Catholike had giuen commandement long before in Italy Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of Ships and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordâ—ance in storing vp of corn and victuals in training of men to vse warlike weapons in leuying and mustering of Souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeer 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie brought it into Lisbon Hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean Sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards the translated copy whereof in perpâ—tuam râ—i memoriam to incite English thankfulnesse I haue here inserted but abridged Squadron of the Galeons of Portugall THe Galeon S. Martin Captain Generall of the Armie of 1000. tuns carrieth 177. Mariners 3â—0 Souldiers chosen men 50. Peeces of Canon Bullets Powder Lead Cord and all that which is needfull The Galeon S. Iohn Admirall Generall of 1050. tuns carrieth 170. Mariners 231. Souldiers 50. Peeces of Canons and Bullets Powder Lead Cords and that which is necessary The Galeon of S. Marke is of 792. tuns and carrieth 292. Souldiers 117. Mariners and Powder Bullets Lead Match as much as is needfull The Galeon S. Philip of 800. tuns hath 415. Souldiers 117. Mariners 40. Peeces of Artillery and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that is needfull The Galeon S. Lewes 830. tuns hath 376. men of Warre and 116. Mariners 40. Peeces of Ordnance and Bullets Match Powder and other things as much as is needfull The Galeon of S. Mathew 750. tuns 177. men of Warre 50. Mariners 40. great Peeces and Powder Bullets Lead Match and all other things as much as is needfull The Galeon S. Iames 520. tunnes 300. Souldiers 100. Mariners 30. great Peeces and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which is needfull The Galeon of Florence of 961. tuns 300. Souldiers 100. Mariners 52. Peeces of Ordnance and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest as much as is needfull The Galeon S. Christopher 352. tuns 300. men of Warre 90. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Lead Powder Match and all that which they need The Galeon S. Bernard 352. tuns hath 280. Souldiers 100. Mariners 30. Canons and Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary things as much as they need The Zabra Augusta of 166. tuns carrieth 55. Souldiers 55. Mariners 13. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary things as much as they need The Zabra Iulia of 166. tuns 60. Souldiers 50. Mariners with Ordnance Bullets Powder and other necessaries There is in this Squadron 1â— Vessells 10. of them Galeons and two Zabres which are of 7737. tuns there are imbarked in them 3330. Souldiers footmen 1230 mariners which are in sum 4624. men they carry 350. great Peeces and all that which is necessary to the rest as bullets powder match lead c. THe Ship S. Angell the Captaine is of 768. tuns and hath 323. men of War 114. Mariners 30. Canons Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which is needfull The Gangrin Admirall of 1160. tuns carrieth 300. Souldiers 100. Mariners 36. great Peeces of Canons Bullets Powder Match Lead and all that which is needfull The Vessell of S. Iames 660. tuns hath 250. Souldiers 102. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary prouisions The Conception of Zubâ—lzu 468. tuns hath 100. men of War and 70. Mariners 20. great Canons and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all other necessary things The Conception de Iâ—aâ—es del Cauo 418. tuns hath 164. men of Warre 70. Mariners 24. great Peeces and Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which they need The Magdalene of Iohn Frauncis of Ayala 330. tuns carrieth 200. Souldiers 70. Mariners 22. great Peeces and Bullets Powder Lead Match and that which is necessary to the rest The S 〈…〉 p S. Iohn 350. tuns hath 130. men of Warre and 80. Mariners and 24. great Peeces Bâ—llets Powder Lead Match and all that which they need for the rest The Mary of 165. tuns carrieth 180. Souldiers and 100. Mariners 24. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and other necessary things The Manuela of 520. tuns hath 130. Souldiers 54. Mariners 16. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and the rest of their fraught The Ship of S. Mary of Monte-maior of 707. tuns 220. Souldiers 50. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead and Match and other prouisions The Pinnace called the Marie of Aguiare of 70. tuns hath 30. men of War 23. Mariners 10. Peeces of Canon Powder Bullets Lead Match and other necessary things The Pinnace called Isabella of tuns hath 30. Souldiers 23. Mariners 12 Canons Bullets and other necessary things The Pinnace of Michel Susâ— of 96. tuns 30. Souldiers 24. Mariners 12. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all other necessary things The Pinnace of S. Steuen of 78. tuns hath 30. men of Warre 26. Mariners 12. Peeces of Canon Bullets Powder Lead Match and all other necessary things of prouision There is in this Squadron 14. Ships ten of them great and foure Pinnaces which are of 6567. tuns of burden in which Ships bee imbarked 2037. Souldiers 868. Mariners which make in all 2802. and 260. great Peeces of Canon 119000. Bullets 467. Quintals of Powder 140. of Lead 89. of Match THe Galeon S. Christopher Captaine of 70. tuns hath 205. men of Waâ—re and 120. Mariners and 40. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which is necessary to the rest The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist of 750. tuns hath 250. Souldiers 140. Mâ—â—â—neâ—s â—0 great Peeces bullets Powder lead Match other necessary things The Galeon S. Peter of 530. tuns 130. men of Warre 140. Mariners and 40. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest needfull The Galeon S. Iohn of 530. tuns 170. Souldiers 120. Mariners and 30. great Peeces Powder Bullets Lead Match and all the rest The Galeon S. Iames the great of 530. tuns 230. Souldiers 132. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Galeon S. Philip and S. Iames of 530. tuns 159. Souldiers and 116. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all that is necessary The Galeon of the Ascension of 530. tuns 220. Souldiers 114. Mariners and 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all other necessary things The Galeon of our Lady del Barriâ— of 130. tuns 170. Souldiers 108. Mariners and 30. Canons Bullets Powder Lead and all other necessary furnitures The Galeon of S. Medel and Celedon of 530. tuns 170. Souldiers 110. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest Galeon S. Anne of the Port of 250. tuns 100. men of Warre and 80. Mariners 24. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Ship of
our Lord of Vigonia 750. tuns 190. men of Warre and 130. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Vessell of the Triniteâ— of 780. tuns 200. Souldiers 12â— Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Ship of S. Katherine of 86â— tuns 200. men of Warr 160. Mariners 30. great Peeces and Powder Bullets Match Lead and all the rest The Ship of S. Iohn Baptist of 652. tuns 200. Souldiers 30. Mariners 30. Canons Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Pinnace of our Lord Rosary 30. Souldiers 25. Mariners 24. great Peeces Powder Bullets Lead Match and the rest of their prouision There are in this Squadron fourteene Galeons and Ships and two Pinnaces which beare 8714. tuns In these Vessells there are imbarked 2458. Souldiers 1719. Mariners which are in all 4177. and 348. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all that which they need THe Captaine Ship of 1550. tuns carrieth 304. men of War 118. Mariners 50. Canons Powder Bullets and the rest of their prouision The Ship S. Francis the Admirall of 915. tuns 230. Souldiers 60. Mariners 30. Canons Powder Bullets and the rest of their prouision The Galeon S. Iohn Baptist of 810. tuns 250. Souldiers and 40. Mariners 40. great Peeces Powder Bullets Match Lead and the rest The Ship S. Iohn Gargaran of 569. tuns 170. men of War 60. Mariners 20. great Peeces Powder Bullets Match Lead and the rest The Conception of 862. tuns 200. men of War 65. Mariners 25. great Peeces Bullets Powder Match Lead and all the rest The Hulke Duquesa S. Anne of 900. tuns 250. men of War and 80. Mariners 30. great Peeces Powder Bullets Match Lead and all the rest The Trinitie 650. tuns 200. men of Warre 80. Mariners 20. Canons Bullets Powder Lead Match and the rest The Ship S. Mary de Iuncar of 730. tuns 240. men of War 80. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Pinnace of the Holy Ghost 40. men of War 33. Mariners 10. Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and Cord and all that which they need There are in this Squadron 11. Ships 10. great and a Pinâ—ace of the burden of 8762. tuns in which are imbarked 2400. Souldiers 800. Mariners and 260. great Peeces THe Ship of S. Anne the Captaine of â—200 tuns of burden hath 300. men of Warre 60. Mariners 50. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead and all the rest The Ship of our Lord of the Rose Admirall of 945. tuns 230. Souldiers 64. Mariners and 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Ship S. Sauior of 958. tuns 330. Souldiers 50. Mariners 30. Canons Bullets Powder Lead Match and the rest The Ship of S. Steuen of 936. tuns 200. men of Warre 70. Mariners 30. great Peeces Bullets Powder Lead Match and all the rest The Ship of S. Marthe of 548. tuns 180. men of Warre 70. Mariners 25. great Peeces bullets powder and the rest The ship S. Barbe of 525. tuns 160. Souldiers 50. Mariners 15. Canons bullets powder lead match and all the rest The ship of S. Bonauenture of 369. tuns 170. Souldiers 60. Mariners 15. great Peeces bullets powder lead and the rest The Mary of 291. tuns 120. Souldiers 40. Mariners 15. great Peeces bullets powder lead and the rest The S. Croix 680. tuns 150. Souldiers 40. Mariners 20. great Peeces bullets powder match lead and the rest The Hulke Doucella 500. tuns 160. men of War 40. Mariners 18. great Peeces powder bullets match lead and all the rest The Patax of the Annunciation of 60. tuns 30. men of War 16. Mariners 12. great Peeces bullets powder match lead and all the rest The Patax S. Bernabe is the same burden as the aforenamed The Patax of our Lady of Guadaloupe is of the same burden also The Pinnace of Magdelene is also the same burden There are in this Squadron 14. Ships ten great Ships two Pataches and two Pinnaces of 6991. tuns of burden In which Uessels there are imbarked 2092. men of Warre and 670. Mariners all commeth 2708. THe Regasona the Captaine which is of 1294. tuns hath 350. Souldiers 90. Mariners 35. great Peeces powder bullets lead match and all the rest The Lama the Admirall of 728. tuns 210. Souldiers 80. Mariners 30. great Peeces powder bullets lead match and all the rest The 〈◊〉 S. Mary crowned of 820. tuns 340. men of Warre 90. Mariners 40. great Peeces powder bullets match lead and the rest The S. Iohn of Cicile of 880. tuns 290. men of Warre 70. Mariners 30. Canons and all the rest The Trinitie Valencera of a 1000. tuns 240. Souldiers 90. Mariners 41. great Peeces and all the rest of their furnitures The Annuntiation of 730. tuns 200. Souldiers 90. Mariners 30. great Peeces and all the rest The S. Nicholas Prodaâ—eli of 834. tunnes 280. Souâ—â—ers 84. Mariners 30. great Peeces and all the rest The Iuliâ—â—e of 780. â—uns 330. Souldiers 80. Mariners 36. great Peeces and the rest The Mary Pison of 666. tuns 250. Souldiers 80. Mariners 22. great Peeces and the rest of their need The Trinitie Escala of 900. tunnes 302. Souldiers 25. great Peeces and all the rest of their furniture In which Squadron there â—â—e ten Ships which are of 7705. tuns of burthen and there are imbarked in them 2880. Souldiers 807. Mariners 310. great Peeces with the rest of that they haue THe great Grison the Captaine of 650. tuns 250. Souldiers 60. Mariners 40. great Peeces and the rest The S. Sauior the Admirall of 650. tuns 230. Souldiers 60. Mariners 30. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Sea Dog of 200. tuns 80. Souldiers 30. Mariners 10. great Peeces and the rest The White Faulcon the great of 500. tuns 160. men of Warre 40. Mariners 18. great Peeces and all the rest The Blacke Castle of 750. tuns 250. Souldiers 50. Mariners 25. great Peeces and all the rest The Barke of Ambâ—â—g of 600. tuns 250. men of War 50. Mariners 25. Canons and the rest The House of peace the great of the same burthen The S. Peter the great of the same burthen also The Sampson and Peter the small doe beare the same The Barke of Auzâ—que of 450. tuns 210. Souldiers 50. Mariners 26. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Falcon the meane White of 300. tuns 80. men of War 30. Mariners 18. great Peeces and all the rest The S. Andrew of 400. tuns 160. Souldiers 40. Mariners 15. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Little house of peace of 350. tuns 160. Souldiers 40. Mariners 15. great Peeces and the rest of their prouision The Flying Rauen of 400. tuns 210. Souldiers 40. Mariners 18. great Peeces and the rest of their furniture THe White Doue of 250. tuns 60. Souldiers 30. Mariners 12. great Peeces and the rest The Aduenture S. Barbe fraughted of the same The S. Iames 600. tuns 60.
Souldiers 40. Mariners 19. great Peeces and all the rest S. Gabriel of the Port of 280. tuns 50. Souldiers 25. Mariners 9. great Peeces and the rest of their furniture The Esay is fraughted of the same There are in this Squadron 23. Hulkes which are of 10271. tuns in the which are imbarked 3221. men of Warre 708. Mariners 410. great peeces and their necessary prouision The Captaine of our Lord of Pilier of Zaragosse of 300. tunnes 120. Souldiers 50. Mariners 12. great Peeces and their furniture The English Charity of 180. tuns 80. Souldiers 36. Mariners 12. great Peeces and the rest The Scottish S. Andrew of 150. tuns 51. Souldiers 30. Mariners 12. great Peeces and their furniture The Patache of the Crucifix 150. tuns 50. Souldiers 30. Mariners 8. great Peeces and their furniture Our Lord of the Hauen fraught alike The Conception of Carassa and our Lord of Begoua and the Conception de Capitillo and S. Hioros being of the burthen of 60. or 70. tuns 50. Souldiers 30. Mariners 8. great Peeces a Peece and their furniture Our Lady of grace the Conception of Frauncys Lastero our Lady of Guadalupe S. Frauncys the Holy Spirit our Lady of Frenesda all fraughted alike The Zabra of the Trinitie the Zabra of our Lady Castre S. Andrew the Conception of Zomartiba S. Clere S. Iohn of Carassa and the Assumption all fraughted alike There are in this Squadron 22. Pataches and Zabres which are of the burthen of 113. tuns in the which there are imbarked 479. Souldiers 574. Mariners and therâ— is 193. great Peeces and all their furniture THe Galeace the Captaine called S. Lawrence hath 270. Souldiers 130. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. Peeces of Canon and their furniture The Galeace Patrone 180. Souldiers 112. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. great Peeces and their furniture The Galeace Gâ—rone 170. Souldiers 120. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. great Peeces The Galeace Neapolitaine 124. Souldiers 115. Mariners 300. Slaues 50. great Peeces and the rest of their necessary fraught There are in these foure Galeaces 873. Souldiers 468. Mariners 200. great Peeces 1200. Slaues and the rest of their furniture The Gally Captaine 110. Souldiers 106. Mariners 306. Slaues and fiftie great Peeces and other necessaries The Gally Princesse the Gally Diana the Gally Vacaâ—a are the like In the aboue named Galeaces there are 1200. Slaues and in the foure gallies 888. which is in all 2088. Moreouer they carry powder for their need if it be offered to doe battery 600. Quintals So that there are in the said Army 130. Ships of 57868. tuns 19295. Souldiers and 8450. Mariners 2088. Slaues and 2630. great Peeces of Brasse of all sorts among which there are Coleurines and de my Coleurines and Canons to the Stone and other necessaries for their fraught In the Booke follow the names of the Aduenturers also of such as in the Army were entertained for pay such also as were imbarked for the seruice of the Canon for the Hospitall the Râ—giments and Companies in pay the Officers c. which for breuitie Iâ—â—it The Galeons were sixtie foure in number being of an huge bignesse and verie stately built being of marueilous force also and so high that they resembled great Castles most fit 〈◊〉 defend themselues and to withstand any assault but in giuing any other Ships the encounter farre inferiour vnto the English and Dutch Ships which can with great dexteritie weild turne themselues at all ass 〈…〉 The vpper worke of the said Galeons was of thicknesse and strength sufficient to beare off Musket-shot The lower worke and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong being framed for plankes and ribs foure or fiue foot in thicknesse insomuch that no bullets could pierce them but such as were discharged hard at hand which afterward proued true for a great number of bullets were found to sticke fast within the massie substance of those thicke plankes Great and well pitched Cables were twined about the masts of their Ships to strengthen them against the battery of shot The Galliasses were of such bignesse that they contained within them Chambers Chappels Turrets Pulpits and other commodities of great houses The Galliasses were rowed with great Oares there being in each of them 300. slaues for the same purpose and were able to â—ot great seruice with the force of their Ordnance All these together with the residue 〈◊〉 were furnished and beautified with Trumpets Streamers Banners warlike Ensignes and other such like ornaments Their Pieces of Brasen Ordnance were 1600. and of 〈◊〉 1000. The Bullets there to belonging were 120. thousand Item of Gunpowder 5600. quintals Of Match 1200. quintals Of Muskets and Kalâ—â—uers 7000. Of Halberts and Partisans 10000. Moreouer they had great store of Canons double Canons Culuerings and field-pieces for land seruice Likewise they were prouided of all instruments necessary on Land to conueigh and transport their furniture from place to place as namely of Carbs Wheeles Wagons c. Also they had Spades Mattocks and Baskets to set pioners on worke They had in like sort great store of Mules and Horses and whatsoeuer else was requisite for a Land-armie They were so well stored of Biscuit that for the space of halfe a yeere they might allow each person in the whole Fleete halfe a quintall euery moneth whereof the whole 〈◊〉 amounteth vnto an hundreth thousand quintals Likewise of Wine they had 147. thousand Pipes sufficient also for halfe a yeeres expedition Of Bacon 6500. quintals Of Cheese three thousand quintals Besides Fish Rice Beanes Pease Oyle Vinegar c. Moreouer they had 12000. Pipes of fresh water and all other necessarie prouision as namely Candies Lanternes Lampes Saâ—les Hempe Oxe-hides and Lead to stop holes that should be made with the batterie of Gunâ—hot To be short they brought all things expedient either for a Fleete by Sea or for an Aâ—â—ie by land This Name as Diego Pimentelli afterward confessed was esteemed by the King himselfe to containe 32000. persons and to cost him euery day 30. thousand Ducates There were in the said Nauie fiue Terzaes of Spaniards which Terzaes the Frenchmen call Regiments vnder the command of fiue Gouernours tearmed by the Spaniards Masters of the field and amongst the rest there were many old and expert Souldiers chosen out of the Garrisons of Sicilie Naples and Terçera Their Captaines or Colonels were Diego Pimentelli Don Francisco de Toledo Don Alonzo de Lucon Don Nicolas de Isla Don Augustin de Mexia who had each of them two and thirty Companies vnder their conduct Besides the which Companies there were many bands also of Castilians and Portugals euery one of which had their peculiar Gouernours Captaines Officers Colours and weapons It was not lawfull for any man vnder grieuous penaltie to carry any woman or harlots in the Fleete for which cause the women hired certaine Ships wherein they sailed after the Nauie some of the which being driuen by tempest arriued vpon
tarry at a Conduit which is in the maine Iland but from whence men might be landed betwixt the point or the Bridge and the red fort called Mata-diabolo Our men were safely landed some pretty distance beyond the red Fort where the Spaniards were ready to receiue them and a while they skirmished gallantly but finding themselues ouer-weake they made an honorable retreat till they were fallen into the wood in the edge whereof they made their first stand Ours marched directly to the Fort which they found quitted and there lodged all that night By that time that the Boates were come backe to his Lordship the Moone was growne so light and the water fallen to so dead an ebbe that there was no hope of passge till the next floud There was not so much as a candle or a match to be seene in the Fort whereupon his Lordship told Sir Iohn Barkeley that he tooke that Fort also to be quitted the rather because some were seene passing from the Fort to the Frigat Hereupon himselfe accompanied with Sir Iohn Barkeley went to the Cawsey to see if they could perceiue any more certaintie and Captaine Rukesby was sent and brought certaine intelligence that the enemy was gone By this time it was growne very late and our men needed some refreshing the Companies therefore were drawne vp to the place where we had lodged the last night where hauing eaten something they were within a while brought downe to the point where meeting with Captaine Coach and Captaine Orrell all began to march directly towards the Towne And now our men made but little doubt of all hauing once set safe footing in the lesser Iland It was night when we began to march and by breake of day we were at the Towne This day was thursday Iun. 8. The passage is wooddie on either side and so narrow that not passiâ—g three at the most can march in ranke and from the Towne this Fort is a mile and a halfe yet all this way being so fit for Ambâ—skadoes or for the Irish manner of charging by sudden comming on and off there was not a Dogge that barked at vs so that in great quietnesse wee came to the Towne and found it quitted of all able to make resistance fo besides women and men whom either age or wounds had disabled for the warres all the rest had quitted the Towne and betaken themselues as to their last hope to one of their Forts to the Sea-wards called Mora. §. III. The Fort Mora beseeged and taken The Towne described the Mines Purpose to hold the place altered by the death and sickenesse of many AFter that the place was assured with sufficient guards and euery Company quartered first of all the Spaniards that were left were deliuered to the Prouost and then his Lordship sent a Drum to summon the Fort to be deliuered to him for the Queene of England who had sent him thither to take it The Gouernour made answere â—hat the King of Spaine had sent him thither to keepe it and that so long as he liued it should not be deliuered After this summons his Lordship tooke exceeding care for the taking in of this hold with the least losse of men that possibly might be for he considered that he was to leaue a strong Garrison there and that he must himselfe goe home well guarded His purpose therefore was to take it without fight onely with a straight siedge to force them to yeelding his Lordships speciall purpose and desire was by hunger to driue them to a yeelding as in the end hee did but withall he prouided a batterie if their victualls should last longer then he wished and hoped At one time therefore he tooke order to cut off all possible meanes of reliefe of victualls by senâ—ing Boates which continually lay twixt the Fort and their Mayne and withall hee prouided two plat-formes and seuerall Gabions that from two placeâ— at once their wall might bee beaten To this purpose there was brought from the Scourge two whole Culuerings and two Demiculuerings and about the Towne were found foure other peeces that would serue for batterie among the which one was that which had slain Sir Nicholas Clifford there not long before By Saturday the seuenteenth of Iune the Ordnance was readie to batter But his Lordship would not haue them begin on the Sabbath day so that it was deferred till Monday All this while the noise of warre was not so great among vs but that the still voice of Iustice was well heard It is no newes that in such companies there will bee outrages committed and so was it there for his Lordship publikely disarmed a very good Souldier for ouer-violent spoyling a Gentlewoman of her jewels But because this was not terrible enough to the rest and he was desirous to arme Iustice with the authoritie of all the Commanders forthwith hee caused a martiall Court to bee called Whereupon the Article of defacing Churches or Houses of Religion and of offering force to Women there were two condemned to die Hee that had done violence to a Spaniards wife was a Souldier and had giuen very good proofe of his valour so farre that his Lordship had taken speciall notice of him but being conuicted of this crime there was no place left for mercy but hanged hee was in the market place the Spaniards as many as would come being suffered to be present at the execution The other fellow was a Sayler and an Officer in the Vice-admirall for defacing some things in the Church without order from the Generall hee was brought thrice to the Gibbet and at length his Lordship was intreated to grant him mercy These few but indeed notable examples of justice haue since held vs in much better termes of ruly obedience Vpon Monday the batterie began to speake very loud both the Gabions beat vpon a Caualero which they had made vpon the Point next to the Towne The Ordnance which they had planted thereon by dinner time was iudged to bee dismounted and though that were the thing specially respected in the batterie yet because the Wall and the Caualero that stood vpon it began to nod they beat that place till towards the euening All this while scarce was there a Spaniard to be seene vpon any part of their wall whereas before the Ordnance began to play there could not within the sight and reach of the Fort foure or fiue of the Souldiers come together but there would a shot of great Ordnance be sent to scatter them In the euening the Canoneers found that they had spent all the Culuering shot and therefore shut vp that day with the lesser peeces Against the morning there was more prouided but in the meane season it was perceiued that the Caualero was alreadie sufficiently beaten and that with the next raine which in that Countrie and time of the yeere is neither seldome nor little it would fall being
