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A37464 The works of the Right Honourable Henry, late L. Delamer and Earl of Warrington containing His Lordships advice to his children, several speeches in Parliament, &c. : with many other occasional discourses on the affairs of the two last reigns / being original manuscripts written with His Lordships own hand.; Works. 1694 Warrington, Henry Booth, Earl of, 1652-1694. 1694 (1694) Wing D873; ESTC R12531 239,091 488

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Francis Hargrave THE WORKS OF THE Right Honourable Henry late L. Delamer AND Earl of Warrington CONTAINING His Lordships Advice to His Children Several Speeches in Parliament c. WITH MANY OTHER Occasional Discourses On the AFFAIRS of the Two Last Reigns BEING Original Manuscripts Written with His Lordships own Hand Never before Printed LONDON Printed for John Lawrence at the Angel and John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey 1694. TO The Right Honourable THE EARL OF WARRINGTON My Lord SInce my late Lord Warrington your Father trusted me with the care of your Education your Lordship has made so great a Progress in all things which I Taught you that I am now forced to procure you another Tutor You are become in a little time a great Master of several Languages and most parts of Philosophy and I may say without flattery that your Lordship hath Genius Learning and Piety enough to make one of the Best and the most Accomplish't Gentleman in England But yet your Quality requires something more for it is not enough for one in your Lordships High Station to be Humanist Geographer Historian and I may add a good Man too he must be also a States-man and a Politician but being neither my self I must repeat the same thing over again to my Shame and to your Credit that your Lordship wants a better Master Amongst several of the most Eminent Men which I could recommend to your Lordship I found none so Learned nor indeed so fit to make deep Impressions upon your Mind as your Lordships Noble Father whose Writings belongs to you as well as his Estate I don't doubt but you will strive to get the best share of his Learning nor can you fail of an Extream Delight by drawing Sciences but of the same Spring from whence your Noble Blood did flow His Book then being yours both by Inheritance and by the particular gift of its Authour it would be unjust to present it to any other but your Lordship and needless to recommend it or beg your acceptance for 't Therefore omitting any longer Preface in Recommendation of these Golden Remains I 'll only take leave to make this Observation upon them That as there is nothing wanting in them for your Lordship's Instruction both by Humane Learning and Solid Devotion I have fitted you with the Master that I look't for and whom you wanted From whom having obtained all the Qualifications which your Noble Soul is capable of you have no more to wish for but that you may live and practice 'em and it will be to me both a great Satisfaction and Honour to see my Work finisht by the same Artist who put it first into my hands and trusted me with the beginning of it It will be enough for me that I have put my hands to such a Master-piece and shall be highly honoured if your Lordship take notice of my Endeavours and sufficiently Rewarded if you grant your Protection to him who has no other Ambition than to be Your Lordships Most Humble most Obedient and most Devoted Servant J. Dela Heuze THE CONTENTS I. HIS Lordships Advice to his Children page 1 II. An Essay upon Government p. 36 III. Reasons why King James Ran away from Salisbury p. 56 IV. Observations upon the Attainder of the late Duke of Monmouth with some Arguments for the Reversing thereof p. 70 V. Of the Interest of Whig and Tory which may with most safety be depended on by the Government on the account either of Fidelity or Numbers In a Letter to a Friend p. 82 VI. A Discourse shewing who were the true Incouragers of Popery Written on the occasion of King James 's Declaration of Indulgence p. 88 VII A Speech in Parliament for the Bill of Exclusion That the next of Blood have no Absolute Right to the Crown p. 94 VIII A Speech against Arbitrary and Illegal Imprisonments by the Privy Council Several Laws for the Restraint of this Power Instance of the Exercise of this Power on Sir Gilbert Gerrard about a Black-Box An Objection answered p. 100 IX A Speech against the Bishops Voting in case of Blood Lord Coke 's Opinion against it An Act of Parliament Good to which their Consent is not had Bishops no Peers though Lords of Parliament p. 107 X. A Speech against the Pensioners in the Reign of King Charles II. p. 115 XI A Speech for the sitting of Parliaments and against King Charles the seconds Favourites p. 121 XII A Speech in Parliament on the occasion of some Justices being put out of Commission in the said Reign p. 129. XIII A Speech for the Banishing the Papists p. 133 XIV A Speech on the Corruption of the Judges Laws to prevent it Some Instances thereof particularly Sir George Jeffreys when Judge of Chester p. 138 XV. Some Observations on the Prince of Orange's Declaration On the Exit of King Charles II. and Entrance of the late King whose Administration becoming Exorbitant brought on the Present Revolution The Arbitrary Proceeding of K. James excellently set forth by the Declaration c. In a Charge to the Grand Jury p. 353 XVI A Speech against the Asserters of Arbitrary Power and the Non-Swearers p. 385 XVII A Perswasive to Union upon King James his design to Invade England in the Year 1692. p. 401 XVIII Some Reasons against Prosecuting the Dissenters upon the Poenal Laws p. 412 XIX A Discourse proving the reasonableness of the present Revolution from the Nature of Government p. 421 XX. Whether a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Overt Act of Conspiring or Imagining the Death of the King p. 437 XXI Reasons for an Union between the Church and the Dissenters p. 457 XXII Of the Absolute Power Exercised in the late Reigns and a Defence of King Williams Accession to the Throne Election the Original of Succession Succession not very Ancient Division among Protestants a step to Arbitrary Power Enemies to the Act of Indulgence Disaffected to the Government p. 467 XXIII A Speech concerning Tyranny Liberty Religion Religious Contentions Laws of Advantage to the State cannot hurt the Church Of Conquest Of God's ways of Disposing Kingdoms and against Vice p. 483 XXIV The Legality of the Convention-Parliament though not called by Writ p. 509 XXV A Resolution of Two Important Questions 1. Whether the Crown of England be Hereditary 2. Whether the Duke of York ought to be Excluded p. 541 XXVI The Case of William Earl of Devonshire for striking Collonel Culpepper p. 563 XXVII Arguments against the Dispensing Power p. 583 XXVIII Prayers which his Lordship used in his Family p. 597 XXIX Some Memoirs of the Methods used in the Two last Reigns The Amazing Stupidity of those that would reduce us again into the same Condition p. 613 XXX Some Arguments to prove that there is no Presbyterian but a Popish Plot and against the Villany of Informing in 1681. p. 627 XXXI Monarchy the best Government and the English beyond all other With some Rules for the Choice
be a God of Order and therefore since all Government in general does Originally proceed from God that Administration is rather an Vsurpation than Government that commands or permits the Disturbance of the Subjects in the Enjoyment or Possession of their Rights and Properties And therefore it will follow That it is more for Gods glory that every man do sit safe and quiet under his Vine and Fig-Tree than to be oppressed Oppression intimates a wrong or Injustice and God will not Authorize that which he has declared to be unjust for just and righteous are all his ways Oppression will make a wise man mad which shews that Subjects have a right in their Properties as well as Kings have to their Crowns If there were not some such Right there could be no Oppression or Injustice for Oppression or Injustice i● when that which is anothers Right is detained or taken from him against his consent If Naboth had not had a Right in his Vineyard Ahab need not to have Capitulated with him to have it for a Garden of Herbs neither would God have visited Ahabs Family for the Blood of Naboth And I never knew any man to maintain the Doctrine That all our Rights and Properties were in the Crown but he hoped thereby to encrease his Estate And few ever pretended to be of that Opinion that were not broken in their Fortunes or aimed at their Neighbours If therefore Peace and Order is the end of Government and that it is more for Gods glory that every man sit safe under his Vine and Fig-Tree then it will follow That a King may forfeit his Crown by ●eason of Male Administration for otherwise it will follow that God made the World for the Pomp and Grandure of Kings and not for his own Glory that there is no such thing as Property no such thing as Right or Injustice that there are no Laws but his