Insurrection who kept not any one Article that was there agreed upon the King called a Parliament that met Aug. 13. 1640 which at first was thought to be well enough disposed till Sir Hen. Vane then Secretary of State demanded Twelve Subsidies in stead of Six which put the Commons into such a flame that upon May 4. his Majesty by the Advice of his Council thought fit to Dissolve them In August following the Scotch Confederates holding very good Intelligence with the English entred England with an Army which the King oppos'd with what force he was at that time able to Raise upon his own Credit His Majesty upon this pinch summons his Great Council of Peers to assemble at York Sept. 24. where they met accordingly and advised the King to a Treaty which was held at Rippon and a Peace was there Concluded and Signed Oct. 26. His Majesty being ply'd in the Interim with Petitions to call a Parliament and his work cut out ready to his hand in the matter of Property and Religion Those Petitions might have been spar'd the King having before hand resolved to call a Parliament to meet on the 3d of November next They were no sooner met but they fell upon Grievances and Impeachments beginning with the Earl of Strafford and the Bishop of Canterbury and so proceeding till all his Majestys Friends were made Traytors and the Law it self was found to be the Greatest Grievance There is a Malignant and Pernicious Designe says the Remonstrance of Dec. 15. 41. of subverting the Fundamental Laws and Principles of Government upon which the Religion and Justice of this Kingdom is firmly establish'd And there are certain Counsellors and Courtiers who for private Ends have engaged themselves to further the Interest of some Foreign Princes and States to the Prejudice of his Majesty and the State at Home Take notice now that the King had already by their own confession pass'd more Good Bills to the advantage of the Subjects then had been in many ages Coat and Conduct-money were all damn'd The Earl of Strafford beheaded The Archbishop of Canterbury Judge Bartlet and several other Bishops and Judges Impeach'd two Bills pass'd the One for a Triennial the Other for Continuance of the Present Parliament the Star-Chamber High-Commission Courts of the President and Council in the North taken away the Council-Table Regulated the Power of Bishops and their Courts abated Innovators and Scandalous Ministers terrifiâ—d by accusations the Forrests and Stannary-Courts brought within compass and yet after all this other things pa. 15. of main Importance for the Good of this Kingdom are in Proposition But their Intention pag. 19. is only to reduce within Bounds that exorbitant Power which the Prelates have assumed to unburthen mens Consciences of needless and superstitious Ceremonies Suppress Innovations and take away the Monuments of Idolatry To support his Majesties Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home with Power and Reputation abroad and by their Loyall Affections Obedience and Service to lay a sure and lasting Foundation of the Greatness and Prosperity of his Majesty and his Royall Posterity after him pag. 2. Declaring and Protesting further to this Kingdom and Nation and to the whole world pag. 663. in the presence of Almighty God for the satisfaction of their Consciences and the discharge of that Great Trust which lies upon them that no Private Passion or Respect no evill Intention to his Majesties Person no designe to the prejudice of his JUST Honour and Authority engaged them to raise Forces and take up Arms against the Authours of that War wherein the Kingdom was then Inflamâ—d Let us see now how well they acquitted themselves as to this Profession They put the Kingdom into a Posture of Defence by the Authority of Both Houses Pag. 96. They require anâ— Obedience to it Pag. 112. They Vote it a Breach of priviledge not to submit to any thing as Legal which they declare to be Law Pag. 114. And declare Pag. 150. that upon Certain Appearance or Grounded Suspition the Letter of the Law shall be emproved against the Equity of it and that the Commander going against its Equity discharges the Commanded from Obedience to the Letter to shorton the business they make it Treason upon any presence whatsoever Pag. 576. to assist his Majesty in the War with Horse Arms Plate or Monies and his Majesty Sums up the Malice of that Declaration in these Sixth Petitions First That they have an Absolute Power of Declaring the Law and that whatsoever they declare to be so ought not to be questioned either by King or people So that all the Right and safety of the Prince and Subject depends upon their pleasure Secondly That no Presidents can be Limits to bound their Proceedings which is so the Government of the Turk himself is not so Arbitrary Thirdly That a Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or Subject hath a Right for the Publick Good speaking all this while of the remnant of the two Houses That they without the King are this Parliament and Judge of