as guide and entring into the River's mouth before we knew it The River of Bassora which is Euphrates and Tygris joyned together is call'd by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab that is the Arabian River and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other The most Easterly which is the biggest and securest lyes on the side of Ormuz and Persia whose name it borrows The more Westerly and less frequented by great Ships lyes on the side of Buhhreim or Cutifu of Arabia from whence it assumes a name And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora I know not how many leagues from the Sea hence it forms a no small Trianguler Iland called at this day Cheder which I hold to be the gift of the River like the Delta of Egypt and that it will increase every day by the sand brought down by the River considering the many flats and shallows which as I said above are found in these places Now we being entred by the Eastern mouth and having sailed a good way against the stream at length came to the place of the division and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora which lies on the west bank a good way from the River is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house where a bridg of planks laid upon boats and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike on the South-part of which bridg stands a Castle and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridg yet Ships go no further then the bridg where they ride as in a secure Haven From this trench are derived some other little channels on either side to several places of the City and in some of them they make use of small Boats which they call Doneâ— with great convenience to the houses besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot The City of Bassora is large and populous but ill built and till of late without walls for by reason of these wars with the Persians they have almost inclosed it with an earthen Rampart within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths and for linnen Cloth and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an indifferent large Piazza where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mascat when they infested the seas with their Galleys which afterwards were destroy'd by the Portugals Another Piazza there is before the Basha's House which is always full of heaps of Corn Rice and other Fruits which are to be sold here being kept night and day without other shops or inclosure then ordinary mats without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exercis'd by the Turks in matter of Theft The people are Arabians with some Turks intermix'd so that the Arabian Language is most spoken although the Turkish and Persian are not unfrequent As for Religion the Moors are partly Sonai's and partly Scinai's with Liberty of Conscience to both yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's and also all publick Ceremonies are perform'd after the Rite of the Sonai's which is that which the Great Turk who is King of this Country observes at Constantinople There are also some Houses of Chaldean Christians call'd Christians of S. John or Sabeans though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest who was there in my time and he a very Idiot nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh but eat every day alike Nor have they any Sacraments except some shadow of them and 't is a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be and not rather the Baptism of S. John then of Christ. And because in this and many other things they observe S. John Baptist more then any other and have him in greatest Veneration therefore they are call'd Christians of S. John with no small suspition of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. John baptiz'd with the Baptism of Repentance and who without caring for any thing else have continu'd in that Rite ever since The Gospels and other sacred Books 't is not known at least in Bassora that they have or use but they have a Book which they call Sidra according whereunto they govern themselves in matters of Religion but who is the Author of it I know not They speak a harsh Chaldee besides Arabick which is generally in use which Language of theirs they call Mendai as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styl'd Mendai besides the two other names of Christians of S. John and Sabeans by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans and by the latter to the Moors What Mendai signifies and whence it is deriv'd I could not learn They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian both ancient and modern wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest who
by an Arabick word is usually styl'd Sceich that is Old Man I could not learn any thing more concerning them because they are few and very Idiots only I think they may be those Sabean Heretick mention'd in Histories and particularly in the Elenchus Alphabeticus Haereticorum of Gabriel Prateolus who relates their Original and Rites Besides these of Bassora there are other at Hhaveiza which is neer Bassora at Durec Sciuscter and many other places of Persia amounting as they say to many thousand Families yet in Hhaveiza there are more then in any place else where they have a place inhabited only by themselves call'd Kiumalava or as themselves pronounce it Chiumalava reading the Letter K with the sound of Ch. Here live certain of their chief Priests Monks and Bishops whom they all Chanzaba and by whom they are govern'd in Religion I believe they have there some kind of Church Sacrifice and all other things better then at Bassora yet because I cannot speak either upon my own knowledg or any sufficient credible information I shall not relate any thing more of them although I had once a servant of the same Nation born in Kiumalava near Hhaveiza who amongst them was call'd Roheh but being afterwards re-baptiz'd by our Religious was nam'd Giovanni Robeh I shall only add concerning Bassora that of late dayes the City hath been more frequented with the trade of the Portugals of India to wit since the loss of Ormuz five of whose Ships at my being there continually rode in the River to defend the place from the attempts of the common enemy the Persian Upon the conflux of many Europaean Christians hither the bare-footed Carmelite-Fathers of Persia first and afterwards the Portugal Augustines of Goa have built two Churches either Order one wherein the Catholick and Roman Rite is publickly observ'd That of the Carmelites the Seat whereof was partly given them by the Basha and partly bought by themselves I found already finish't with a small Cloister and some Cells for the Fathers that live there of its Dedication which hapned in my time I shall speak below The Church of the Augustines had not its foundation yet fully laid and they were in suspense whether to go on with the building or no for fear lest the Persians should one day take Bassora in these wars which were on foot So that in my time the said Fathers lived in an hired house which the Basha paid for yet they had a Church or rather an Oratory there wherein Mass and all Divine Offices were publickly celebrated Of Augustines there were two at Bassora one with the Title of Prior was also Vicar to the Archbishop of Goa likewise an Augustine Fryer who for the sake of the Portugals that resort to the City of Arabia pretends to a Jurisdiction which he usurps not without some intrusion upon the Bare-footed Carmelites notwithstanding the Briefs of most ample Authority which they have obtain'd of the Pope for that purpose insomuch that in my time the said Augustine-Vicar publish't an Excommunication against all such as should not confess at Easter in their Church although they did it in that of the Carmelites and publish'd his Church to be the Parish-Church and not the other besides other like contentions between them not without some prejudice to the Affairs of Religion The Basha who for the assistance which he had of the Portugals in the war us'd not only them but all Europaeans that came thither very well gave a Pension or Alms to either Church every Month sufficient for Provision and he also well paid the five Portugal Ships which lay at Bassora for his service in the War Having entred the above-mention'd Dike and cast anchor for fear of being carri'd back again by the violence of the ebbing water we met with two of the said Portugal Ships at anchor in one of which was the General himself the other three were abroad in the great River near the place where the Basha had pitch't his camp to make head against the Persian Army which was upon the Confines and was rumor'd to intend an attempt against Bassora Marcch the twelfth Early in the morning before we stir'd I was visited in the Ship by F. Basilio a Bare-footed Carmelite and by F. Fra. Paolo di Giesu an Italian Franciscan whom I had known at Goa and who was now in his passage to Italy lodg'd at Bassora by the Carmelites At night upon the coming in of the Tide we tow'd the Ship up to the City On either side of the Dike were abundance of Houses and Gardens which render the passage very delightful Having cast anchor within the City near the Southern bank which is most inhabited I went ashore after dinner to seek a House but not finding one to my mind return'd back to rest all night in the Ship March the thirteenth Not finding a House to my content upon further search I got one to speak to Chogia Negem the chiefest Christian of S. John then amongst them being also Scibender of the Dogana who as a Christian and a Person of much humanity contracting an intimate friendship with me did me a thousand courtesies whilst I staid at Bassora In the morning his Wife in person went about seeking a House for us and at night I accompanied her to see one adjoyning to her own which for that reason and because it was somewhat better then the rest although far from good I made choice of and she promis'd to get it prepar'd for me against the next day whereupon I return'd aboard this night also This day Proclamation was made in Bassora for every house to send out a man with Arms to the camp to aid the Basha in the War against the Persians who were said to approach March the fourteenth I took possession of the House prepar'd for me and afterwards visited Sig. Consalvo Martino da Castelbranco chief of the Portugals in Bassora to deliver him a Letter which I had brought from the Viceroy of Goa the effect whereof was only an earnest recommendation of me upon which and other letters of friends which inform'd him of me he very courteously offer'd me all his service He told me good news being one that might well know the same of the affairs of Bassora Persia and Hhaveiza namely that Mansur Brother to the deceased Mubarek being some years ago sent by Sciah-Abbas to Hhaveiza as Prince thereof after he was well possess'd of the State became not well affected to the King of Persia though his Benefactor and indeed the Arabians cannot indure to be subject but desire liberty above all things Now in order to recovering his Liberty he held much correspondence with the neighboring Basha of Bassora the Turk's Vassal and of a contrary faction to the Persian who was then Efrasiab Basha who from Aga of Segmeni as he was at first in the same City his native place had made himself Basha by force and endeavour'd to establish the dominion of that State
Basha abroad with his Army and three Portugal Ships to with-stand them and the City of Bassora not without fear because the Persian Army much exceeded theirs both in number and quality of Souldiers March the sixteenth News came to Bassora that the Armies were very near and almost fac'd one another and Sig Consalvo de Silveira Chief Commander of the Portugal Squadron of Ships at Bassora told me that having heard that the Persians intended to bring seven pieces of Artillery by Sea to Durec a neighboring Port of theirs to Bassora to be imploy'd in the War he had sent forth two of his Ships and one of those lighter Frigots which they call Sanguisei to meet and intercept those Gunns which would be a notable piece of service March the seventeenth Chogia Negem who might well know things as he that was imploy'd in much business by the Basha inform'd me that the Persian Army consisted of 30000 men and that there were seven Chans in it which to me seem'd not probable because if the Chan of Sciraz with his people was not sufficient 't was possible his Brother Dand Chan whose Government is near him and the Chan of Locistan might be come but that others more distant should be there for the sole war of Bassora there was no necessity and consequently no ground â—o believe He told me further that now the waters were high there was no danger nor could the Persians make much progress by reason of the great River which they were to pass and many over-flow'd Lands and Trenches full of water wherewith Bassora was now fortified But when the waters came to be low as they would be within three moneths then Bassora would be in danger that as for defence by the Portugal Ships the Persians might pass over the great River by a Bridge much higher and further from Bassora either at Hhella which is in their Hands or at Baghdad it self or some where else without the Portugals being able to hinder them that if they came but with Provision for a few dayes the Country on the West side of the River on which Bassora stands was not so desart but they might have forrage enough for a great Army If this be true as it may be then considering the power of the Persians their manner of warring the situation strength and forces of the City of Bassora I am confident that at the long run it will not scape the Persians Hands so long as he holds Baghdad although in case of need the Grand Emir of the Desart who is now Mudleg surnamed as all his Predecessors were Aburisc that is he of the Plume or Feather should come to assist the Basha who can now hope for no aid from the Turk since the taking of Baghdad He also related to me concerning Baghdad that the place was betray'd to the Sciah by Bekir Subasci call'd otherwise Dervise Mahhammed whose Father who pretended to render himself Tyrant thereof the Sciah caused publickly to be slain upon his entrance into it but kept the Traytor with him and us'd him well That besides Baghdad he took Kierkuc and Mousul by his Captains and march'd beyond Hhella into the Country of Emir Aburisc even to Anna and Taiba within a little way of Aleppo which was thereupon in great fear and that he left a Garrison at Anna. But after the Sciah and the main of his Army was retir'd into Persia Emir Aburisc who was alwayes confederate with the Turk making an excursion with his People about the Desart recover'd Taiba and Anna killing seventy Qizilbasci whom he found there in Garrison after which he turn'd his arms against Emir Nasir ben Mahanna Lord of Mesched Hussein but not so great a Prince as himself and made great destruction of his People and Country Finally He added that a potent Army of Turks had since fallen upon Persia and Baghdad and had already recover'd Mousul and Kierkuc which last News I rather suspect to be dispers'd to animate the People of Bassora then hold for true because on the other side it was reported for certain that the Sciah was reposing his Forces at Ferhabad which could not consist with the so near approach of the Turks against him March the nineteenth An eminent man of Bassora nam'd Scaich Abdassalam muster'd a great company of his kindred friends and followers with whom he intended to go to the assistance of the Basha Amongst them were muster'd about 200 Christians of S. John arm'd with Arquebuzes and other weapons like the rest but all in my judgment as much Moors as Christians little Souldiers and of no esteem in comparison of the Qizilbasci March the two and twentieth In the Piazza before the Basha's House I saw a wild Ass or little Onager which was kept there for pleasure It was of the shape of other Asses but of a brighter colour and had a ridge of white hair from the head to the tail like the mane of a Horse in running and leaping it seem'd much nimbler then the ordinary sort of Asses March the three and twentieth A Portugal came from the Basha's Camp to Bassora bringing News that the Qizilbasci were return'd home to their own Countries and that in such haste that they had left much Cattel Goods and Meat ready dress'd in the Camp where they had quarter'd Which so unexpected departure of the Persian Army could not happen through any disturbance given them by that of the Basha but perhaps they were re-call'd for some other war or service of greater necessity as that of Ormuz or against the Turks or against the Moghol at Candahar which the Sciah had lately taken March the four and twentieth I took the height of the Sun in Bassora at noon and found him decline 28 degrees 48 minutes from the Zenith He was this day according to the Ephemerides of David Origanus in 4 degrees 4 minutes 57 seconds of Aries and according to the Meridian of the said Ephemerides declin'd from the Aequinoctial North-wards degrees but according to our Meridian of Bassora calculating by proportionall parts 1 degree 38 minutes and 32 seconds which added to the 28 degrees 48 minutes of the Sun's Declination from the Zenith amount to 30 degrees 26 minutes 32 seconds So that the Zenith of Bassora is distant from the Aequinoctial 30 degrees 26 minutes 32 seconds to which the Elevation of the North-Pole at the same is equal March the one and thirtieth Return'd the two Portugal Ships above-mention'd to have been sent abroad by the General to intercept the Persian Artillery of which design they fail'd because the Persians having notice thereof stirr'd them not of the Port. Yet they took three Persian Barques call'd Terrats with much wealth in them and a rich Moor who offer'd a thousand Patacches for his Ransome but they would not accept it All the other Moors in the Vessels they killed with two young children lest as they said if they should have carry'd them into a Country of Moors the Basha