Will and Pleasure nor any thing to guide him but his own Fancy The CASE QUERY Whether a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Overt Act of Conspiring or Imagining the Death of the King IT has been declared in the Affirmative by some modern Precedents But whethen those Judgements did Proceed from Ignorance of the Laws or to serve a Turn will be enquired into when the time comes that the plain English may be spoke that is necessary to open and discover the truth of the Case There are several things which may give occasion to make it be so generally received in the Affirmative but it has chiefly proceeded from making Distinctions where the Law has not distinguished which is altogether forbid if Rules in Law are of any Authority or signify any thing for non est distinguendum ubi Lex non distinguit And therefore this Opinion will easily be refuted by considering these things which follow First Whether any Court the Parliament excepted can Try a man upon an Indictment for High Treason that is grounded upon Common Law Secondly To what end and intent the Statute 25. Ed 3 Chap. 2. was enacted Thirdly Whether Couspiring the Death of the King and Levying of War are distinct Species of Treason Fourthly Whether every Law is not to be construed most strictly to restrain the mischief against which it was enacted Fifthly What is the true meaning and signification of being provably attainted by Overt Deed As to the first it seems to be out of doubt that at this day there is no such thing as an Indictment at Common Law for High Treason tho for other things there is because there is no Precedent of it since the Statute 25. Edw. 3. for every Prisoner that is Arraigned for Treason does commonly demand of the Court upon what Statute he is Indicted and it is always answered upon such a Statute and the particular Statute is named Besides every Impeachment before the Lords in Parliament is grounded upon some Statute and if so a Fortiori no inferiour Court can try the Prisoner upon an Indictment for High Treason grounded upon Common Law For the Law which delights in Certainty especially in Case of Life will not allow of an Indictment at Common Law because no Issue can be joyned upon it by reason of the uncertainty As to the Second To what end and intent the Statute 25 Edw. 3. was made Edw. 3. was a great Prince and Victorious Captain which gained him a very great Renown but that which made his Name the greater and his Fame the more lasting was those good and beneficial Laws which were enacted in his time by which he restored and beautifyed this Government which had been defaced and almost destroyed by the illegal Proceedings during his Fathers irregular Reign and of all the Oppressions under which the Nation groaned at that time there was none that lay heavier upon them than that extravagant License which the Judges took to Interpret and call any thing Treason and this appears by the particular Joy which the whole Land expressed at the making of the aforesaid Statute For tho' he call'd Parliaments very frequently and none of them prov'd abortive for every one of them produced good Laws yet that Parliament which was held in his 25th Year did more than all the rest and of all the Beneficial Laws which were then enacted the Second Statute whereby Treason was reduced to a certainty gave the People greatest cause to lift up their Hearts and Voice in Thankfulness to God and the King because the Jaws of that devouring Beast were broken which had torn in pieces so many Families and threatned destruction to the rest So that this Statute was made to restrain all Treasons that may be made by inference or implication and to limit the Judges so strictly that they may not call any thing Treason but what is literally such within in the Statute for it is there provided That if any such like Treasons shall come before any of the Justices that they must slay without going to Judgement till the Cause be declared before the King and his Parliament And all subsequent Statutes of Treasm are as so many Confirmations of this Law for they had been needless 〈◊〉 the judges could have called any thing Treason but what is literally within that Statute and that Statute had been made to no purpose if it had not so strictly restrained the Judges And my Lord Chancellor Notingham was of Opinion That even the Lords in Parliament could not proceed upon an Indictment of High Treason unless the Fact alledged in it were first declared by some Statute to be Treason As to the third thing It never was not ever will be denyed that Compassing the Death of the King and Levying of War are two distinct Species of Treason unless all Treasons are of the same kind but if there are several sorts of Treasons then it will follow that these are also distinct Because in every Statute of Treason which mentions Conspiring the Death of the King and Levying of War they are named
distinctly besides they are different in the manner of Proof for that which is necessary to prove the one does in no sort prove the other and furthermore the one may be effected and the other never so much as intended or designed as that the King may be Murdered and no War levyed nor intended And moreover in the one Case it is Treason as well to intend as to execute it without relation to or being joyned with any thing else but it is not so in the other for it is Treason absolutely in it self as well to compass the Kings Death as to Kill him But an Intention to Levy War and the doing of all things in order to it is not Treason unless the War be levyed except by Misplication or Inference and thus much may serve to prove that they are distinct Species of Treason As to the Fourth No doubt that every Statute is to be construed most strictly to restrain the Mischief against which it was enacted For the Uninterrupted course of all Judgments and Resolutions have been accordingly and nothing can more directly thwart common Sence than to make it otherwise and therefore if the State be absolute the more forcibly that it is construed to restrain the Mischief the more truly is the intent of the Statute pursued for how shall any evil be supprest if the remedy must be applyed but by halves For the Law would then be rather a Mockery than a means to redress the Mischief if it shall not be taken most strongly against it either it is or it is not a restraint of the Evil if it is not why was it made If it is It must be understood in that Sence by which the Mischief or Evil may be effectually prevented and suppressed As to the Fifth The Answer will be best understood by Considering first the Significations of these two words apart Viz. Provably and Overt Provably Signifies To prove or make good by Evidence Argument Reason or Testimony Overt has all these Significations open clear plain apparent manifest notorious evident known undoubted certain perspicuous This then being the Significations of those Words what then can follow more Naturally than that to be provably attainted by Over Deed is that the Fact must not only be direct apparent and notorious to the point but it must also be proved clearly evidently plainly and perspicuously void of all doubt or obscurity and those two Words being taken together do the better Expound each other and seem to be choice Words culled out by the penners of that Statute as the most expressive against all Implications and Inferences which might be made in Case of Treason These things being premised which are as easily proved as alledged there will remain very little for them to maintain their Opinion who say That a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Overt Act of compassing the Death of the King The things which are commonly and chiefly urged for that Opinion are these two First It would be of dangerous consequence if a Conspiracy to Levy War may not be interpreted an Overt Act of Compassing the King's Death because there is no means left to prevent it and the Mischiefs attending it when the War is Levyed Secondly If a War be levyed the Death of the King must needs be intended and will certainly ensue if the Rebels prevail In answer to these it may be replyed That the one of them is but a bare Objection and that the other is no substantial Argument because it begs the Question and then surely that must be a feeble Opinion that has no better a Foundation But a more particular answer to them will discover the Sandy Foundation upon which this Opinion is built And it will be more proper to begin with the Second because in giving an answer to that the other will in a great measure receive an Answer also Therefore as to the Second It may be observed that the Death of the King is made so certain and necessary a Consequence of Levying of War that by reason of that certainty a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Over Act of Compassing the Kings Death Now therefore if that certainty will not hold but that many Cases may be put and Instances produced wherein the Kings Death is not intended nor did it ensue upon the prevailing of the Party then is the whole