this Publick Good and that the Kings Consent is not necessary So that the Life and Liberty of the Subject and all the Good Laws made for their security may be dispos'd of and Repâ—al'd by the Major Part of both Houses at any time present and by any ways and means procured so to be and his Majesty has no Power to Protect them Fourthly That a Member of either House ought not to be troubled or medled with for Treason â—lony or any other crime without the Cause first brought before them that they may Judge of the Fact and their leave obtained to proceed Fifthly That the Soveraign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament the King has no negative Voice and becomes Subject to their Commands Lastly That the Levying of Forces against the Personal Commands of the King though accompany'd with his presence is not Levying War against the King But to Levy War against his Laws and Authority which they have power to declare and signify is Levying War against the King and that Treason cannot be committed against his Person otherwise then as he is intrusted with the Kingdom and discharging that Trust and that they have a power to judge whether he dischargeth it or no. And all this still for the maintainance of the true Protestant Religion the Kings JUST Prerogatives the Laws and Liberties of the Land and the Priviledges of Parliament Pag. 281. Nay they will not allow the King any great Officer or Publick Minister the Power of Treating upon War or Peace or any matter of State conferring Honours no not so much as the Power of appointing any Officer Civil or Military without leave of the two Houses The Scale of their wickedness in One Word wherein their hireling-Pulpitiers fail in as pat with them as two Tallies was this First they fell upon the Kings Reputation they Invaded his Authority in the
Garments and Orders Ceremonies Gestures be rooted out from amongstus Trouble they will bring upon us for the time to come if they be not now cut off Pag. 36. As to the KING and his PARTY what a sad thing is it my Brethren to see our King in the head of an Army of Babylonians refusing as it were to be called the King of England Scotland Ireland and chusing rather to be called the King of Babylon Those that made their Peace with the King at Oxford were Judases of England and it were just with God to give them their Portion with Judas Here follows next their Opinion of the COVENANT The walls of Jerico have fall'n flat before it the Dagon of the Bishops Service-Book brake its neck before this Ark of the Covenant Prelacy and Prerogative have bow'd down and given up the Ghost at its feet Take the Covenant and you take Babilon the Towers of Babilon and her Seaven Hills shall move It is the Shiboleth to distinguish Ephramites from Gileadites Pag. 27. Not only is that Covenant which God hath made wiâ—h Us founded upon the Blood of Christ but that also which we make with God Pag. 33. See now the TENDERNESS of these men of tender Consciences Whensoever you shall behold the hand of God in the fall of Babilon say True here is a Babilonish Priest crying 〈◊〉 alas alas my Living I have Wife and Children to maintain Ay but all this is to perform the Judgement of the Lord. Pag. 13. Though as Little ones they call for pity yet as Babilonish they call for Justice even to Blood pag. 11. We are now entring upon the State of the WAR wherein you will finde in the first place who sounded the Trumpet to it To you of the Honourable House Up for the Matter belongs to you We even all the GODLY MINISTERS of the Country will be with you The First Enginiers that batter'd this great Wall of Babilon who were they but the poorer and meaner sort of People that at the First joyn'd with the Ministers to raise the Building of Reformation Here is an Extraordinary appearance of so many Ministers to encourage you in this Cause that you may see how real the Godly Ministry in England is unto this Cause This was upon calling in the Scots And again If I had as many Lives as I have hairs on my head I would be willing to Sacrifice all those Lives for this Cause Ibid. You shall read Numb 10. that there were two Silver Trumpets and as there were Priests appointed for the Convocation of their Assemblies so there were Priests to sound the Silver Trumpets to proclaim the War And Deut. 20. When the Children of Israel would go out to War the Sons of Levi one of the Priests was to make a Speech to encourage them Nor were they less cruel and fierce in the Prosecution of the War then they were forward in Promoting it In vain shall you in your Fasts with Joshua lie on your faces unless you lay your Achans â—n their Backs In vain are the High Praises of God in your Moâ—hs without a Two edged Sword in your hand Pag. 31. The Bâ—od that Ahab spar'd in Benhadad stuck as deep and as heavily on him as that which he spilt in Naboth The Lord is pursuing you if you execute not Vengeance on them betimes Pag. 48. Why should life be farther granted to them whose very lifâ— brings death to all about them