men whom we met with their laden Camels inform'd us that the great Cafila which went so many days before us from Bassora had incounter'd many difficulties and was stopt by Emir Nasir who besides taking a great sum of money from them also constrain'd many of the people to go to Mesched Hhussein to fight with the Qizilbasci with whom he was now at enmity in which conflict which prov'd little successful to the Arabians the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain his Son succeeding him in his Charge with other like news which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francks who went along with that Cafila June the twenty third the twenty fourth and the twenty fifth We travelled and rested at our usual hours during which dayes we had the Iland Geuazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand and on the last of them we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants which to me seemed to be Juniper June the twenty sixth We travelled from day-break till two hours before Noon and then rested near certain Pits where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali the place where anciently stood the City of Kufa and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali whom they hold a Martyr And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being yet upon account of the said Sepulchre venerated by Mahometans and adorned with a noble Fabrick the place is frequented and inhabited when we passed by it was in the power of the Qizilbasci whereas it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night June the twenty seventh We set forth by day-light and at Noon rested near a water which rising out of the ground runs under a thicket of Canes where we stayed all day The next day setting forth and resting at our accustomed hours we passed over many dry Lakes which seem'd to have had water in them at some time of the year June the nine and twentieth Two or three hours before Noon we rested by a water near the ruines of an ancient great Fabrick perfectly square with thirteen Pillasters or round Columns on each side without and other compartiments of Arches within which were many Chambers with a Court of no great bigness and uncover'd The Arabians call this Fabrick Casr Chaider I could not conjecture whether it had been a Pallace or Temple or Castle but I incline to believe it a Palace rather then any thing else In this place we had within half a dayes journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein which signifies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Muhhammed's Daughter was slain and buried by his Emulators which place in the Country call'd Kierbela being inhabited and adorn'd with the said Sepulchre which the Moors visit as Holy a very sumptuous Fabrick after their mode was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad which is but a little distant from thence Here we stay'd to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasirben-Mahhanna Lord of these Desarts or rather to Sceich Abitaleb his Son for Sceich Nasir being now old and devoted to a Spiritual Life as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka had resign'd the Government to his Son and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place where we rested towards the North-East June the thirtieth In the Morning the two Capigi's that were in our company went separately to carry their Letters and Presents from the Serdar to the Sceich namely Ibrahim Aga to the present and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar who as they said was poyson'd either by others or by himself for fear of worse because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad yet this his Capigi having been sent to several other places could not come hither sooner to the Sceich After dinner in the absence of the Capigi the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel and after I had pay'd them as much as they requir'd to wit twelve Piastres for onely two Chests and two or three more Piastres of free-gift nevertheless they open'd all my Trunks breaking some for haste turning all things topsie-turvy and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they lik'd a rich Persian Turbant of Silk and Gold a piece of fine checker'd Silk to make Cassocks withall after the Persian Mode many dishes of rare Porcellane beautifi'd with Gold and colours an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant much curious Paper of Japan and India besides many other toyes which I remember not telling me that they would buy them notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold but onely such as I carry'd for my own use and service Moreover they made me by force that is refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary but saying that the Sceich commanded so though in truth I ought not pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend alledging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda which Guide I neither hir'd nor made use of and if I had I ought to have pay'd onely half at most the said Camelier having other Carriages besides mine and all of Merchandize But they were resolv'd to do a kindness to the Camelier who was an Arabian and a Thief like themselves and gave not this money to any Guide but kept it for his own use Hereby the Readers may observe how we Christians are us'd by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions At length they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword and Changiar or Arabian Ponyard the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt and which belong'd sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolencies I resolv'd to go to the Sceich my self and present him a Letter from the Basha of Bassora which he had writ to him in commendation of me Accordingly leaping upon a Mule of Aga's who was already return'd and highly angry with the proceeding of the Arabians both towards me the rest and himself I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich and our cheating Camelier who was partly the cause of this bad usage although I dissembled my resentment thereof to him By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispers'd in several places and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir which Tents differ'd from the rest neither in colour nor stuff being all of coarse black Goats-hair but onely in bigness which shew'd them to be the principal We enter'd not into the Tent because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof upon certain
of portage as they reckon'd it fifteen Piastres and two more towards the abovemention'd Gabel of the Camels to Nasir's Brother besides other fees They open'd my Trunks and took away two Velvet Caps much good Paper and several other things and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority they would also have broken open the Chest wherein I carri'd the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife Three hours before night we put our selves upon the way and travell'd till about an hour before night when we came to a place of water July the tenth We travell'd till Noon and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone fashion'd at the Top like the bowl of a Fountain After which we proceeded till an hour after Sun-set and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills Here we staid to refresh our selves and our Camels till three hours before night the Capigi's who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin or elsewhere departing before us but we who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna for compendiousness of the way and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there left the way to Anna on the right hand and took that within the Desart more Southward We travell'd all the remainder of this day and all the night with part also of the next day without staying to the end we might the sooner arrive at water of which we had no less desire then need July the twelfth About three hours after Sun-rise we baited being weary at the foot of certain little Hills without finding water so that we were fain to drink that little which remain'd in the Goat-skin borachoes which we carri'd with us About three hours before Sun-set we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day when we arriv'd at water to wit the famous River Euphrates lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to Aleppo where I had formerly pass'd when I went from thence to Baghdad and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers sent by the Officers of Anna whom the Capigi's had inform'd of our passage to demand those Tolls or Gabels which we had sought to avoid although we pass'd not through that City July the fourteenth Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel I paid for my part six Piasters and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers besides which I was oblig'd to pay twenty to the chief Camelier whose money was all gone and in this manner I was constrain'd both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure But for all this they afterwards open'd the two greatest Trunks I had and tumbled all my Goods about treating me with all rigor and discourtesie Only I took it well and upon that account willingly pardon'd them all the rest that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was and understanding what it was for I was glad to tell them lest they should have broken it open they not only gave me no trouble about it as I thought they would being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carri'd her with me to bury her in my own Country both pitying and commending me for it which hapning beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour and to her own effectual prayers which undoubtedly helpt me therein This being over about three hours before night We set forth and travell'd till night Some of the above-mention'd Soldiers return'd to Anna but others who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg accompani'd with us In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day and putting all my Goods in disorder took away many things as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk according to the mode of Assyria a Ball of Amber an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought and consign'd to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho to present in his name to Sig. Francesco del Drago at Rome many exquisite Porcellane Dishes miniated with Gold an Arabick Book though of little importance a great watchet Cloke or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode much paper besides other such things At night we staid to rest but the Soldiers went onwards before their going I redeem'd from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani and Sig. Drago's Alabaster Vessel giving them in exchange two Abe's or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres the Amber and other things I could not recover but they carri'd them away for they would neither restore them freely nor take money for them and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleas'd them It was no small good luck that I sav'd the Sword and Ponyard of Sitti Maani with many of her jewels bracelets other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands hiding them under a trunk for if they had seen them 't is ten to one but they would have taken them from me I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us who in ours very often with ill-employ'd courtesie are wont to be undeservedly caress'd and honour'd when they come thither July the fifteenth We travell'd from Day-break till Noon and three hours after till night when we took up our Station not far from the River amongst many shrubs which to me seem'd to be Juniper or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez The next two days we travell'd and rested at our usual hours and on the latter we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil all full of Talk of which I brought away a parcel with me In like manner we proceeded the two next days and on the twenty first we pass'd by a ruinous Castle call'd Hheir which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad I took a better view of it now and found it to be a great Building all of good and large white Marble Stones the form of it is a long Square with walls round about here and there distinguish'd with small round Turrets within are many contrivances of Rooms all likewise of white stone but so ruinous that it cannot be known what they were From hence we travell'd about three hours further and at night arriv'd at Taiba a Town which I had formerly seen and lodg'd in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate July the twenty second This day was spent in paying the