weight and strength of that Argument of None Effect The Hugonots in France have heretofore Assembled together in Arms and tho' they repeated it several times yet in which of those Occasions does appear either by the cause of their coming together in that manner or by the issue of it that it was Levelled at the Kings Life No the Cause of their rising in Arms was for the asserting of their Religion and just Rights for as soon as their Reasonable Demands were satisfyed they laid down their Arms more willingly than they took them up neither did they attempt any thing against the Kings Life when he was in their power but after they were answered in those things to which they had Right both by the Laws of Nature and the Government immediately they returned home in peace and upon all other occasions proved the most firm and Loval Subjects of all that Kings Dominions and as this present King of France must witness for them if he will do them Justice If the Protestants in France should at this time take up Arms upon so just a provocation as they now have it would be very senceless to suppose that they Levy'd the War with a principal Design to Murder the King and not for the Defence of themselves and their Rights which are so inhumanly and against all Law and Justice at the same time invaded and ravisht from them Story is full of like Cases and Instances to this but to speak more particularly to England What was the Barons Wars the answer to which must be that they took up Arms to assert their Rights and Liberties which the King contrary to his Oath withheld from them and that it lasted near 40 Years yet the Kings Death was never intended nor his Life in any danger for as soon as their just demands were answered they put up their Swords and every man returned home and pray'd for the life of the King And out of English Story what one instance can be produced where the cause of War was declared to be against the Kings life or if that party prevailed the King was put to death by their general consent and approbation For tho' it be true that there are some instances where they have been Murdered after the War yet it is also as true that it was by private Assacination and not by the consent and privity of those who levyed the War for all those that were concerned in the Murder were condemned and executed for it as Traitors as in the Case of Edw. 2d and Richard 2d And as for that of Charles the First which is so much pressed and urged
tho' the Cause of War had been expresly against his Life yet as one Swallow does not make a Summer so neither does one Precedent prove the Point but besides in that case of Charles the First to infer from thence that the Kings Death is principally intended by levying of War is altogether as weak an Argument as to say because a thing falls out by accident therefore that very thing was the principal Design and Aim of the whole Action For in that War those who first took up Arms did it to oppose the Kings Arbitrary Practices and tho' he was afterwards put to Death yet it was altogether against their intent or desire and most of the Army was against it and would have prevented it but that they were at that time so broken into Factions and Parties that they durst not trust one another for after the Tragedy was acted those who first took up Arms immediately upon it laid them down and were afterwards the chief Instruments in the Kings Restoration But if the Kings Death is the principal thing designed by levying of War To what purpose is the War levyed cannot the King more casily be taken off by poyson or a Private Assacination to the effecting of which opportunities cannot be wanting and so with more certainty they obtain their End and run less hazard in the executing of it than they would by a War except they are not content to Murder him unless they cut the Throats of all those that would defend him Indeed to do it by an open War rather than Poyson or a private Assacination is the more generous way for they give him warning and timely Notice to look to himself like a generous Enemy that scorns to kill his Adversary basely 'T is indeed to go round about for the nearest way Therefore a War when levyed must be for some other intent then to take away the Kings life since when Englishmen enjoy their Rights no Prince is so great and happy in the Heads Hearts Hands and Purses of his Subjects than an English King is But yet allowing that upon every War levyed the Death of the King would certainly ensue if the Rebels prevail yet this Question does not naturally arise Viz. Where is that Statute which does in express Terms say that a Conspiracy to levy War is Treason For if it be not so expresly and literally within some Statute then it is a Constructive Treason and consequently no such Treason as upon which the Judges may proceed if the Statute 25th Edward 3d. was made to any purpose for that Statute restrains all Constructive Treasons or none but if the Judges may in any one Case make a Constructive Treason they may do it in all and so we are left in the same uncertainty about Treason as we were before the Statute 25th Edw. 3 was made If the Judges might Judge upon Constructive Treason yet it seems to be a far fetcht Construction to make a Conspiracy to levy War an Overt Act of compassing the Kings death for this is not to be provably attainted by Overt Deed. First Because that Conspiring the Death of the King and levying of War are two distinct Species of Treason and therefore it would be very unnatural and too much forc't to joyn these two together and as it were to unite them that are so different and diverse not only in the manner and Matter of Proof but also in themselves For then Secondly a Conspiracy to commit any other Treason may also be called an Overt Act of imagining the Kings death which was never yet pretended Thirdly A Conspiring of any one Treason may be an Overt Act of any other Treason Fourthly Any other Criminal Act may as well be called an Overt Act of Conspiring the Kings Death Fifthly This is to make it a Treason of it self for there is very little difference betwixt calling a thing Treason in it self and to make it an Overt Act of some Treason within the Statute Sixthly A Conspiracy to levy War was not Treason at Common Law Seventhly The Statutes of the 23d of Elizabeth and the first and 3d Jac. 4th which make it High Treason to Reconcile any to the Church or See of Rome or to be so reconciled were enacted to no purpose if a Conspiracy to levy War is an Overt Act of compassing the Kings Death for what can tend more plainly and directly to levy War than to perswade the People to renounce their Allegiance to the King and to promise Faith and Obedience to some other Power so that these and all other Statutes concerning Treason which have been made since the Statute 25th Edw. 3d. are as so many Confirmations of it and prove that the Judges can call nothing Treason but what is literally such within that or some other Statute Eighthly My Lord Cook says That a Conspiracy to Levy War is not Treason unless the War be levyed in facto and questionless his Opinion is very good Law because in many Cases it is not Treason to levy War and a Fortiory a Conspiracy cannot for look into the Statute First of Queen Mary 12th where it says If any Persons to the Number of twelve on above being assembled together shall intend go about practice or put in ure with Force and Arms unlawfully and of their own Authority to change any Laws made for Religion by Authority of Parliament standing in force or any other Laws or Statutes of this Realm or any of them the same number of twelve or above being commanded or required by the Sheriff of the Shire or by any Justice of Peace of the same Shire or by any Mayor Sheriff Justices of the Peace or Bayliffs of any City Borough or Town Corporate where any such Assemblies shall be unlawfully had or made by Proclamation in the Queens Name to retire and repair to their Houses Habitations or places from whence they came and they or any of them notwithstanding such Proclamation shall continue together by the space of one whole Hour after such Commandment or Request made by Proclamation or after that shall willingly in forcible and Riotous manner attempt to do or put in ure any of the things above specified that then as well every such abode together as every such Act or Offence shall be adjudged Felony And if any person or persons unlawfully and without Authority by ringing of any Bell or Bells sounding of any Trumpet Drum Horn or other instrument or by Firing of any Beacon or by malicious Speaking of any Words or making any Outcry or by setting up or casting of any Bill or Writing or by any other Deed or Act shall raise or cause to be raised any persons to the number of twelve or above to the intent that the same persons shall do or put in ure any of the Acts above mentioned and that the persons so raised and assembled after Commandment given in form aforesaid shall make their Abode together in form as is aforesaid or in forcible