pag. 50. Cursed be he that with-h ldoth his Sword from blood that spares when God saith strike c. pag. And let it not be now pretended that this War was not Levy'd against the King for they both disclaim his Authority and even the opposing of him on expresse terms It is lawfull says Dr. Downing of Hackney in a Sermon to the Artillery Men for defence of Religion and Reformation of the Church to take up Arms against the King It is commendable says Calamy to sight for peace and Reformation against the Kings Command And Case again Why come not in the Scottish Army against the King If the Devil can but once get a Prophet to leave Gods service for the Kings he hath taken a Blew already and is ready for as deep a Black as Hell can give him pa. 28. But what do they say all this time to his AUTHORITY The Parliament whom the People chuse are the Great and only Conservators of the peoples Liberties pag. 2. They are the chief Magistrates pag. 38. All those that fought under the Kings Banner against this Parliament fought themselves into slavery and did endeavour by all bloudy and Treacherous ways to subvert Religion and Liberties pag. 9. The Lords and Commons are as Masters of the House pag. 22. The Parliament of the Common-wealth of England without the King 1651 were the Supreme Authority of this Nation The Houses are not only requisite to the Acting of this Power of making Laws but Coordinate with his Majesty in the very Power of Acting pag 42. The Reall Sovereignty here in England was says Baxter in King Lords and Commons pag. 72. And those that conclude that the Parliament being Subjects may not take up Arms against the King and that it is Rebellion to resist him their grounds are sandy and their Superstructure false pag. 459. 460. The next Point is their Animating the MURTHER of the KING Do Justice to the Greatest Sauls Sons are not spar'd no nor may Agag or Benhadad tho' themselves Kings Zimri and Cozbi tho Princes of the people must be pursu'd into their Tents This is the way to Consecrate your selves to God pag. 16. The Execution of Judgment is the Lords word and they shall be cursed that do it negligently And cursed shall they be that keep back their Sword in this Cause You know the story of Gods Message unto Ahab for letting Benhadad go upon Composition pag. 26. But you shall now hear the MURTHER of his Sacred Majesty press'd more particularly in these Words Think not to save your selves by an unrighteous saving of them who are the Lords and the Peoples known Enemies you may not imagine to obtain the favour of those against whom you will not do Justice For certainly if you act not like Gods in this particular against men truly obnoxious to Justice they will be like Devils against you Observe that place 1 Kings 22. 31. compared with Cap. 20. It is said in Chap. 20. that the King of Syria came against Israel and by the mighty power of God he and his Army were overthrown and the King was taken Prisoner Now the mind of God was which he then discover'd only by that present Providence that Justice should have been executed upon him but it was not Whereupon the Prophet comes with ashes upon his face and waited for the King of Israel in the way where he should return and as the King passed
by he cry'd unto him thus saith the Lord because thou hast let go a man whom I appointed for Destruction therefore thy Life shall go for his Life Now see how the King of Syria after this answers Ahab's love about three years after Israel and Syria engaged in a new War and the King of Syria gives command unto his Souldiers that they should fight neither against small nor great but against the King of Israel Benhadads Life was once in Ahabs hand and he ventur'd Gods displeasure to let him go But see how Benhadad rewards him for it Fight neither against Small nor Great but against the King of Israel Honourable and Worthy If God do not lead you to do Justice upon those that have been great Actors in shedding Innocent Blood never think to gain their Love by sparing of them for they will if Opportunity be ever offer'd return again upon you And then they will not fight against the poor and mean ones but against those that have been the Fountain of that Authority and Power which have been â—mproved against them 〈◊〉 you not sins â—now of your Own says another but will ye wrap 〈◊〉 selves up in the Treachery Mâ—ther Blood Câ—uelty and Tyranny 〈◊〉 â—thers p. 17. Set some of those Grand Malefactors a mourning that hâ—e caused the Kingdom to mourn so many years in Garments rollâ—d in blood by the Execution of Justice c. P. 19. Tamum Religio potuit suadere Malorum And we are not yet at the Top on 't neither For to look back upon that hideous Impiety not only without remorse but with satisfaction is a piece of hardness and Inhumanity till this Age and this Case perhaps unheard of Worthy Patriots says another of the same Order you that are our Rulers in this Parliament 't is often said we live in times wherein we may be as good as we please wherein we enjoy in