Canoes There is no setled gouernment amongst them onely they acknowledge a superiority which they will obay as farre as they please In euery Prouince or Signiory there is a chiefe Cassique or Captaine commanding all So likewise in euery Towne and Village they commonly chastise murder and adultery by death which onely are the offences punished amongst them and certaine persons are appointed by them to execute those punishments The Indians take wiues ouer whom they are extreame iealous and expect great continencie in them for if they take them in adultery they presently cause their braines to be beaten out The better sort of persons haue euery one of them two or three wiues or more the rest but one accounting him that hath most wiues the greatest man Their wiues especially the elder sort are as seruants vnto them for they make their bread and drinke dresse their meate serue them at meales and doe all the other businesse about the house These Prouinces are peopled with diuers Nations of seuerall languages namely Yaios Arwaccas Sappaios Paragotos and Charibes The Charibes are the ancient inhabitants and the other Nations are such as haue beene chased away from Trinidado and the borders of Orenoque And forasmuch as they haue vnited themselues in those parts the Charibes haue held them in continuall warres but the Yaios and the other Nations their Allyes are growne so strong that they haue constrained the Charibes of the Sea-coast to contract a peace with them yet beare no hearty loue the one Nation to the other but with the Charibes inhabiting the in-land parts vpon the Mountaines they haue as yet no peace at all for they doe often times come downe vpon them in great numbers spoile and burne their houses kill their men and carry away their women which is the greatest cause of warre and hatred amongst them whereof our men haue seene experience in Cooshebery where happened an accident worth the obseruing which I will here declare vnto your Highnesse The Indian Leonard Ragapo before mentioned is a Yaio who finding the Countrey of Cooshebery slenderly inhabited hath seized vpon it for his owne Signiorie and at his earnest request I sent foure Gentlemen of my company to remaine there with him The naturall inhabitants that dwell vpon the vttermost bounds thereof towards the South and West are Charibes and enemies to him and to his Nation for while our men vnknowne to the Charibes staied at Cooshebery they assembled themselues together to the number of two hundred or more and came dome into his Signiorie burned and â—poiled houses roasted one woman tooke many prisoners and intended to assault him also which to preuent he armed about fiftie of his Indians with their vsuall weapons which are Bowes and Arrowes long Staues sharpened at the point and with fire hardened wodden Swords and Targets very artificially made of wood and painted with Beasts and Birds He requested also our men to aide and assist him with their Muskets which I commanded them to doe vpon all such occasions offered And so being all in readinesse Leonard as their captain led them on to intercept his enemies and as I haue heard by Master Henry Baldwin who then was prsent and to obserue the manner of their warres gaue him leaue to command all he brauely performed that exploit in good order after their manner and with great iudgement and resolution For in the Front he first placed our foure Englishmen by two in a ranke next to them two Indians armed with woodden Swords and Targets then two Archers and after them two men with sharpned staues instead of Pikes and in like manner ordered and ranked all his Company Being thus prepared hee marched against the Charibs who neere at hand were comming in the same order towards him but when they approached and vnexpected perceiued our English men amongst the Taios they were much amazed and made a sudden stand which Leonard perceiuing guessed rightly at the cause and instantly did make good vse of that aduantage Hee commanded his owne company to keepe their Station himselfe with a Sword in his hand which I had giuen him and a Target of his owne fashion went boldly towards them to parley with their Captaines And hauing called them out hee reproued them for comming as enemies into his Signiory for burning and spoiling his houses and his people hee demanded satisfaction for the hurt done and restitution of the prisoners taken and warned them forthwith to depart out of his Signiory and desist from warre which if they refused to fulfill he was there ready with his friends the Englishmen to fight with them and reuenge his wrongs and said further that if in the conflict any of the English men were slaine or hurt hee would then fetch all the rest from Wiapoco and returne to burne their houses and cut them all in peeces Thus hee boldly spake with such a courage shewing also our men vnto them who had their match in cocke ready to discharge that hee strooke such a feare into them all by reason of our mens presence that they presently agreed to peace performed what conditions he required and then departed home with all their company Here may your Highnesse note the factions among the Indian Nations the discipline and order they hold in warre the feare the Charibes conceiued at the sight of our English men and the policy of the Indian Leonard to take aduantage by their feare and make our men his Guard and chiefe protection against them These things in time will much auaile vs being well obserued and rightly applied according to occasion But to our former discourse The power and strength of these Countries being so thinly peopled is not very great to withstand the might of forraine enemies The vsuall weapons of the Indians are before described sauing that their Arrowes are oft times poisoned But since our trade and commerce with them they haue gotten a few good Swords Muskets Caliuers and some small quantity of shot and powder and haue learned to handle their Peeces very orderly and some of them are good shot The seasons of the yeare vpon this coast and in this climate are diuers for in the East parts of Guiana towards the Amazones the dry weather which we call their Summer beginneth in August and the violent raines and tempestuous winde which we count their winter doe begin in February But in the Westerne parts towards Orenoque the dry season beginneth in October and the raines and windes in Aprill There is little difference of heate and cold in this diuersity of seasons being so neere the Equinoctiall where the day and night are alwayes equall for in those parts wee finde that when the Sunne declineth furthest from them towards the Tropicke of Capricorne the ayre is then clearest and the season of the yeare most dry as in the Easterne parts of Guiana in August September October Nouember and December and when
imitating blue and yeeldeth the smell of the fruit of the Idean Bramble so that by the smell they were easily found of vs wandring in the Woods and other places where they grow they are of so sweet and pleasant a taste that none of our preserued fruits excell them Therefore I thinke it to bee the best fruit of all America I sometimes wrung one of them out of the which I drew a Cruze of juice which vnto me seemed nothing inferiour vnto the Wine which they call Malmesey Lastly as I haue said that among the Americans no foure-footed beasts birds fishes nor any liuing creatures in all things resemble ours of Europe so I now affirme as much as I could finde by experience wandring through the Woods and Fields that there are no Trees or Herbes and lastly no fruits which are not vnlike to ours except these three Plants Purslane Basill Royall and Fearne which grow in certaine places §. II. Of the Warre Battailes Fortitude and Weapons of the Barbarians and of their Religion ALthough our Tououpinambaultij Tonpinenquin make immortall warre against diuers bordering Nations after the manner of all the rest of the Barbarians Notwithstanding they contend not by warre to inlarge their bounds for they possesse more â—ands then they need or thinke of the getting of Riches by the spoiles ransomes and armes of the conquered For as they all confesse they are prouoked through no other affection then that they might most seuerely auenge the death of their Parents and Friends long since taken and deuoured by the enemie Moreouer when war is first proclaimed betweene certaine of these people all of them agreeing in this that the enemie vnto whom injurie is done will perpetually thinke on the reuenging of the same and therefore that it is to be attributed to cowardiâ—e if being brought into their power they suffer him to escape vnpunished their enmities are so inueterate and of such continuance that they can neuer be reconciled each to other But the manner whereby our Tououpinambaultij assemble being readie to goe to the warres is this as much as I could obserue Although they haue no Kings or Princes among them but are almost equall in dignitie yet this is giuen them by nature which also was most exactly in former times obserued by the Lacedemonians that they admire and reuerence the elder sort whom they call Peoreru Picheh for their experience of things therefore in euerie Village no contemptible seruice and obedience is performed vnto them These occasions being offered either walking or sitting in their Cotton hanging beds exhort the rest with these or the like words What say they speaking by turne without interruption of speech were our Ancestors who not only fought against so many enemies but also vanquished slue and deuoured them an Example vnto vs that wee should perpetually lye lurking heere at home Shall wee suffer our Nation which in former times was so great a terrour to all the rest that they could not in any sort indure their sight to be so much reproached to eur great disgrace that our enemies should assaile vs by Warre euen in our owne houses Shall we through our cowardize cause that the Margaites and Peros-ergaipa that is thâ—se wicked Nations assault vs first Then that Orator clapping his shoulders and buttocks with his hands addeth these words with exclamation Erima Erima Tououpinambaults Câ—nomâ—ouâ—ssou Tan Tan c. that is to say My Countrimen and most valiant young men wee are not so to doe but rather let vs prepare vs for the fight and bequeathe our selues to death and slaughter or auenge our people With these Orations therefore of the elders which sometimes are prolonged for six houres the hearers who most attentiuely hearken so that they forget not so much as one syllable being increased both in strength and courage speaking each to other in euerie Village assemble as speedily as they may at the prefixed place in great multitudes But before wee bring our Tououpinambaultij to the Battaâ—le wee are to declare with what Weapons they are furnished And first surely they haue Tacapes that is Clubs or Swords made some of redde and some of blacke wood they are commonly of the length of fiue or sixe feete round at the ends or of an ouall shape of the breadth of a foote and of the thicknesse of a Thumbe in the middest but the edges are verie finely sharpened for they are made of verie heauie wood such as Boxe is and are little inferiour to the edge of a verie sharpe Axe so that I easily beleeue that one Tououpinambaultian armed with such a Clubbe and inraged with furie would bee able to put two of our Countrie Fencers to much trouble and driue them to their shifts Moreouer they haue Bowes which they call Orapats made of the same kinde of wood to wit redde and blacke and they exceed ours so much in length and thicknesse that none of our men is able either to bend or vnbend them insomuch as they are of necessitie to vse all their strength for the bending of the Bowes of Children of tenne yeeres old They vse the herbe called Tocon for strings which although it bee verie slender yet is it of so great a strength that it may indure the force of an Horse Their Arrowes are of the length of an Ell made with three ioynts the middle part consisting of a Cane or Reede and the other two of blacke wood and those pieces are so aptly bound together with certaine barkes of Trees that they could not bee more firmely glued They apply two little feathers vnto them of the length of a foote which they binde together with a Cotton Thread because Glue is not in vse with them they aptly ioyne very sharpe bones on the ends sometimes a piece of a drie Reed of the length of a mans hand cut smooth after the manner of a Surgeons Launce and somtimes the verie end of the taile of the fish Raye which as I haue elsewhere said is verie venemous But since the Frenchmen and the Portugals came into those Countreyes the Barbarians after their manner haue accustomed to strengthen their Arrowes with Iron heads or at the least with verie sharpe Nailes We haue alreadie spoken what their dexteritie is in handling their Clubs but as touching the Bowes I hope that all they who haue seene the Barbarians will confirme that with their naked armes they shoot so speedily and so certainly that bee it spoken by the Englishmens leaue who are yet accounted the most skilfull Archers putting their Arrowes in the hand wherewith they hold their Bow twelue may sooner bee shot by them then sixe by the Englishmen Lastly they haue Targets of the Hide of Tapiroussou which I mentioned before broad plaine and round like to the bottome of a Germane Dâ—umme with these they couer not themselues in fight after the manner that our Souldiers vse but fighting receiue the Arrowes of
of the Kingdome of Quitu and other Prouinces giuing-him experimented Captaines and part of his Armie the better to secure himselfe and to pacifie the vnsettled new-gained Prouinces in his Fathers life time to that end transplanting Nations from one Region to another Huayna Capac made two famous Royall wayes the one alongst the Hills within Land the other by the Sea-side From Cozco to Quitu are fiue hundred leagues by the Sierras rockie and craggie way which hee made plaine breaking downe the high and exalting the lowe places sometimes fifteene or twenty stades or mans heights that a Cart might haue gone on them till the wars of the Indians and Christians much endammaged them By the Plaines he made another of lesse diffiâ—ultie making mud-wals to hold in the way forty foote broade with a high causie both in the Vallies and in the sands driuing stakes therein to know the way which is there so moueable and changeable the like space of 500. leagues Bâ—â—ied in these affaires and great workes he had newes of the Spaniards those which Basco Nunez de Balboa first discouerer of the South Sea had sent vpon discouery 1515. who as before is said imposed the name Peru which filled him with wonder and care Hee liued after this in peace eight yeares and dyed Anno 1523. hauing â—aigned two and fortie yeares not minding the prosecuting of further conquests after he had heard of the Spanish Ship by reason of a Prophesie or ancient Oracle which the Incas had that after so many Kings a strange Nation should come and destroy their Kingdome and Idolatry Three yeares before that Ship was seene as they were celebrating the Sunnes festiuall solemnity an Eagle Royall which they call Anca pursued fiue or sixe kistrels and as many small haukes which set vpon the Eagle and beate her so that hauing no way to escape she fell in the market place amongst the Incas as seeking helpe at their hands They tooke her and did what they could to relieue her but within few dayes she died an augurie seeming to presage some disaster to that state There were also greater earthquakes then the ordinary to which Peru is vsually subiect and the Sea often swelled ouer the shores the aire no lesse terrified them with comets The Moone in a cleere night had three circles round about her very great one of bloud the middlemost blacke the vtmost of smoake Llayca a diuiner told the Inca Onely Lord know that thy mother the Moone aduiseth thee that Pachacamac threatneth the royall bloud and to send great plagues on thine Empire the first circle signifying the bloudy warre which shall follow when thou art gone to rest with thy Father the Sunne betwixt thy posteritie that in few yeares it shall altogether faile the second shewes the destruction of our Religion and republique and alienation of thy Empire which shall turne all into smoake as is signified by the third circle Inca was troubled but put it off saying thou hast dreamed those fooleries last night and saist my Mother hath sent me such intelligence But the Soothsayer answered he might see it with his owne eyes and consult with other diuiners which he did and found the same sight and answere hee yet made seemings not to beleeue saying hee did not beleeue the Sunne would permit that to happen to his progenie He offered notwithstanding many Sacrifices to him and appointed the Soothsayers in all parts to consult with their seuerall Oracles especially with Pachacamac and Rimac whose answers were obscure and doubtfull These things I heard of two Captaines of Huayna Capacs guard then eightie yeares old and baptised speaking hereof with teares Don Iuan Pechuta and Chauca Rimachi as also of Cusihuallpa that old Inca and of my Mother and her Brother Don Fernando Huallpa Tupac Inca. Huayna Capac one day bathing himselfe came forth cold and found himselfe deadly sicke made a testamentall discourse saying that he was now going to heauen to rest with his Father the Sunne which called him out of the bath euer since which time he was so indisposed of body when I am dead you shall burie my body as is vsed to be done with Royall bodies my heart and entrals in Quitu in token of the loue which I beare it my body you shall carrie to Cozco to lay it with my ancestors I commend you to my Son Atahuallpa whom I so much loue who remaineth for Inca in my place in this Kingdome of Quitu and in all the rest which he shall conquer by armes to augment his Empire And for you the Captaines of my armie I charge you in particular to serue him with that fealty loue which you owe to your King in all and euery thing doing what he shall command you which shall be the same that I shall reueale to him by order of our Father the Sunne I likewise commend vnto you iustice and clemencie towards the Vassals that the Title of Louer of the poore giuen vnto vs be not lost and that in euery thing you doe like the Incas Sonnes of the Sunne Hauing made this speech to his children and kinsmen he called the rest of the Captains and Curacas which were not of the bloud royall and gaue them in charge fealty and seruice due to their King and at last concluded It is many yeares since that by reuelation of our father the Sunne we hold that when twelue Kings are passed of his Sonnes there shall come a new and vnknowne people into those parts and shall gaine and subiect to their Empire all our Kingdomes and many others I suspect that they shall be of those whom we know to haue gone alongst the coast of our Sea they shall be a valiant Nation which euery way shall exceede you We well know that in mee is compleat the number of twelue Incas I certifie you that a few yeares after my departure from you that new Nation shall come and fulfill that which our Father the Sunne hath spoken and shall gaine our Empire and rule ouer it I command you that yee obey and serue them as men which euery way shall haue aduantage of you whose Law shall be better then ours and their armes more mightie and inuincible then yours I leaue you in peace for I goe to rest with my Father the Sunne which cals mee All this the Indians held in great veneration and fulfilled euery iot thereof I remember that one day that old Inca speaking in presence of my Mother and rehearsing these things and the Spaniards entrance and their conquest I asked him how their Countrey being so rough their people so warlike and their number so many they lost their Empire to so few Spaniards He answering me repeated the foretelling or prophesie of the Spaniards aforesaid and said that the Inca had commanded them to obey and serue them for euery way they should haue the aduantage of them And for that obiection of cowardise he answered me