manner put in ure any of the Acts abovesaid That then all and singular Persons by whose speaking deed act or other the means above specified to the number of twelve so raised shall be adjudged Felons If any Persons to the number of forty or above shall Assemble together by forcible manner unlawfully and of their own authority to the intent to put in ure any of the things above specified or to do other Felonies or Rebellions act or acts and so shall continue together by the space of three Hours after Proclamation shall be made at or nigh the place where they shall be so assembled or in some Market Town thereunto next ajoyning and after Notice thereof to them given then every person so willingly assembled in forcible manner and so continuing together by the space of three Hours shall be adjudged a Felon The things provided against by this Statute are plainly and directly a levying of War yet are they declared to be but Felony But it may be objected that by Statute 3d. and 4th Edw. 6. Those Offences were made Treason it is very true yet it does not alter the Case but rather proves the Point For first it being made Treason by Statute proves that it was not so in it self Secondly Because in the two next succeeding Reigns it is declared to be but Felony for the Statute of Queen Mary is confirmed by Statute 1st Eliz. 16. and therefore the Argument is the stronger because those two Queens were of different Religions Thirdly Because when a thing is declared an Offence by Act of Parliament and is afterwards made a less Offence it proves that it was not so great an Offence in it self but that the necessary Circumstances of Time and Affairs require it should then be such But the Case is yet stronger because in some Cases it may be but a Trespass to levy War as it was in the Case of the Earl of Northumberland 5th Henry 4. He did actually raise Forces and such as was taken to be a levying of War for which he was questioned before the Lords and tryed for High Treason but tho' the Lords did believe the Fact yet they adjudged it but a Trespass because the Power raised were not against the King but some Sabjects This precedent seems to carry great weight in it first because it is a Judgment given in the highest Court of Judicature and Secondly Because it was given so soon after the making of the Statute 25th Edw. 3. and therefore they must be supposed to understand the meaning of the Statute full as well as succeeding Ages The Case of those who aided Sir John Oldcastle might be also urged if there were occasion but what has been already said is sufficient yet one Clause in that Statute 25 Edward 3d. is not to be passed over in silence because it puts the matter out of Dispute and the Clause is as follows If percase any man of this Realm ride Arm'd covertly or secretly with Men or Arms against any other to Slay him or Rob him or take him or retain him till he hath made Fine or Ransom for to have his Deliverance it is not the mind of the King nor his Council that in such case it shall be adjudged Treason but it shall be judged Felony or Trespass according to the old Laws of the Land of old times used This proves That altho' the Statute had made it Treason yet that it was not so in it self and therefore it will follow that if a War may be levy'd which is neither Treason nor Felony so it is unnatural that a Conspiracy to Levy War should be construed to be an Overt Act of Compassing the Kings Death Thus the Second thing Objected has received a full answer and likewise the first in a great measure but to put all out of doubt a few words shall be added to give a compleat answer to the first also If the Consequences on all hands be duely considered the danger will be found to lye on the other hand yet be it as great as it can be pretended let it be considered that the Law has settled the point and so it must stand till by the same Authority it be alter'd for the Rule in Law is not to be forgot Nemo Legibus Sapientior It is to be pretended that out of a tender regard that the Law and all Subjects ought to have for the Kings Life that a Conspiracy to Levy War is taken to be an Overt of Compassing the Kings Death To this it may be answered by way of question How comes it about that this Age should have a greater care and tenderness of the Kings Life than our Porefathers had Can it be Imagined that they did not understand the Nature of the Government as well as we do nor did know of what Consequence to the Publick the Preservation of the Kings Life is Can it be thought that they did not duely weigh and consider the consequence on all hands Yet however were there never so many Defects in it seeing it is settled by Law it cannot be altered but by the same Power for if it may then let the Consequence be duly considered of leaving it in the Breast of the Judges to rectify the Mistakes or Desects be they Fictions or real for then when a turn is to be served the Law shall always be defective and so in effect they shall Legem dare Treason will then be reduced to a certainty that is if the Judges please otherwise not There will be no need of Parliaments for the Judges shall both declare and make Law What will all our Laws signify tho made and penned with all the Wisdom and Consideration that a Parliament is capable of if the Judges are not to be tyed up and guided by those Laws it renders Parliaments useless and sets the Judges above a Parliament They can undo what the other has done the Parliament Chains up some unruly Evil or Mischief and the Judges let it loose again But besides where is this dangerous Consequence as is objected Indeed there had been some weight in the Objection had a Conspiracy to levy War been left wholly unpunishable but the Law has provided a punishment commensurate to the Offence and tho' it does not extend to Life yet is sufficient to deterr Men from the Commission of it yet if a Conspiracy to levy War is to be punisht in a high degree as a War when levyed this would be to punish Thoughts as highly as Deeds which if it be just yet it is Summum jus VVhere the Law has provided a Punishment for an Offence the Judge can pass no other Judgment upon the Prisoner no no more than the Executioner can execute the condemned Person in any other manner than according to the Sentence passed upon him without incurring the Guilt of Felony for the one is but the Officer to declare or promote the Law and the other the Minister to Execute it Therefore upon what has been said
to whom his obstinacy will recommend him If any do think they were in the right when they served as Bawds to the arbitrary Iusts of the two late Kings I heartily pitty them for their case is desperate yet I am perswaded that none of them would of choice had that power exercised upon themselves and if so they will then grant that what they would not have done to themselves is not lawful for them to do or bring upon another if they shall still adhere to what they did either out of fear or else out of hopes of preferment they must make it appear that this King has resolved upon the same methods that were taken by the two late Kings or else declare that they think that nothing else will make him a great and glorious Prince Perehaps some men cannot bring themselves to make a publick or direct recantation of what they have done or of a suddaen to separate from their Party but yet they may do things so by degrees and so fairly too and without any noise as will testifie to the world that they intend to pursue another course As for example if any who were active in the late Reigns do now meddle very little if at all in publick matters and modestly stand aside as it were to make room for others who professed that principle which brought about this Revolution This will let every man see that they are now of another temper But if such persons do still continue to meet and consult upon publick Affairs as heretofore when the power was in their hands and do bandy to support every man of their party at any rate without considering their abilities or any objection that may be made against them on the score of their immorality or unjust dealings but implicitly because they are of their party resolve to give them the preference before any other This carries a very ill countenance with it I cannot imagine what they propose to themselves by such diligence unless they hope for or expect to see the like administration again in England for as it discovers no sort of inclination to accommodate differences so they cannot but be sensible it will irritate and provoke those of another opinion On the other side I think they are very much to blame who take unnecessary occasions to reproach their neighbours with what they did in the late times They that are thus liberal of their tongues would do well to consider whether they were never guilty of some abitrary or unjust action and whether they have not at some time or other done something that has helpt to support some of the illegal and unreasonable proceedings of the late times for we are all frail and had need to examine our selves before we condemn other people now if any persons