COLONEL JOSEPH BAMFEILD'S APOLOGIE Written by himselfe and printed at his desire Facit indignatio versus ANNO 1685. PREFACE ALbeit the unbounded liberty of the press may sufficiently warrant my necessary undertaking and that a modest and needful Apologie free from all passion or unlawful Aymes may hee by an ordinary charity excused if not fully justifyed yet I had not run the hazard of the publique sensure being conscious of my owne incapacity had I not been in need thereunto by some reasonable pressages that the end of my misfortunes which can finde no other period and that of my life neerly approches 1. Neither had this alone prevailed with mee unless constrain'd thereunto by the injust and to any ingenious nature most insupportable injuries and Calomnies of some who are totally ignorant of the truth of my affaires nor have ever had the least provocation on my part to couver the cruelty of their secret practises and obscure proceedings against mee to the endangering of my life even since I came in this Province of Freesland which next the protection of God I thinke has been chiefly preserved by my neglecting it I not being ignorant of my danger nor of the causes thereof which I saw no certaine meanes of preventing but by flight disguise and concealment which I have ever through the whole cours of my great troubles been resolved against chusing rather to dye once if I could not fairly defend my selfe then live in fear of dying always Especially having a long time considered death if not in a dishonourable way as the only end of my calamities which I could reasonably hope for and my most sure azile 2. No less have their sinister and malitious practices contributed to the traversing of my fortune which I am persuaded had not otherwise been thus long desolate and obscure by encreasing the jalousies and indignation of some who I have never willingly offended nor otherwise then through the insupportable necessity of my affaires heeretofore and the indispensable compulsions of honour which would not permit me to doe what I might and most others would have done nor to have left undone what in policy and the general practice of mankind I ought to have avoided as essentially needful to my interests and to the raising me out of this sepulcher wherein I have for some years lain buried alive which peradventure I should not have come short of had I not been secretly calomniated and circumvented by underground darck and unavow'd or rather never to bee avowed mines and traines which in some kind have not a little contributed to the rendring my wounds incureable as well in England as elswhere 3. This being really my case is also the sole cause why I am enforced to expose my discreation to the capritious sensure of critiques rather then to abandone my honour by a womanish modesty timiditie and silence leaving these persons triumphant in their victorie which they have atchived by indirect and most unjust means I am not ignorant what wrongs have been done mee by whom and how but know I shall never be openly accused and by consequence not have any occasion of vindicating my selfe but by this means to which onely I can have recourse and although I am far from all hope of recovering what I have lost yet I shall endeavour to let some see demonstratively how far their credulity has been abused and my innocency wrong'd which I can no otherwise performe then by declaring truly and sincerely what I have done or not done leaving it to the judgment and sentence of all unprejudiced and unpassionate persons to what degree I have been either unfortunate or criminel 4. What my transactions have been in some great conjonctures I shall be as sincere and candid in as if my eternal happiness or misery depended on the truth or falsehood of what I here expose to the common view which I onely make publique for the vindication of my honour though I clearly foresee my interest may suffer by it which weighs soe little with mee that if this adventure meets but with a charitable reception from good men and unpreoccupied I beleeve as far as I know my self I shall not be much troubled if my death should prove immediately after the Epilogue to this tragedy JOS. BAMFIELD AT 17. years of age I began to serve the late King of happy memory Charles the-First being ancient under my Lord Ashley General Major of the Army in the first expedition against the Scots an Accord was made as other agreements in those times of very short continuance for the spring following the war was the second time declared in that expedition I was first Leutenant in the Regiment of Colonel Henry Wentworth brother to the Earl of Cleveland shortly after a Compagnie falling vacant in the same Regiment by the favour of the King I obtain'd it In the space of a year the peace was again made and the Armies disbanded The war betwixt the King and the Parliament followed shortly after I continued in his Majesties interest and service I commanded the Regiment of the late Duke of Somersent at that time Marquess of Hartford Generall for the King in the Westerne Provinces 2. In the first incounter which Arrived betwixt his Majesties and the Parlaments forces I was hurt and taken Prisoner brought so to London by the late Lord Hollis at that tyme Colonel under the Parlament Not long after being at liberty the King honnoured mee with a Commission for a Regiment not being at that tyme full twenty years old having levied it I returned to