and straight of a comely proportion and of a colour browne when they are of any age but they are borne white Their haire is generally blacke but few haue any beards The men weare halfe their heads shauen the other halfe long for Barbers they vse their women who with two shels will grate away the haire of any fashion they please The women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their yeares but euer some part remaineth long They are very strong of an able body and full of agilitie able to endure to lye in the woods vnder a tree by the fire in the worst of winter or in the weedes and grasse in Ambuscado in the Summer They are inconstant in euery thing but what feare constraineth them to keepe Craftie timerous quicke of apprehension and very ingenious Some are of disposition fearefull some bold most cauteloâ—s all Sauage Generally couetous of Copper Beads and such like trash They are soone moued to anger and so malicious that they seldome forget an iniury they seldome steale one from another least their Coniurers should reueale it and so they be pursued and punished That they are thus feared iâ— certaine but that any can reueale their offences by coniuration I am doubtfull Their women are carefull not to be suspected of dishonesty without the leaue of their husbands Each houshold knoweth their owne lands and gardens and most liue of their owne labours For their apparell they are sometime couered with the skins of wilde Beasts which in winter are dressed with the haire but in summer without The better sort vse large mantels of Deare skins not much differing in fashion from the Irish Mantels some imbrodered with white Beades some with Copper other painted after their manner But the common sort haue scarce to couer their nakednesse but with grasse the leaues of trees or such like Wee haue seene some vse mantels made of Turkie-feathers so prettily wrought and wouen with threds that nothing could be discerned but the feathers That was exceeding warme and very handsome But the women are alwayes couered about their middles with a skin and very shamefac't to be seene bare They adorne themselues most with Copper Beads and paintings Their women some haue their legs hands brests and face cunningly imbrodered with diuers works as Beasts Serpents artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots In each eare commonly they haue three great holes whereat the hang Chaines Bracelets or Copper Some of their men weare in those holes a small greene and yellow coloured Snake neere halfe a yard in length which crawling and lapping her selfe about his necke oftentimes familiarly would kisse his lips Others weare a dead Rat tied by the taile Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird or some large feather with a Rattell Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier but lesse which they take from the taile of a Snake Many haue the whole skin of a Hawke or some strange fowle stuffed with the wings abroad Others a broad peece of Copper and some the hand of their enemy dried Their head and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to powder mixed with Oyle this they hold in summer to preserue them from the heate and in winter from the cold Many other formes of paintings they vse but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold Their Buildings and habitations are for the most part by the Riuers or not farre distant from some fresh Spring Their Houses are built like our Arbors of small yong sprigs bowed and tied and so close couered with mats or the barks of trees very hand somely that notwithstanding either winde raine or weather they are so warme as stoues but very smoakie yet at the top of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into right ouer the fire Against the fire they lye on little hurdles of Reedes couered with a mat borne from the ground a foote and more by a Hurdle of wood On these round about the house they lye heads and points one by thother against the fire some couered with Mats some with Skins and some starke naked lye on the ground from six to twenty in a house Their Houses are in the midst of their Fields or Gardens which are small plots of grounds some twenty some forty some a hundred some two hundred some more some lesse sometimes from two to a hundred of those houses together or but a little seperated by groues of trees Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way but where the creekes or Riuers shall hinder Men Women and Children haue their seuerall names according to the seuerall humour of their Parents Their women they say are easily deliuered of child yet doe they loue children very dearely To make them hardy in the coldest mornings they wash them in the Riuers and by painting and ointments so tan their skins that after a yeare or two no weather will hurt them The men bestow their times in fishing hunting warres and such manlike exercises scorning to be seene in any womanlike exercise which is the cause that the women be very painfull and the men often idle The women and children doe the rest of the worke They make Mats Baskets Pots Morters pound their corne make their bread prepare their victuals plant their corne gather their corne beare all kinde of burdens and such like Their fire they kindle presently by chasing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square peece of wood that firing it selfe will so fire mosse leaues or any such like dry thing that will quickly burne In March and Aprill they liue much vpon their fishing wares and feede on fish Turkies and Squirrels In May and Iune they plant their fields and liue most of Acornes Walnuts and fish But to mend their diet some disperse themselues in small companies and liue vpon fish Beasts Crabs Oysters land Tortoyses Strawberries Mulberries and such like In Iune Iuly and August they feede vpon the rootes of Tocknough Berries Fish and greene Wheate It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet euen as the Deere and wilde Beasts they seeme fat and leane strong and weake Powhatan their great King and some others that are prouident rost their fish and flesh vpon hurdles as before is expressed and keepe it till scarce times For fishing and hunting and warres they vse much their Bowe and Arrowes They bring their Bowes to the forme of ours by the scraping of a shell Their Arrowes are made some of straight yong sprigs which they head with bone some two or three inches long These they vse to shoote at Squirrels on trees Another sort of Arrowes they vse made of reedes these are peeced
jewels cast off all and naked as they were borne cast themselues into the Sea to aduenture vpon English mercy amongst all which was taken vp by the Reare-admirals Boat two men of note and three of inferiour qualitie These three were clothed and set on land the other two were Don Nuno Velio Periera who had somtimes bin Gouernour of Mozambique and Sofala and returning for Spaine in a Carrick of great value lost neere Bona Speranza was now here a passenger and Bras Carero Captaine of another Carrick cast away neere Mozambique here also a passenger These two were brought into England and ransomed Three impediments happened to the Assailants the Reare-admirall hurt with a shot and made in person vnseruiceable being a valiant man the Vice-admirall slaine and the Admirall himselfe Captaine Caue shot at the first thorow both the legs whereof shortly after his returne hee dyed The Caruell and Pinnace were accidentally absent one and twentie were slaine in the fight In the Carrick were many of qualitie and before infection had fallen amongst them neere the Cape their number of white and blacke men exceeded 1100. all which perished but those before named The burden of this Carrick and her lading in wealth did farre exceede the Madre de Dios returning after a long voyage fraighted with pearles jewels drugs silkes her meanest lading pepper besides the best of the Nazaret lately cast away her commodities the Captaine whereof had beene Bras Carero aforesaid They set saile after this disaster for Flores and after some refreshing on the nine and twentieth of Iune descryed another Carrick of 1500. Tunnes which they supposed to bee the Saint Philip one of the King of Spaines men of warre After some more cautelous fight occasioned by that conceit they sent their Boat to summon her to yeeld to the Queene of Englands ships vnder the command of the Earle of Cumberland or else to vndergoe the fortunes of the Fiue wounds the sorrowfull witnesses whereof they presented those two former Captaines to whom the Generall Don Lewys de Costynio answered As your Generall hath beene at the burning of the Fiue wounds so I haue beene at the burning and taking of the Reuenge of the Queene of Englands Therefore let him doe what he dare doe for his Queene and I will doe what I am able for my King commanding the Boat instantly to be gone The fight was renewed but intermitted by the calme and remitted by the remisser companie their Captaines being slaine and wounded Whereupon they gaue ouer and arriued in England in August and the beginning of September hauing done much harme to the enemie and little good to themselues THe Earle not liking his ill partage in the Madre de Dios nor this vnhappier losse of two Carricks for want of sufficient strength to take them builded a ship of his owne of 900. Tunnes at Detford which the Queene at her lanching named The Scourge of Malice the best ship that euer before had beene built by any subiect Shee made his Lordship three voyages and after was sold to the East Indian Companie whence shee made many returnes before in the name of the Dragon related and proued fortunate against the Portugals in the East His Lordship had thought to haue gone in her in person and prepared the Alcedo his Vice-admirall commanded by Captaine Monson the Antonio commanded by Daniel Iarret and the old Frigot But when he had gone as farre as Plimmouth on his intended voyage Her Majestie by Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins sent for him to returne which commandement his Lordship obeyed but the ships proceeded to seeke their aduenture giuing command of the Admirall to Captaine Langton which Captaine Monson misliking went forth seuerally to seeke his owne fortune in the Alcedo The Scourge the Antonie and the Frigot went together to the Asores where first they tooke a Saint Thome Caruell of 100. Tunnes laden with Sugars After which neere the Iland of Flores in a fogge they espyed a great Ship lying by the Lee which they conceiued to be a Carrick but found it to be the Saint Thomas Vice-admirall of the King of Spaines fleet lying for the waftage of the East and West Indian fleetes with whom they fell in so hot a fight that shee was glad to beare vp to recouer her selfe amongst the rest of her Consorts which after the cleering of the fogge they discerned not farre from them Thence they went to the Coast of Spaine where they tooke three Dutch ships of the East-Countries laden with Wheat Copper and other munitions and prouisions for the King of Spaine Hauing spent their victuals they returned AN. 1596. his Lordship set forth againe the Scourge of Malice in which he went in person accompanied with the Dread-naught of the Queenes and some other small ships and about thirtie or fortie leagues from England was incountred with a storme wherein the Scourge spent her mayne mast and was made vnseruiceable for that voyage so that hee was forced to returne for England in the Dread naught THe same yeere perceiuing that the Earle of Essex and the Lord Admirall were to goe to the Coast of Spaine with a great fleet of the Queenes together with a squadron of Flemmish men of warre his Lordship thought good to a wait some gleanings in so great a Vintage and set forth the Ascension of 300. Tunnes and foure and thirtie pieces of Ordnance manned with 120. men commanded by Captaine Francis Slingsby chiefly to expect such ships as should come from Lisbone The Ascension thus furnished met with such a fret of winde that with all haste they handed in their sailes and being within the Hooke of Godwine Sands droue with two anchors ahead till they were within two Cables length of the Sands They then let fall their short anchor which by Gods grace stayed them till the next day noone hourely expecting their wrack and at last cut their Cables Hauing refurnished themselues at Plimouth they set forwards and comming to the Rocke say off and on After some frustrated attempts by the Boat on a Caruell in which the Captaine was sore wounded the King of Spaines Admirall Sirago set forth sixe ships against them and himselfe and another ship laid the Ascension aboard the one on the Bow the other on the Quarter and now the mouthes of the great Ordnance being neere in place to whisper roared out their thunders and pierced thorow and thorow on all hands Which ended the Spaniards leaped into the fore-chaines and mayne-chaines thinking to haue entred the ship but were brauely repelled The English seeing many Spaniards together vnder the Admirals halfe decke discharged amongst them a Fowler laden with case shot to their no small harme To that the Spaniards had enough and were content to fall off Of ours two and twentie were slaine and hurt which losse lighted asmuch on them which hid themselues as those which stood to the fight To preuent the like
and rage as none could say it stole vpon vs vnawares For I am out of doubt that I had neuer heard any winde so high One of our Bonnets had beene taken in in the euening and the other was rent off with the furie of the storme And thus for our mayne-top saile was taken in and the top-mast taken downe bearing onely a bare corse of each if the ship had not beene exceeding strongly sided shee could not haue indured so rough weather For oftentimes the Sea would ship in waues into her of three or foure Tunne of water which the ship being leakie within board falling often was as much as both the pumps were able to cast out againe though they went continually all night and till noone the next day were neuer throughly suckt so that if any leake had sprung vpon vs vnder water it could not haue beene chosen but shee must haue foundered seeing the pumpes were hardly able to rid the water that was cast in aboue hatches The Missen-saile had beene in the euening well furled for the winde came vpon the starboard quarter and yet the storme had caught it and with such violence and furie rent it that with much adoe the Misseâ— yard was halled downe and so the quarter decke and poope saued from danger of renting vp All this was in the night which made it much more hidious specially in the fore-end of the night before the Moone got vp The winde continued in this excesse of violence till midnight and then abated hee something but then began the effect of his blowing to shew it selfe for then the Sea began to worke and swell farre higher then before His Lordships ship is a very goodly one and yet would shee bee as it were in a pit and round about vast mountaines of water so that a man might leaue out the rest of the verse and say onely vndique pontus For I protest besides that which was ouer our heads our prospect any other way was quickly determined with waues in my conscience higher then our mayne-top And that which is strangest round about vs for the Sea came vpon euery point of the Compasse so that the poore ship nor they that directed and cunned her could not tell how to cunne her to bee safe from the breaking of these vast waues vpon her This continued all night and though the winde fell by little and little yet the Sea was so light that all Saturday it was not quieted so that though out of a storme yet were wee still in a stormy Sea insomuch that our mayne-top mast was broken By Sanday we were come to haue reasonable weather and rather too little then too much wind And vpon Monday being the eleuenth of September wee were not much from a new calme which wee could not with much more patience haue endured then a good storme for then wee began to looke out for land and now to come so neere what so long wee had longed for After the storme the Admirall found himselfe all alone and so were we the most part of the next day but towards euening came the new Frigat to vs. And a sterne her there was a ship seene which within a day or two afterward the Samson came and told vs was her selfe With day the fifteenth of September we had the South-west side of it in sight and bore in therewith till noone His Lordship had no meaning to make any forcible attempt against it nor to stay longer then to take in some fresh victuals for which purpose hee sent the Boat off with an old Portugall and an African of Mozambique who bearing a flagge of truce should giue the Ilanders to vnderstand what his Lordships pleasure was that if they would let him haue things for his money he would not vse them worse then in former times they had had experience of him Withall he gaue the Boat commandement that shee should bring him answere to the East North-east side of the Iland where he meant to come to anchor and tarry for the newes they could learne either English or Spanish This stay in hoysing the Boat out gaue the Samson time to get a head vs and within awhile shee was at anchor When behold at the opening of the Point first there came one saile then two and then three sailes and within a little the fourth was seene it was not at first knowne what these might be yet because the Samson being much neerer made no haste to weigh we thought shee made them to be friends And within awhile we perceiued them to haue pendents in their fore-top-mast heads this put vs out of doubt that they were of our owne fleet For his Lordship at his departure from Puerto Rico had giuen them direction that euery ship should so beare a pendent for a marke to be knowne of their friends and which would make straâ—gers neuer a whit the wiâ—er These foure were the Merchant the Ascention the Consent and the Pegasus which by and by came to an anchor with vs. Now were wee growne a prettie strong fleet againe either part receiuing new strength of other each hauing formerly lost their owne For the storme had scattered Sir Iohns companie as well as ours though it should seeme not to haue beene altogether so great with them as vs. Of Sir Iohns we had not yet the Gallion the Alcedo the Centurion the Anthonie the Kesar and the Doue which were the Flemmings The first newes that the Boat brought vs made these though friends yet more welcome if that might be For the Boat hauing told his Lordship that they could not be suffered to land yet had promise that his Lordship should haue any thing that the Iland would affoord Mary said they we are ill prouided by reason of the Kings men of warre nine and twentie of them haue within these few dayes beene here and taken almost all our prouisions for they were great ships and full of gallants fiue of them being the fiue Caracks that should this yeere haue gone for the East Indies but being by the Condes lying on the Coast kept in till it was too late for them to haue any hopefull passage they were of Merchants made men of Warre and with the rest or rather the rest with them were sent to these Ilands to waft the Caracks which were looked for at home this yeere But the Caracks said they of Flores were gone by before their comming hither for the safetie whereof they had commandement to stay if need were till the end of this moneth Whither this Armada was gone they said they knew not nor whither it would returne but the very last day a great Gallion was within kenning These newes as they gaue great cause of circumspection and care not to meet with them whom we could not doubt to be too strong for vs and therefore made vs wish they were finally gone from the Ilands so on the other side if knowing that the Caracks were passed if yet
they staid it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable And therefore if this were the cause of their stay our hope to make some purchace of it made vs more willing to haue their neighbourhood Mary it might bee they were sent to looke for our comming home which they might thinke would be straggling and weake and yet on the other side the vncertaintie of our comming either at this time or certainly this way made this something vnlikely His Lordship therefore commandeo Captaine Slingsby a fine Gentleman to goe ashoare and to learne more certaintie what was become of the Kings fleet and why they came This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz but the intelligence which Captaine Slingsby brought the same night late was from Uilla de la punta Delgada another Towne of the Ilands The summe of his report for I was by when he made it was that his Excellencie should haue any thing where withall they could doe him seruice and if it would please him to come ashoare they would take it as a great fauour For the Kings men of Warre they said that they iudged them certainly to bee gone home for they were gone hence vpon a fortnight before The cause of their comming was to waft the Caracks which all foure were gone by before the Kings fleet came hither with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this moneth for them But since the Caracks were come home there had beene sent a Caruell of Aduise to recall them As for the Mexico fleet there was not at the Ilands any newes of their comming this yeere This report made by Captaine Slingsby ouer-night was confirmed early the next morning by the Gouernour himselfe of the place a poore Gouernour scarce so good as an English Constable But this Captaine Iuan de Fraga de Mandoça came himselfe and made the same offer to his Lordship and withall brought both Hennes and Muttons with him which hee knew hee should not giue for nothing though hee would seeme vnwilling to receiue any thing He hauing beene sometime with my Lord and told all the newes hee remembred was licensed hauing first asked and obtayned a Passe for himselfe and a Protection for the Ilanders to keepe them from spoile by ours His Lordship granted his suit and which hee farther desired that they might bee conceiued in the same forme as those were which the Earle of Essex had giuen him within two dayes of the same day twelue moneth and which himselfe had carefully kept euer since When this fellow was gone the flagge of Counsell was hanged out c. The returne of this fleet vpon consultation after the newes aforesaid I forbeare to mention in regard of the length of this discourse They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded and the ground on the fallow did still more assure vs of being in the sleeue and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held vs rather on the Coast of France by the Master and others iudged otherwise whose iudgement if his Lordship out of his iudgement and authoritie had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks For the next morning we saw the land of Normandie CHAP. IIII. The first Voyages made to diuers parts of America by Englishmen Sir SEBASTIAN CABOT Sir THO. PERT also of Sir IOHN HAWKINS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE and many others collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN Master HAKLVYT and other Writers SIr Sebastian Cabota wee haue alreadie mentioned in the former Booke as a great Discouerer of that which most iustly should haue beene called Columbina and a great deale better might haue beene stiled Cabotiana then America neither Uesputius nor Columbus hauing discouered halfe so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be yea the Continent was discouered by him when Columbus had yet but viewed the Ilands this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the Riuer of Plate before naming him an Englishman and for the North is by vs in the fourth Booke deliuered A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabota were set forth with a fleet to America by King Henrie the eighth in the eight yeere of his reigne the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned of an English ship at Hispaniola and other American Ilands in the yeere 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant and Iohn Field which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of Iohn Sweeting dwelling at Cadiz all Englishmen An. 1555. sayled to Hispaniola and thence to Mexico in New Spaine where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman who had dwelt there twentie yeeres At Mexico Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian were imprisoned many moneths by the Inquisition and then brought out in a Saint Benito or fooles coat to doe penance a thing neuer seene there before which caused much concourse of people giuen to vnderstand of I know not what enemies of God and expecting to see some Monsters of vncouâ—â— shape They were much pitied by the people seeing such personable men but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spaine where Tomson did his three yeeres enioyned penance at Siuil Boatio found the meanes to escape and dyed after in London Tomson after his libertie married with a rich Spanish heire The historie at large and his description of Mexico with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images his Master had made an Image of our Ladie of aboue 7000. pezos price each pezo being foure shillings and eight pence of our money the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt Where also is deliuered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico also of Iohn Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueua Biscaâ—a and to the Port of Naâ—idad on the South Sea to Sansonate in Guatimala to Tecoantepec to Sâ—conusco to Nicaragua to Nombre de Dios to Potossi Cusco Paita to Vera Paz Chiapa three hundred leagues from Mexico From Chiapa he trauelled thorow Hills till he came to Ecatepec that is The Hill of winde in the end of that Prouince supposed the highest Hill that euer was discouered from the top whereof are seene both the North and South Seas deemed nine leagues high They which trauell vp it lye at the foot ouer-night and about midnight begin their iourney that they may trauell to the top before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Towne of New Spaine are fifteene leagues From Mexico he trauelled againe to Panuco and there fell sick which sicknesse in his returne benefited him for he fell amongst Caniball Indian which