The same day after dinner I took leave of the Consul with all my other Friends and was by his Servants and many others of the Italian Nation accompany'd out of the City Before we mounted our Camels I was desirous to see in the Suburbs of Aleppo the Churches of the Oriental Christians which stand in a Street call'd Giudeida not from the Jews as some who skill not of Languages erroneously imagine but from the Arabick word Gedida which signifies New perhaps because this place of the Suburbs was built more lately then others Here a little out of the Street on the right hand I found four Churches all together led unto by one Gate onely from the Street but the place being spacious enough within conveniently divided and separated about the Court or Yard Two of them belong'd to the Armenians the greater a fair one indeed call'd Santi Quaranta or the forty Saints and the less Della Madonna or our Lady One of the other two call'd San Nicolo belong'd to the Greeks and the other which is the least of all to the Maronite Catholicks call'd Sant ' Elia. In another place a good distant from this I saw alone by it self another Church hansome and large for the Country built after our manner with three Naves or Isles upon Pillars it belong'd to the Syrian Jacobites and was call'd Sitaa Assedi or Santa Maria. This Church hath adjoyning to it a good House with a little Garden and other conveniences according to the use of the Country wherein lives the Patriarch of the Jacobits calld Heda for whom I had brought from Bassora a Letter of F. Basilio di San Francesco a discalciated Carmelite wherein he invited him to a mutual friendship and correspondence from which he might draw some benefit to the service of God by reason of his skill in the Arabick and his residence here in behalf of the Christians of the Country This Letter I had gotten presented to the Patriarch and transmitted his answer to F. Basilio but had never visited him as the Father desir'd me in order to second his Letter and settle a friendship between them because he liv'd far from the Venetian Consul's House where I resided and all the while I remain'd in Aleppo I was lame of one foot by a hurt caus'd by walking in ill shoos that day when we were in danger of being assaulted by thievs so that I could not walk and was not wholly cur'd when I departed Nevertheless hapning to be so near his Church now I would not omit to visit him I found him a very compleat civil and courtly man according to the mode of the Country he had not the fame of being learned but yet was accounted wise and generous He told me he was glad of F. Basilio's Letter and residing at Bassora and building a Church there so peaceably and with so much favour of the Turks as he advertis'd him and that he would continue correspondence with him He also shew'd me two fair Books of the Gospels written in large Parchment-sheets with excellent Syrian Characters one of them as I remember written four hundred years ago the Letters whereof were all either of Gold or Silver and this Book they say was found by the Turks in Cyprus when they took the Island and carri'd to Constantinople from whence it was afterwards redeem'd with money and brought hither Indeed no Manuscript could be more goodly or rich with gold and miniature it had also a velvet Cover adorn'd with Silver gilt but made by themselves the ancient Cover which they said was set with jewels of great value being taken away by the Turks 'T is the custom of the Orientals to make great account of Books so fairly written and richly adorned as likewise S. Jerom reports they us'd to do in his time though himself being a Scholar was better contented as he saith with his schedules of a less fair Character but correct The other Gospel which the Patriarch shew'd me was more ancient namely four hundred and fifty years old but written with ordinary ink and few miniated Figures this he told me they bought lately at Cyprus for two hundred Piastres He added that the Church of Aleppo was not his Patriarchal See although under his jurisdiction but it was near the City of Mousul which is in the place of the ancient Niniveh After much more discourse he caus'd very good Sherbets of Sugar with snow to be given us to drink as the custom is and offer'd us a Collation of fruits which we receiv'd not because it was already late and time to be gone At last at my taking leave he pray'd me to do reverence to his Holiness in his name and so when he had given me many benedictions as their manner is I left him and departed Being come to the place where the Camels with the Women waited for me I took leave of all those friends that had accompani'd me thither and chose not the direct way to Alexandretta which the Caravans commonly use but one somewhat longer hard by Antioch out of a desire to see the remains of that ancient City which I had not yet seen After a short travel we rested till the Moon arose and then proceeded all the remainder of the night in bad and uneven ways August the twenty fourth We pass'd by some Villages and places cultivated with Olive-trees which I was joyful to see not having beheld any for many years About Noon we rested amongst certain ruins of Stone-buildings which had once been very magnificent and seem'd to be the remains of some noble City in ancient times Here the Archbishop Isciva-jahab's men the one nam'd Abdisciva and the other Hendi overtook me with his Letter I receiv'd them and carri'd them with me as I had promis'd The said place is call'd Hhalqa which signifies a Circle because 't is a great Plain almost surrounded with Hills Three hours after Noon we set forth again we pass'd by another Village belonging to the Territory of Hhalqa and at night took up our Quarters near a running Water under another Village call'd Harta At midnight the Moon rising we set forth again and travell'd all the remainder of the night August the twenty fifth Continuing our journey we came into a great Plain and travelling along the River Orontes according to the stream which we had found at day-break we cross'd over the same upon a good Stone-bridge Here the Plain is contracted being streightned on the right hand with high and on the left with lower mountains travelling in which Valley about Noon we arriv'd at Antioch which is fronted with high mountains almost on the North beyond the River Orontes and back'd with lower toward the South the walls of the City being extended over the same We enter'd at the East-gate and took up our Quarters near a great Cistern which is on the left hand of the Gate divided only by a wall from the Street and pav'd round with white Marble it is fill'd by a
fearful storm met us we being then in the Bay of Portugal whose violence continued five whole days and nights and that Tempest was the most lively and real Comment that ever I observed on that place recorded in Psalm 107.23 The twenty eighth day We had sight of the Grand Canaries and of that Mountain in the Island of Teneriffa commonly called the Peak This over-grown rise of Earth is in shape like to a Pyramis or Sugar-loaf circled and wrapt about with many wreaths of clouds which encompass it by several distances as first earth then clouds above which the earth appears again then clouds again then earth the top of it being of such an immense height that it may be as truly said of this as Virgil. Eclog. 5. writes of Olympus Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi Sub pedibusque videt nubes sidera So beautiful it Heavens unwonted spires And Clouds and Stars under its feet admires This Peak of Teneriffa in a clear day may be seen if the Mariners report truth more than forty leagues at Sea These Islands lie twenty eight Degrees of North-Latitude The one and thirtieth being Easter-day We passed under the Tropick of Cancer And the seventh of April the Sun was in its Zenith or Vertical at Noon-day directly over our heads which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife or long Needle set upright which did cast no shadow The Sun in this course like the Equinoctial divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equal parts and in this Motion ariseth so directly or upright that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning for 't is dark immediatly before the Sun then appears and so 't is in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere Here we were becalmed fourteen days enduring extream heat April the sixteenth we met with winds we being then against and not far from the Coasts of Africa which the Mariners call the Turnadoes very strange Gusts indeed like those in Aeschylus on the shore Aesc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad finem Those self-opposing blasts we there had were so variable and uncertain that sometimes within the space of one hour all the thirty two several winds which are observed in so many points of the Compass will blow so that if there be many Ships in company you may observe them all to sail so many several ways and every one of them seem to go directly before the wind Now that it should be so here and not known so to be in any part of the world beside I ever heard of if not in those winds which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland-Witches I can give no reason for it unless Satan who is most Tyrannical where he is most obeyed that Prince of the Air seems to rule more here than he doth in other parts And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main the poor ignorant and most miserable Negroes born for sale slavery and slaughter These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Lightning and with extream rain so noisom that it made their clothes who stir'd much in it presently to stink upon their backs the water likewise of those slimy unwholsom hot and unsavoury showrs wheresoever it stood would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures These Turnadoes met with us when we were about twelve Degrees of North-Latitude and kept us company ere they quitted us two Degrees Southward of the Equinoctial under which we passed the twenty eighth of April The nineteenth of May being Whitsunday We passed the Tropick of Capricorn so that we were seven weeks compleat under the Torrid Zone Between the Tropicks we saw almost every day different kinds of fishes in greater abundance than else-where as the great Leviathan whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea Granpisces or lesser Whales Sharks Turtles or Tortoises Dolphins Bonitoes Albicores Porpisces Flying fishes with many others Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatness who in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water where they appear like unto great Rocks in their rise spouting up into the Air with noise a great quantity of water which falls down again about them like a showre The Whale may well challenge the Principality of the Sea yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion for instance a little long Fish called a Thresher often encounters with him who by his agility vexeth him as much in the Sea as a little Bee in Summer doth a great Beast on the shore The Shark hath not this name for nothing for he will make a morsel of any thing he can catch master and devour These Sharks are most ravenous fishes for I have many times observed that when they have been swimming about our Ships as oftentimes they do and we have cast over-board an iron hook made strong for this purpose fastned to a rope strong like it baited with a piece of beef of five pounds weight this bait hath been presently taken by one of them and if by chance the weight of the fish thus taken in haling him up hath broken out the hook's hold not well fastned as sometimes it did so that he fell again into the Sea he would presently bite at another Bait and so bite till he was taken This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eating as he is in quality a very moist watery fish yet eaten at Sea because any fresh thing will there down but no good food This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey by which he gives warning to many other little fishes who ever swim about him to avoid his swollow Those Fishes that thus keep him company are called by the Mariners Pilot-fishes who always shape their course the same way the Shark takes and by consequence nature having made them so wary he becomes their guard not his food And there are other fishes too they call Sucking-fish that stick as close to the body of the Shark as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast and so receive their nourishment from him and he must be contented for while he is swimming up and down he cannot possibly free himself of them Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness they have a broad round head in which are three rows of teeth very strong and sharp by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one bite as some have found by woful experience while they have been carelesly swimming in these hot Seas where these Sharks most use and certainly were they as nimble as they are mischievous would do very much hurt The Turtle or Tortoise is one of those creatures we call Amphibia that lives sometimes in the Sea and sometimes on the Shore he is marvellously fortified by Nature
did not so though he had to his good entertainment made for him a Chain of bright Brass an Armour Breast Back and Head-piece with a Buckler all of Brass his beloved Metal yet all this contented him not for never any seemed to be more weary of ill usage than he was of Courtesies none ever more desirous to return home to his Countrey than he For when he had learned a little of our Language he would daily lie upon the ground and cry very often thus in broken English Cooree home go Souldania go home go And not long after when he had his desire and was returned home he had no sooner set footing on his own shore but presently he threw away his Clothes his Linnen with all other Covering and got his sheeps skins upon his back guts about his neck and such a perfum'd Cap as before we named upon his head by whom that Proverb mentioned 2 Pet 2.22 was literally fulfill'd Canis ad vomitum The dog is return'd to his vomit and the swine to his wallowing in the mire After this fellow was returned it made the Natives most shie of us when we arrived there for though they would come about us in great Companies when we were new come thither yet three or four days before they conceiv'd we would depart thence there was not one of them to be seen fearing belike we would have dealt with some more of them as formerly we had done with Cooree But it had been well if he had not seen England for as he discovered nothing to us so certainly when he came home he told his Country-men having doubtless observed so much here that Brass was but a base and cheap commodity in England and happily we had so well stored them with that mettal before that we had never after such a free Exchange of our Brass and Iron for their Cattel It was here that I asked Cooree who was their God he lifting up his hands answered thus in his bad English England God great God Souldania no God In the year 1614. Ten English men having received the sentence of death for their several crimes at the Sessions house in the Old-Baily at London had their Execution respited by the intreaty of the East-India Merchants upon condition that they should be all banished to this place to the end if they could find any peaceable abode there they might discover something advantagious to their Trade And this was accordingly done But two of them when they came thither were taken thence and carried on the Voyage One whose sirname was Duffield by Sir Thomas Row that year sent Embassadour to the Great Mogol that fellow thus redeemed from a most sad Banishment was afterward brought back again into England by that noble Gentleman and here being intrusted by him stole some of his Plate and ran away Another was carried on the Voyage likewise but what became of him afterward I know not So that there remained eight which were there left with some Ammunition and Victual with a small Boat to carry them to and from a very little uninhabited Island lying in the very mouth of that Bay a place for their retreat and safety from the Natives on the Main The Island called Pen-guin Island probably so named at first by some Welsh-man in whose Language Pen-guin signifies a white head and there are many great lazy fowls upon and about this Island with great cole-black bodies and very white heads called Penguins The chief man of the eight there left was sirnamed Cross who took the Name upon him of Captain Cross He was formerly Yeoman of the Guard unto King James but having had his Hand in Blood twice or thrice by men slain by him in several Duels and now being condemned to die with the rest upon very great sute made for him he was hither banished with them whither the Justice of Almighty God was dispatched after him as it were in a Whirlwind and followed him close at the very heels and overtook him and left him not till he had pay'd dear for that blood he had formerly spilt This Cross was a very stout and a very resolute man who quarrelling with and abusing the Natives and engaging himself far amongst them immediately after himself with the rest were left in that place many of these Salvages being got together fell upon him and with their darts thrown and arrows shot at him stuck his body so full of them as if he had been larded with darts and arrows making him look like the figure of the man in the Almanack that seems to be wounded in every part or like that man described by Lucan Totum pro vulnere corpus who was All-wound where blood touched blood The retaliations of the Lord are sure and just He that is Mercy it self abhorrs Cruelty above all other sins He cannot endure that one man should devour another as the Beasts of the Field Birds of the Air Fishes of the Sea do and therefore usually shews exemplary signal revenges for that sin of Blood selling it at a dear rate unto them that shead it Every sin hath a tongue but that of Blood out-cryes and drowns the rest Blood being a clamorous and a restless suter whose mouth will not be stopt till it receive an Answer as it did here The other seven the rest of these miserable Banditi who were there with Cross recovered their Boat and got off the shore without any great hurt and so rowing to their Island the waves running high they split their boat at their landing which engaged them to keep in that place they having now no possible means left to stir thence And which made their condition while they were in it most extremely miserable it is a place wherein grows never a Tree neither for sustenance or shelter or shade nor any thing beside I ever heard of to help sustein Nature a place that hath never a drop of fresh water in it but what the showrs leave in the holes of the rocks And besides all this there are very great number of Snakes in that Island as I have been told by many that have been upon it so many of those venemous worms that a man cannot tread safely in the long grass which grows in it for fear of them And all these put together must needs make that place beyond measure uncomfortable to these most wretched men To this may be added their want of provision having nothing but dry Bisket and no great quantity of that so that they lived with hungry bellies without any place fit for repose without any quiet rest for they could not choose but sleep in fear continually And what outward condition could make men more miserable than this Yet notwithstanding all they suffered these seven vile wretches all liv'd to be made examples afterward of Divine Justice For after they had continued in and endured this sad place for the space of five or six moneths and they were grown all even almost mad