Purity and plenty the Ordinances of Jesus Christ praised be God for thisâ— Even that God who hath deliver'd us from the Imposition of â—relatical Innovations Altar-Genuflexious and Cringings with Crossings and all that Popish trash and Trumpery And truly I speak no more then I have often thought and said The Removal of those Insupportable Burthens Countervails for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in these late Distractions Nor did I as yet ever hear of any Godlymen that destâ—ed were it possible to purchase their Friends or Many again at so dear a rate as with the return of these to have those soulburthening Anti-christian Yoaks re-imposed upon them And if any such there be I am sure that desire is no part of their Godliness and I PROFESS MY SELF IN THAT TO BE NONE OF THE NUMBER And M. Baxter likewise in effect says as much viz. That having often searched into his heart whether he did lawfully engage in the War or not and whether he did lawfully encourage so many thousands to it he tells us that the Issue of all his search was but this that he cannot yet see that he was mistaken in the main Cause nor dares he repent of it nor forbear doing the same if it were to do again in the same State of things We might carry the aggravation yet a step farther in a Remarque or two upon his Political Theses where he took as much pains in 1659. to keep out his present Majesty as he did in the late War to drive out his Royal Father casuistically resolving upon the point then in Hope and Prospect that in that state of things the King himself could not justifie the resuming of his Government nor his People the submitting to it But this is enough to recommend the same persons over again to the care of another Reformation that were so dutifull in the former and the Government needs not doubt but they will be just as kind to his Majesty as they were to his Father Good God! That any thing in Humane shape that Glories in the Murther of his Sovereign should make a face at a Ceremony Here 's no amplyfying of the Matter no forcing of constructions Packing of Presidents or suborning of Proofs But the Doctors of the Schism Cited Produc'd and Judg'd out of their own mouths and in so clear a manner too as to leave no place for a doubt either of the Fact or of the Designe We could give you an account of the many good Offices they did in the various Revolutions of the War and upon the Pinching Exigences of the State As the promoting of Petitions Tumults Protestations Oaths and Covenants of all sizes and colours the Consecrating of the Rebellion by Authorities of Scripture Dividing Wives from their Husbands Sons from their Fathers Preaching away the Apprentices from their Masters and setting Jesus Christ in the Head of the Sedition The artifices of their Fasts and Thanksgivings their Cajolling the City out of their Bags and the simple multitude out of their Lives and Duties the Influence they had upon bringing in the Scots their faculty both of Creating Fears and Jealousies and of Emproving them their miraculous Discoveries of Plots of their own making Their Sermons were a kinde of Domestique Intelligence and people went to Church as to a Coffee-house to hear News and Fables We could shew you likewise how they shifted their Principles with their Interests and from 1640. to 1660. how these Mercenaries of the Pulpit complied with every turn of State But we have rak'd far enough already in this puddle and it is high time to proceed If a man might with a fair Decorum call so direfull a Tragedy a Puppet-play we should tell you that you have hitherto seen only the Puppets of this Pretended Reformation and that they signified nothing of themselves but as they were guided by the Masters of the Machine from under the Stage or behinde the Hanging Now we cannot better lay open this Practice and Confederacy then by setting forth the admirable Harmony and Concert that appear'd betwixt the Lay-Caball and the Ecclesiastick agreeing in the same method in the same steps in the same cause and in the same Opinions Only that which was matter of Policy in Private was made matter of Conscience and Religion in Publick First they finde out Corruptions in the Government as matter of Grievance which they expose to the People Secondly they Petition for Redress of those Grievances still asking more and more till something is deny'd them And then Thirdly they take the Power into their own hands of Relieving themselves but with Oaths and Protestations that they Act only as Trustees for the Common Good of King and Kingdom From the pretence of Defending the Government they proceed to the Reforming of it which Reformation proves in the end to be a Final Dissolution of the Order both of Church and State This we shall deduce as briefly as we may After the Fatal Pacification at Berwick June 17. 1639. upon the Scotts