a Captayne also and with a ship of one hundred and fortie tunnes and seuentie men came to the said Sound of Dariene Anno 1575. and had conference with those Negroes But hearing that the Mules were now conducted with Souldiers hee resolued on a new Enterprize which neuer any had attempted and landed in that place where Captayne Drake had had conference with the Negros and hauing brought his ship aground and couered her with boughes and hid his Ordnance in the ground he tooke two small Peeces of Ordnance and Calieuers with store of victuals and went twelue leagues with sixe Negros into the mayne Land to a Riuer which runneth into the South Sea There he cut wood and made a Pinnasse fortie fiue foot by the keele and therewith went into the South Sea to the Iland of Pearles fiue and twentie leagues distant from Panama to watch for shippes comming from Peru thither he tooke a Barke with 60000. Pezos of Gold comming from Quito and staying sixe dayes longer tooke another which came from Lima with 100000. Pezos of Siluer in barres and delaying somewhat long sent away his Prizes and went with his Pinnasse vp the Riuer This delay gaue opportunitie of intelligence and Iohn de Ortega was sent to pursue him at a partition of the Riuer into three when he was taking vp the greatest feathers of Hennes which the English had plucked diuerted him vp the lesser streame whereby hee lighted on the treasure first Oxenham beeing gone to get Negros to helpe him carrie his treasure his owne men quarrelling for larger pay Some of the English were taken which bewrayed the ship and the rest were betrayed by the Negros whiles they were making Canoas for the North Sea there to take some Barke They confessed that they had no license from the Queene and were all executed but two Boyes Thus perished Oxenham a man if his Case had beene iust worthy of lasting memory for an attempt so difficult Quem sinon tenuit magnis tamen exâ—idit ausis The King of Spaine sent Souldiers to take those fugitiue Negros which had assisted the English and two Gallies to guard the Coast. This and Captayne Barkers frustrated attempts giue greater lustre to Drakes glory Andrew Barker of Bristoll much wronged by the Inquisition Anno 1576. sought to right himselfe in those parts and came with two ships to Nombre de Dios and the Riuer of Chagre eighteene leagues distant to the North-west landed ten men to seeke intelligence of Negros which they could not find and most of the men also died of the Calentura Betwixt that and Veragua he tooke a Prize and another in the Gulfe of Honduras Mutuall quarrels betwixt Coxe and the Captayne betrayed them to the Spaniards which assayling them slue the Captayne and eight men at the I le Francisco After this Coxe went with his Pinnasse and tooke the Towne of Truxillo but eight men were by reason of men of warre chasing the ship thus forced to shift for themselues left there to their fortunes Fourteene others and the Frigat with the treasure were cast away Diuers of the rest after their returne were long imprisoned These indeed are pettie things to Captayne Drakes expedition in December 1577. wherein he encompassed first of any Generall and except Candish more fortunately then all of them together this whole Terrestriall Globe He set forth with fiue ships and one hundred sixtie three Mariners The whole Voyage you haue before at large The Carkasse of the shippe or some bones at least of that glorious Carkasse yet remayne at Deptford consecrated to Fame and Posteritie in which Queene Elizabeth being feasted Knighted this noble Mariner at which time a bridge of boords made for her Maiestie to passe fell with one hundred men thereon of which none were hurt as if Good Fortune had both sayled abroad and feasted at home in that ship The goods taken were sequestred by her Maiestie for answere to the Spaniard if need should bee Some principall Courtiers are said to haue refused the offer of some of this as Piratically gotten Bernardine Mendoza made demand for the King of Spaine whose Embassadour hee was and receiued answere from the Queene that the Spaniards had vniustly prohibited commerce to the English that Drake should legally answere if any thing were prooued against him the goods being to that purpose sequestred howsoeuer the Spaniard had put her Maiestie to greater charges against the Rebels which the Spaniard had raised in England and Ireland Neither did she know why her subiects and others were prohibited the Indies which she knew no reason to thinke proper to the Spaniards by vertue of the Popes Bull which could nothing oblige Princes which owed him no obedience nor by reason that the Spaniards had arriued here and there had directed Cottages and giuen names to Capes and Riuers Neither might these things hinder other Princes from commerce or to transport Colonies to places not inhabited by the Spaniards the Law of Nations not infringed hereby seeing prescription without possession is nothing worth the vse of the Sea and Aire being exposed to all Nor might any people or person challenge right ouer the Ocean whereof neither nature nor course of publike vse permitted possession Yet a great part of the money was repaied after to Peter Sebura the Spanish Agent which he repaid not to the owners but made vse thereof against the Queene in the affaires of the Spanish Netherlands as was afterwards found Thus farre briefly collected out of Master Camden and Lopez Vaz a Portugall Men noated to haue compassâ—d the world with Drake which haue come to my hands are Thomas Drake brother to Sir Francis Thomas Hood Thomas Biaccoler Iohn Gripe George a Musician Crane Fletcher Cary T. Moone Iohn Drake Iohn Thomas Robert Winterly Oliuer the Gunner c. A little before this the Prince of Orange had beene murdered and Parry had vndertaken the same on her Maiestie hauing the Cardinall Comensis instigation and the Popes absolution to that purpose The Spaniards had giuen great distaste in English and Irish rebellions and had lately arrested the English Ships and goods in Spaine with other vnkindenesses in Belgian businesses The Belgians had offered the confederate Prouinces to her Maiesties Protection and dominion This she refused but their Protection she accepted hauing discouered the Spaniards hatred to her Religion and Nation which how easie were it to put in extreamest execution if the Low-Countries were subdued to his full power their ancient priuiledges being all swallowed vp and so England should be exposed to Spanish machinations with such opportunities of neighbouring Forts Forces Harbours and Shippings She therefore to remoue present warre and future perils from her owne Countrie with masculine magnanimitie aduentured not for vainglory but necessitie to vndertake a businesse which made the world to wonder being little lesse then denouncing warre to so mighty a Monarke She agreed with the States to minister to their
should ouercome vs at the landing so we returned home againe from the Riuer called Morgege where we remayned still in peace for the space of eight moneths till we remoued our selues At this place I went all naked with out any thing onely a few leaues I tied before mee for shame One day going all alone a fishing for pleasures sake I sat downe remembring my selfe in what state I was and thinking what I had beene I began to curse the time that euer I heard the name of the Sea and grieued to thinke how fond I was to forsake my naturall Countrey where I wanted nothing then was I out of all hope either to see Countrey or Christian againe sitting by the Riuer in these passionate thoughts there came on old Indian one of the chiefest of them and beganne to talke with me saying It was a good time with them when they dwelt at Cape Frio for then they had trade with the Frenchmen and wanted nothing but now they had neyther Kniues nor Hatchets nor nothing else but liued in great necessitie with that I answered I did heartily wish that he and his company would goe and dwell by the Sea-coast without danger of Portugals whereupon hee and I went home together and the Indian reported in the Towne what I had said vnto him the next morning there came at the least twenty of the chiefest of them into the house where I lay and asked me if I knew my Place certaine where they might finde any French Ships I told them that I was sure betwixt the Riuer of Plate and a Riuer called by the Portugals Dos Patos we should finde French men and if we did not that here the Portugals could not hurt vs. Moreouer it were better to dwell by the Sea side where we should haue plenty of al things then where we did where we had nothing to liue vpon but roots These old men went and told the people which all desired to see the coast so they resolued and making prouision we departed from our abode being thirty thousand of vs. After we had passed many a Hill all Wildernesse and Riuers where wee found many precious stones we came to a faire sandie Countrie through which we trauelled some twentie dayes and we went Northward for feare of comming into the Countrie where there are great store of Spaniards and this Countrie is it selfe very populous and are friends with the Spaniards Therefore we changed our course and trauelled all Northward till we came into the Countrie of the Amasons which the Indians call Mandiocusyanas then we tooke our course Southward againe I would haue perswaded the Tamoyes to haue warred against the Amasons but they durst not for they said we know that their Countrie is very populous and we shall be all killed After wee came to the head of the Riuer called Patos there we found Canoas of barkes of trees that came downe the Riuer some eight dayes then wee found the Riuer very broad and many trees cut by the Riuers side whereby we suspected that we were neere the Sea side or some Town of the Waanasses for the Waanasses neuer inhabit far from the coast When the Indians saw these tokens of abidance they asked me what I thought was best to doe I answerd I thought it best to hide our selues and to send some nine or ten yong men to see if they could spie any Towne so we to circle them in their houses in the night to that they all agreed and ten of them were sent they returned again at night without sight of any Towne but they said there went a great path by the Riuer side and brought peeces of Cords that they found in the way with them Hence we iudged that we should finde some Towne by the Riuer side and determined to goe downe the Riuer in the night with our Canoas to see if we could finde the Towne About foure of the clocke we came to a faire Bay and saw the Sea and doubling a point of the shoare we espied a Towne then as fast as we could we landed our men and the day began to be cleare and one of the Town comming out to the Sea side espied vs whereupon all the Town rose vp in armes and we had a great skirmish We were many more in number and had farre better order so we put them to flight killing a great many of them wee tooke three hundred prisoners men and women which the Tamoyes killed and did eate afterwards These Indians are called Carijos After we had put them to flight they went to Saint Vincents by land and craued succour of the Portugals At this Towne of the Carijos we found great store of prouision Cassaui Ginnie Wheate Potatoes Plantons Pumpions and all other such like that the Countrie yeeldeth and in great plenty there likewise we found great store of Ryals of eight for there had beene a Caruell cast away in that place not long before and the Spaniards were gone before by land to Bonas Ayres in the Riuer of Plate with these Indians the Portugals had peace but now they are in warre with them againe Some of the Carijos went to the Riuer of Plate to craue succour others as I said before came to the Town of Saint Vincents from Saint Uincents newes was sent to the Riuer of Ianero from thence the Portugals made a Nauie of Canoas and Caruels of the which the Gouernours sonne Marten de Sasa which was come home from the Riuer of Iauary where I departed from him was come againe as Captaine of all the Portugals and comming vpon vs in the night they seized our Towne about three of the clocks an Indian that came with the Portugals beganne to speake very loud to the men of the Towne that they should not stirre for if they stirred they should be all put to the sword When the Tamoyes heard the Indian speake they began to russell with their Bowes and Arrowes making a great noise with that the Portugals shot of a Peece then they all lay downe in their beds like men without liues or soules when the day was cleare and my Masters Sonne saw me aliue he blest himselfe and asked me what was become of my companions I told him that the Indians had killed them and eaten them After that about ten of the clocke all the Indians were brought out of their houses and being examined some of them said that I bid them kill them if many of them had not been I had died for it but it was Gods will to discouer the truth by their own mouthes then the Portugals killed all the old men and women and all those that had beene particuler actors of the Portugals deaths which were in all 10000. and 20000. were parted amongst them for their slaues I came againe to my old Master and was sent with the Tamoyes to a Sugar Mill that my Master had newly made There I went still to
a shell of a fish that they finde by the shâ—are side and from Brasil the Portugals doe carrie great store of them to Angola These Moores doe esteeme verie much of red blew and yellow cloathes they will giue a slaue for a span of cloath in breadth I meane and the length of it of the breadth of the peece those peeces of cloth they weare about their middles and vnder it they hang the skin of a great Weasell before them and another behinde them and this is all the garments that they weare A Weazell in their language is called Pâ—ccâ— You can doe a Blackamoore no greater disgrace then to take away his Skinne from before him for he will dye with griefe if he cannot be reuengéd the Portugals doe marke them as we doe Sheepe with a hot Iron which the Moores call Crimbo the poore slaues stand all in a row one by another and sing Mundele que sumbela â—e Carey â—a belelelle and thus the poore rogues are beguiled for the Portugals make them beleeue that they that haue not the marke is not accounted a man of any account in Brasil or in Portugall and thus they bring the poore Moores to be in a most damâ—able bondage vnder the colour of loue The Countrey of Angola yeeldeth no stone and very little wood the Moores doe make their houses all couered with earth these houses are no bigger then a reasonable Chamber and within are many partitions like the Cabbins of a ship in such sort that a man cannot stand vpright in them There beds are made of great Bulrushes sowed together with the rindes of a Tree They doe make cloth like Sparke of Veluet but it is thinner of the barke of a Tree and that cloth they doe call Mollelleo The Elephants doe feed in the Euening and in the Morning in low marishes as there bee many The Moores doe watch which way they come and assoone as the Elephants are at meat they digge great holes in the ground and couer them with sticks and then they couer the pits with earth and when they haue made all readie they goe to the Elephants and shoote at them with their Arrowes and assoone as the Elephants feele themselues hurt they râ—nne at what soeuer they see before them following after the Blackamores that chase them then they fall into the deepe pits where after they are once in they cannot get out The Moores of Angola are as blacke as â—et they are men of good stature they neuer take but one Wife whom they call Mocasha These Moores doe cut long streakes in their faces that reach from the top of their eares to their chinnes The women doe weare shels of fishes on their armes and on the small of their legges The Law amongst them is that if any More doe lie with an others wife hee shall lose his eares for his offence These Moores doe circumcize their children and giue them their names as wee doe when we baptize Angola may very easily be taken for the Portugals haue no Forts to defend it of any strength The King of Congo is the greatest King in all Aethiopia and doth keepe in the field continually sixtie thousand Souldiers that doe warre against the King of Vangala and the King of Angola this King is a Christian and is brother in Law of Armes with the King of Spaine his seruants of his house are most of them all Portugals and hee doth fauour them very much The King is of a verie liberall condition and verie fauourable to all Trauellers and doth delight verie much to heare of forreigne Countries He was in a manner amazed to heare how it was possible her Maiestie had liued a Maiden Queene so long and alwaies reigned in peace with her subiect When I was brought before the King and told him of my Countrie what plentie of things we had if the Portugals had not liked of it they would interrupt my speech and the King would shew himselfe verie angrie and tell them that euerie man was best able to speake of his Countrie and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true The King of Congo when hee goeth to the Campe to see his Armie rideth vpon an Elephant in great pompe and maiestie on either side of the Elephant he hath six slaues two of them were Kings that he himselfe had taken in the field all the rest were of noble birth some of them were brothers to the King of Ancica and some of them were of the chiefest bloud of the great King of Bengala These noble slaues at euerie command of the King of Congo doe fall flat on the ground on their brests When the King doth ride as you haue heard they carrie a Canopâ—e as it were a cloth of State ouer his head His two Secretaries the one a Nobleman of Spaine the other a More doe ride next after him Before him goeth at the least fiue hundred Archers which are his Guard then there followeth a More which doth nothing but talke aloud in praise of the King telling what a great Warriour he hath beene and praising his wisdome for all things that hee hath accomplished verie honourably to his great fame of such as knew him When this King of Congo commeth to his Host all the Souldiers as he passeth fall flat on their faces to the ground He neuer commeth into his Host after any battell but hee dubbeth at the least twentie Knights Portugals and as many Moores giuing them verie great liuing according to their callings and the seruice that they haue done The brother of this King was in Spaine at my comming from thence for Ambassadour from his brother Here the Portugall Captaine would haue taken mee perforce to haue beene a common Souldier but the King commanded that they should let mee goe whether I would and my determination at that time was to haue gone for the Countrie of Prester Iohn for I had a great desire to see the Riuer of Nilo and Ierusalem for I accounted my selfe as a lost man not caring into what Countrie or Kingdome I came but it was not the will of God that I should at that time obtaine my desire For trauellinâ— through the Kingdome of Congo to haue gone to the Kingdome of Angila It was my fortune to meete a companie of Portugall Souldiers that went to a Conquest that the King of Spain had newly taken called Masangana which place is on the borders of Anguca Here they made me serue like a Drudge for both day and night I carried some stone and â—ime to make a Fort. It lieth right vnder the Line and standeth in a bottome in the middle of foure hils and about are many fogges but not one Riuer It is the vnfirmest Countrie vnder the Sunne Here the Portugals die like Chickens you shall see men in the morning verie â—ustie and within two houres dead Others that if they but weat their legges presently they swell