shore of Africa for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land alwayes in their sights as without question those Ships did and to those fore-mention'd places stored as is related above other parts of Africa with those richest Commodities I might have taken notice before but yet it will not be unseasonable of many sudden strong and violent Gusts of wind frequently to be observed in those South-west Seas which surprize a Ship so suddenly that if she have many sails abroad and the Mariners be not very watchful and nimble to strike them their strength is such that they will endanger her overturning And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they call Spouts which appear like a Funnel or water-tankard very large and big at the one end but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length They contain a great Quantity of water wrapt together by a whirl-wind that falls within a very narrow Compass the abundance whereof by its great weight if it fall directly as sometimes it doth upon the body of a small Ship it will much endanger it and would do much more harm but that these Spouts when they are seen may be easily avoided From the Island of Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course and the fifth of August following approached near the little Islands of Mohilia Gazadia St. John de Castro with some others whose Name I know not called in general the Islands of Comora lying about twelve Degrees South of the Equator The day following being the sixth of August Early in the Morning our Men looking out for Land espied a Sail which stood directly in our Course but far before us at first sight she appeared as if there had been some great Hill interposed betwixt us For first we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop after this of her Masts and Sails and then of her Hull after which manner Ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas have a Convex or Globous and round body placed by Almighty God as it were in Hills or Heaps and being being above the earth and higher than it they have set Limits and commanded they are to their Bounds contrary to their Nature which they may not pass for so saith the Psalmist Psalm 104.9 Thou hast set a bound which they may not pass over that they return not again to cover the earth But this is known to all that have been at Sea therefore we proceed Upon the first sight of that Ship we were all glad of the object improving all endeavours we could to overtake her with-all preparing our great Ordnance that if she were a Friend we might salute her if an Enemy be in readiness for her So eagerly pursuing this unlooked for Ship with the wings of the wind after that we had given her Chase about five hours her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa lying in the skirts of East-India and principally inhabited by Portugals the City of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces a brave Resolute Man as the sequent will demonstrate About noon the Globe our least Ship by reason of her nimbleness sailing better then her fellows came up with her on her broad side to wind-ward and according to the Custom of the Sea hayl'd her asking whence she was she answer'd indirectly Of the Sea calling our Men Rogues Thieves Hereticks Devils and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was in loud Cannon Language discharging seven great Pieces of Artillery at our Globe though she had very little reason so to do we having four Ships in Company and she alone whereof six pierced her through the Hull maiming some of her Men but killing none our Globe replyed in the same voice and after that fell off About three of the Clock in the Afternoon the Charles our Admiral came up with her so near that we were within pistol shot our Commander Captain Joseph proceeded religiously in offering them a Treaty before he proceeded to Revenge so we saluted her with our Trumpets she us with her wind Instruments then we shewed our Men on both sides aloft this done our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us they answered They had never a Boat our Commander replyed that he would send them one and immediately caused his Barge to be man'd and sent off to them which brought back one of their Officers and two others of inferior rank with this message from their Captain how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship and therefore forc'd he might be but never would be Commanded out of her Captain Joseph received the Message and used those that brought it Civilly and then ordered that they should be shewed in a broad side of great Guns that lay all ready prim'd to be fir'd against them how we were prepar'd to vindicate our selves which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling and upon it desir'd our Commander to write a few words to theirs that happily with their perswasion might make him come Captain Joseph willing to preserve his Honour to prevent blood consented and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrote unto him That Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our Ship that sail'd peaceably by him he will'd him to come presently and give a reason for that wrong or else at his perill So he discharged those Portugals sending one of our Masters Mates back with them with those few words and this further message that if he refused to come he would sink by his side but that he would force him before he left him Morientium verba sunt prophetica his words came to pass for he himself suddenly after fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side The Commander of the Caraque notwithstanding the Message and Menace sent to him was still peremptory in his first answer So our Men returning Captain Joseph himself made the three first Shot at them all which the mark being so fair and near hit them this done the Bullets began to flie on both sides our Captain cheering his Company immediately ascended the half Deck the place where Commanders use to keep in those Encounters to shew their own Gallantry and to encourage the Company under their Command where he had not been the Eighth part of an hour ere a great Shot from the Caraques quarter deprived him of Life in the twinkling of an Eye For this Captain Joseph he was certainly one who had very much of a Man in him for years ancient who had
in which there is a Chappel most richly set forth being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Silver most curiously imbossed over head in sevetal figures which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it and all this Cost those poor seduced Indians are at to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chappel What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be content to bear for their gross Idolatry Nothing is too rich too pretious or too dear for it This Idol thus kept in that so richly adorned Chappel they call Matta and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels who out of the officiousness of their Devotion cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice which they say grow out again as before But in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular In this Province likewise there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place called Jallamakee where out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks are daily to be seen continued Eruptions of Fire before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship Both these places were seen and strictly observed by Master Coryat 28. Siba the chief City is called Hardware where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks makes presently after a pretty full Current but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus from whence they both first issue That principal Rock through which this River Ganges there makes a Current is indeed or if not according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians like a Cow's Head which of all sensible Creatures they love best of which more hereafter thither they assemble themselves daily in Troops to wash their bodies ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place 29. Kakares the principal Cities are called Dekalee and Purhola it is a large Province but exceeding mountainous divided it is from Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's subjection 30. Gor the chief City so called it is full of Mountains the River Sersily a tributary unto Ganges hath its beginning in it 31. Pitan the chief City so called the River Canda waters it and fals into Ganges in the Confines thereof 32. Kanduana the chief City is called Karhakatenka the River Sersily parts it from Pitan This and Gor are the North-east-bounds of this Monarchy 33. Patna the chief City so called the River Ganges bounds it on the West Sersily on the East it is a very fertile Province 34. Jesuat the chief City is called Raiapore it lieth East of Patna 35. Mevat the chief City is called Narnol it is very mountainous 36. Vdessa the chief City called Jekanat it is the most remote part East of this Empire 37. Bengala a most spacious and fruitful Province but more properly to be called a Kingdom which hath two very large Provinces within it Purb and Patan the one lying on the East the other on the West-side of the River Ganges It is limited by the Golph of the same name whereinto the River Ganges which at last comes to be divided into four great Currents dischargeth it self after it hath found a way through the Mogol's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length The chief Cities in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka It hath many Havens and Ports belonging unto it which are places of very great trade Now these are the several Provinces belonging to the Great Mogol and all of them under his subjection which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map first made by the especial observation and direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman Sir Thomas Row here contracted into a less compass yet large enough to demonstrate that this great Empire is bounded on the East with the Kingdom of Maug West with Persia and with the Main Ocean Southerly North with the Mountain Caucasus and Tartaria South with Decan and the Gulph of Bengala Decan lying in the skirts of Asia is divided betwixt three Mahumetan Princes and some other Indian Rhaiaes which are Princes likewise The length of these Provinces is Northwest to South-west more than two thousand English miles North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles the Southermost part lying in twenty and the Northermost in forty and three degrees of North-Latitude The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles And here a great errour in Geographers must not escape my notice who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neighbours when as many large Countries are interposed betwixt them which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian-Merchants who are usually they going and returning all the way by Land in their journey and return and some stay there two full years from Agra to China Now to give an exact account of all those fore-named Provinces were more than I am able to undertake yet out of that which I have observed in some of them by travelling many miles up into that Countrey and then up and down with my Lord-Embassador unto many places there in progress with that King I shall adventure to ghess at all and I think for my particular that the Great Mogol considering his most large Territories his full and great Treasures with the many rich Commodities his Provinces afford is the greatest and richest known King of the East if not of the whole World I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good Where SECTION II. Of the Soyl there what it is and what it produceth c. THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy called by the Inhabitants Indostan so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man to feed and cloath and enrich him as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most Food which this Empire brings forth in abundance as singular good Wheat Rice Barley with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread the staff of life and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds very good and exceeding cheap For their Wheat it is more full and more white than ours of which the Inhabitants make such pure well-relished Bread that I may say of it as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Liege it is Panis Pane melior Bread better than Bread The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain but both toothsom and wholsom and hearty they make it up in broad Cakes thick like our Oaten-cakes and then bake it upon small round iron