them still Bolder and Bolder More and more Greedy still and more Insatiable They must have the Militia too the Command of the Kings Towns and Forts and put the Kingdom into a posture of defence themselves They cry for Justice upon Delinquents the very Rabble demanding the Names of those in the House of Peers that would not consent to the Proposition made by the House of Commons concerning the Forts Castles and the Militia when it was rejected by a Major Part twice And declaring them for Enemies to the Common-wealth Loyall and Legall Petitions being still rejected and the seditious countenanc'd In a Word they grew higher and higher till they brought the King to the Block which was no more then a Natural Conclusion from such premises And the First Petition how plausible soever was the Foundation of all our Ruines These Petitions you must know do not ask to Obtain but to be Deny'd and only seek an Occasion to pick a quarrel and if they cannot finde it they 'l make it If this be not provided for they tell us It is the Case of many a Thousand in England and great troubles will come of it The very Stile of them is Menacing and certainly nothing can be more Evident then their evil Intention There 's Malice in the Publication of them too beside that by the Number of the Subscripâ—ions they take an Estimat of the strength of their Party which is their safest way of Muster The Last Section under the Head of Popular Petitions is the Effect of them which in our Case was no less then the destruction of Three Kingdoms and let the Matter be what it will the Method is a most necessary Link in the chain of a Rebellion And it is the securest experiment too of attempting a Commotion being the gentlest of Political Inventions for feeling the pulse of the People If it takes the work is half done and if Not 't is but so much Breath Lost and the Design will be kept Cold. But may not Men Petition you will say and Petition for a good thing Yes if the thing be Simply Good the Petitioners Competent Judges of it and every man keep himself to his Own Post I see no hurt in 't But for the Multitude to interpose in Matters of State as in the Calling or Dissolving of Parliaments Regulation of Church Government or in other like Cases of Doubtful and hazardous Event wherein they have no Skill at all nor any Right of Intermedling why may not 20000. Plow-Iobbers as well Subscribe a Petition to the Lord-Mayor of London for the Calling of a Common-Council Or as many Porters and Carmen here in London put in for the better government of the Herring-Trade in Yarmouth every jot as reasonable would This be as the Other And that 's not all neither for the Thing they take to be a Cordial proves many times to be a Poyson and after Subscription they are yet to learn the very meaning of the Petition And then the Numerous Subscriptions prove it manifestly to be a Combination For the Number of Hands adds nothing to the Weight of the Petition and serves only for Terrour and Clamour It is a kinde of an odd way of putting the Question as who should say Sir May we be so bold and the sufferance or Patience of the Prince seems to answer them Yes you may and so they go on The Transition is so natural from a Popular Petition to a Tumult that the One is but the Hot Fit of the other and little more in effect then a more earnest way of Petitioning By these says his Late Majesty must the House be purg'd and all Rotten Members as they please to call them cast out By these the Obstinacy of men resolv'd to discharge their Consciences must be subdu'd by These all Factious seditious end schisâ—natical Proposals of Government Ecclesiastical or Civil â—st be back'd and abetted till they prevail God forbid says Mr. Pym that the House of Commons should proceed in any way to dishearten people to obtain their jâ—t desires in such a way It would fill a Volume to tell the Insolencies of the Rabble upon Lâ—mbeth-House upon the Persons of the Archbishop of York and all the Loyall Members of both Houses their Oâ—tcries for Justice upon Laâ—d and Strafford under the Conduct of Ven and Maâ—waring Their Exclamations No Bishops No Popish Lords Proclaiming several of the Peers by their Names to be evil and râ—tton-hearted Lords Their besetting of Sheriff Garnets House when the King Dinâ—d there crying out Priviledges of Parliament their aâ—onting the Lâ—rd Mayor Sir Richard Gourny and tearing his Chain from about his Neck and using Sir Thomas Gardiner the Recorder little better following them with Reproaches Remember the PROTESTATION Nay the King himself had his Coach stopt and Walkers Seditious Libel To your Tents O Israel thrown into it in the street This was upon the dispute about the Five Members when at their Return from Westminster they made a stand at White-hall-gate bauling out that they would have no more Porters Lodge but speak with the King when they pleas'd About a hundred Lighters and Long-Boats were set out by water laden with Sacres Murthering-Pieces and other Ammunition drest up with Mast-cloths and Streamers as ready for fight calling out as they past by Whitehall Windows what 's become of the King whither 's he gone The Tower of London and