bigger then their middle others brake in the sides with a draught of water O if you did know the intollerable heate of the Countrie you would thinke your selfe better a thousand times dead then to liue there a weeke There you shall see poore Souldiers lie in troupes gaping like Camelians for a puffe of winde Here liued I three moneths not as the Portugals did taking of Physicke and euerie weeke letting of bloud and keeping close in their houses when they had any raine obseruing houres and times to goe abroad morning and Euening and neuer to to eate but at such and such times I was glad when I had got any thing at morning noone or night I thanke God I did worke all day from morning till night had it beene raine or neuer so great heate I had alwaies my health as well as I haue in England This Countrie is verie rich the King had great store of Gold sent him from this place the time that I was there the King of Angica had a great Citie at Masangana which Citie Paulas Dias gouernour of Angola tooke and scituated there and finding hard by it great store of Gold fortified it with foure Forts and walled a great circuit of ground round about it and within that wall now the Portugals doe build a Citie and from this Citie euerie day they doe warre against the King of Angica and haue burnt a great part of his Kingdome The Angicaâ— are men of goodly stature they file their teeth before on their vpper Iawe and on their vnder Iawe making a distance betweene them like the teeth of a Dogge they doe eate mans flesh they are the stubbornest Nation that liues vnder the Sunne and the resolutest in the field that euer man saw for they will rather kill themselues then yeelde to the Portugals they inhabit right vnder the line and of all kinde of Moores these are the blackest they doe liue in the Law of the Turkes and honour Mahomet they keepe manie Concubines as the Turkes doe they wash themselues euerie morning vpwards falling flat on their faces towards the East They weare their haire all made in plaits on their heads as well men as women they haue good store of Wheate and a kinde of graine like Fetches of the which they make Bread they haue great store of Hennes like Partridges and Turkies and all their feathers curle on their backes their houses are like the other houses of the Kingdomes aforenamed And thus I end shewing you as briefe as I can all the Nations and Kingdomes that with great danger of my life I trauelled through in twelue yeares of my best age getting no more then my trauell for my paine From this Kingdome Angica was I brought in Irons againe to my Master Saluador Corea de sa sa to the Citie of Saint Sebastian in Brasil as you haue heard Now you haue seene the discourse of my trauels and the fashions of all the Countries and Nations where I haue beene I will by the helpe of God make you a short discourse in the language of the Petiwares which language all the Inhabitants of Brasil doe vnderstand especially all the coast from Fernambucquo to the Riuer of Plate the which I hope will be profitable to all trauellers and of them I trust my paines shall be well accepted of First you must tell them of what Nation you are and that you come not as the Portugals doe for their wiues and children to make them bondslaues We are Englishmen as you all know that in times past had peace with you Now knowing the neede and want that you haue of all such things as before your Fathers had for the loue that both your ancestours and ours did beare one to another and for the loue and pittie that we haue of your want we are come to renew our ancieÌ„t amity Ore aqureiuua que se neering peramoya werisco Catadoro wareuy orenysbe beresoy Coeu pecoteue Cowauere pipope pewseua baresey opacatu baye berua oweryco coen pecoteue sou se-Core mandoare peramoya waysouba ore ranoya waysonua reseij eteguena rescij pecoteue pararaua oro in ibewith ore ramoya pereri socatumoyn go pacum §. V. The description of diuers Riuers Ports Harbours Ilands of Brasil for instruction of Nauigators RIo Grande is called by vs the great Riuer lately was conquered by a Portugall called Manuell Masquarenhas It is aboue two leagues broad in the mouth and on the South-east side standeth a great Fort made by the foresaid Manuell Masquarenhas that Countrie is plaine and sandy in many places especially neere the Sea and yeeldeth Sugar Canes in abundance On the coast are many great Bayes where the Indians doe oftentimes finde great store of Ambergreese within this place there is also store of Wood Pepper Ginger and Waxe Here inhabit a kinde of Canibals called Petywares these Canibals haue had trafficke a long time with France and amongst them there are many that can speake French which are Bastards begotten of Frenchmen On the coast of Brasil there are three Riuers of Paraeyua one is this that lieth next to Rio Gande the other is a great Riuer that runneth through the Countrie almost as farre as Lymo and commeth out betweene Cape Frio and Spirito Sancto the third is a faire Riuer that lieth betweene the Riuer of Plate and Saint Vincents This Pareyua whereof we speake is a faire great Bay where shipping being neuer so great may enter within this Bay vpon a hill you shall see a faire Citie and on the Sea side standeth two small Forts You may anker neere the shoare at the entrie of this Bay you shall see three hils of red earth on either side of the harbour which the Portugals call Barer as Mermethâ—es Guyana is a small Riuer that lieth by Paracua it belongeth to Iasper Desiquerd who was chiefe Iustice of all Brasil In the mouth of this Riuer standeth a great rocke which is continually couered with Sea Foules This Riuer hath two fadome water in the mouth a quarter of a mile within this Riuer on the South-west side you may take fresh water and great store of Cattell vpon this Riuer there are great store of Sugar Mils and continually you shall haue in this Riuer small Caruels that fish and carry Sugar from thence to Fernambuquo likewise here is great store of Brasil Pepper Ginger and Cotten Cocos Indian Nuts here likewise inhabit Petywares Etamariqua in the Indian language is a bed it is a point of the land like a Cape the point runneth halfe a mile into the Sea and vpon it the Portugals haue built a Towne you may anker very neere the shoare both on the South-west and on the North-east side of the Towne in seuen and eight fadome water All the Countrie till you come to Cape Augustin is low land and to saile from thence to Fernambuquo is no danger but the clifts which lye along the coast as
and you may ride from fiue fathomes to twentie but wee ridde in three a little within the point on our Larboord side going in The eighteenth of Ianuary wee parted from our Man of Warre at Cape Saint Anthony and set saile for England in a Prize a ship of some one hundred and fortie tunnes laden with Campeche Wood and Hides the Master of the Prize was William Goobreath and from Cape Saint Anthony we stood off North-west and by North. The nine and twentieth day at noone we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organes being East South-east from vs and then we stood North-east and the twentieth day we were in latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes the winde being at East North-east we stood off North and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day wee made our way West and by North and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes then we stood to the Eastward The two and twentieth day we were North-west and by North from the Crowne in Cuba fourteene leagues then we stood to the North-ward these fourteene leagues we turned vp and downe with the winde Easterly The three and twentieth day wee were in laâ—itude of 24. degrees no minutes the wind being at East North-east and we lay North with the stemme and this night we came in twelue fathomes being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes the winde being at East and by South we stood to the Southward The fiue and twentieth day wee fell with Cobey twelue leagues to the Eastward of the Hauana and this day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we had the Pam of the Matanças South-east and by South from vs some sixe leagues the winde being at East and we stood North North-east three Watches and brought the Pan vpon the Matanzas South of vs the winde being at East North-east we stood to the Northward for so we made the ships way The seuen and twentieth day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee fell with the South-east part of the Martyrs then wee stood off South-east and by South three watches with a low saile and so cast about and stood North-east and by North three watches and then obserued and found the ship to bee in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minuts being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three leagues the winde being at South-east and by East we stood off South and by West three watches and then cast about and stood North-east two watches and then obserued and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of Ianuarie 1602. and then two watches North and by East and foure North North-east and the thirtieth day at noone wee had the Cape Canaueral West and by North from vs sixe and twentie leagues by supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes the winde being at South wee stood North-east and by East into the Sea The eighteenth day of March at noone being Thursday wee fell with Silley and wee were South from it three leagues or ten miles the winde being at West South-west wee stood for the Lizzard and the twentieth day of this moneth we came to winde being at anchor in Dartmouth this was my first voyage which I haue to the West Indies CHAP. XI The description of the I le of Trinidad the rich Countrie of Guiana and the mightie Riuer of Orenoco written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spaine and after long captiuitie got into England by great sute 1602. The description of the I le of Trinidad POrta la Spaniola lyeth North-east The Spaniards name themselues Conquerabians Anapâ—rima is the name of the Riuer which goeth to Corona the Spanish Towne The North part is very mountainous The Indians of Trinidad haue foure names 1. Those of Parico are called Iaios 2. Those of Punta Carao Aruacas 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages 4. Those betweene Punta Carao and Punta de la Galera Nepoios But those which are seruants to the Spaniards name themselues Carinapagâ—tos The chiefest of the Indians I meane the Kings and Lords of the Ilands in times past named themselues Acarewanas but now Captaines The description of Guiana and of the great Riuer Orenoco GViana beareth directly East from Peru and lyeth almost vnder the Equinoctiall Line The entrance to the Riuer Orenoco through the Riuer Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water and at the ebbe but fiue foot The water floweth but a small time but increaseth much and the ebbe goeth but slowly for it continueth sixe houres In the bottome of the Gulfe of Guanipa there is the Riuer of Amana which leadeth into Orenoco also In this Riuer which wee named the Riuer of the Red Crosse wee tooke an old Tinitiuan for our Pilot to Orenoco The Riuer of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouthes which lye on the North-side of the mayne land but I could heare but of seuen mouthes vpon the South-side So that betweene Ilands and broken Lands it hath some sixteene mouthes in all The Ilands are somewhat bigge so as I can hardly ghesse how many leagues it is from the North-side to the South-side At the entrance of this Riuer are two great Lords Tiuitiuans which hold warre one with the other continually The one Nation are called the Tiuitiuans of Pallamos and the other of Hororotomaca He that entreth the Riuer of Amana from Curiapan cannot possibly returne the same way hee came by reason of the Easterly windes and the great Currents but must of force goe in a Riuer within the Land which is called Macurio To goe from the I le of Trinidad to the great Riuer Orenoco the Riuer of Amana beareth South But parting from that Riuer by a branch which beareth to the West we entred Orenoco Toparimaca is the chiefe Gouernour vnder Topiawari of the entrance of the Eastermost part of the Riuer Orenoco The Towne of this Gouernour is called Arwacan These are friends to the Carapanans Tiuitiuans and all Nations the Caribes excepted Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria Assapana is the first Iland in Orenoco it is but small The second Iland is called Iwana There is another entrance into Orenoco which I discouered not but the Indians name it Arraroopana Europa is a Riuer which commeth into Orenoco but the head of it I know not In the middest of Orenoco there is a pretie bigge Iland which is somewhat mountainous and the name of it is Ocawita One Putima commandeth vnder Topiawari in the Confines of Morrequito which lyeth in the Prouince of Arromaia The Iland of Putapaima is farre vp within the Riuer of Orenoco and standeth right against the high Mountaine called Oecope Ouer this
we had were wonderfull great Insomuch that all the fleete were dispersed and â—ot aboue two ships did hold company together Which put them in great feare lest they shoulâ— haue met with the Hollanders who might with three good ships haue taken all their treaâ—â—re with small adoe for euery little Carauell did put them in feare thinking her to be a man of Warre Vpon 〈…〉 e second day of Februarie 1606. Master Barwicke landed safely thanked bee God at Downes iâ— Kent and gaue me money to bring me to London CHAP. XIIII The Relation of Master IOHN WILSON of Wansteed in Essex one of the last ten that returned into England from Wiapoco in Guiana 1606. CAptaine Charles Leigh and his Brother Sir Olane Leigh did furnish to Sea the good ship called the Phenix with Commodities for the Countrey of Guiana and necessaries for the Voyage with fiftie persons to inhabit Wiapoco of sundry Trades who directing their course towards Wiapoco on the Coast of Guiana which the Spaniards call the Riuer of Canoas arriued on the twentieth of May following where he found a ship of Amsterdam trading with the Indians They perswaded the Indians that our Nation came to inhabit among them only to oppresse them as the Spaniards doe in other parts of the Indies which the Indians themselues confessed vnto Captaine Leigh notwithstanding they offered our Nation no vnkindnesse but vsed them in all the kind manner they could For they prouided whatsoeuer our Company wanted which they could get them In somuch the Gentleman was like to haue done right wel if it had not happened that his Company had not mutined which did partly arise because of the climate which is much hotter then ours And for that they were vnprouided of victuals or other necessaries therefore constrained to liue in such manner as the Indians themselues doe for that they did see at their landing only Mountaynes and Hils couered with Woods And for that the most part of them had beene housholders in England not accustomed vnto such a strange Countrey or Nation nor such a diet for which causes they were so much discontented that they cried to their Captaine home home Thus the Captaine and his whole company was discontented and also the Master of his ship called Martin Prinx who shipped himselfe shortly after their arriuall into the Amsterdamer which they found there whereupon the Captaine placed his Mate Richard Pets of Weymouth to bee Master of the Phenix furnishing him with such victuals as the Countrey affoorded as Cassaui for their bread and Potatoe Roots with fish water and such prouision as they had of their owne aboord appointing Edward Huntly to be their Captaine to goe for England who departed from Wiapoco about the first of Iuly 1605. by whom Captaine Leigh aduertized his Brother Sir Olaue Leigh After whose arriuall Sir Olaue Leigh hee withall speed furnished the aforesaid ship called the Phenix to Sea with Commodities for the Countrey and other necessaries with thirtie men of sundry Trades appointing the aforenamed Richard Pets to be Master and Edward Huntly to bee Captaine they departed from Woollage one the towards Wiapoco who arriued at their Port one the fifteenth of Ianuary following who expected with the rest of their company aboord to haue found the Generall and his company on Land to haue beene in farre better case then they were for that they found them for the most part extreame sickeâ— and some of them dead and presently after their arriuall three or foure men of them died and the Generall himselfe was very weake and much changed which partly proceeded by reason of their great want of victuals for that the Pidians could not at all times prouide them that they wanted And chiefly for that the company were perswaded that the ship would neuer haue returned vnto them againe which plainly appeared amongst them for that at the arriuall of our ship some of them which had not in three monethes time beene a stones cast from their houses came aboord of vs a mile and more from their houses in weake estate which caused very much discontent amongst our fresh water Souldiers aboord and they were the more discontented because they could not aduertize them of any commodities the Country yeelded which would affoord them present benefit insomuch that they wished themselues in England again During which parley our Generall came not aboord of vs for that he was at his house called Mount Howard a mile and more vp into the Land which stood on a hil very pleasantly situated but according to the Country manner by reason that their enemies should not wel find their houses nor suddenly assault them haue there fore very rough passages vnto them inuironed all with Mountaines Woods and Hils Wherefore the Generall sent one Sidney Harrington vnto Captaine Huntly M. Tederington Preacher and to the Master of the ship to land their company in Possession Bay a place which the Indians gaue vnto our Generall and therefore by him so named At whose landing according vnto the Generall his Commission they were all sworne vnto certaine Articles as that they should acknowledge Captaine Charles Leigh to bee their chiefe Generall of Guiana vnder King Iames our King of Great Britaine and that they should not be hurtfull vnto the said Generall his proceedings but to ayde and assist him to their vttermost powers Which being effected our Generall came vnto vs and after kinde salutations hauing taken order for our Lodgings for that time hee departed from vs. The Indians in like manner after their Countrey fashons kindly entertained vs and after further conference had with our Generall hee related at large vnto vs what had happened vnto him and his company in their absence that by reason of his company their discontent and sicknesse they had not trauelled vp into the mayne Land and therfore of his owne knowledge hee could not certifie them of any other commoditie the Countrey did yeeld then such as hee knew of before their departure but the Indians had informed them that there was vp in the Mayne very rich commodities as also Gold and siluer and especially in the Riuer of Caliane where the Caribes inhabit who are enemies vnto our Indians of Wiapoco and so called by them Vpon which information our Generall thought it would haue beene best to haue peaceably traded with the Caribes But our company misliked thereof insomuch that the Generall altered his determination and agreed to ioyne with their friend Indians against the Caribes their enemies Whereof hauing aduertized the chiefest of them they most kindly embraced their offer presently made eight of their Canoas in a readinesse furnishing them with Bread and Drinke and Victuals which for the most part are Crabbes and Fish with some hundred of themselues all naked in their Canoas whome our Generall accompanied with some eight and thirtie of our company leauing the rest to keepe our Shippe and Houses shipping the most part
without hauing any remedie of cure §. II. Of their manner of killing and eating of humane flesh and of their creating Gentlemen OF all the honours and pleasures of this life none is so great for this people as to kill and get a name on the heads of their Aduersaries neither are there among them any Feasts comparable to those which they make at the death of those which they kill with great Ceremonies which they doe in this manner Those which beeing taken in the Warre are appointed to die came presently from thence with a token which is a small coard about his necke and if hee bee a man that may runnne away he hath one hand tied to his necke vnder his chinne And before they come to the Townes that are by the way they paint their eie-lids eie-browes and their beards polling them after fashion and enpluming them with Yellow feathers so well placed that yee can see no haire which makes them so gallant as the Spaniards in their rich Apparell and so they goe sharing their victorie whereby soeuer they passe When they come to their owne Countrie the women came out to receiue them showting altogether and striking themselues on the mouth which is a common entertainment among them without any other vexation or imprisonment except that they weare about the necke a round collar like a coard of a good bignesse as hard as a sticke In this collar they beginne to weaue a great manie fathomes of small coard as long as a womans haire fastened aboue with a certaine knot and loose vnderneath and so it goeth from eare to eare behind the backe horrible to looke on And if it be on the Frontier where hee may runne away they put him in stead of shackels below the knees a string of threed twisted verie hard which is too weake for any Knife but that they haue Keepers that goe not one moment from him whether he goe about the houses to the Woods or by the Fields for he hath libertie for all this and commonly the keeper is one that is giuen him for wife and also for to dresse his meate with the which if his Masters doe giue him no meate as the custome is he taketh a Bow and Arrowes and shooteth at the first Henne he seeth or at a Ducke be it whosesoeuer and none doth contradict him and so he waxeth fat neither breaking therefore his sleepe his laughter or his pleasure as the rest and some are as contented though they are to bee eaten that in no wise they will consent to be ransomed for to serue for they say that it is a wretched thing to die and lie stinking and eaten with Wormes These women are commonly faithfull in their charge for they receiue honour thereby and therefore manie times they are young and daughters of the chiefe especially if their brothers are to be the slaiers For those which haue not this interest manie times affect them in such manner that not onely they giue them leaue to runne away but they also doe goe with them neither haue the women any other punishment if they bee taken againe then a few strokes and sometimes they are eaten of those same to whom they gaue life The time when he shall die being determined the women beginne to make vessels that is Bowles Traies and Pots for the Wines so great that euerie one will hold a pipe This being readie as well the principall as the rest doe send their Messengers to inuite others from sundrie places against such a Moone about tenne or twelue leagues compasse or more for the which none doth excuse himselfe The guests doe come in Mogotes or troupes with their wiues and children and all of them doe enter the Towne with Dancers and all the time the people are a gathering together there is Wine for the guests for without it all the other entertainments are nothing worth The people being assembled the Feasts beginne some daies before according to the number and certaine ceremonies preceding and euerie one lasteth a day First they haue for this certaine coards of Cotton-wooll of a reasonable bignesse not twisted but wouen of a verie faire worke it is a thing among them of great esteeme and none hath them but some principall men and according to their finenesse and workmanship and their taking pleasure it is to be beleeued that they are not made in a yeere These are alwaies verie safely kept and are carried to the place with great feast great noise in certain traies where a Master of these things doth tie two knots within from that which one of the points do run in such maner that in the midst there remaineth a noose These knots are so fine that few are found that can make them for some of them haue ten casts about fiue crossing ouer the other fiue as if one should crosse the fingers of the right hand ouer the left after they die them with thewater of a white clay like lime let them drie On the second day they bring a great number of burdens of wilde Canes or Reeds as long as Lances or more and at night they set them on fire in a round heape the points vpward leaning one to another and so they make a great and faire high bone-fire round about the which are men and women dancing with sheaues of arrowes at their backe but they goe very swiftly for hee that is to die which seeth them better then hee is seene because of the fire catcheth hold of all that he can and catcheth them and they beeing many hee misseth few times At the third day they make a dance of men and women all of them with pipes of Canes and all of them at once doe stampe on the ground now with one foot then with the other all together without missing a stroke and obseruing the same measure they play on their pipes and there is no other singing nor speaking they being many and the Canes some bigger and some smaller besides the resounding in the Woods they make a Hel-seeming harmonie but they abide it as if it were the sweetest Musicke in the World And these are their feasts besides others which they intermingle with many graces and soothsayings On the fourth day they carrie the captiued enemie as soone as the day breakes to wash him at a Riuer and they while the time that when they doe returne it may be broad day light comming i 〈…〉 o the Towne the Prisoner goeth presently with a watchfull eye for hee knoweth not out of what house or doore a valiant man is to come out to him that is to catch hold of him behind For as all their happinesse doth consist in dying valiantly and the ceremonie that followeth is now the neerest vnto death as he which is to lay hold of him doth shew his forces in ouer-comming him himselfe alone without any other helpe so he will shew courage and force in resisting him and sometimes he doth