terrible to those little Birds which make their Nests in those Woods and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtilty to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them to build their Nests in the twigs and the utmost boughs of those Trees where some of them hang like little Purse-nets to which those Apes and Monkeys be they never so little and light cannot come to hurt them Besides their Woods they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building and other uses but much of their brush or small wood I observed to be very sappy so that when we brake a twig of it there would come a substance out of some of it like unto Milk and the sappiness of that underwood may as I apprehend it be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soil Some of their Trees have leavs upon them as broad as Bucklers others are parted small like our Fern or Brakes as the Tamerine Tree which bears Cods somewhat like our Beans in which when the Fruit is ripe there is a very well tasted pulp though it be sowr most wholsom to open the body and to cool and cleanse the blood There is one very great and fair Tree growing in that Soil of special observation out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root as they will certainly do if they be let alone and taking Root at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them Whence it comes to pass that those Trees in time their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported grow to a very great height and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth they growing round every way as that hundreds of men may shade themselves under one of them at any time the rather because these as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India as particularly I observed before still keep on their green Coats For their Flowers they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds which though their colour be excellent they rather delight the eye than affect the smell for not many of them except Roses and some few kinds more are any whit fragrant Amongst them that are there is one white Flower like to Spanish Jessamin if it be not the same which is exceedingly well sented of which they make a most excellent pure sweet Oil with which they anoint their heads and other parts of their bodies which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers as they are expressed in the Map the two principal are Indus and Ganges where this thing is very observable for they say there that it is very true that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy And therefore they say that the Mogol wheresoever he is hath water brought him from that River that he may drink thereof by some appointed for that service who are continually either going to it or coming from it The water is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars excellently well tin'd on the inside and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water-bearers for the King's use two of which Jars every one carries hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders Besides their Rivers they have store of Wells fed with Springs and to these they have many Ponds which they call Tanques some of them exceeding large fill'd with water when that abundance of Rain falls of which more hereafter That most ancient and innocent Drink of the World Water is the common drink of East-India it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water and must needs be so because in all hot Countries it is more rarified better digested and freed from its rawness by the heat of the Sun and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither though they never made it their drink before than any other liquor and agreeth better with mens bodies Sometimes they boyl the water there with some wholsom Seeds and after drink it cold and then it is by much more cold after an heat Like unto some men who have shewed formerly much zeal and heat for good and afterward become more chil and cold than ever they were before Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Limons and Sugar which makes an exceeding pleasant drink which we call there Sherbet Some small quantity of Wine but not common is made amongst them they call it Raak distilled from Sugar and a spicy rinde of a Tree called Jagra it is very wholsom if taken very moderately Many of the people there who are strict in their Religion drink no Wine at all but they use a Liquor more wholsom than pleasant they call Coffee made by a black Seed boyld in water which turnes it almost into the same colour but doth very little alter the taste of the water notwithstanding it is very good to help Digestion to quicken the Spirits and to cleanse the Blood There is yet another help for those that forbear Wine by an Herb they have called Beetle or Paune in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf but more tender they chew it with an hard Nut somewhat like a Nutmeg but not in taste like that and a very little pure white lime amongst the leaves and when they have sucked down the juice put forth the rest It hath as they say and I believe very much of it many rare qualities for it preserves the Teeth strengthens the Stomack comforts the Brain and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath This I am sure of that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle being chewing in a close room that the breath of him so chewing it fills it with a very pleasing savour This Empire further affords very excellent good Horse curiously made high metl'd and well managed by the Natives Besides their own they have many of the Persian Tartarian and Arabian breed which have the name to be the choise ones of the World But of these more when I come to speak of the Inhabitants Here are a great number of Camels Dromedaries Mules and Asses imployed for the carriage of burthens or the carrying of the people to which use also they employ many of their Oxen and their Buffeloes likewise which before I spake of The Camels as I oft observed there have one strange quality who cry and make a very piteous noyse at night when they take off their burthens but in the morning when they are laid on the poor Creatures are very still and quiet making no noyse at all The Dromedary is called by the Prophet Jeremy Jer. 2.23 the swift Dromedary the reason may be because these like the Camels have
Saddles and Trappings The Elephants in this vast Monarchy are very numerous and though they be the largest and that by far of all the Creatures the earth brings forth yet are they so tractable unless at some times when the Males are mad of which more afterward as that a boy of twelve years old is able to rule the biggest of them in which we may in a special manner read a Comment on that truth which tells us how that the Lord hath put the fear of man upon all the creatures here below But for the Elephants I have begun to speak of they are very huge vast over-grown Creatures some of whom which I have seen I conceive at the least twelve foot high but there are amongst them as they say fourteen or fifteen foot in height The colour of them all is black their skins thick and smooth without hair they have full eyes but not proportionable to their great bodies they have ears like our Oxen but not exceeding large and those ears edged as it were about with a short hair-fringe and at the end of their tails which are slender and not very long there grows some hair likewise and a little on their eye-lids but no where else about their bodies The feet of the Elephants look like the trunks of small trees cut square off from their roots round about which there are thick and short and broad claws growing Some that write of them have abused the world with this tradition that they have no joynts in their legs and therefore stand when they sleep against trees to hold them up which is all very false for they lye down and arise again at their pleasure as other beasts do Their motion is not swift a walking rather than a pace about three miles at the most an hour but of all beasts that carry burdens they are most sure of foot for they never fall nor yet stumble to endanger their Rider They are most docile creatures and of all those we account meerly sensible come neerest unto reason Lipsius in his Epistles Cent. 1. Epist. 50. out of his observation from others writes more of them than I can confirm or any I perswade my self believe yet many things most remarkable which seem indeed to be acts of reason rather than sense I have observed in them for instance an Elephant will do any thing his Keeper commands him as if he bid him to affright a man he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him into pieces but when he is come at him do him no hurt at all so if he would have him to abuse or to disgrace a man he will take dirt or dust or kennel-kennel-water into his Trunk and dash it on his face Their Trunks are grisly Snouts of a great length hanging down betwixt their long teeth which teeth nature hath given them for their defence otherwise they are of little use to them In their Trunks they have such marvellous strength that by them they can do very much mischief for if they strike an Horse or Camel or any other the like beast with them as sometimes they do when as they are mad they will so break their bones as that they will spoil nay kill them at one blow and much more a man if he chance to come in their way Those Trunks of the Elephants are to them as an hand by which they feed themselves and make great use of them otherwise upon all occasions for with those Trunks they tear off boughs from trees by winding them about them and after with them put boughs into their mouths and eat the tenderest parts of them With these they pull up green corn if they be suffered and grass by the roots and then against their legs beat off the earth and dust that hangs about them before they eat thereof Thus they deal with sedgs or weeds which they find in the water first washing off the dirt which hangs on the roots thereof and then down they go into their vast bellies The Elephants delight much to bathe themselves in water in which when they find depth enough they swim as well as any other Creatures I observed before that the male Elephants when they grow lusty are sometimes mad for their females but in few days come again in temper before which time they are so mischievous that they will strike any thing but their Keepers that comes in their way and their strength is such as before I observ'd that there is no blow they give which lights either upon men or beast but carries death with it At those times to prevent mischief they are kept apart from company fetter'd with strong chains unto Trees but if by chance in their phrensie they get loose as sometimes they do they will make after every thing they see stir in which case they have no means to stop them in their violent course but by firing of Crackers made of Gun-powder whose sparkling and noise makes them to stand still and tremble When those creatures are in that mad distemper they sweat much which makes their savour exceeding rank and filthy like that ill smell of a Boar when he is fatting in his Stye but by much more strong and more offensive than that An English Merchant there of good credit upon his own knowledg reported this thing which follows and is very observable of an Elephant in Adsmer the place then of the Mogols residence who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place a woman who usually sat there to sell herbs was wont to give this great Elephant an handful as he many times passed by this Elephant after being mad brake his fetters and took his way through that Bazar the people being all of them much affrighted made haste to secure themselves by getting out of his way amongst whom was this Herb-woman who for fear and haste forgot her little Child which she had brought thither the Elephant came to the place where this woman usually sate stopt and seeing a little Child lying there about her herbs took it up gently with his Trunk not doing it the least harm and presently after laid it down upon the stall of an house that was hard by and then proceeded on in his furious course Acosta a Jesuit relates the like of an Elephant in Goa from his own experience The Elephant though he be vast and terrible yea and cruel too when he is set to do mischief or when he is mad yet otherwise is a tame gentle Creature so that the dread of this huge beast most appears to the eyes But notwithstanding his terribleness I once there saw a Creature compared with an Elephant not much bigger than a small Fish compared with a Whale boldly to encounter one of them The occasion by which this so came to pass offers it self thus that year I went for East-India the Merchants here as from the King of England in whose name they sent all their Presents amongst many other things then
wherein they might dispose of very great numbers of most excellent horses which were now at that place they would not make stables of any of those Churches though before that time they had been forsaken and out of use One of those deserted Mosquits with some large Tomb near it both vaulted over head which shall be after described were the best places there to be gotten for my Lord Ambassadour and his Company to lodge and be in we carrying our bedding and all things appertaining thereto all necessaries belonging to our Kitchin and every thing beside for bodily use from place to place as we occasionally removed Here we stayed with the Mogol from the middle of April till the twentieth of September following and then began our progress with him towards the City Amadavar Our abiding place at Mandoa was very near one of the sides of that vast Wilderness out of which some of those wild beasts oft-times in the night came about our habitation and seldom teturned back without a Sheep or a Goat or a Kid some of which we always kept about us for our provision And it was a wonderful great mercy those furious and ravening and hunger-bit Creatures did not make their prey sometimes in the dark and silent nights while we were sleeping on some of our bodies the fore-part of our dwelling standing upon pillars and there was nothing in those open distances that had any strength in it to keep them from us One night early in the Evening there was a great Lion which we saw came into our Yard though our Yard was compassed about with a stone-wall that was not low And my Lord Ambassadour having a little white neat Shock that ran out barking at him the Lion presently snapt him up leapt again over the wall and away he went But for a ravening and roaring Lion as I believe that he cannot be made tame when he is old yet certainly he may be bred tame being kept full and high fed For the Mogol at my being there had a very great Lion I often saw which went up and down amongst the people that frequented his Court gently as a dog and never did hurt only he had some Keepers which did continually wait upon him For those wild and cruel Beasts one of our English-men watching in a tree by night that stood not far from our dwelling with a fire-lock charg'd with some small bullets shot a Tigre and kil'd him stone-dead as he was coming towards us It was a large beast higher than an Irish-Greyhound with grizled hair a long head sharp and short picked ears having a mouth fil'd with cruel teeth after which we usually keeping a little fire without our house every night were not so much troubled with those night-walkers Now to return to that from which I am occasionally digressed I told you before what their buildings are And now for the furniture that the greatest men have in them it is Curta supellex very little they being not beautified with hangings nor with any thing besides to line their walls but where they are best adorned they are kept very white and set off with a little neat painting and nothing else for they have no Chairs no stools nor Couches nor Tables nor Beds enclosed with Canopies or Curtains in any of their Rooms And the truth is that if they had them the extream heat there would forbid the use of many of them all their bravery is upon their Floors all which are made eeven with fine Earth or Plaister on which they spread their most excellent Carpets in their Tents as well as in their dwelling houses laying some coarse thing under to preserve them on which they sit as Taylors on their shop-boards when they meet together putting off their shooes which they usually wear as slippers and their feet bare in them when they come to tread upon those soft Pavements and keeping them off till they remove thence this helps to keep cool their feet and is very pleasant in those hot Countries On those Carpets they sleep in the night time or else upon an hard Quilt or lying upon a flight and low Bed-stead they call a Cot bottomed with broad Girt-web made of Cotten-wool But where-ever they lye they stretch themselves out at their full length when they go to sleep usually upon their backs without any Pillow or Bolster to raise up their heads Very many of the meaner sort of people as I have often observed lye thus stretched out to take their rest upon the ground in the dry season of the year with a white Callico-cloth spread all over them which makes them to appear like so many dead corpses laid forth for burial This lying so eeven and at length with their bodies thus extended may be one reason why the people there are all so straight limn'd having none crooked amongst them and another because they never girt nor lace in their bodies as before was observed Some of those slight Bed-steads they call Cots in their standing houses hang by ropes a little above ground which are fastned to the four corners thereof moved gently up and down by their servants to lull them asleep They have no Inns in those parts for the entertainment of strangers but in some great Towns large Houses they call Sarraas very substantially built with brick or stone where any Passengers may find house-room and use it without any recompence but there is nothing to be had beside room all other things they must provide and bring with them as when they lodge in Tents Amongst their Buildings I must take special notice of their Wells and Tankes upon both which in very many places they bestow exceeding much cost in stone-work for their Wells which are fed with Springs they make them round but very wide and large They are wrought up with firm stones laid in fine Plaister they usually cover those Wells with a building over-head and with Oxen draw water out of them which riseth up in many small Buckets whereof some are always going down others continually coming up and emptying themselves â—n troughs or little rills made to receive and convey the waâ—â—r whither they please Their Tanks are made in low places and many of them very deep and large one mile and some of them much more in compass made round or four-square or in more squares about which there is a low stone-wall that hath many doors in it and within that wall steps made one below the other round about it that go down to the bottom thereof which is paved likewise those steps are made of well squared lasting stone laid firm and eeven in very good order for people that have not plenty of water otherwise to go down and take it These great receptacles of water are made neer places that are very populous fill'd when that long season of rain before spoken of comes immediately before which time they clense them that the water may be more clear and wholsom