Hull being both besieged at the same time Now what was the End of These Tumults but over and above the Guilt and Calamities of a Civil War a Vengeance in the Conclusion upon the Heads of all the First Abetters of them These very men that first by Tumults forc'd away the King from Whitehall and their Fellow-members from attending their Duty at Westminster were Themselves afterward cast out by succeeding Tumults under the Character of Persons Disaffected the Independents at that time being too hard for the Presbyterians and the City too was whipt with its own rod. No man is so blinde says the Late King as not to see herein the Hand of Divine Justice They that by Tumults first occasioned the Raising of Armies must now â—e chastened by their own Army for new Tumults In fine a Tumult is a seditious action in Hot Bloud and only accounted the less Criminal for that there is not in it the Malice Prepence of a Rebellion If it succeeds the Principals of the Faction form it into a Conspiracy but if it miscarries it passes only as That did in Scotland 1637. for an Outrage of the Rabble Where many People agree in the Desiring of the same thing they seldom fail of Engaging afterwards towards the Procuring of it and so the Project advances from Petition to Protestation or Covenant the One Leading so naturally to the Other that the Late Popular Petition was no sooner set on foot but it was immediately followed upon the
next place after that they assaulted his Person seiz'd his Revenue and in the Conclusion most impiously took away his Sacred Life At which rate in proportion they treated the Church and the rest of his Friends and laid the Government in Confusion For the compassing of these accursed ends they still accommodated themselves to the matter they had to work upon They had their Plots and false allarms for the simple their Tumults for the fearful their Covenants was a Receptacle for all sorts of Libertines and Malecontents But the great difficulty was the gaining of the City which could not be effected but by embroyling the Legal and ancient Constitution of that Government For there was no good to be done upon the Imperial Monarchy of England without First confounding the Subordinate Monarchy of the City of London and creating a perfect Understanding betwixt the Caball and the Common-Council which was very much facilitated by casting out the Loyal and Orthodox Clergy and teaching all the Pulpits in London to speak the same Language with Margarets Westminster But let us consider the Government of the City of London First in the due and Regular Administration of it and then in its corruptions and by what means it come afterwards to be debauch'd The City of London was long before the Conquest Govern'd by Port-Reeves and so down to Richard the First who granted them several Priviledges in acknowledgment of the Good Offices they had render'd him But the First Charter they had for the Choice of their Own Mayor or Government was confer'd upon them by King John in these words Know ye that we have granted to our Barons or Freemen of our City of London that they may chuse unto themselves a Mayor of themselves And their following Charter of Henry the Third runs thus We grant also unto the said Citizens that they may yearly present to our Barons of the Exchequer we or our Heirs not being at Westminster every Mayor which they shall first chuse in the City of London to the end they may be by them admitted as Mayor In a following Charter of Ed. 2. That the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City aforesaid may be chosen by the Citizens of the said City according to the Tenour of the Charter of our Progenitors sometimes Kings of England to that end made and not otherwise The Charter of Hen. 8. runs to the Mayor Commonalty and Citizens of London Conjunctim The Charter of Ed. 3. is thus We have granted further for Us and our Heirs and by this our present Charter confirm'd to the Mayor and Aldermen of the City aforesaid that if any customs in the said City hitherto obtained and used be in any part Difficult or Defective or any thing in the same newly happening where before there was no remedy Ordained and have need of amending the said Mayor and Aldermen and their Successours with the assent of the Commanalty of the same City may add and ordain a remedy meet faithfull and consonant to reason for the Common profit of the Citizens of the same City as oft and at such time as to them shall be thought expedient We have the rather cited these clauses in favour of the Lawfull Government of the City in regard that they have been so often and so earnestly perverted another way The Charter we see is directed to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City the Power is granted to them to propose the making or mending of Laws as they see occasion only by the affent or dissent of the Commons they are ratifyed or hindred And those Laws are only Acts of Common-Council that is to say not of the Commonalty alone but