with the eating of them There is another tree called also Betele it is smaller and of a round leafe the roots of it are an excellent remedy for the tooth-ake putting it in the hollow place of them it biteth like Ginger They say also that in this Brasill is the tree of the Cassia fistula it is vnknowne to the Indians the Spaniards doe vse it and say it is as good as that of India The Anda trees are faire and great and the wood serueth for all things of the fruit they make an Oyle wherewith the Indians doe anoint themselues and the women their haire and it serueth also for wounds and drieth vhem vp presently and they make many gallant things about the legs and body painting themselues with this Oyle The Moxerequigba tree is found within the Maine in the fields it is small beareth a fruit as big as an Orange and within it hath certaine kernels and of it altogether they make an Oyle to anoint themselues the barke serueth to kill fish and euery beast that drinketh the water where it is cast dieth The Aiuratubira is small beareth a red fruit and of it they make a red oile to anoint themselues The Aiabutipita is fiue or sixe spannes in length the fruit is like Almonds and blacke and so is the Oyle which they esteeme very much and anoint themselues with it in their infirmities The Ianipaba tree is very faire of a pleasant greene euery moneth it changeth the leafe and is like a Wal-nut leafe the trees are great and the timber pleasant to worke the fruit is like great Oranges and is like Quinces or russet Peares the taste is like Quinces it is a good medicine for the Laske of all sorts Of this fruit is made a blacke Inke when it is made it is white and anointing themselues therewith it stayneth not presently but within a few houres the partie remayneth as blacke as any Iea◠It is much esteemed of the Indians with this they make on their bodies round Hose and Doublets all cut and they giue certaine strokes in the face eares nose chinne armes legs and the same doe the women and they become very gallant This is their apparell as well on the weeke as on the Feast day adding some feathers to it wherewith thee adorne themselues and other Iewels made of bone this colour lasteth on the body nine dayes still blacke and after remayneth nothing it maketh the skinne very hard and to make the painting the fruit is to be gathered greene for being ripe it will not doe it The tree Iequitimguaçu beareth a fruit like the Spanish Scrawberie and within it hath a beane as hard as a sticke which is the seed they are of the best Beades that can be for they are very equall and very blacke and they haue a glosse like Iear the huske that couereth these Beades is more bitter then Aloes it serueth for Sope and it washeth better then the best Sope in Portugal A certaine tree groweth in the fields and the Mayne of the Bay in dry places where no water is very great and broad it hath certaine holes in the branches as long as an arme that are full of water that in Winter nor Summer neuer runneth ouer neither is it knowne whence this water commeth and drinke many or drinke few of it it is alwaies at the same stay and so it serueth not onely for a Fountaine but also for a great maine Riuer and it happeneth fiue hundred persons to come to the foot of it and there is harbour for them all they drinke and wash all that they will and they neuer want water it is very sauoury and cleare and a great remedie for them that trauell into the Mayne when they can finde no other water In this Countrie of Brasill are Groues wherein are found trees of great bignesse and length whereof they make very great Canoas of seuen or eight spannes broad in hollownesse and of fiftie spannes and more in length which beare a load like a great Barke and doe carrier twentie or thirtie Rowers of a side they make likewise great Beames for the Sugar-mills There are many sorts of wood incorruptible that putting it in the ground it neuer rotteth and others set in water are euery day greener and stronger There is a holy wood of certaine white wanes whereof are made very faire Bed-steads and rich The Brasill wood whereof the red Inke is made and other woods of diuers colours whereof diuers Inkes of great esteeme are made and all turned and carued workes There be smelling woods as the Iararanda and other kindes of great price and esteeme there are found white Sandalos or Dates in great quantitie The wood of Aquilla and in great abundance that ships are made of it Cedars wood of Angolin and the Nutmeg tree though these woods are not so fine and of so great smell as those of India yet they want but a little and are of great price and esteeme Of the Herbes that yeeld fruit and are eaten THe ordinary food of this Country that serueth for Bread is called Mandioca and they are certaine rootes like Carrots though they are greater and longer these shoot out certaine stemmes or branches and growe to the height of fifteene spannes These branches are very tender and haue a white pith within and at euery spanne it hath certaine ioynts and of this bignesse they are broken and set in the ground as much as is sufficient for to hold them vp and within sixe or nine moneths haue so big rootes that they serue for food This Mandioca contayneth many kindes in it selfe and all are eaten and they are preserued vnder the earth three foure or vnto eight yeeres and needs no seasoning for they doe no more but take them out and make fresh meate euery day and the longer they are vnder the earth the bigger they growe and yeeld the more It hath some things worth the noting that is man except all creatures desire to eate it raw and 〈◊〉 fatteneth them and nourisheth them exceedingly but if when it is crushed they doe drinke that water alone by it selfe they haue no more life then while it commeth to the stomacke Of these rootes crushed and grated they make a Meale that is eaten it is also layd in steepe till it corrupt and then cleansed and crushed they make also a Flowre and certaine Cakes like children very white and delicate This roote after it is steeped in water made in balls with the hands they set it vpon hurdles at the smoake where it drieth in such manner that it is kept without corrupting as long as they lift and after scraped and stamped in certaine great trayes and sifted there remayneth a Flowre whiter then of Wheate of the which being mingled in a certaine quantitie with the raw they make a certaine Bisquet which they call Of the warre and it serueth the Indians and the
vessels they haue none but seeke remedies of their owne and doe continue it and in a short space they will haue many Wines In the Riuer of Ianuarie and Piratininga are many Roses one Damaske Roses whereof they distill great store of Rose-water and Conserue of Roses for to purge and not to purge for of the other they haue not they seethe the Damaske Roses in water and straining them they make Conserue of Roses very good wherewith they doe not purge Muske Melons want not in many Captaine ships and are good and fine many Gourds whereof they make Conserues many Beets whereof they make it also Cabbages Cowcumbers Raddishes Turnops Mustard Mintes Coriander Dill Fennell Pease Leekes Onions Garlicke Borrage and other Pulses which were brought from Portugall and grow well in this Countrie In the Riuer of Ianuarie and fields of Piratininga groweth Wheate they vse it not because they haue no Horse-mils nor Water-mils and they haue also great trouble in the gathering of it for because of the many waters and ranknesse of the ground it commeth altogether and it multiplieth so much that one Corne beareth sixtie and eightie Eares and some beeing ripe others grow anew and it multiplieth almost in infinitum Of lesse then a quarter of Barley that a man sowed in the field of Piratininga hee gathered sixtie and odde Alqueires and if men would giue themselues to this commoditie the Countrey would be verie rich and plentifull There are many sorts of Basill and Gilliflowres Yellow and Red and doe grow well in Piratininga and other smelling herbes as the Onion sese c. Aboue all this Brasill hath one commoditie for men to liue that in it doe liue disorderly that there are but few Lice or Fleas but among the Indians and Guinne Moores there are some Lice but there want no Hornets Dorres Waspes Flies and Gnats of so many kinds and so cruell and venemous that stinging any person the place swelleth for three or foure dayes especially in the fresh men which haue their bloud fresh and tender with the good Bread Wine and delicate fare of Portugall CHAP. II. Articles touching the dutie of the Kings Maiestie our Lord and to the common good of all the estate of Brasill Written as is thought by the Authour of the former Treatise IT greatly behooueth for the vniuersall good and preseruation of the estate of Brasill that the King our Lord doe take all the Captaineships for his satisfying the Lordships For as the Tenths are all his Maiesties and the Lordships haue no more then the tenth which is verie little at the least in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost Saint Vincent Port Secure and the Ilets the said Captaineships are neuer prouided neither haue Powder Bullet or Caleeuer c. for to defend themselues from the enemies and whatsoeuer French or English shippe that goeth thither doth put them in such danger that either they must giue them entrance and traffick with them or leaue them the Towne and goe to the Woods as now it was seene in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost and Saint Vincent and being the Kings they be otherwise prouided making Fortresses in the barres for their defence at the least in those of the Holy Ghost and the Riuer of Ianuarie as it was done in that of Saint Vincent in the which ships may come in at any houre and in this manner will haue a delight to dwell and labour in them the which now doe liue in trouble and complaints seeing themselues so disfauoured and in any danger of warre they rather thinke how to flee away and escape with their Wiues and Children then how to defend the Countrey whose safetie preseruation and augmenting importeth so much as is notorious to the good of all Peru. It seemeth necessarie that in Brasill there be a Court Royall where many causes may be determined as there is in Peru New Spaine and in all his Maiesties Prouinces The first reason that for this is offered is that the people whereof at the first this Countrey was inhabited commonly were banished for facts committed in Portugall And as at the beginning there was no Iustice Royall in it at the least in the Captaineships and Lands of the Lords as all of them were but onely Captaines and Iudges placed by the Lords of them there was little regard of Iustice as well in them which ruled the which had authoritie for to kill hang c. and as they had no Science nor peraduenture Conscience ruled rather by humane respects friendships hatreds and proper gaines then by direct reason as in the subiects the which as there was no Iustice but of Gossips as the speech is did liue at large as they listed hauing no bodie to contradict them and though the Kings afterward did take reserue the Iustice to themselues sendâ—ng Gouernours and generall Iudges and though there come many men of more qualitie to continue the inhabiting of the Countrey notwithstanding a great part of that first libertie and licence remained still with the which many euils were and are committed without punishment For many of them haue alreadie so much power with their riches gained God knoweth how that I know not whether those that now doe rule dare meddle with them bee it that they feare their power and might or because fâ—râ— omnes diligâ—nt mâ—nâ—ra and the Iustices that went and will not be interessed but beare the Rod vpright let them prepare themselues to suffer troubles in this Countrey The second reason is that many Sutes may here be determined definitiuely in the which are delayings of many yeeres without any obtayning of Iustice by Appeales and Grieuances to Portugall Now if the Gouernour as many times it hapneth will put himselfe in the office of the generall Iudge and with his power binds his hands all goes topsieturuie without any ciuill peace in the Countrey but rather a continuall confusion and perturbation and the matter commeth to this point that the Gouernour apprehendeth the Iudge himselfe as alreadie it hath hapned and sendeth him to Portugall and in the meane while the Iustice of the Countrey remayneth in the hands of him that cannot administer it and in stead of reason entreth affection or passion and then nothing is done but what the Gouernor listeth The same behoueth and peraduenture more to that which appertaineth to his Majesties goods wherein are difficult matters and haue need of a man of knowledge and conscience for to decide them The third reason is that there may learned men of conscience bee there for to determine the Iustice of warre for want of that haue many been made in Brasill against all Iustice which was a great cause of the destruction of the men of the Countrie and so all the Coast is almost vnhabited And although the Kings past commended this greatly and commanded that no warre should be held lawfull but that which should be made by order
of the Gouernour generall hee taking first counsell with the Bishop and Fathers of the company and experienced persons of the Countrey and of good consciences and the Iustice of the warre being determined by them notwithstanding many times it is not done with such examination as the cause requireth and so either the Fathers of the company are not called thereunto or if they be called it is for a complement of Iustice and they haue more regard to the hope of the profit that is ofâ—â—red them of getting of slaues in the said warre then vnto the Iustice of it and to the common good and danger they put themselues in for sometimes they fare euill in the broyle with the death of many Christians both Portugals and Indians With these warres especially all the Coast of Pernambuco which beginneth from the Riuer of Saint Francis thitherward which are fiftie leagues and the greatest part of the Maine is disinhabited hauing before a most copious number of Indians and so now that Captaineship wanteth Indian friends to helpe them to defend and it is euery day wasted slaine and eaten of the Indians Pitiguares of Paraiba which before were their friends whom they did also great injustice to The third Article is about the Kings Customers Accounts c. His Majestie hath a great obligation to the Indians of Brasill to aide them with all corporall and spirituall remedie For almost all those of this Coast are almost consumed with sicknesses warres and tyrannies of the Portugals and those which escaped went into the Maine to their kindred and neither haue these their liues there For when the ransomes of slaues did end which were held for lawfull they inuented Armies for to goe to the Maine to bring them to the Sea for to serue themselues of them perpetually These companies are made in this manner three or foure or more persons doe joyne and euerie one of them doe put in so much stocke and aske license of the Gouernour to goe into the Maine to bring free Indians the Gouernour grants it with his order to wit that they bring them without any force or deceit but with their owne good will declaring to them that they come to serue the Portugals and to helpe them in their labours Sugar-mills and other workes Hauing this License the Venturers doe ioyne people to send into the Maine to wit Interpreters and other persons that sometime came to fiftie or sixtie with their pieces and other weapons and with many Indian Archers both free and bond that doth carrie their burdens of the ransome and the victuals and with helpe if by deceit they cannot bring the people they goe to seeke they may bring it by force With this License in this manner they depart and neuer keepe the order set downe as it is manifest and all doe openly confesse without contradiction for presently when they are departed they say that if that should be declared vnto them there that certaine it is that no Indian will come and therefore they must vse deceits and force for they haue no other meanes to moue them from their Countries and with this purpose they goe without any regard of the order neither of them that goe to the Maine nor of the Iustices when they come from thence and so they vse these Licenses without any examining of them Now when they come to the Townes of the Indians that are within the Maine 100. and 200. leagues they beginne presently their deceits saying that they come for them by commandement of the Gouernour that they may come to enioy the good things of the Sea and that they shall bee together in their Villages by themselues and at their will without making any manner of repartition and that from thence they shall helpe the Portugals in their warres and other things Other whiles they tell them that the Gouernour and the Fathers of the company doe send for them for to bee in the Churches of their kinsmen which doe learne the things of God naming some ancient principal Indians whom they much esteeme and hold as Fathers and that they wil be with them and for this there hath beene some of these Interpreters that ordained among themselues one whom they fained to be a Father of the company with a shauen crowne and a long habit to deceiue them more easily When these deceits other such do not preuaile they vse violence labouring to kil some that doe hinder this comming for the which it hath hapned to put poison in the vessels of their wine with many other inuentions wherwith they feare them As once that comming alreadie by the way because one of the principall Indians did shew to come with an euill will and did impart it with the rest it is said that they tooke for a remedie two or three to remaine behind with him alone and being asleepe they choaked him with a Towell and gaue out that hee died suddenly because he would not come Other whiles they kill some of other Nations that are by the way all to the end that those which they bring doe not goe backe and in this manner they bring such a number of them without prouision of necessarie food that by the way with hunger and euill vsage a great part of them doe die and those that doe come are in such a case and so weake that it is needfull before they come into the houses the Fathers of the company to goe about the Woodes christening the children at their Mothers breasts that they may not die vnbaptized and others they find halfe dead and full of flies that the Mothers haue left as not able to bring them Being come to the Sea those that scape aliue hauing promised them that they will put them in Townes at their owne will presently the venturers doe diuide them among themselues and many times they separate fathers from children wiues from husbands brethren from brethren c. and euery one carrieth his part to their places some one hundred another two hundred another thirtie c. euery one according to the stocke he putteth in Besides this they giue their share to the men that went to bring them for this is the money they pay them withall to one foure to another ten c. and as many of these haue no lands for to maintaine them they sell them presently to others and so they haue marked and sold a great number to these and other Captaineships and as the poore men doe see themselues deceiued and toiled with ouer-much labour with pure griefe they die and some runne away and goe euen to their enemies willing rather to be eaten of them then to abide such vsage among the Portugals and in this sort of 30. or 40000. soules that haue beene brought I know not whether 3000. bee aliue and with this a great part of the Maine is destroyed For the same licences doe the Captaines giue in their Captaineships and the same
the Enemies with them So these are all the Weapons of the Americans for they couer not their bodies with other Armour but contrarily excepting their Caps of Feathers Bracelets and other short attire wherewith as aforesaid they decke their bodie if they wore but a shirt being about to goe vnto the battaâ—le they would presently put it off fearing least they might be intangled and incumbred therewith If they receiued Iron Swordes from vs as I gaue one to a certaine Moussacat of mine they presently cast away the sheathes they did the like also receiuing Kniues delighting in the brightnesse of them and thought them more seruiceable for the cutting of the boughes of Trees then for fight Eight or tenne thousand people being gathered together after the manner which hath beene spoken with no small number of women not to fight but to carrie their bagge and baggage and prouision of victuall assembling vnto the Campe they of the elder sort who haue slaine and deuoured the greatest number of enemiess haue the chiefe command and conducting of the forces who being their Leaders they prepare themselues for the journie And although they goe without order yet when they march trooping the most valiant men keeping the Front of the Armie it is a wonder how well all that whole multitude conuey themselues without Tribunes and Quarter-masters so that at the sound of the Trumpet they verie speedily assemble in battell array But there are some who with hornes which they call Inubia of the length of an elle and an halfe and of the thicknesse of our Country Speare of the bredth of an hand at the lower end like a Trumpet raise the Souldiers both going out of their Countrie and when the Campe remoueth Some also carrie Whistles made of the bones of their enemies slaine and deuoured in former time wherewith they continually pipe by the way that they might stirre vp the mindes of their companions and increase their desire to kill the enemies in like manner But if which often happeneth they please to vndertake a Voyage against the Enemie by Boat they passe along the shoares and commit not themselues vnto the maine Sea They order themselues in their Boats which they call Ygat euery one whereof consisteth of the barke of one tree taken off and appointed to this vse yet are they of such largenâ—sse that euery one of them may receiue fiftie men Standing therefore after their manner they driue the Boat forward with an Oare plaine on both sides which they hold in the middle Moreouer these Boats seing they are plaine are rowed with very little trouble yet is there no vse of them in the maine Sea or it a tempest arise But our Barbarians going a warfare in a great calme you may see a Fleet consisting of sixtie such Boats And these passe the Seas with so swift a motion that they are presently gone out of â—ight So these are the Armies of the Toupinenquin both by Sea and Land Being furnished after this manner they sometimes goe fiftie miles into the Enemies borders And first they vse this stratagem All the most valiant leaue the rest with the women and carriages one or two dayes Iourney behind them they approach with great silence and possesse the Woods lying in waite to entrappe the Enemie for whom they so diligently watch that oftentimes they lie hid there for foure and twentie houres And if they set vpon the Enemie vnawares as many men women and children as they meete with are not onely brought away but also slaine by the Enemies returning into their Countrey and put vpon Boucan in pieces and at length deuoured And they surprize them so much the more easily because the Villages for they haue no Cities are not compassed with walls and the Cottages which yet are fourescore or an hundred paces long haue no Doores but in their stead they set the boughs of Palmes or the stalke of the â—erbe Pindâ— at their Gates Yet they haue now learned to fortifie and intrench certaine Villages round about which border vpon the Enemies with postes of Palmes of sixe foot long besides they strengthen the entrances with woodden stakes sharpe at the end if therefore the Enemies will assaile those Villages by night which is common with them then the Inhabitants of the Village issue safely forth vpon them whereby it commeth to passe that whether they fight or flee they neuer escape but some are ouerthrowne through the paine of their wounded feete who are presently rosted and eaten by the Inhabitants But if they desire to fight in open warre bringing forth their forces on both sides it is scarce credible how cruell and horrible the battell is whereof my selfe was a beholder and therefore can iustly make report thereof I with another Frenchman somewhat more curiously to our great danger determined to accompanie our Barbarians going to the warres for if we had beene taken or hurt by the Margaiates wee had certainely beene deuoured These being foure thousand men in number fought with the Enemie neere vnto the shoare with such fiercenesse that they would haue ouercome euen the most furious and outragious The Tououpinambanitij as soone as they saw the Enemie brake out into so great and loude howling and exclamation as they who here hunt Wolues make no out-cries comparable with those for the clamour so pierced the aire that thunder then could scarse haue beene heard But comming neerer they doubled their cries and blew their Hornes and lastly whistled with their Pipes the one threatned the other and in a brauery shewed the bones of their dead Enemies and also the teeth whereof some wore them hanging about their neckes strung vpon a threed aboue two elles long and lastly they terrified the beholders with their gesture But when they came to ioyne battell matters fell out farre worse for a multitude of Arrowes was shot on both sides like swarming Flyes in number Such as were wounded who were not â—ew stoutly plucked the Arrowes out of their bodies which they bit like madde Dogs and yet abstayned not therefore from the battell For this Nation is so fierce and cruell that so long as they haue any little strength they fight continually and neuer betake themselues to flight we withdrawing our selues a little from the conflict were contented with that spectacle In the meane space I protest who haue diuers times here seene mightie Armies both of horse and foot ordered in battell array that I was neuer so much delighted in seeing the Legions of footmen in their glittering Armour as in beholding these Tououpinambaultij while they were fighting For besides that they were pleasantly seene whistling leaping and very speedily and nimbly gathering themselues round in a ring a very thicke cloude of Arrowes was moreouer added the feathers whereof being rose-colour blue red greene and of other such like colours gaue a radiant lustre in the Sunne their garments also Caps Bracelets and other ornaments of feathers