Oxford where his Majesty held his court Few days after his Hyghness Prince Robbert gave me a Commission which he had procured of the King to be Governour of Malmesbury whereof I knew not any thing before he was pleased to deliver it mee About the month of April following his Majesty sent mee order being pressed for troupes to march with three Regiments of foote and as many Compagnies of horse to Joyne his Army for the relief of Reading besieged by the Earle of Essex and was rendered by Colonel Fielding at the same tyme the King arrived there which might greatly have endangered his Army had the Enemy seen and made use of their advantage 3. In the month of June following his Majestie sent Prince Maurits and the Duke of Somerset with an Army into the west whereof my Regiment was part to Joyne with My Lord Hopton and Lord Berkeley who had beaten the Parlements forces Commanded by the Earle of Stamford not long before in the Province of Cornwell the Conjunction was made the towns of Weymouth whereof the late Earl of Shaffsbury was left Gouvernour Taunton and Bridwater being taken and garrisons placed in them the body of the Army Marched towards Generall Waller haveing first despatched my Lord Berkelay with four Regiments of foote and some few troupes of horse to blocque up Exeter to prevent the Earl of Stamfords raising of forces in Devonshire Who was
to my wife the Earle of Laneric and my Lord Willowby wherefor excuse me to the Earle of Southampton that I have not answered his wich I shall doe by the first occasion I am advertised that it has been deliberated by some of the army to possesse themselves of the Duke of Yorke consider if you cannot finde means to convey him out of England cause the inclosed to be delivered to him for it concerns me neerly to have correspondence with him at this tyme let me knowe as soone as may be your opinion touching this business farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 93. Upon the receipt of this letter I caused the inclosed for his Royale Highness the Duke of Yorke to be delivered him by a sure hand whoe had that accesse to him which I could not have and unless my memory failes me as I am persuaded it does not he had been pleased not long before by Message to let me knowe that he had promised the King his father whilest he was in the hands of the army to make his escape out of England as soone as he Could attempt it on any reasnable appearance of success demanding if Could not serve him in it which I am confident I had undertaken in which resolution I was fully confirmed by theise his Ma ties commands and not knowing whither by this occasion he had mentioned the business to the Duke or not with his owne letter I sent his Royalle Highness mine which was transmitted againe to me and upon his resolution and answer I framed mine to his Father The Duke was pleased to commande me not to precipitate the business but to take necessary tyme and use all circomspection not to plunge him into a worse condition then he was Haveing duly considered what measures were fittest for me to take herein and given the King an account there of his Ma tie was pleased to write me the following letter Cairsbrooke the 22 Feb. SEct. 94. I have received yours of the 14 present and being weary with decyphering it I cannot answer to all its particulars nor is it needfull I will only tell you in Generall that I approve what you have allready done and what you propose for the saveing of the Duke of York I confirme the promesse he has made to Howard and the assurances you have given him in my name to be continued in the Charge of Master of his horse allthowgh the Parliament has made him soe The rest I leave to your conduct committing you to Gods Providence trawble not your selfe about my other affaires but thinke only of what you have now in your hands bring him if possible either to his Mother or sister farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 95. For some Important reasons which I acquainted his Ma tie with I delayed this business untill the end of Aprill following at which tyme it succeeded happily to the great contentment of the King and of the Royalle famely his Highness arrived first in Zealand and the next day in Holland Sect. 96. About six weekes after the Parliaments whole fleet quitted their unlawfull masters came to anker in Gorée Rode delivering themselves up to the Duke of York as their Admirall which they knew he was by the King his fathers patent and was really the occasion of their coming thither and submitting to him Sect. 97. The winde which was favourable to bring them into Holland prouved a storme to me which occasioned my wrack ever since haveing unhappily given some councell concerning that fleet it seemes with to much precipitation which was well meant very ill taken because most bitterly represented by a person of quality and to doe him but Justice of merit betwixt whome and me there was at that time some competition about particular matters who according to the ordinary practice in such cases to ruine my credit and increase his owne held it expedient to couver his private animosity under the specious vaile of Zeal to a more publique interest I shall againe declare what I have ever protested that I had no other end or designe then either freeing the King out of his Imprisonment in the Isle of wight or if it were fownd Impossible which I did not then belive nor doe now that is was to have