have been and not without cause esteemed as mad-men in foretelling things which they could not know and much less bring to pass And therefore I have heard a great Master in and a publick Professor of Astronomy who could see as far into Constellations and observe as much from them as any other often say that he would go by the very self same rules that others did to predict things to come and would write that which was quite contrary to what they observed yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they foretold Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises the great Mogol puts so much confidence in his Astrologers that he will not undertake a journey nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least consequence unless his Wizards tell him it is a good and a prosperous hour to begin and set upon such an undertaking and at the very instant he hath his directions from them he sets upon the thing he undertakes and not before SECTION XIII Of their Physitians Diseases Cures When they begin their year How they measure their time c. HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physick though for ought I could ever there observe the people make but little use of them they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum and therefore do believe the Physitian to be the more dangerous disease The common Diseases of that Countrey are Bloody-Fluxes with others that come not to blood Hot-Fevers Calentures which seize on and fire the head and brain more than other parts These many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers especially while they are under the Torrid Zone which makes the poor creatures visited with them sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Haycocks and if they were not sometimes happily prevented would leap over-board to tumble in them For ordinary Agues such as are so common among us and for those two torments rather than diseases when they are felt in extremity the Gout and the Stone they have the happiness to be ignorant of them But sometimes they are visited with an inflammation or an extreme Burning such as is spoken of Deut. 28.22 or rather with a most grievous Pestilence which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great populous Cities This Pestilence makes the bodies of Men there which are visited with it like an House which on a sudden is covered all over with fire at once The City Amadavar at our being there with the King was visited with this Pestilence in the moneth of May and our Family was not exempted from that most uncomfortable visitation for within the space of nine dayes seven persons that were English of our Family were taken away by it and none of those which dyed lay sick above twenty hours and the major part well and sick and dead in twelve hours As our Surgeon who was there all the Physician we had and he led the way falling sick at mid-day and the following mid-night dead And there were three more that followed him one immediately after the other who made as much haste to the Grave as he had done and the rest went after them within that space of time I named before And as before I observed all those that dyed in our Family of this Pestilence had their Bodies set all on fire by it so soon as they were first visited and when they were dying and dead broad spots of a black and blew colour appeared on their Breasts and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distemper that we who survived could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it It was a most sad time a fiery Tryal indeed But such is the goodness of Almighty God that he makes the miseries of Men here Aut tolerabiles aut breves either sufferable or short so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born it continues not long as this most grievous visitation most violent for the time like a mighty storm and then blown away For here the mercy of God suddenly stept in betwixt the living and the dead so that not onely in our Family but also in that great City the Plague was stayed All our Family my Lord Ambassadour onely excepted were visited with this sickness and we all who through Gods help and goodness out-lived it had many great blisters fill'd with a thick yellow watery substance that arose upon many parts of our bodies which when they brake did even burn and corrode our skins as it ran down upon them For my part I had a Calenture before at Mandoa which brought me even into the very Jaws of Death from whence it pleased God then to rescue and deliver me which amongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him hath and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name There are very few English which come thither but have some violent sickness which if they escape and live temperately they usually enjoy very much health afterward But Death made many breaches unto my Lord Ambassador's Family for of four and twenty Waiters besides his Secretary and my self there was not above the fourth Man returned home And he himself by violent Fluxes was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave The Natives of East-India in all their violent hot diseases make very little use of Physicians unless it be to breathe a Vein sometimes after which they use much fasting as their most hopeful remedy The foul Disease is too common in those hot Climates where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings than with the sin or shame thereof The people in East-India live up to our greatest Ages but without all question they have more old people than we a thing not to be wondered at if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking But to proceed The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March The Mahometans begin theirs the tenth at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries their year as ours is divided into twelve Moneths or rather into thirteen Moons for according to them they make many payments They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us dividing the day into four and the night into as many parts which they call Pores which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts which they call Grees measured according to the ancient custom by water dropping out of one vessel into another by which there alwayes stands a Man appointed for that service to turn that vessel up again when it is all dropped out and then to strike with an hammer upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal like the inner part of a large Platter hanging by the brim on a wire the number of those
beasts which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back of their Buttelos which as it is freely given so it must be freely taken by all those who desire to refresh themselves by it There are some which build rich Monuments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austerity and holiness these they call Paeres or Saints amongst whom some of those before-mentioned help to fill their Number who sequester themselves from the world as they think and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills or in other obscure corners SECTION XVII Of the Marriages of the Mahometans and of their Polygamy c. AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion this certainly is not the least the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one for they make take four if they please and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter wherein he will provide for them all wives which shall have large rowling eyes which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty And it is a very sutable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh For Polygamy or the having of more wives than one Lamech a great Grand-child of Cain was the first that brought it into the World Gen 4.19 And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham which act of his as of others after him good men in their generation though it found permission never had approbation from Almighty God And further though under the times of the Law it found some connivence yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ. I remember that my Lord Ambassadour had a Servant of that Nation who desired leave to be absent one day and being asked why he told us that he was then to marry a Wife though he had three living then a Man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon the usual pay of Servants there as before I observed to maintain himself and all the rest of his family Often have I heard this Question put How these Mahometans can do with so many Wives some of which they keep pent up in little Cottages or Tents And in other places and parts of the World where mens dwellings are very large and spacious there is scarce room enough to be found for one Wife in a great House The Mahometans who have most Wives and Women are most jealous and their jealousie such as that they will not suffer the Brothers or Fathers of their Wives to come to them or to have any speech with them except it be in their presence And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such Women as have the reputation of honesty to be seen at any time by any Man besides their own Husbands or by those before named and by them but very seldom But if they dishonour their Husbands beds or being unmarryed are found incontinent and filthy professing Chastity rather than they shall want the severest punishment their own Brothers hands will be first against them to take away their lives and for so doing shall be commended but not questioned The Women there of the greater quality have Eunuchs instead of men to wait upon them who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousie Here is a free toleration for Harlots who are listed and enrolled as they say before they can have liberty to keep such an open house Which Creatures in general there and so all the World over whosoever they be imbrace those they pretend to love as Monkies and Apes do their little ones for they kill them with kindness Those base Prostitutes are as little asham'd to entertain as others are openly to frequent their houses Other Creatures as they say are there kept for base and abominable ends many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named and make no scruple at all for their so doing ut honeste peccare videantur as Lactantius speaks as if they might sin honestly Some of the finer sort of those base Strumpets before named at certain Times appear in the presence of the Mogol before whom they sing their wanton Songs playing on their Timbrels The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnized with some Pomp for after the Moolaa hath joyned their Hands and performed other Ceremonies and bestowed on the parties some words of Benediction which is done in the Evening immediately after the night coming on they begin their jollity The man on horse-back be he poor or rich with his kindred and friends about him many Lights before him with Drums and Wind-instruments and some mixt pastimes to increase the merriments The Bride she follows with her Women-friends in Coaches covered and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the City or Town they live in return to the place of the married couples abode where they say if the parties be able they make some slight entertainment for them immediately after which they all disperse and the show is over Women there have a very great happiness above all I have heard of in their easie bringing forth of Children into the world for there it is a thing very common for Women great with Child one day to ride carrying their Infants in their Bodies and the next day to ride again carrying them in their Arms. How those of the greater quality order their little Children when they are very young I could not observe but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born covering them onely and that but sometimes with slight Callico-Mantles The Mohometans as I have before observed who please so to do may take to themselves each four Wives and that filthy liberty given unto them by their fleshly Mahomet allows them in it I have heard of some in this Nation of late times who have been married here to more than so many at once but that wickedness here is not as amongst them committed by a Law but by Law made Capital and so punished The eldest Son they have by any of their married Wives hath a prerogative above all the rest whom their other Children call Budda by their great Brother And so much of their Marriages of their Children and of their Births In the next place I shall speak SECTION XVIII Of their Burials of their mourning for their Dead and of their stately Sepulchres and Monuments FOr the Mahometans it is their manner to wash the Bodies of their Dead before they interr them An ancient custom as it should seem among the Jews for it is said of Dorcas that after she was dead they washed her Body as a preparative to her Burial They lay up none of the Bodies of their Dead in their Misquits or Churches as