of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons in concurrence Some there are that mistake the word Conjunctim and would have Jointly to be Equally as if one could not have a greater interest or Authority and another a lesse though in a Joint Commission The Power in short of summoning and Dissolving Common-Councils and of putting any thing to the question does legally reside only in the Lord Mayor And the Active Power in the Making of a Law and the Negative Voice in the Hindering of a Law have been by long Prescription and usage in the Lord Mayor and Aldermen And these being customs of the City every Freeman is to support and maintain them by the Obligation of his Oath And in farther proof that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen are by their Charter invested with the Powers aforesaid We shall need only to enform our selves who they are that in case of any publick Disorder are made answerable for the Misdemeanour Richard the Second granted a Commission to enquire of all and singular Errours Defects and Misprisions in the City of London for want of Good Government in the Mayor Sheriffs and Aldermen of the said City And for the Errours Defects and Misprisions in their Government sound they were fin'd 3000. Marks the Liberties of the City seiz'd into the Kings Lands and a Warden appointed to govern the City till in the end the Duke of Glocester prevail'd upon the King to reinstate them We have here given you a short view of the Orderly Government of this glorious City which is perchance one of the best qualify'd Establishments both for King and People under the cope of Heaven We are now coming to lay open by what Arts and Contrivances it came to be corrupted and in a manner to lay Violent hands upon it self Which is a story that may serve some for curiosity and others for Edification The People being extreamly discomposed in their minds upon the Apprehension of Popery and Arbitrary Power and shaken also in their Allegiance upon a strong Impression that it was a design in their Governours themselves to introduce it It was no hard matter to inveigle them into Petitions for Relief Protestations Associations and Covenants for the Common defence of themselves in the preservation of their Liberties and Religion and into a favourable Entertainment of any plausible pretext even for the Justification of Violence it self Especially the Sedition coming once to be Baptized Gods cause and supported by the Doctrine of Necessity and the unsearchable Instinct and Equity of the Law of Nature And all this too Recommended and Inculcated to them by the men of the whole World upon whose Conduct and Integrity they would venture their very Souls Bodies and Estates Being thus perswaded and possess'd the coming in of the Scots serv'd them both for a Confirmation of the ground of their fears and for an Authority to follow that Pattern in their Proceedings both causes being founded upon the same Bottom and both Parties united in the same Conspiracy So that this opportunity was likewise improved by all sorts of ayery Phantastical Plots frivolous and childish reports to cherish the Delusion And now was the time for Tumults and Out-rages upon publique Ministers and Bishops nay and upon the King himself till by Arms and Injuries they
forc'd him away from his Palace when yet they had the confidence to charge his Sacred Majesty with making War upon his Parliament But this would not yet do their business till they got Possession of the Militia which at length they did the Presses and the Pulpits all this while giving life and credit to their Proceedings Upon the tuning of mens minds for Innovations by making them sick of the present state of things the People were easily prevail'd upon to Petition for what they so much wish'd for and desir'd and this was the second step toward the Tyranny and Slavery that ensu'd upon it The Rude people says his Late Majesty in his Reflexions upon TUMULTS are taught first to Petition then to Protest then to Dictate and at last to Command The Faction made use of Petitions as common House-breakers do of screws they got in by little and little and without much noise and so Risled the Government Or they did rather like the counterfeit Glasiers that took down the Glasse at Noonday under colour of mending the Windows and then Robb'd the House To make a right Judgment upon a Popular Petition we should first consider the matter of it Secondly the wording of it Thirdly the manner of Promoting it Fourthly the Probable intent of it And Lastly we should do well to consult History and Experience to see what effects such Petitions have commonly produced As to the Subject-Matter of Popular Petitions it is either for publique concernment or private Generall or particular That is to say concerning the whole Body of the People or only some part of it It is either within the Petitioners Cognizance and Understanding or it is not It varies according to the Circumstances of Times Occasions and Parties and it often falls out especially where