landed 1500. or 2000. men at yarmouth to have countenanced a rising in northfolke suffolke and the other adjacent Provinces of the easterne assotiation the probabillity of the one or of the other I shall here expose to any reasnable consideration Sect. 98. First touching the Kings freedome I had been assured out of England of a landing place in the Island which I looked upon as the greatest difficulty Sect. 99. Secondly that we Could have landed with 2000 Men haveing raised at that very tyme in Holland about 1200 English Soldiers of the reduction which the States had then made of the troupes of our nation and might well have added to them upon such an occasion 1000 sea men chosen out of the Fleet besides that great assurances were given that the inhabitants would have risen with us if we could have furnished them with armes which was to have been done Sect. 100. Thirdly I could never conceave in case of a free descent on land any great or long opposition wee Could have met with by sea not the least the Parliament not haveing had one ship of war fitted out in ten weekes or three months after By land as little except what Colonel Hamond Could have made with not above 5 or 600 foote which was all he had nor Could have hoped for more Cromwell with the greater part of the army was marched against the Scots Fairefax engaged before Colchester and some considerable parties of the army diverted into walles by risings there for the King at the same tyme. Moreover if they Could have sent an army entire to portsmouth or any other part upon that coast to have been transported into the Island not a barque or bote Could have passed without either being sunke or taken Besides there were many of the bravest and best officers whoe had served his Ma tie whoe were Embarqued in the fleet as Prince Mauris S r. John Boyce Colonel Washington S r. Francis Mackworth and very Many more whoe wee fownd retired into Holland at our arivall and some followd nor is it to be Imagined that in soe glorious an enterprise but that the greatest contestation would have been whoe should have been readiest to have sacrifised themselves For my part I never could apprehend any other difficulty in this attempt then to have landed which we had great and likely assurances of and in all events our retreat was sure and the fleet at liberty for any other designe in case that could not have been effected Sect. 101. Which was to have landed at yarmouth where we were sure of a free reception and did persuade my selfe that a body of 2000 Soldiers would have had the reputation of double the nomber and have encouraged
the whole county of northfolke to have risen which had been very well prepared by my transactions before my leaving of England with S r. John Hobart and divers more of the Gentry of that shire by the Kings commands and credentials Sect. 102. Theise were ye only ends I had in that transaction which was then ye first step to my utter ruine if there were any little irregularity as to some formalities in the way leading there unto the most it Could have amounted to was an errour committed throwgh to much precipitation ernestness which I hoped could not have been considered as a crime To have given advertisement to the Queen and Prince fourteen days tyme at least must have been lost which might have rendered the whole dessein either Impossible or much more difficult and hazardous More over if it should have been refused as peradventure it might to have gone forewarde with any enterprise howe necessary how profitable or how glorious soever would have been considered as desobedience and have fallen under the interpretation of contempt Moreover I considered that the first and chiefe duty which then lay upon me was to contribute all I could towards the conservation and liberty of the King being likewise pressed by a second which I concluded weighed not much less both of dependence and obligation from all which reasons joyned to the Importance of the designe which Could not admit delay I thowght the wisest course was to put it Imediately in practise and after to have excused the omission of some circomstances by the weight and pressure of the affaire Besides I considered that if the success followed which was reasnable to hope for a small errour would have needed no great appologie and if it did not I was resolved to bear the blame w ch I have abondantly done thowgh I did not foresee it would have fallen soe heavy on me nor have dured to perpetuity In the midst of theise transactions his late Ma tie arrived at Helvot sluce to whome a very bitter representation was made of my proceedings notwithstanding twoe days after his Majesty was gratiously pleased to vouchafe mee a free and particular audience to hear indifferently what I could say either for my Justification or excuse w ch was much to the purpose I have here aleaged Haveing patiently heard me his answer was very neer in the following words or at least exactly to the same sence Colonel Bamfield I am unwilling to belive all I have been informed concerning your late proceedings about this fleet for if I did I should trust you no longer wherefor I am willing to credit what you say as to the ends you had but even according to your owne acknowledgment you cannot deny but that you have in the way to them very much fayled in your duty and respect to me but being contented to hope that it has been throwgh haste and inconsideration without malice I