Fly but if they may be credited carries about it some Souls haply they think of light Women and will not be perswaded out of their wild conceivings so incorrigible are their sottish errours The day of rest which those Hindoos observe as a Sabbath is Thursday as the Mahometans Friday Many Festivals they have which they keep solemnly and Pilgrimages the most famous briefly spoken of before in those short descriptions of Nagraiot and Syba observed in my first Section Now there are a race of other Heathens I named before living amongst those Hindoos which in many things differ very much from them they are called Persees who as they say originally came out of Persia about that time Mahomet and his followers gave Laws to the Persians and imposed a new Religion on them which these Persees not enduring left their Country and came and setled themselves in East-India in the Province of Guzarat where the most part of them still continue though there are some of them likewise in other parts of India but where-ever they live they confine themselves strictly to their own Tribe or Sect. For their Habits they are clad like the other people of that Empire but they shave not their hair close as the other do but suffer their beards to grow long Their profession is for the generality all kinds of Husbandry imploying themselves very much in Sowing and Setting of Herbs in Planting and Dressing of Vines and Palmeeto or Toddy-Trees as in Planting and Husbanding all other Trees bearing fruit and indeed they are a very industrious people and so are very many of the Hindoos as before I observed and they do all very well in doing so and in this a due and deserved commendation belongs unto them For There is no condition whatsoever can priviledge a folded arm Our first Parents before their fall were put into the Garden of Eden to dress it Certainly if idleness had been better than labour they had never been commanded to do work but they must labour in their estate of innocency because they were happy and much more we in our sinful lost estate that we may be so It was a law given before the Law that man should eat bread by the sweat of his brows and it is a Gospel-precept too that he who will not work should note The sluggard desireth and hath nothing saith Solomon because he doth nothing but desire and therefore his desires do him no good because his hands refuse to labour That body therefore well deserves to pine and starve without pity when two able Hands cannot feed one Mouth But further for those Persees they use their liberty in meats and drinks to take of them what they please but because they would not give offence either to the Mahometans or Banians or other Hindoos amongst whom they live they abstain from eating Beef or Swines flesh It is their usual manner to eat alone as for every one of them to drink in his own Cup and this is a means as they think to keep themselves more pure for if they should eat with others they are afraid that they might participate of some uncleanness by them Alas poor Creatures that do not at all understand themselves and their most miserable condition for to them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure Yet I observed before the Mahometans and Gentiles there are very strict in this particular so that they will not eat with any mixt company and many of the Gentiles not eat with one another And this hath been an ancient custom among Heathens It is said Gen. 43.32 that the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews for that was an abomination to the Egyptians For those Persees further they believe that there is but one God who made all things and hath a Soveraign power over all They talk much of Lucifer and of other evil spirits but they say that those and all Devils besides are kept so under and in aw by two good Angels that have power over them as that they cannot hurt or do the least mischief without their leave and license As many of the Hindoos ascribe to much unto water as before so these to fire and the reason of it is this because they have had this tradition from many ages and generations past that their great Law-giver whom they call Zertoost was rapt up into Heaven and there had fire delivered unto him which he brought downthence and he ever after commanded his followers to worship it and so they do and further they love any thing that resembles fire as the Sun and Moon and therefore when they pray in the day time they look towards the Sun and so towards the Moon in their night-devotions and from that so over-high esteem they have of fire they keep fires continually burning in their Eggarees or Temples in Lamps fed with Oyl which are always attended by their Priests and they talk of many of these which have burned without extingiushment from many foregoing generations And by the way that wild and mad phansie of theirs that their Zertoost did fetch fire from Heaven is as certainly true as that ancient Fiction and Fable of Prometheus that he did steal fire thence But to proceed their Priests they call Daroos or Harboods above both which they have a Chief or High-Priest they call the Destoor who not often appears openly but when he doth he meets with much Reverence and Respect given unto him by the common people and so do those other Church-men which are his inferiours unto all which they allow free maintenance for their more comfortable subsistance Those Church-men by their Law are commanded to dwell near and to abide much in their Eggarees or Temples to give advice or direction to any that shall repair unto them for it They observe divers Feasts and immediately after each of them a Fast follows That living sensible Creature which they first behold every Morning that is good and serviceable is to them as they say a Remembrancer all the day after to draw up their thoughts in Thanks-giving unto Almighty God who hath made such good Creatures for mans use and service There are good things as I have been informed in that Book of their Religion delivered them in precepts which their Law-giver hath left unto them for the direction of their Lives As first To have shame and fear ever present with them which will restrain and keep them from the committing of many evils Secondly When they undertake any thing seriously to consider whether it be good or bad commanded or forbidden them Thirdly To keep their Hearts and Eyes from coveting any thing that is anothers and their Hands from hurting any Fourthly To have a care alwayes to speak the Truth Fifthly To be known onely in their own businesses and not to enquire into and to busie themselves in other mens matters All which are good moral precepts but they have another which marrs and spoils all the rest and that
bedeckt and adorned with Jewels he continually wears for the fashion of the Habit in which he is here presented it is for the fashion the Habit of that whole vast Empire so that he who strictly views this may see the dress of the Men throughout that whole great Monarchy After this I have set up the Royal Standard of the Great Mogol which is a couchant Lyon shadowing part of the Body of the Sun And after that I have caused his Imperial Signet or Great Seal to be laid down before my Reader 's Eyes where in nine rounds or Circles are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane and his lineal successors in Persian words which I shall make presently to speak English and as I conceive no more in English than what is fully expressed in those original words This Seal as it is here made in Persian words the Great Mogol either in a large or lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Firmaunes or Letters Patents the present Kings Title put in the middle and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest the impression whereof is not made in any kind of Wax but Ink the Seal put in the middle of the Paper and the writing about it which Paper there is made very large and smooth and good and in divers colours besides white and all to write on And the words on the Mogol's Seal being imboss'd are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin for there is no Image upon any of it And the like little Signets or Seals are used by the great Men of that Country and so by others of inferiour rank having their Names at length engraven on them with which they make impressions or subscriptions by by Ink put on them to all their acts and deeds which round Circle is their Hand and Seal too For Timur lang or Tamberlane he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second King of England And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs hath a Title which speaks thus 1. Amir Timur Saheb Ceraâ— that is the great Conqueror or Emperor Timur or Tamberlain Lord possessor of the Corners or of the four Corners of the World 2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha the King and Inheritor of Conquests or the Inheritor of his Fathers Conquests 3. The third his Son was called Mirza Sultan Mahomeds The Prince and Commander for Mahomet or The Defender of the Mahometan Religion For this King as it should seem was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometism which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great Enemy to and therefore ever strongly opposed it But this third Monarch of that Line and all his Successors since have been Mahometans 4. The fourth his Son was called Sultan Abusaid The Prince and Father or Fountain of Beneficence 5. The fifth his Son was called Mirzee Amir Scheick The Imperial Princely Lord. 6. The sixth his Son was called Baba Padsha The King the Father or The King the Father of his Country 7. The seventh his Son was called Hamasaon Padsha The King Invincible 8. The eighth his Son was called Achabar Padsha The great King or Emperour that is most mighty or The King most mighty 9. The ninth his Son was called Almozaphar Noor Dein Gehangeir Padsha Gaze The most warlike and most victorious King the Light of Religion and the Conquerour of the World Here are very high Titles taken by Tamberlane and his Successors and the lower we go the greater still they are but the last of them swells biggest of all calling himself amongst other Phantsies The Conquerour of the World and so he conceits himself to be As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian who believed that all the Ships on the Sea were his own and therefore he would call them My Ships when ever he saw them floating on the waters and thus the great Mogol imagines all the Kings Nations and People of the World to be his Slaves and Vassals And therefore when the Grand Signiour or Great Turk sent an Ambassador to the Great Mogol who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue and after when he was ready to take his leave desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned Tell thy Master said the Mogol that he is my Slave for my Ancestor conquered him The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit that he is Conquerour of the World and therefore I conceive that he was troubled upon a time when my Lord Ambassador having business with him and upon those terms there is no coming unto that King empty-handed without some Present or other of which more afterward and having at that time nothing left which he thought fit to give him presented him with Mercators great Book of Cosmography which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use telling the Mogol that that Book described the four parts of the World and all several Countries in them contained The Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it desiring presently to see his own Territories which were immediately shewen unto him he asked which were those Countries about them he was told Tartaria and Persia as the names of the rest which confine with him and then causing the Book to be turn'd all over and finding no more to fall to his share but what at first he saw and he calling himself the Conquerour of the World and having no greater share in it seemed to be a little troubled yet civilly told the Ambassador that neither himself nor any of his People did understand the Language in which that Book was written and because so he further told him that he would not rob him of such a Jewel and therefore returned it unto him again And the Truth is that the Great Mogol might very well bring his Action against Mercator and others who describe the World but streighten him very much in their Maps not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces which properly belong unto him But it is true likewise that he who hath the greatest share on the face of the Earth if it be compared with the whole World appears not great As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades that compared with the Globe of the whole Earth they did not appear bigger then a small tittle The Mogol's Territories are more apparent large and visible as one may take notice who strictly views this affixed Map which is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions So that although the Mogol be not Master of the whole World yet hath he a great share in it if we consider his very large Territories and his abundant riches as will after more appear whose wealth and strength makes him so potent as that he is able whensoever he pleaseth to make inroades upon and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours but I
great King and able to give it the Embassadour would reply That he came not thither to beg any thing of him all that he desired was that his Countrey-men the English might have a free safe and peaceable trade in his Dominions The Mogol would answer that he was bound in honour to afford them that we coming from the furthermost parts of the world to trade there and would often bid the Ambassadour to ask something for himself who to this would answer that if that King knew not better to give then he knew to ask he must have nothing from him Upon these terms they continually both stood so that in conclusiun the Embassadour had no gift from him but that before-mentioned besides an horse or two and sometimes a Vest or upper Garment made of slight Cloth of Gold which the Mogol would first put upon his own back and then give it to the Embassadour But the Mogol if he had so pleased might have bestowed on him some great Princely gift and found no greater miss of it than there would be of a Glass of water taken out of a great Fountain Now although the Mogol had such infinite Treasure yet he could find room to store up more still the desires of a covetous heart being so unsatiable as that it never knows when it hath enough being like a bottomless purse that can never be fill'd for the more it hath the more still it covets See an image hereof in Alcmaeon who being will'd by Craesus to go into his Treasure-house and there take as much Gold as himself could carry away provided for that purpose a long Garment that was double down to his ankles and great boots and fill'd them both nay he stuffed his mouth and tied wedges of Gold to the locks of his head and doubtless but for killing himself he would have fill'd his skull and bowels therewith Here was an heart set upon Gold and Gold over-lading an heart for the man stowing so much about him as that he could not stir with it forfeited what he might have had and was turned out of the Treasury as poor and empty as he came into it He is a rich man whatever he hath be it more or less that is contented He is a poor man who still wants more in becoming poor by plenty wanting what he hath as well and as much as what he hath not and so do very many who are the greatest engrossers of the worlds wealth SECTION XXV Of his Pastimes at home and abroad c. where something of his Quality and Disposition NOw what he doth and how he behaves himself amongst his house-full of Wives and Women cannot be known and therefore not related but when he shews himself as before thrice openly to his people every day he had always something or other presented before him to make him sport and to give him present content As sometimes he delighted himself in seeing Horses ridden the Natives there as before being very excellent in their well-managing of them Sometimes he saw his great Elephants fight And at other times he pleased himself in seeing wrestling or dauncing or jugling and what else he liked And it happened that but a few years before our abode there a Juggler of Bengala a Kingdom famous for Witches and men of that profession brought an Ape before the King who was ever greedy to please himself with Novelties professing that he would do many strange feats The Mogol was ready presently to make a trial of this and forthwith called some boys about him which he was conceived to keep for such use as I dare not name and plucking a Ring from his finger gave it one of them to hide that he might make a trial whether or no the Ape could find it out who presently went to the boy that had it The Mogol made some further trials like