it treats of Reformation that the one half of it is a Petition and the other a Libell The Case of that is purely Private or Particular cannot properly be call'd Popular and so not to our purpose There are likewise Mixt Cases of Publick and Private as in the Calamities of War Pestilence Fires Inudations and the like where Numerous Subscriptions are matter of Attestation rather then Clamour on the behalf of such and such Known and Particular Sufferers Now there is a great heed to be given to the Petitions of men both that Understand what it is they ask and whom the Law has made Competent Judges of it But where the Question is the Redresse of Grievances in matter of State the Complaining part of the Petition makes it only a more Artificiall Scandall Besides the dangerous boldness of Intermeddling in points which they neither have any thing to do withall nor one jot Understand Such as the Petition of the Rabble in and about London in 1640. against Episcopacy Root and Branch the Porters Petition in 1641. about the Militia being told that it was only a Petition to Prohibit Watermen from carrying of Burthens That of the Stanford School-boys which their Masters made them Subscribe against Bishops Or the Scottish Petition in 1637. of Men Women Children and Servants in those very terms against the Service-Book These few instances may suffice to show the folly and worse of peoples stickllng for they know not what Next to the Matter of the Petition we should consider the wording of it For he that asks he knows not what may ask any thing in the World for ought he knows And it is not the humility of the Stile that can justify the publishing of a Reproach upon the Prince Did not Jacob take Amasa by the Beard with the Right hand to kiss him and yet at the same time strike him under the Fifth Rib that he dy'd It is no Breach of Charity when a Multitude are drawn into a Petition blindly to sollicite the Interests of Other men to take all ambiguities and Equivocalls in the worst sense And then the Manner of promoting these Petitions goes a great way It was a common practice in the Late Times for the confiding Members of several Countries to draw up Petitions to themselves and Lodg them in the hands of severall of their Factious Country-men here in the City to gather Subscriptions Where and how they plea'd in the Name of their respective Countiee Their Seditious Preachers says the Late King and Agents are by them and their speciall and particular Directions sent into the several Counties to infuse Fears and Jealousies into the minds of our Good Subjects with â—itions ready drawn by Them for the People to Sign which were yet many times by them changed three or four times before the delivery upon accidents or occurrences of either or both Houses And when many of our poor deceived People of our severall Counties have come to the City of London with a Petition so framed altered and Signed as aforesaid that Petition hath been Suppress'd and a New one ready drawn hath been put into their hands after their coming to Town insomuch as few of the Company have known what they â—tition'd for and hath been by them presented to One or Both our Houses of Parliamant as that of Bedfordsh and Buckinghamsh Witnesse those Petitions and amongst the rest that of Harfordshire which took notice of matter agreed on or dissented from the night before the delivery Which was hardly time enough to get so many thousand hands and to travel to London on that Errand These were not the Petitions of the Subscribers but of those that set them on who did in effect but Petition the People to Petition them again and that which was taken and imposed as the sense of the Nation was only the Project and Dictate of the Caball Only with the Porters they thought they had sign'd a Petition against the Watermen and it prov'd to be against the Government so innocent were the greater part of the Petitioners Now as to the Intent of those Petitions since we cannot enter into the hearts of men we are allow'd to judge of the Tree by the Fruit. And we must distinguish too betwixt the Intention of the Dictatours and that of the Subscribers the Former Contriving with an Ill Intention that which the Latter Executed with a Good One. Let the Matter of the Petition be never so fair yet as was said before if it be a business out of the Petitioners sphere and capacity either to Meddle in or to understand it is a suspitious way of Proceeding Such were the Confederate Petitions of England and Scotland for a Parliament in 1641. which were but a Prologue to the Opening of the Subsequent Confederacy against the Government When the Petitions that follow'd sufficiently expounded the meaning of the Former They Petition'd against Ecclesiastical Courts Ceremonies Scandalous Ministers Bishops Votes in Parliament and Episcopacy it self against evil Councellors Monopolies Corruptions of State Courts of Oppression and Innumerable Grievances Were they not gratify'd in all this and did not those very Concessions make