pardone this fault freely and charge you not to be discontented for if I shall ever perceave that you are I shall be more displeased with you then I am for what you have now done I confess nothing could have been more generous nor more gratious and I resented it accordingly with that humility and thanckfullness w ch I was obliged to doe About the same tyme the Scots with an army of 20000. Men marched into England answerable to the accord that their commissioners not long before had made with the late King of ever happy Memory his faithfull subjects in England began to rise in severall parts of the nation as had before been agreed upon it began in Kent some thing unseasnably and throwgh ye little or rather no experience of those whoe commanded was more easily and more speedyly dissipated then was expected had they understoode theyr undertaking to have left their owne province and marched to Arundel in sussex ye neer adjoyning county w ch was prepared to have risen with them before I left England haveing possessed themselves of that fast place defended on the one syde by a navigable niver on another by a strong castle situated on all most an in accessible elevation on a third by a deep lake neer musquet Shot over and by cutting a narrow dam betwixt it and the river the water Could have fallen into it if needfull on ye fourth by a wall and ditch thowgh without flanque which in twenty four howers Could have been cast up after the manner of a good intrenchment about 200 paces further advanced was an old rampart of Earth sufficiently high which reached from the elivation of grownd where on ye Castel stands to the side of the lake which was a singular help to a most advantagious retrenchment which in eight and forty howers by many hands Could have been rendered of Admirable defence by the direction of any whoe understood the advantages of ground for an encampment and that had any indifferent generall knowledg of fortification which most officers of any consideration either understand reasnably or owght to doe besides if it came to be forced all the ground within it was commanded both by the Castel and towne and this part was the weakest of the foure I mention this only as one of the strongest and most Important posts in England or any where els that I have seen for the defensible encampment of any reasnable body of an army which that rising in Kent then amounted to and would have been double the nomber had they marched to Arrundel by the addition of force they would have had out of sussex and Hamshire both which Provinces were for divers months before prepared to rise with the first reasnable occasion and posting themselves fastly for defence I much question whither the army of Fairfax which consisted nor at that tyme of 7000 foote would have attempted them as they might have layne at least would have fownd a long worke to have reduced them and given tyme and aportunity to the rest of the nation to have risen and formed themselves into some considerable and solid bodies And as this had been the most councellable and alltogether Practicable in that part and occasion soe had it been much more needfull and profitable to the whole undertakeing and common interest of the King and his faithfull prople had the Scots army taken the same measures when they were advertised that Cromwell advanced towards them and haveing encamped themselves advantagiously with a sufficient intrenchment as they had places in abondance where they marched to have done allmost Impregnably and by that means have kept themselves from the necessity of fighting unless upon such certayne advantages as must probably have produced the ruine of their enemy As it was Cromwells interest and resolution to fight them as soone as possibly he Could soe was it no less theirs to temporise by a defensive war After them divers of ye nobility and cheif Gentry in Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Yorkshire were in a combination together and raysing of
forces with all diligence in soe much that had the Scots but avoyded fighting for the space of one month which with great ease they might have done by the advantagious posts whereof in divers places throwgh which they had marched they Could have had their choise by a good entrenchment which at other tymes was observed they sufficiently understoode the forces of the four Provinces I have named would have in that tyme composed a solid body of an army more considerable for Nomber and in all other regards then that of the Scots amounted to Besides those of the easterne assotiation were fully and unanimously resolved to rife Cornwell Devon Somerset and Dorset the like and wanted only a month or six weeks tyme in sine the whole nation was prepared as to the same end and were in the way towards it when the strange and allmost wonderfull defeat of the Scots army by Cromwells not consisting of halfe their nomber broake all other measures which had been taken upon that fowndation by concert some months before As they had neglected what I have allready mentioned touching encampment soe when they came to fight as if there had been a fatallity both in the conduct and success they neither made use of the great advantages of their nomber their army haveing been soe ranged that the greatest halfe of their troupes never came to fight nor profited themselves of that benefit of the choyse of grownd and other commodities which a defensive army may have against