this where the Ape did his part as before And before the Ape was taken out of his presence this strange and unexpected thing following came into the King's thought There are said he many disputes in the World about that true Prophet which should come into the World We said the Mogol are for Mahomet The Persians magnifie Mortis Hale but they are Mahometans for Religion likewise The Hindoos or Heathens there have many whom they highly extol and magnifie as Bremaw and Bramon and Ram and Permissar the Parsees are for Zertoost the Jews for Moses the Christians for Christ and he added three more whose names I have not who make up the number of twelve who have all their several followers in that part of the World and then he caused those twelve Names to be written in twelve several Scrolls and put together to see if the Ape could draw out the Name of the true Prophet this done the Ape put his paw amongst them and pull'd forth the Name of Christ. The Mogol a second time caused those twelve Names to be written again in twelve other Scrolls and Characters and put together when the Ape as before pull'd forth the Name of Christ. Then Mahobet-Chan a great Nobleman of that Court and in high favour with the King said that it was some imposture of the Christians though there were none that did bear that Name there present and desired that he might make a third trial which granted he put but eleven of those names together reserving the name of Christ in his hand the Ape searching as before pull'd forth his paw empty and so twice or thrice together the King demanding a reason for this was answered that haply the thing he looked for was not there he was bid to search for it and then putting out those eleven names one after the other in a seeming indignation rent them then running to Mahobet-Chan caught him by the hand where the Name of Christ was concealed which delivered he opened the Scroll and so held it up to the King but did not tear it as the former upon which the Mogol took the Ape and gave his Keeper a good Pension for to keep him near about him calling him the Divining Ape and this was all that followed upon this admirable thing except the great wonder and amazement of that people There was one some years since wrote this story but somewhat varied from that I have here related in a little printed Pamphlet and told his Reader that I had often seen that Ape while I lived in those parts which particular he should have left out but for the Relation it self I believe it was so because it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons who knew not one another and were differing in Relion yet all agreed in the story and in all the circumstances thereof Now for the disposition of that King it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extreams for sometimes he was barbarously cruel and at other times he would seem to be exceeding fair and gentle For his cruelties he put one of his
I believe it is five English-miles at the least from one side of them to the other very beautiful to behold from some Hill where they may be all seen at once They write of Xerxes that when from such a place he took a view of his very numerous Army consisting at the least of three hundred thousand men he wept saying that in less than the compass of one hundred years not one of that great mighty Host would be alive And to see such a company then together of all sorts of people and I shall give a good reason presently why I believe that mixt company of men women and children may make up such an huge number as before I named if not exceed it and to consider that death will seize upon them all within such a space of time and that the second death hath such a power over them is a thing of more sad consideration Now to make it appear that the number of people of all sorts is so exceeding great which here get and keep together in the Mogols Leskar or Camp Royal first there are one hundred thousand Souldiers which always wait about that King as before observed and all his Grandees have a very great train of followers and servants to attend them there and so have all other men according to their several qualities and all these carry their Wives and Childern and whole family with them which must needs amount to a very exceeding great number And further to demonstrate this when that King removes from one place to another for the space of twelve hours a broad passage is continually fill'd with Passengers and Elephants and Horses and Dromedaries and Camels and Coaches and Asses and Oxen on which the meaner sort of men and women with little children ride so full as they may well pass one by the other Now in such a broad passage and in such a long time a very great number of people the company continually moving on forward may pass Thus this people moving on from place to place it may be said of them what Salvian speaks of Israel while they were in their journy to the land of promise that it was Ambulans Respublica a walking Commonwealth And therefore that ancient people of God were called Hebrews which signified Passengers their dwelling so in Tents signified thus much to all the people of God in all succeeding ages that here they dwell in moveable habitations having no continuing City here but they must look for one and that is above The Tents pitch'd in that Leskar or Camp Royal are for the most part white like the cloathing of those which own them But the Mogols Tents are red reared up upon poles higher by much than the other They are placed in the middest of the Camp where they take up a very large compass of ground and may be seen every way and they must needs be very great to afford room in them for himself his Wives Children Women Eunuchs c. In the fore-front or outward part or Court within his Tent there is a very large room for access to him 'twixt seven and nine of the clock at night which as before is called his Goozulcad His Tents are encompassed round with Canats which are like our Screens to fold up together those Canats are about ten foot high made of narrow strong Callico and lined with the same stiffened at every breadth with a Cane but they are strongest lined on their out-side by a very great company of arm'd Souldiers that keep close about them night and day The Tents of his great Men are likewise large placed round about his All of them throughout the whole Leskar reared up in such a due and constant order that when we remove from place to place we can go as directly to those moveable dwellings as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations taking our direction from several streets and Bazars or Market places every one pitched upon every remove alike upon such or such a side of the Kings Tents as if they had not been at all removed The Mogol which I should have observed before hath so much wealth and consequently so much power by reason of his marvellous great multitudes of fighting men which he always keeps in Arms commanding at all times as many of them as he pleaseth that as the Moabites truly said of Israel while they had Almighty God fighting with them and for them so it may be said of him if God restrain him not That his huge Companies are able to lick up all that are round about him as the Oxe licketh up the grass of the field Numb 22.4 When that mighty King removes from one place to another he causeth Drums to be beat about midnight which is a signal token of his removing He removes not far at one time sometimes ten miles but usually a less distance according to the best convenience he may have for water there being such an infinite company of Men and other Creatures whose drink is water that in a little time it may be as truely said of them as it was of that mighty Host of Sennacherib that Assyrian Monarch Esay 37.25 That they are able to drink up Rivers But when the place he removed to afforded plenty of good water he would usually stay there three or four days or more and when he thus rested in his Progress would go abroad to find out pastimes to which end he always carried with him divers kinds of Hawks and Dogs and Leopards which as before they train up to hunt withall and being thus provided for variety of sports would fly at any thing in the Air or seize on any Creature he desired to take on the Earth The Mogol when he was at Mandoa which was invironed with great Woods as before was observed sometimes with some of his Grandees and a very great company beside of Persian and Tartarian horse-men his Souldiers which are stout daring men would attempt to take some young wild Elephants found in these Woods which he took in strong toyls made for that purpose which taken were mann'd and made fit for his service In which hunting they likewise pursued on horse-back Lions and other wild beasts and kill'd some of them with their Bows and Carbines and Launces I waiting upon my Lord Embassadour two years and part of a third and travelling with him in Progress with that King in the most temperate moneths there 'twixt September and April were in one of our Progresses 'twixt Mandoa and Amadavar nineteen days making but short journeys in a Wilderness where by a very great company sent before us to make those passages and places fit to receive us a way was cut out and made even broad enough for our convenient passage and in the places where we pitched our Tents a great compass of ground rid and made plain for them by grubbing a number of Trees and Bushes yet there we went as readily to our Tents the same order
these in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula saying Mirandam Dei Incarnatinem c. concerning that admirable and wonderful Incarnation of Christ the Son of God I shall not say much it being sufficient for me as for all others that look for benefit by Christ to believe that he was begotten and that he was born These are Articles of our Faith and we are not Christians if we believe them not I may seem very strange therefore that the Mahometans who understand themselves better should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so unworthy or so unclean as that they will not eat with us any thing that is of our dressing nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels There are more particulars which challenge a room in this Section as their proper place but because I would not have it swell too big I shall here part it and speak further SECTION XVI Of their Votaries where of the voluntary and sharp Penances that people undergo Of their Lent and of their Fasts and Feasts c. AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derveeses who relinquish the world and spend all their days following in solitude and retiredness expecting a recompence as they say and are very well content to suffer and wait for it in that better life Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergo far exceed all those the Romanists boast of for instance there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills which are clothed or covered with trees and stand remote from any Company and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation stirring not at all from the places they first fix on but ad requisita naturae crying out continually in these or the like expressions Alla Achabar c. that is God Almighty look upon me I love thee I love not the world but I love thee and I do all this for thy sake look upon me God Almighty These after they thus retire never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come again upon their heads and they let their Nails grow like unto Birds Claws As it was written of Nebuchadnezzar Dan. 4. when he was driven out from the society of men This people after their retirement will chuse rather to famish then to stir from their Cells and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others who take care to send them some very mean covering for their bodies for it must be such otherwise they will not accept of it when they stand in need thereof and something for their bodily sustenance which must be of their coarser food otherwise they will not take it and no more of that at one time then what is sufficient for the present support of nature Some again impose long times of Fasting upon themselves and will take no food at all till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent And others there are amongst them they call Religious men who wear nothing about them but to hide their shame and these like the mendicant Friars beg for all they eat They usually live in the skirts or out-sides of great Cities or Towns and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions Luk. 8.27 about the City of the Gadarens which had Devils and wore no clothes neither abode in any house but in the Tombs And so do these making little fires in the day sleeping at nights in the warm ashes thereof with which they besmear and discolour their bodies These Ash-men will sometimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly and strangely as some of our Quakers do in their strange distempers and then the foolish common people will flock about them and believing they then Prophesie hearken unto them with all attention A very great difference 'twixt that people and ours for there they call mad-men Prophets and amongst us there are many Prophets which are accounted but mad-men There are another sort among them called Mendee carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and mis-conceivings in Religion who like the Priests of Baal mentioned 1 King 18. often cut their flesh with knives and launcers Others again I have there seen who meerly out of Devotion put such massie Fetters of Iron upon their legs as that they can scarce stir with them and then covered with blew mantles the colour of mourners in those parts as fast as they are able go many miles in Pilgrimage bare-foot upon the hot parching ground to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints thus putting themselves upon very great Hardships and submitting unto extreme sharp penances and all to no purpose But to return again to those Indian Votaries who undergo such hard things and out of this mistake that they do God good service in the things they do Concerning which actings Lucretius though accounted an Epicurean and an Atheist in his first book speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion Saepius olim Religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta oft of old Religion bred acts impiously bold The Mahometans keep a solemn Lent they call the Ramjan or Ramdam which begins the first New-moon which happens in September and so continues during that whole Moon And all that time those that are strict in their Religion forbear their Women and will not take either Meat or Drink any day during that time so long as the Sun is above their Horizon but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure The last day of their Ram-jan they consecrate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends when I have observed many of the meanner sort seem to make most bitter lamentation But when that day of their general mourning is ended and begins to die into night they fire an innumerable company of lamps and other lights which they hang or fix very thick and set upon the tops of their houses and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks that are surrounded with buildings where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water and when they are all burnt out the ceremony is done and the people take food The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their Mosquits where by their Moolaas some selected parts of the Alcoran are publickly read unto them which book the Moolaas never touch without an expression of much outward reverence For their works of charity there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities and Towns spoken of before where passengers may find house-room and that freely without a return of any recompence wherein themselves and goods may be in safety Others make Wells and Tanks for the publick benefit Or maintain servants which continually attend upon road-ways that are much travelled and there offer unto Passengers water for themselves and