yet rich of Gold The nineteenth of Aprill being Easter-euen we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha It lyeth in thirty nine degrees it may bee some foure leagues ouer and is a high mountaynous Hill but round about the foot thereof some halfe league from the Sea-shore it is Champaine ground wel inhabited and manured From the Straits to this Iland we found that either the Coast is set out more Westerâ—y then it is or that we had a great current which put vs to the Westwards for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it but for that wee coasted not the Land I cannot determine whether it was caused by the current or lying of the Land But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it haue told me that it is a bold and safe Coast and reasonable sounding of it In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants but with great vigilancie and care for they and all the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards and held vs to bee of them and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when hee was in this Iland whâ—ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat sauing two and in striuing to get them also they slue and hurt all his men himselfe who had fewest wounds had three and two of them in the head Two of his company which liued long after had the one seuenteene his name was Iohn Bruer who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish and the other aboue twentie a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake And with me they vsed a policie which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined although I wrought sure for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my people with Armes Wee were armed and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water whether they came to parley and negotiate Beeing in communication with the Casiques and others many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates and some went into them Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares for that there went a bad sege were forced to lay downe their Muskets which the Indians perceiuing endeauoured to fill the barrels with water taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands By chance casting mine eye aside I discouered their flynesse and with a Truncheon which I had in mine hand gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes The sheepe of this Iland are great good and fat I haue not tasted better Mutton any where They were as ours and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the Spaniards brought into the Countrey Of the sheepe of the Countrey wee could by no meanes procure any one although we saw of them and vsed meanes to haue had of them This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea and is held to bee peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very couragious They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie all of woollen their Cassockes made like a Sacke square with two holes for the two armes and one for the head all open below without lining or other art but of them some are most curiously wouen and in colours and on both sides alike Their houses are made round in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses with a louer in the top to euacuate the smoake when they make fire They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco made into little cakes like Pitch of a bad smell with holes through the middle and so laced many vpon a string The people of this Iland as of all Chily are of good stature and well made and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts They are of good vnderstanding and agilitie and of great strength Their weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Macanas their Bowes short and strong and their Arrowes of a small Reed or Cane three quarters of a yard long with two Feathers and headed with a flint-stone which is loose and hurting the head remaineth in the wound some are headed with bone and some with hard wood halfe burnt in the fire We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes which are dangerous and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts Immediatly when they discouered vs both vpon the Iland and the Mayne wee might see them make sundry great fires which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a readinesse for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards and the shippes they see they beleeue to be their Enemies The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland but eight or ten leagues into the Countrey for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia till thirtie sixe Degrees the Indians haue now in a manner in their hands free from any Spaniards Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland for that little time we stayed which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast and some eight leagues to the North-wards wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay and sent our Boats ashoare with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person and so we set saile againe and towards the Euening the wind began to change and to blow contrary and that so much and the Sea to rise so suddenly that wee could not take in our Boats without spoyling of them This storme continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to endure so long The storme tooke end and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries which lyeth in thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues in the Trade way lieth a Rocke which afarre off seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle This Iland is little and low but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland lieth the Citie Conception with a good Port from this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare plentifull of fiâ—h and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast till we were past Lyma otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes for that it
well esteemed and so are fine linnen woollen cloth Haberdashers wares edge-tooles and Armes or Mâ—nition It hath his Gouernour and Audiencia with two Bishops the one of Saint Iago the other of the Imperiall all vnder the Vice-roy Audiencia and Primate of Lyma Saint Iago is the Metropolitan and Head of the Kingdome and the seate of Iustice which hath his appellation of Lyma The people are industrious and ingenious of great strength and inuincible courage as in the warres which they haue sustained aboue fortie yeeres continually against the Spaniards hath beene experienced For confirmation whereof I will alledge onely two proofes of many the one was of an Indian Captaine taken prisoner by the Spaniards and for that hee was of name and knowne to haue done his deuoire against them they cut off his hands thereby intending to disenable him to fight any more against them but he returning home desirous to reuenge this iniurie to maintain his liberty with the reputation of his nation and to helpe to banish the Span. with his tongue intreated incited them to perseuere in their accustomed valor and reputation abasing the enemie and aduancing his Nation condemning their contraries towardlinesse and confirming it by the cruelty vsed with him and others his companions in their mishaps shewing them his armes without hands naming his brethren whose halfe feet they had cut off because they might be vnable to sit on horsebacke with force arguing 〈…〉 t if they feared them not they would not haue vsed so great inhumanitie for feare produceth crueltie the companion of cowardise Thus encouraged he them to fight for their liues limbes and libertie choosing rather to die an honourable death fighting then to liue in seruitude as fruitlesse members in their Common-wealth Thus vsing the office of a Sergeant Maior and hauing loden his two stumpes with bundles of Arrowes succoured those who in the succeeding battell had their store wasted and changing himselfe from place to place animated and encouraged his Countri-men with such comfortable perswasions as it is reported and credibly beleeued that hee did much more good with his words and presence without striking a stroke then a great part of the Armie did with fighting to the vtmost The other proofe is that such of them as fight on horsebacke are but slightly armed for that their Armour is a Beasts hide fitted to their body greene and after worne till it be drie and hard He that is best armed hath him double yet any one of them with these Armes and with his Launce will fight hand to hand with any Spaniard armed from head to foot And it is credibly reported that an Indian being wounded through the bodie by a Spaniards Launce with his own hands hath crept on vpon the Launce and come to grapple with his Aduersarie and both fallen to the ground together By which is seene their resolution and inuincible courage and the desire they haue to maintayne their reputation and libertie This let me manifest that there haue beene and are certaine persons who before they goe to Sea either robbe part of the prouisions or in the buying make penurious vnwholsome and aâ—arâ—ious penicworths and the last I hold to be the least for they robbe onely the Victuallers and owners but the others steale from owners victuallers and companie and are many times the onely ouer throâ—ers of the Voyage for the companie thinking themselues to be stored with foure or sixe moneths Uictuals vpon suruay they finde their Bread Beefe or Drinke short yea perhaps all and so are forced to seeke home in time of best hopes and employment This mischiefe is most ordinarie in great actions Lastly some are so cunning that they not onely make their Voyage by robbing before they goe to Sea but of that also which commeth home Such Gamesters a wise man of our Nation resembled to the Mill on the Riuer of Thames for grinding both with floâ—d and ebbe So these at their going out and comming home will be sure to robbe all others of their shares But the greatest and most principall robberie of all in my opinion is the defranding or the detayning of the Companies thirds or wages accursed by the iust God who forbiddeth the hire of the labourer to sleep with vs. To such I speake as either abuse themselues in detayning it or else to such as force the poore man to sell it at vile and lowe prices And lastly to such as vpon fained caâ—ils and suits doe deterre the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions which being too much in vse amongst vs hath bred in those that follow the Sea a iealousie in all employments and many times causeth mutinies and infinitâ— inconueniences To preuent this a Chist with three lockes was appointed I kept one the Master another the third one chosen by the Companie No losse worthie reformation are the generall abuses of Mariners and Souldiers who robbe all they can vnder the colour of Pillage and after make Ordnance Cables Sayles Anchors and all aboue Deckes to belong vnto them of right whether they goe by thirds or wages this proceedeth from those pilfering warres wherein euery Gall 〈◊〉 that can arme out a Ship taketh vpon him the name and office of a Captaine not knowing what to command or what to execute Such Commanders for the most part consort and ioyne vnto themselues disorderly persons Pirates and Ruffians vnder the title of men of valour and experience they meeting with any Prize make all vpon the Deckes their of dutie c. In the time of warre in our Countrie asâ— also in others by the lawes of Oleron which to our ancient Sea-men were fundamentall nothing is allowed for Pillage but Apparell Armes Instruments and other necessaries belonging to the persons in that ship which is taken and these to when the ship is gained by dint of sword with a prouiso that if any particular Pillage exceed the value of sixe crownes it may be redeemed for that value by the generall stocke and sold for the common benefit If the prize render it selfe without forcible entrie all in generall ought to be preserued and sold in masse and so equally diuided yea though the ship be wonne by force and entrie yet whatsoeuer belongeth to her of takling Sayles or Ordnance is to be preserued for the generalitie saying a Peece of Artillerrie for the Captaine another for the Gunner and a Cable and Anchor for the Master which are the rights due vnto them and these to be deliuered when the ship is in safety and in harbour either vnloden or sold which Law or Custome well considered will rise to be more beneficiall for the Owners Uictuallers and Companie then the disorders newly â—rept in and before remembred For the Sayles Cables Anchors and Hull being sold euery one apart yeeld not the one halfe which they would doe if they were sold all together besides the excusing of charges and robberies in the vnloding
offered to sinke our Ship with the first shot he made who by the Spaniards relation being trauersing a peece in the bowe to make his shot had his head carried away with the first or second shot made out of our Ship It slew also two or three of those which stood next him A good warning for those which fight against their Countrie The fight continued so hot on both sides that the Artillery and Muskets neuer ceased playing Our contraries towards the euening determined the third time to lay vs abourd with resolution to take vs or to hazard all The order they set downe for the execution hereof was that the Captaine or Admirall should bring himselfe vpon our weather bow and so fall aboord of vs vpon our broad side And that the Vice-admirall should lay his Admirall aboord vpon his weather quarter and so enter his men into her that from her they might enter vs or doe as occasion should minister The Captaine of the Vice-admirall being more hardie then considerate and presuming with his ship and company to get the prize and chiefe honour waited not the time to put in execution the direction giuen but presently came aboord to wind-wards vpon our broad side Which doubtlesse was the great and especiall Prouidence of Almightie God for the discouraging of our enemies and animating of vs. For although she was as long or rather longer then our ship being rarely built and vtterly without fights or defence what with our Muskets and what with our fire-works we clered her decks in a moment so that scarce any person appeared And doubtlesse if we had entred but a doozen men we might haue enforced them to haue rendred vnto vs or taken her but our company being few and the principall of them slaine or hurt wee durst not neither was it wisdome to aduenture the separation of those which remayned and so held that for the best and soundest resolution to keepe our forces together in defence of our owne The Vice-admirall seeing himselfe in great distresse called to his Admirall for succour who presently laid him aboord and entred a hundred of his men and so cleered themselues of vs. In this boording the Vice-admirall had at the least thirtie and six men hurt and slaine and amongst them his Pilot shot through the bodie so as he died presently And the Admirall also receiued some losse which wrought in them a new resolution only with their Artillery to batter vs and so with time to force vs to surrender or to sink vs which they put in execution and placing themselues within a Musket shot of our weather quarter and sometimes on our broad side lay continually beating vpon vs without intermission which was doubtlesse the best and securest determination they could take for they being rare ships and without any manner of close fights in boording with vs their men were all open vnto vs and we vnder couert and shelter For on all parts our ship was Musket free and the great Artillery of force must cease on either side the ships being once grapled together except we resolued to sacrifice our selues together in fire For it is impossible if the great Ordnance play the ships being boorded but that they must set fire on the ship they shoot at and then no suretie can bee had to free himselfe as experience daily confirmeth A Peece is as a Thunder-clap As was seene in the Spanish Admirall after my imprisonment crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco a Rayao for so the Spaniards call a Thunderclap brake ouer our ship killed one in the fore-top astonished either two or three in the shroudes and split the Mast in strange manner where it entred it could hardly be discerned but where it came forth it draue out a great splinter before it and the man slaine was cleane in a manner without signe or token of hurt although all his bones turned to powder and those who liued and recouered had all their bodies blacke as burnt with fire In like manner the Peece of Ordnance hurteth not those which stand aside nor those which stand aslope from his mouth but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his leuell though sometimes the wind of the shot ouerthroweth one and the splinters beeing accidents mayne and hurt others But principally where the Peece doth resemble the Thunderclap as when the ships are boorded For then although the Artillerie be discharged without shot the fury of the fire and his piercing nature is such as it entreth by the seames and all parts of the ships sides and meeting with so fit matter as Pitch Tarre Oaombe and sometimes with powder presently conuerteth all into flames For auoyding whereof as also the danger and damage which may come by Pikes and other inuentions of fire and if any ship be oppressed with many ships at once and subject by them to be boorded I hold it a good course to strike his fire and mayne yards close to his decke and to fight with sprit-saile and myson and top-sailes loose so shall hee bee able to hinder them from oppressing him Some haue thought it a good policie to launce out some ends of masts or yards by the Ports or other parts but this is to be vsed in the greater ships for in the lesser though they be neuer so strong the waight of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides and doe hurt and make great spoile in the lesser And in boording ordinarily the lesser ship hath al the harme which the one ship can doe vnto the other Here is offered to speake of a point much canuassed amongst Carpenters and Sea Captaines diuersly maintained but yet vndetermined that is whether the race or loftie built ship be best for the Merchant and those which imploy themselues in trading I am of opinion that the race ship is most conuenient yet so as that euery perfect ship ought to haue two decks for the better strengthening of her the better succouring of her people the better preseruing of her Merchandize and victuall and for her greater safetie from Sea and stormes But for the Princes ships and such as are imployed continually in the Warres to bee built loftie I hold very necessarie for many Reasons First for Maiestie and terrour of the Enemie Secondly for harbouring of many men Thirdly for accomodating more men to fight Fourthly for placing and vsing more Artillerie Fiftly for better strengthning and securing of the ship Sixtly for ouer topping and subiecting the Enemie Seuenthly for greater safegard and defence of the shippe and company For it is plaine that the shippe with three deckes or with two and an halfe shewes more pompe then another of her burthen with a decke and halfe or two deckes and breedeth great terror to the enemy discouering her selfe to be a more powerfulship as she is then the other which being indeed a ship of force seemeth to be but a Barke and with her