an enemy whoe attacques it which owght allways to be held in cheife consideration by all experienced and Provident soldiers But to cease from all further reflexions that army was unfortunately beaten and soe totally dissipated that it was not believed that 5000. of them ever returned to Scotland this miscarriage and misforture stifled divers great designes abortively upon the point of their production and cut of others which were begun before they Could come to any maturity Haveing been at that tyme privy to all the designes and measures formed and taken in that conjoncture and in those transactions as likewise actively industrious in the contriving and advancing of moste of them which according to humane Judgment I was fully persuaded could not have fayld of the end where unto they were directed of the Kings liberty and happy restauration both for himselfe his porsterity and subjects His late Ma tie was out of the hands of his enemies the King now raigning escaped out of England the Parliaments whole fleet leaving them returned to their obedience to their Souveraigne the Scots entered into ye heart of England with the formed body of an army of twenty thowsand men risings in severall places an universall and well formed resolution throwgh the whole nation to doe the same and upon the very point of being put in execution one great and indeed unreasnable errour and twoe or three others not much less which to avoyd tediousness as well as for other reasons I mention not ruined all and shortly after the whole fabrique of Gouverment causing such a violent and Generall Conflagration as I fear even to this day has never been totally extinguished but as fyer hid in the cavernes of the earth is often subject to make very dangerous irruptions The Scotch army totally defeated Cromwell Marched towards Scotland all other parties in England which had declared for his Ma tie were easily dissipated and all places sudainly reduced the humane cause of this extraordnary and most un apprehended ruine of the Scots forces was attributed to the secret correspondence which was more then believed to have been betwixt some of the dissenting clergy which were much the greatest nomber with other of the nobillity whoe had opposed most violently that expedition into England and Cromwell As likewise to the great influence they had upon a considerable part of that army which was knowne to some and had very convincing appearences to all both from their extraordinary conduct in suffering themselves to be constrained to fight against their wills and contrary to the common interest of the Cause they had in hand and when they engaged soe Improvidently to have ordered the business as not to have browght halfe their army to fight as likewise from the transactions and accord betwixt Cromwell and that partie of the Scotch when he came upon their borders The whole face of things being thus unexpectedly changed the more severe part of the Presbitereans whoe had not long before concurred with the armies partie in both houses to the vote of non adresses to the King apprehending when it was to late the danger of the totall subversion of the antient Gouverment of the three Nations by theise allmost prodigeous successes of the army changed their mindes forsooke the army party and joyning themselves to the moderate Presbitereans whoe in truth and reallity were strong Protestants but no Presbitereans were by much the more numerous in both houses nullified the former resolution of non adresses to the King and agreed to a speedy treaty with him hopeing to have concluded it before Cromwells army Could March southward and joyne with Fairefax soe to have browght his Ma tie with freedome Honour and safety to London to have voted all the Generall officers commissions voyde to have employd others in their charges and at the same tyme to have raysed a niew army in and about London by which means it was hoped all parties would have agreed together whoe were frends to the antient Gouverment and to the lawes of the Nation which were undoubtedly nine parts of ten in all three Kingdomes A day was prefixed for the beginning of the treaty forty days limited for its continuation thowgh that it was belived it would have been concluded in ten throwgh the necessity of the interests on both sides Which had it been I am confident the King had been happily restored and a multitude of Calamities prevented which ensued at and since his death and as may be feared are not yet soe entirely ended as wise and honest men may wish Artickles were drawne up and Commissioners sent away with them to the Isle of wight About which tyme M r. William Moray then of the bedchambre to his Royale Highness whoe was permitted to be about the King during the treaty wrote me word that his Ma tie had commanded him to let me know that if I Could come into England either by permission of the Parliament where the Presbitereans had at that tyme the power or secretly my negotiations at that conjoncture with those whoe had formerly had communication with me about his affaires and my advertisements to him might be of great use As soone as I had received the letter without much ballancing concerning the danger which I exposed my selfe to I repayred to flushing hired a fisher boate of expressly haveing desguised my selfe as much as I could arriving in twoe days at London where I remayned secretly during the treaty Very shortly after haveing spoaken