are guilty in either of these particulars silence becomes them much better than reproaching others however reproaching of men with their faults is not the proper way to bring them to a right sence of their errors whilest a Sore is rubbed there 's no hopes of healing it and men are to be instructed by reason and not railing Besides railing is so poor a revenge or satisfaction so that if I could not have a better I would let it alone for as I should do my self a great prejudice by it so I would not give my enemy that satisfaction who must needs be pleased to see me torment and fret my self this I am sure of that to be ever and anon twiting people with their faults can breed no good blood and I wish it has not some ill effects amongst us You see Gentlemen I only touch things lightly and apply them to no body but leave that to every man as he shall find it concerns him if any thing I have said shall do good I shall much rejoyce at it if not I hope there 's no hurt in mentioning such truths as these For I think I may possitively affirm that a Union is absolutely necessary to make us a happy people and that there is not a more certain fore-runner of a peoples destruction than to see them divided into Parties and Factions I could proceed into a long discourse upon this Subject but that I may avoid being tedious to you I will apply my self to the particulars of their inquiry The first of which is High Treason of which there are several sorts of species To compass or imagin the death of the King or Queen and that declared by some Overt-acts and all those who in other offences would be accessary before or after the Fact are Principlas in this Case To Levy War against the King in his Realm or to adhere to the King's Enemies in this Realm or to give them comfort here or elsewhere but a Conspiracy to Levy is not Treason unless the War be actually levyed tho the contrary opinion prevailed in the late times to the murdering of several worthy men To Counterfieit the King 's Great or Privy Seal or his Money To bring in false or Counterfeit Money knowing it to be such to make payment with it To kill the Chancellor Treasurer or the King's Justices being in their Places doing their Offices all Treason per Stat. 25 Ed. 3. c. 2. To Clip File or wash Money per 3 H. 5. To Counterfeit Sign Manual Privy Signet or Privy Seal 1. M. 6. To extol any foreign Power 1 Eliz. For a Priest or Jesuit to come and abide within this Palace 27 Eliz. To Absolve any from their Allegiance or to be Absolved 3 Jac. Petty Treason A Servant kills his Master a Wife her Husband or a Priest his Ordinary these are made so Capital by reason of the power or the Authority they have over them FELONY EIther against the Person or Goods of another Against the Person To kill another either with Malice expressed or imployed is Murder without benefit of Clergy To cut out the Tongue designedly to to maim or disfigure another is Felony without benefit of Clergy So is Stabbing if a Weapon be not drawn or a Blow given by the party Slain So is Buggary with Man or Beast Rape Manslaughter is when two quarrel and before it can be supposed that their blood is cool they fight and one of them is slain here is benefit of Clergy Chance medly when by accident a man slays another or in his own defence being assaulted These the Law pardons of Course Against his Goods TO Rob on the High-way To take any thing privately from his person To steal Horses Designedly to burn any Stacks of Corn or Hay To Rob a Church To break into a House and take any thing thence by day or night To Rob any Booth in a Fair or Market are all Felony without Clergy The Accessaries to all these and other Felonies do fall within your inquiry For generlly where Clergy is taken from the Principal the Accessary before the Fact is to suffer Death And good reason is it that he who was partaker of
gave him the Crown and he soon perceived that there was no Rest for the Sole of his Foot till he had taken the Coronation Oath and had sworn to maintain their Laws and Properties Some little Irregularities must be admitted in a time when things are unsettled but it will scarcely be found that any man was disceased of his Freehold but only such whose Demerits render'd them unworthy of them and from his time the Norman Government proceeded upon the Saxon Principles for King William by the Advice of his Nobles caused a select number of Men out of every County to be summoned who were to set down their Laws what they were in Edward the Confessor's time for it was he who had collected the Laws which at this day is called the Common Law Then after him William II. and Hen. I. succeeded each other and their Title was by Election of the People for Robert their elder Brother was alive and saw them both preferred to the Crown and he never enjoy'd it for he died a Prisoner at Cardiff Castle in the time of Hen. I. The next was K. Stephen who was second Son to Adela Daughter to William the Conqueror he was chosen by the People for he had an elder Brother whose Name was Theobald and there was Maud the Empress Daughter to Henry I. and both these were nearer by descent than he After him came Hen. II. he came in by Compact between K. Stephen himself and the Nobles and the good liking of the People for Maud his Mother was alive and by descent it belonged to her Then Richard I. was elected in his Father's Life-time and received Homage from the Peers King John was chosen by the People or else Arthur his elder Brother's Son who was then living would have succeeded Richard I. Henry III. came in by Election for Lewis the French Prince pretended to the Crown several of the Nobility having called him into their aid against King John and had sworn to him but the Fall of Pembrook who had married Henry's Aunt stuck to him and got him crowned by the consent of the Nobles and People after that he had taken the Coronation Oath and made other promises to the People Edward I. being out of the Land when his Father died was chosen by the consent of the Lords and Commons and I find that the Nation was sworn to the Succession of Edward I. before he went to the Holy Land Edward II. being mis-led by his Favourites was deposed and his Son Edward III. was declared King in his Life-time Richard II. Son to Edward the Black Prince was deposed for his Evil Government Henry IV. came in by Election of the People and though upon occasion sometimes he might pretend to several other Titles yet he found them unstable and to make sure he got the Crown entailed by Act of Parliament and so came in Henry V. and then his Son Henry VI. but he being found unmeet for Government enclining too much to the Counsels of his Wife who was a Foreigner and neglecting the Advices of his Parliament he was deposed and Edward IV. who was E. of March whose Father the D. of York by Act of Parliament was declared Heir apparent to the Crown and afterwards slain in the Battel at Wakefield He I say was Elected and afterwards Henry was restored and Edward set aside but at last Edward was setled and dies and the Crown came to his Son Edward V. who lived no longer than to be put into the Catalogue of our English Kings and then Richard III. was confirmed King by Act of Parliament for Elizabeth Daughter to Edw. IV. was living who afterwards was married to Henry VII and by right of descent the Crown belonged to her and he had no Title but what the People gave him Henry VII came in by Election for his Wives Title preceded his and there was also Edward Plantaginet Son to George D. of Clarence had an unquestionable Right before him if Descent might take place but to clear all doubts he got the Crown setled by Act of Parliament upon him and the Heirs of his Body successively for ever and upon that came in Henry VIII and in his time the Crown was limited three several times by Act of Parliament and there succeeded upon those limitations first Edward VI. then his Sister Queen Mary by Katherine Widow to Prince Arthur and then Q. Elizabeth by Ann Daughter to Sir Thomas Bullen and in the thirteenth year of her Reign a Law was made whereby it is made penal if any say that the Parliament cannot limit the Succession And now Sir I have given you a just account how the Crown has been disposed and if I should say no more I think that this of it self might convince any impartial man that the Crown till King James was in the Peoples dispose But that I may leave no place for doubt I will say something to those things which are so frequently objected and I will begin with that which says as follows Although there be many Instances where the Crown has leaped over the right Heir by descent and has lit upon the Head of another yet say they there are several Instances both before the Conquest and since where the Son has succeeded to the Father and that these are chiefly to be regarded because most agreeable to the Word of God which tells us That by me Kings reign c. and that the presidents that are otherwise are no better than Usurpation and not to be esteemed as legal but to be forgotten as Errors in the Government I acknowledge there is such a Text of Scripture but I must deny that it is to be taken in the literal sence for otherwise the King must be look'd upon to receive his Soveraign Power immediately from God without any regard had to our Laws and Constitutions and then he is King Jure divino and no Bounds or Limits of Humane Contrivance can be set to his Will but we are wholly at his Mercy and Pleasure and Magna Charta and the Petition of Right are waste Paper nay it not only destroys our Government but it puts an end to all other Constitutions in the World But the true meaning of the Words are That Kings are to be obeyed and that they are to govern under God according to the Laws of that Government and that they are to administer the Laws and Justice according to the Rules and Directions of that Constitution and not that Kings hereby shall have a Warrant to be unjust or govern arbitrarily But because there are some Instances where the Son has succeeded to the Father that therefore the Crown comes by descent I cannot grant for this Island has seldom been free from War and then the People are not at leisure to regard every Particular of their Right but are willing to have it at an end upon any terms and are not then so regardful under whom they enjoy their Liberties and Properties as that they
cum grano salis for if the Fine be immoderate or else he has not the Money then ready but either offers Security to pay it or else prays for some time and in the interim to stand upon his Recognizance in either of these Cases to commit for not paying the Fine into Court is not justifiable because it is to punish for not doing an Impossibility for Lex non legit ad impossibilia Secondly It is not justifiable because if the Fine be paid the Law is as much satisfied if it be paid five years hence as if it be paid then immediately into Court for the Law does not suppose that the most wealthy man does carry so much Money about him Thirdly It is very unreasonable because it does in a great part disable the person to pay the Fine for if he be a man that manages his own Affairs his Writings that are necessary to make the Security may be so dispos'd of that it will be difficult to come at them besides there being a necessity upon him to have the Money those of whom he is to have it will be very apt to hold him to harder terms for the World is so unnatural and brutish that one man is but too prone to make his Advantages upon the Misfortunes and Necessities of another and that Proverb Homo homini lupus is in no Case more true than in the business of Money ARGUMENTS AGAINST The Dispensing Power THAT which Sir M.H. Resolved by Lord Chancellor Egerton no Non obstante could dispense with the Law about Sale of Offices Coke 234. foresaw and prophecied is now fulfilled viz. That our Slavery whenever it happen'd was rather to be feared from the Twelve Redcoats in Westminster-ball than from 12000 standing Forces for this Opinion if from henceforward it shall be Law then has our Freedom received a dreadful Wound in the Head for we shall hold all our Rights and Properties but precariously even no longer than it is the King's pleasure to have it so But be it as it will and how clear soever it may appear to the Judges yet at present it does confound the Vnderstandings of all People besides because till now it has been hidden from the Eyes of our ablest Sages of the Law wrapt up in such Clouds and thick Darkness that the most discerning of them have not been able to pry into it and therefore it passes all our Understandings that this Sett of Judges who had not Law enough to employ them at the Bar before they were raised to the Bench should find out the Secret and give an Absolute Opinion for which there is not any president to be produced and therefore shrewdly to be suspected that it is not grounded upon Law no more than those Opinions were for which several Judges have been hanged The Law of England has ever been reputed to be as plain and intelligible as that of the Jews which was written on the Palms of their Hands save only when Judges are ignorant and needy and are assured that Parliaments are at a great distance and then only are such Opinions as those given for their Ignorance makes them assured their Poverty makes them leap before they look and when Parliaments seem very remote under that shelter they grow bold But it is to be hoped that such Opinions as these will pass for Law no longer than the Nation is govern'd without a Parliament which sooner or later will come as certain as that there will be a Day of Judgment It is strange that these Judges should understand so great a Mystery as this unless there be as great Vertue in a Judge's Gown as was in the Mantle of Elijah and if so how happens it that the same Spirit has not rested on those who have sate before them on the Bench but if a double Portion of that Excellent Spirit is rested upon our present Judges that they are able to dive into so great a Mystery as this and see so much further than any who have been before them surely they are also endowed with the Tongue of Angles and so can explain this matter to the Understandings of the People which in Duty they are bound to do or else in time with the price of their Heads they may come to give the true Reasons of this their Opinion 1. That the Kings of England are Soveraign Princes 2. That the Laws of England are the King's Laws 3. That therefore it is an incident inseparable Prerogative in the Kings of England as in all other Soveraign Princes to dispense with all Penal Laws in particular Cases and upon particular necessary Reasons 4. That of these Reasons and Necessities the King himself is the sole Judge and which is consequent thereupon 5. That this is not a Trust invested in or granted to the King but the ancient Remains of the Soveraign Power and Prerogative of the Kings of England which never was yet taken from them nor can be Therefore in this Case such Dispensation being pleaded by the Defendant and such Dispensation being allow'd by the Demurrer of the Plaintiff and this Dispensation appearing upon Record to come time enough to save the Defendant from the forfeiture Judgment ought to be given for the Defendant quod querens nil capiat per billam Soveraign Power is of a vast extent that is as much as unlimited and to which no Bounds is or can be set That the Kings of England in Parliament have a Soveraign Power is true that with the Consent and Concurrence of the Lords and Commons he may do what he will is without question and it is as certain that out of Parliament his Power is limited and confined within certain Bounds and Limits which he cannot pass without doing violence to Justice and the Laws for there are two Powers in the King the one in Parliament and that is Soveraign the other out of Parliament which may be directed and controuled by the former and therefore called Potestas subordinata pag. 10. Rights of the People p. 9. Argument of Property therefore his Power is Soveraign only sub modo for out of Parliament many of his Acts are not only questionable but void in themselves Rights of the Kingdom 83. for what he shall do against Law those Acts bind no more than if they were a Child's he cannot command one man to kill another he cannot pardon a common Nusance nor an Appeal at the suit of the Party And multitudes of the like Instances might be given for if the King's power out of Parliament was as great as in Parliament then there 's an end of the Policy of this Government and the Barons Wars was only to beat the Air. It is most certain that till these late days during which we have been so very much Frenchified Roads are called the King's Highway but the Freehold is in the Lord of the Soil and of the Profits growing there as Trees c. Terms of the Law 56. that
and the one to be an Accident inseperable to the other P. 31. Treat of Bail The Saxons from whom we derive our Government had all the Ensigns and Badges of Freedom and seemed in the original constitution of it to have with the utmost foresight guarded those Avenues at which it was most likely to be attacked by Absoluteness being sensible and growing wise at the loss of their Neighbors that Kings are too prone to encroach upon the Peoples Rights therefore though they yielded him a sort of Subjection for the advancement of the Common Good yet they took all the care they could to prevent being govern'd by his Will for Dion saith That the People held the Helm of Government in their own power And another very good Authority says That the Saxons were a free People govern'd by Laws made by the People and therefore called a free People because they are a Law to themselves Which Fortescue p. 26. does confirm for he says That a People govern'd by power politick are ruled by such Laws as they themselves desire Therefore after all this to say that the King can dispense with all Penal Laws and consequently with all Laws there is nonsence in one of the two yet surely it will light upon that which is without president rather than upon that which may be justified by that which has passed for Law till within these few months Nothing seems more unnatural than this power of dispensing with the Laws it thwarts the Law of Nature and the Dictates of Self-preservation and bespeaks our Forefathers to be a company of Madmen rather than men incorporated together for the mutual conservation and good of each other Now that which gives as great a blow as any thing to this Opinion is the place whence the Judges would fetch this power of dispensing not from Presidents and a constant exercise of it but from a dark obscure Original to perplex and not explain their Resolution to lead People into the dark and not to make it clear to the Understanding The Saxon Kings at first were Generals who received their power and instructions by which they were to act from the People but the continual Wars occasion'd the constant use of a General and by degrees he became a setled Officer and at last gained the Title of King so that the Prerogative has always been on the gaining not on the losing hand therefore there remains no Pretence of any higher power in the Crown than what has been exerted by this and the late King and if there be any ancient Remains of Power it's what of right adheres to the People because they are the Original Power unless the King or the Government come immediately from Heaven But if this unbounded Power had been originally in the King yet it cannot be so in him but he might part with it unless the Power of a King be advanced above that of King of kings and Lord of lords for God Almighty is tyed up and bound by his Word and having once given it he cannot revoke or gainsay it PRAYERS WHICH His Lordship Used in his Family OH most gracious and merciful Lord God thou only art God and there is none besides thee thou wert and will remain to all Eternity the same yesterday and to day and for ever for in thee is no alteration nor shadow of changing thou stand'st in need of nothing because thou art infinitely perfect and therefore happy in thy self There is not any thing that can add unto thy perfection for as thou dost not stand in need of it so all other things are unmeet to be compared unto thee what profit then are all our Devotions that we offer up unto thee and what art thou the better for all our Services no Advantage can thereby redound unto thee were they void of those Imperfections with which they are attended for even the greatest Righteousness that we can boast of is but as filthy Rags and yet O Lord so good and gracious thou art that thou art willing and ready at all times to receive them tho' they are no better yea thou callest and invitest us to come and worship before thee We humbly confess and acknowledge that we are sinful Dust and Ashes we were conceived and born in Sin and have every moment of our lives added thereto many actual Transgressions both of omission and commission we have sinned against clear Light and the Conviction of our own Consciences we have lent a willing ear to the Enticements of Satan and the Alurements of our Lusts and Corruption but have turn'd a deaf ear to all the Calls and gracious Invitations that thou hast given us to return into the path that leads to Life we have endeavour'd to stifle the Checks of our Consciences and though we have not been able to blot out the impression and belief that there is a God yet we have too much lived like practical Atheists and have walked so loosely and carnally as if there had been no God to whom we must render an account of all things we do here below whether they be good or evil we have sinned beyond forgiveness had not thy Mercy been greater than all thy works and that thou canst pardon more than we can offend O Lord possess us with a true sence of thy Divine Majesty make every one of us sensible that we have done amiss let us bewail our Transgressions from the bottom of our Hearts and make us truly sorrowful that we have grieved thy Holy Spirits and duly to consider how ungrateful a thing it is to offend so good a God a God by whom we live move and have our being and from whom cometh every good and perfect Gift make us contrite for all our Offences and for the future to take up Resolutions of better Obedience and of walking more humbly with thee and especially let us avoid all those things whereby we have brought publick Dishonour to thy holy Name or been an occasion of making others to sin let us redeem the time by a more exact obedience to thy holy Law and the remainder of our days to work out our Salvation with fear and trembling and be sollicitous to make our calling and election sure to that end let us be daily trying our ways and searching into our Hearts to discover the Sin that does most easily beset us and in all we do still to beg thy gracious assistance knowing that otherwise all we do will be in vain for without thee we are not able of our selves so much as to think a good Thought much less to do any good Action make us sensible how weak and frail we are and that the Devil is vigilant and diligent to draw us aside from the way that leads to Life that he is subtile and knows how to suit his Temptations to our several Dispositions and Constitutions make us daily to remember our latter end and the great day of Accounts and that Reckoning that sooner or later we must
affirm that ours is perfect in comparison of any other Government in the World for if we consider those Nations that have Parliaments that Assembly is of little or no use to the People but to pass into Laws the Edicts of their King But God be praised our Parliament is of far greater use and advantage to us for there it is that our Grievances are redressed and Laws that by process of time are become useless or burthensome are repealed and new and profitable Laws and Statutes are made and in a word Barliaments to our Neighbours are their Burden but our great Happiness Secondly All manner of Taxes and Impositions are laid upon the People at the Will and Pleasure of the King But we can have no Tax imposed upon us but by our Consent in Parliament and there is this peculiar to us from the rest of the World That no English-man can be taxed for his Hand-labour whereas in other Countries and especially France every man pays for what he gets by his Labour In France every Labourer pays two parts of three to the King as if he get Six pence in a day Four pence is paid immediately to the King's Officer Thirdly In other Countries War and Peace is made by the King without consulting the People and they are chargeable to that War tho' made without their Consent or against their Interest So it is with us our King has the sole power of making War and Peace but the Sinews of War is in the People I mean Money and that they cannot part with but with our own Consent And although the Matter of War and Peace is an Arcanum Imperii and that no man as some say may pry into it save they to whom the King is pleased to communicate it Yet I conceive in this our Government where the People are so essential a part of it that they ought to be satisfied with the Ground and Reason of the War before they make themselves chargeable to it and the People are not bound to support every War that the King may engage in for methinks it 's all the reason in the World that a Man should be satisfied with the Cause before he part with his Money and I think that Man is very unworthy of the Honour to serve his Country in Parliament who shall give away the Peoples Money for any other thing but what shall be effectually for the good and advantage of the People and Nation Fourthly The Estates and Goods are taken from the People without assigning a Reason of it but only that it is the Mind of the King to have it so But here no Man can be deprived of his Estate or Goods but by due course of Law for Possession is that the Law is very tender of But although some say That the King's Commission may not be resisted in any case whatsoever I shall not argue that point because this is not a proper time for it and I hope we shall never have occasion to try it if it ever should happen I 'll lay the Blame at the door of his Ministers for our King is a merciful Prince and loves not such things Yet this I am sure cannot be denied That every Man's House is his Castle and may defend himself and his Goods against those that shall assault or molest him and I cannot believe that Man can be really a Friend either to his King or Country but rather does it out of some sinister end or to curry Favour with the Court that shall extol the King's Prerogative above the Laws because this Doctrine if true quite destroys the Fundamentals of our Government for if ever you set the King above Laws then it must necessarily follow that the King derives his Title to the Crown of England not from the Laws of England but from something else but I am sure that man does the King no great Service who puts the King to seek his Title to the Crown of England any where else than from the Laws of England To set the King above all Law but that of his own Will does so directly tax the Justice of God Almighty that I cannot believe him to be a good Christian that is of that Opinion Fifthly In other Countries the Subjects are Imprisoned and Hanged at the Command of the King without any other Reason given But none of us can be deprived of Life Limb or Liberty but for some Offence first committed against some known Law Sixthly Our Neighbours are pressed and forced to serve in foreign Countries against their Wills and are hanged for refusing Our King may press any of us for the defence of the Nation but I never heard that the King could press any English-man to serve beyond the Seas Seventhly In other Countries though the King or his Officers commit never so many or great Outrages and Cruelties upon the People yet have the People no Remedy against either the King or his Officers But with us though our Law says That the King can do no Wrong yet his Officers and Ministers may and if any Man shall do an unlawful thing though by the King's Command that man is accountable to the People for it and it is the Right of every English-man to call him to account for if neither the King nor his Officers are answerable for a breach of the Laws then our Laws signifie nothing and are but a dead Letter and we no better than Slaves These Particulars I have now mentioned I suppose may be sufficient to convince any reasonable man of the Excellency of our Government I shall not proceed further into Particulars or discourse how and with what Caution all our Laws are made and how Justice is administred in all Cases for I should not only weary you but want time to finish so great a Work therefore I shall say this in part That in no Government in the World the People live with such Liberty and Security of what we enjoy when the Laws are duly observed and followed as we do no Prince more safe and happy than ours when he holds to the Laws and it is the mutual Interest of both King and People to maintain the Laws It is the Interest of the People to support the King in his Legal Prerogative and it is the Interest of the King to preserve the People in their due Rights and Liberties for the Happiness of one is bound up in the Welfare of the other There is a certain ballance betwixt the King's Prerogative and the Peoples Properties and he that endeavours to turn the Scales to either side does in effect endeavour the destruction of both for the Interest of the King and People are so interwoven that we cannot separate or distinguish one from the other In a word our Government is both the Envy and Admiration of our Neighbours But Gentlemen notwithstanding our excellent frame of Government yet I find that many are impatient under it and thirst extreamly after that which is called a Common
wealth thinking no doubt to enjoy greater Priviledges and Immunities than now they do But I am apt to believe that they who are not contented under this Government have not consider'd aright what a Common wealth is A Common-wealth makes a sound and shadow of Liberty to the People but in reality is but a Monarchy under another Name for if Monarchy be Tyranny under a single person a Common wealth is Tyranny under several persons as many Persons that govern so many Tyrants but let it be the best that can be yet the People under any Common-wealth enjoy not that Liberty that we do Gentlemen as the Excellency of this Government is an Argument sufficient to disswade any of us from the least attempt of alteration so Experience has taught us that no sort of Government but that we now live under will suit or agree with England Let us but consider the late Troubles how many several kinds of Government were there set up one after another All ways were tryed but nothing would do till we were returned to our old and ancient way But Gentlemen it may fall out that we our selves may be the Authors of our own Destruction for whatever the Parliament does we are bound up by it if they pass a Law to give away all we have to the King we must submit to it for it is our own Act and therefore it highly behoves us to be very cautious who we chuse to represent us in Parliament we put all we have into their Hands and what they do must bind and oblige us Every Man is mortal and possibly may be corrupted to vote against the Interest of them he represents I accuse none of your Representatives nor do I accuse all only tell you that Men may be corrupted Therefore in my opinion whenever you have occasion to chuse a Member for the Parliament as now you have you ought to have a care of an ambitious Man or a Man that is vain glorious for it was never known that any of that Temper were so out of a real intention to the Publick Good for Ambition or Vain-glory was never accounted to be the Make of an Honest Man and if you 'll give me leave I 'll tell you what sort of a Man I shall give my Vote for if I cannot have a Man that is both wise and honest then I would rather be for an honest than wise man for I would rather trust all I have with a man that is truly honest and less knowing than with a man that is more knowing and less honest I shall always be for a man that has a good Estate in the Country for though he may possibly forget us yet he will remember himself and avoid all unnecessary charge upon the Country because he himself is to pay part of it Next I am for a moderate man one that is not strict or rigid neither one way nor the other either in Church or State for it's Moderation that must keep every thing in right order and it's Severity and Rigidness that will bring things into confusion In short Gentlemen let your own Judgment and not another Man's Interest or Inclination direct you in this case for our Parliament is our Weal or Woe And now I will proceed to the Particulars of your Charge The first and chief thing that you are to present is High-Treason To Compass or Imagine the Death of the King the Queen of their Eldest Son Now Gentlemen you must observe that the Heirs to the Crown are of two sorts first Heir Apparent that is the King 's Eldest Son that is living for no body else can be Heir Apparent secondly their Expectant or Presumptive that is he who in course of Descent is next in Blood to the King if he hath no Son Now the Offence is not so great to kill or procure the Death of the Heir Expectant as it is to compass or imagine the death of the Heir Apparent To levy War against the King in his Realm or to adhere to the King's Enemies in his Realm or to give them Aid or Comfort in the Realm or elsewhere To counterfeit the King 's Great Seal or Privy Seal or his Money To bring false Money into England counterfeit the Money of England and knowing the same to be false with intent to make payment with the same To kill or slay the Chancellor Treasurer or the King's Justices of the one or the other Bench Justices in Oyer or of Assize and all other Justices assign'd to bear and determine being in their Places doing their Offices To counterfeit the King's Sign Manual Privy Signet or Seal by 1 Q. Mary 6. To diminish scale or lighten the current Money of England 18 Eliz. 1. So Clipping Washing Rounding and Filing of Current Money by 5 Eliz. 2. There are too many Offenders in this nature amongst us The second time to extol and maintain the Pope's Authority formerly usurped here and the second time to refuse to take the Oath of Supremacy 5 Eliz. 1. A Priest or Jesuite that shall come and remain here who shall be in any Seminary and not return within six months after proclamation 27 Eliz. 2. To put in use any Bull or Instrument of Reconciliation or Absolution from Rome or from any person authorized or claiming Authority from Rome Any Person that shall willingly receive any Absolution and all Aids and Abettors it 's High-Treason in them by 13 Eliz. 2. To withdraw any of the King's Subjects from their Obedience or Religion And such Persons as shall be withdrawn from their Obedience to the King or their Religion 23 Eliz. 1. And now Gentlemen give me leave to take notice to you of them who very largely discourse that the King is above the Laws I am very apt to believe that they don't consider very well what they say nor don't know or remember that as it is High-Treason to kill or hurt the King so it is High-Treason to subvert the Government or to endeavour any alteration of it and then I would ask any man to solve me this Question Whether or no it be not an alteration of the Government to render all our Laws ineffectual and useless which must necessarily follow and where it is or upon what they ground their Opinion I am sure the Word of God warrants no such thing nor can any such thing be found in the ancient Government of this Island for at first it was govern'd without a King I don't mention this as if I question'd the King's Title to the Crown no Gentlemen I would have every subject to pay him all possible Duty and Obedience but I say this to shew you that there is no Ground for that Opinion that the King is above the Laws And I am sure I never met with it either in Magna Charta or any Law made since and therefore I could wish they would forbear to preach up such destructive Doctrine both to King and People I am sure it is for