it dulleth and blindeth the vnderstanding and consequently depraueth any man of true valour For that hee is disenabled to iudge and apprehend the occasion which may bee offered to assault and retire in time conuenient the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder For after I was wounded this nimium bred great disorder and inconuenience in our ship the pot continually walking infused desperate and foolish hardinesse in many who blinded with the fume of the liquor considered not of any danger but thus and thus would stand at hazard some in vaine glory vaunting themselues some other rayling vpon the Spaniards another inuiting his companion to come and stand by him and not to budge a foote from him which indiscreetly they put in execution and cost the liues of many a good man slaine by our enemies Muskettiers who suffered not a man to shew himselfe but they presently ouerthrew him with speed and watchfulnesse For preuention of the second errour although I had great preparation of Armour as well of proofe as of light Corselets yet not a man would vse them but esteemed a pot of wine a better defence then an armour of proofe which truly was great madnesse and a lamentable fault worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable people and well to be weighed by all Commanders For if the Spaniard surpasseth vs in any thing it is in his temperance and suffering and where he hath had the better hand of vs it hath beene for the most part through our owne folly for that wee will fight vnarmed with him being armed And although I haue heard many men maintaine that in shipping armour is of little profit all men of good vnderstanding will condemne such desperate ignorance For besides that the sleightest armour secureth the parts of a mans bodie which it couereth from pike sword and all hand weapons it likewise giueth boldnesse and courage a man armed giueth a greater and a weightier blow then a man vnarmed he standeth faster and with greater difficultie is to be ouerthrowne And I neuer read but that the glistering of the armour hath beene by Authors obserued for that as I imagine his show breedeth terrour in his contraries and despaire to himselfe if he be vnarmed And therefore in time of warre such as deuote themselues to follow the profession of Armes by Sea or by Land ought to couet nothing more then to bee well armed for as much as it is the second meanes next Gods protection for preseruing and prolonging many mens lines Wherin the Spanish nation deserueth commendation aboue others euery one from the highest to the lowest putting their greatest care in prouiding faire and good Armes Hee which cannot come to the price of a Corslet will haue a coate of Mayle a Iacket at least a Buffe-ierkin or a priuie Coate And hardly will they bee found without it albeit they liue and serue for the most part in extreame hot Countries Whereas I haue knowne many bred in cold Countries in a moment complaine of the waight of their Armes that they smoother them and then cast them off chusing rather to be shot through with a bullet or lanched through with a pike or thrust through with a sword then to endure a little trauaile and suffering But let mee giue these lazie ones this lesson that hee that will goe a warfare must resolue himselfe to fight and he that putteth on this resolution must be contented to endure both heate and weight first for the safeguard of his life and next for subduing of his enemy both which are hazarded and put into great danger if hee fight vnarmed with an enemy armed Now for mine owne opinion I am resolued that armour is more necessary by Sea then by Land yea rather to be excused on the shoare then in the ship My reason is for that on the shoare the bullet onely hurteth but in the ship I haue seene the splinters kill and hurt many at once and yet the shot to haue passed without touching any person As in the Galeon in which I came out of the Indies in Anno 1597. in the rode of Tarcera when the Queenes Maiesties ships vnder the charge of the Earle of Essex chased vs into the roade with the splinters of one shot were slaine maymed and sore hurt at the least a dozen persons the most part whereof had beene excused if they had beene armed And doubtlesse if these errours had beene forescene and remedied by vs many of those who were slaine and hurt had beene on foot and wee enabled to haue sustained and maintained the fight much better and longer and perhaps at last had freed our selues For if our enemy had come to boord with vs our close fights were such as wee were secure and they open vnto vs. And what with our Cubridge heads one answering the other our hatches vpon bolts our brackes in our Deckes and Gunner roome it was impossible to take vs as long as any competent number of men had remained twentie persons would haue sufficed for defence and for this such ships are called Impregnable and are not to be taken but by surrender nor to be ouercome but with boording or sinking as in vs by experience was verified and not in vs alone but in the Reuenge of the Queenes Maiestie which being compassed round about with all the Armado of Spaine and boorded sundry times by many at once is said to haue sunke three of the Armado by her side A third and last cause of the losse of sundry of our men most worthy of note for all Captaines owners and Carpenters was the race building of our ship the onely fault shee had and now adayes held for a principall grace in any ship but by the experience which I haue had it seemeth for sundry reasons verie preiudiciall for ships of Warre For in such those which tackle the sayles of force must bee vpon the deckes and are open without shelter or any defence yet here it will bee obiected That for this inconuenience waste clothes are prouided and for want of them it is vsuall to lace a bonnet or some such shadow for the men worthily may it bee called a shadow and one of the most pernitious customes that can bee vsed for this shadow or defence being but of linnen or woollen cloth emboldneth many who without it would retire to better securitie whereas now thinking themselues vnseene they become more bold then otherwise they would and thereby shot through when they least thinke of it Some Captaines obseruing this errour haue sought to remedie it in some of his Maiesties ships not by altering the building but by deuising a certaine defence made of foure or fiue inch planks of fiue foot high and sixe foote broad running vpon wheeles and placed in such parts of the ship as are most open These they name Blenders and made of Elme for the most part for that it shiuers not with a
would giue vs his word and oath as the Generall of the King and some pledge for confirmation to receiue vs a buena querra and to giue vs our liues and liberty and present passage into our owne Countrey that wee would surrender our selues and Ship into his hands Otherwise that he should neuer enioy of vs nor ours any thing but a resolution euery man to dye fighting With this Message I dispatched him and called vnto me all my Company and encouraged them to sacrifice their liues fighting and killing the enemy if hee gaue but a fillip to any of our companions The Spaniards willed vs to hoise out our boate which was shot all to peeces and so was theirs Seeing that he called to vs to amaine our sailes which wee could not well doe for that they were slung and we had not men enough to hand them In this parley the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter not knowing of what had past discharged her two chase peeces at vs and hurt our Captaine very sore in the thigh and maimed one of our Masters Mates called Hugh Maires in one of his Armes but after knowing vs to be rendred he secured vs And we satisfied them that we could not hoise out our boate nor strike our sayles the Admirall laid vs abourd but before any man entred Iohn Gomes went vnto the Generall who receiued him with great curtesie and asked him what we required whereunto hee made answere that my demand was that in the Kings name he should giue vs his faith and promise to giue vs our liues to keepe the Lawes of faire warres and quarter and to send vs presently into our Countrey and in confirmation hereof that I required some pledge whereunto the Generall made answere that in the Kings Maiesties name his Master he receiued vs a buena querra and swore by God Almighty and by the habit of Alcautara whereof he had receiued Knight hood and in token whereof he wore in his breast a greene crosse which is the ensigne of that Order that hee would giue vs our liues with good entreatie and send vs as speedily as he could into our owne Countrey In confirmation whereof he tooke off his gloue and sent it to me as a pledge With this message Iohn Gomes returned and the Spaniards entred and tooke possession of our Ship euery one crying buena querra buena querra â—y por immaniana por ti with which our Company began to secure themselues The Generall was a principall Gentleman of the ancient Nobilitie of Spaine and brother to the Conde de Lemos whose intention no doubt was according to his promise and therefore considering that some bad intreaty and insolency might be offered vnto me in my Ship by the common Souldiers who seldome haue respect to any person in such occasions especially in the case I was whereof he had enformed himselfe for preuention he sent a principall Captain brought vp long time in Flanders called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar to take care of me and whilest the Ship were one abourd the other to bring me into his Ship which he accomplished with great humanity and courtesie despising the barres of Gold which were shared before his face which hee might alone haue enioyed if he would And truely he was as after I found by triall a true Captaine a man worthy of any charge and of the noblest condition that I haue knowne any Spaniard The Generall receiued me with great courtesie and compassion euen with teares in his eyes and words of great consolation and commanded mee to bee accommodated in his owne Cabbine where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best hee could the like hee vsed with all our hurt men sixe and thirtie at least And doubtlesse as true courage valour and resolution it requisite in a Generall in the time of battell So humanitie mildnesse and courtesie after victorie Whilest the ships were together the Maine-mast of the Daintie fell by the boord and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoile and pillage neglected the principall whereof ensued that within a short space the Daintie grew so deepe with water which increased for want of preuention that all who were in her desired to forsake her and weaued and cried for succour to be saued being out of hope of her recouerie Whereupon the Generall calling together the best experimented men hee had and consulting with them what was best to bee done it was resolued that Generall Michael Angel should goe aboord the Daintie and with him threescore Mariners as many Souldiers and with them the English men who were able to labour to free her from water and to put her in order if it were possible and then to recouer Perico the Port of Panama for that of those to wind-wards it was impossible to turne vp to any of them and neerer then to â—eward was not any that could supply our necessities and wants which lay from vs East North-east aboue two hundred leagues Michael Angel being a man of experience and care accomplished that hee tooke in hand although in cleering and bayling the water in placing a pumpe and in fitting and mending her Fore-saile he spent aboue six and thirtie houres During which time the Ships lay all a hull but this worke ended they set saile and directed their course for the Iles of Pearles And for that the Daintie sailed badly what for want of her Maine-saile and with the aduantage which all the South Sea ships haue of all those built in our North Sea The Admirall gaue her a taw which notwithstanding the wind calming with vs as wee approached neerer to the Land twelue daies were spent before wee could fetch sight of the Ilands which lie alongst the Coast beginning some eight leagues West South-west from Panama and run to the Southwards neere thirtie leagues They are many and most inhabited and those which haue people haue some Negros slaues vnto the Spaniards which occupie themselues in labour of the Land or in fishing for Pearles In times past many enriched themselues with that trade but now it is growne to decay The manner of fishing for Pearles is with certaine long Pinnasses or small Barkes in which there goe foure fiue six or eight Negros expert swimmers and great dieuers whom the Spaniards call Busos with tract of time vse and continuall practise hauing learned to hold their breath long vnder water for the better atchieuing their worke These throwing themselues into the Sea with certaine instruments of their Art goe to the bottome and seeke the Bankes of the Oysters in which the Pearles are ingendred and with their force and Art remoue from their foundation in which they spend more or lesse time according to the resistance the firmnesse of the ground affordeth Once losed they put them into a bag vnder their armes and after bring them vp into their Boats hauing loaden it they goe to the shoare there they open
whence infinite benefits are likely to issue forth which will liue as long as the fabrick of the World shall subsist and after the dissolution thereof will remaine to all Eternitie 1. Touching the extent of these Regions newly discouered grounding my iudgement on that which I haue seene with mine owne eyes and vpon that which Captaine Lewes Paez de Torres Admirall of my Fleet hath represented vnto your Maiestie the length thereof is as great as all Europe and Asia the lesse vnto the Sea of Bachu Persia and all the Iles aswell of the Ocean as of the Mediterranean Sea taking England and Island into this account This vnknowne Countrey is the fourth part of the Terrestriall Globe and extendeth it selfe to such length that in probabilitie it is twice greater in Kingdomes and Seignories then all that which at this day doth acknowledge subiection and obedience vnto your Maiestie and that without neighbourhood either of Turkes or Moores or of any other Nation which attempteth warre vpon confining Countreyes The Land which we haue discouered is all seated within the Torrid Zone and a great tract thereof reacheth vnto the Equinoctiall Circle the breath may be of 90. degrees and in some places a little lesse And if the successe proue answerable vnto the hopes they will be found Antipodes vnto the better part of Africke vnto all Europe and to the greater portion of Asia But you must obserue that as the Contreyes which we haue discouered in 15. degrees of latitude are better then Spaine so the other which are opposed to their eleuation must by proportion and analogie prooue some terrestriall Paradise 2. All those quarters swarme with an incredible multitude of Inhabitants whereof some are white others blacke and in colour like Mulatos or halfe Moores and others of a mingled complexion Some weare their haire long blacke and scattered others haue their haire cripsed and thicke and others very yellow and bright Which diuersitie is an apparant argmument that there is an apparant argument that there is commerce and communication amongst them And this consideration together with the bountie which Nature hath bestowed on the soile their inexperience of Artillery and Guns and their vnskilfulnesse in labouring in Mynes with other semblable circumstances doth induce mee to inferre that all the Countrey is well peopled They know little what belongeth to artificiall Trades for they haue neither fortifications nor walles and liue without the awe of Kings or Lawes They are a simple people cantoned into partialities and exercise much disagreement amongst themselues The Armes which they vse are Bowes and Arrowes which are not poisoned or steeped in the iuice of venemous herbes as the custome is of many other Countreyes They doe also carrie Clubs Truncheons Pikes Dartes to hurle with the arme all which are framed only of wood They doe couer themselues from the waste or girdling place down to the halfe of their thighs they are very studious of cleanlinesse tractable cheerefull and wonderously addicted to bee gratefull vnto those that doe them a courtesie as I haue experienced many times The which doth build in me a beliefe that with the assistance of God if they may be gently and amiably intreated they will bee found very docible and easie of mannage and that we shall without much worke accommodate our selues vnto them And it is most necessary to obserue this way of sweetnesse especially in the beginning that the Inhabitants may be drawne along to this so holy and sauing an end whereof we ought to take a particular care and zeale aswell in small things as in matters of more importance Their houses are built of wood couered with Palme-tree leaues they haue Pitchers and Vessels made of earth they are not without the mysterie of weauing and other curiosities of that kind They worke on Marble they haue Flutes Drummes and wooden Spoones they set apart certaine places for Oratories and Prayers and for buriall places Their Gardens are artificially seuered into beds bordered and paled Mother of Pearle and the shels which containe Pearle they haue in much vse and estimation of which they make Wedges Rasors Sawes Culters and such like Instruments They also doe make thereof Pearles and great Beads to weare about their neckes They that doe dwell in the Ilands haue Boats very artificially made and exceedingly commodious for sayling which is a certaine argument that they confine vpon other Nations that are of a more polished and elegant behauiour And this also they haue of our husbandry that they cut Cocks and geld Boares 3. Their bread is vsually made of three sorts of Roots which grow there in great abundance Neither doe they imploy much labour in making this bread for they do onely rost the Roots vntill they are soft and tender They are very pleasant to the taste wholsome and nourishing they are of a good lengâ—h there being of them of an Ell long and the halfe of that in bignesse There is great store of excellent fruits in these Countreyes There are sixe kinds of Plane Trees Almond Trees of foure sorts and other Trees called Obi resembling almost in fruit and greatnesse the Melacatones store of Nuts Orenges and Limonds They haue moreouer Sugar-canes large in size and in great plentie they haue knowledge of our ordinarie Apples they haue Palme-trees without number out of which there may easily bee drawne a iuyce which will make a liquor alluding much to Wine as also Whey Vineger and Honey the kernels thereof are exceeding sweet And they haue fruits which the Indians call Cocos which being greene doe make a kinde of twine and the pith is almost like in taste vnto the Creame of Milke When they are ripe they serue for meate and drinke both by Land and Sea And when they wither and fall from the Tree there sweateth out an Oyle from them which is very good to burne in Lampes and is medicinable for wounds and not vnpleasant to be eaten Of their rindes or barks there are made Bottles and other like Vessels and the inner skin doth serue for calking of ships Men doe make Cables and other Cordage of them which are of sufficient strength to draw a Canon and are fit for other domesticke vses But that which is more speciall they do there vse the leaues of Palme-trees which they a masse together to make sayles of them for Vessels of small bulke and burthen They make likewise fine thinne Mats of them and they do serue to couer the house without and for hangings within And of them they doe likewise make Pikes and other sorts of weapons as also Oares to row with and Vtensils for the house You are to note that these Palme-trees are their Vines from whence they gather their Wine all the yeere long which they make without much cost or labour Amongst their herbage and Garden fruites Wee haue seene Melons Peares great and little and sundry sorts of pot-herbes And they haue also Beanes For flesh they are stored
of Peru great store of Gold and asking the Indians from whence it came they answered from Chili wherefore Don Diego de Almagro which was one of the Captaines that conquered Peru went vpon this newes toward Chili with three hundred Horsemen Now he must go round about the Mountains of Snow which way the Indians that were his guides did carrie this Captaine because they should die all of cold Yet the Spaniards although they lost some of their Horses came to the first Inhabitance of Chili called Copiapo which is the first plain land in the entring of the Prouince but from hence he returned backe againe for Peru because he had newes that the Indians had risen against the Spaniards enclosed them vpon which newes he returned without going any farther into the Countrey Now this Captayne Don Diego de Almagro beeing slaine in the Warres of Peru after his death another Captayne called Don Pedro de Baldiuia with foure hundred Horsemen went vnto Chili and with smali labour he ouercame halfe the Countrey which were subiect to the Kings of Peru for they of Chili knowing that Poru was ouercome by the Spaniards they straight way yeelded the Land vnto the Spaniards but the other halfe which was the richest and the fruitfullest part so had God made the men the valiants and most furious that shall be found among all the Sauage people in the whole Land The Prouince which they inhabit called El Estado de Arauco is but a small Prouince about twentie leagues in length and is gouerned by ten principall men of the Countrey out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their Generall in the Warres The Kings of Peru in times past could neuer conquer this part of Chili nor yet any other Kings of the Indians The weapons vsed by these people of Arauco are long Pikes Halberds Bowes and Arrowes they also make them Iacks of Seale-skinnes and Head-pieces in times past the heads of their Halberds and Pikes were of Brasse but now they haue gotten store of Iron They pitch their battels in manner like the Christians for putting their Pikemen in rankes they place Bowmen among them and marshall their troupes with discretion and great valour Now the Spaniards comming vnto this Prouince sent word vnto them by other Indians saying that they were the children of God and came to teach them the Word of God and that therefore they ought to yeeld themselues vnto them if not they would shoot fire among them and burne them These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards but desiring to see that which they had heard reported met them in the field and fought a most cruell battell but by reason of the Spaniards great Ordnance and Caleeuers they were in the end put to flight Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God because of their great Ordnance which made such a noise and breathed out such flames of fire yeelded themselues vnto them So the Spaniards hauing diuided this Prouince made the Indians to serue their turnes for getting of Gold out of the Mynes which they enioyed in such abundance that he which had least had twentie thousand Pezos but Captaine Baldiuia himselfe had three hundred thousand Pezos by the yeere The fame of these riches in the end was spred as farre as Spaine from whence soone after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili whom Captaine Baldiuia caused to inhabit sixe Townes to wit Villa nueua de la Serena called in the Indian Tongue Coquimbo the second Sant Iago which the Indians call Mapocha the third La Conception called by the Indians Penco the fourth La Imperial the fift Baldiuia and the sixt La Villa Rica Also he built a Fort in the middle of all the land wherein he put Ordnance and Souldiers how beit all this their good successe continued not long for the Indians in short time perceiung that the Spaniards were but mortall men as well as they determined to rebell against them wherefore the first thing that they did they carried grasse into the said Fort for the Spaniards Horses and wood also for them to burne among which grâ—â—â—e the Indians conueyed Bowes and Arrowes with great Clubs This done fiftie of the Indians entred the Fort be tooke themselues to their Bowes Arrows and Clubs and stood in the gate of the said Fort from whence making a signe vnto other of their Nation for helpe they wanne the Fort and slue all the Spaniards The newes of this ouerthrow comming to the Towne of Conception where Captaine Baldiuia was he presently set forth with two hundred Horsemen to seeke the Indians taking no more men with him because hee was in haste And in a Plaine hee met the Indians who comming of purpose also to seeke him and compassing him about slue most part of his companie the rest escaping by the swiftnesse of their Horses but Baldiuia hauing his Horse slaine vnder him was taken aliue Whom the Indians wished to be of good courage and to feare nothing for the cause said they why wee haue taken you is to giue you Gold enough And hauing made a great banquet for him the last seruice of all was a Cup full of melted Gold which the Indians forced him to drinke saying Now glut thy selfe with Gold and so they killed him This Baldiuia was a most valiant man who had beene an old Souldier in the Warres of Italie and at the sacking of Rome Vpon this discomfiture the Spaniards chose for their Captaine one Pedro de Uilla grande who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili and taking with him ten pieces of Ordnance marched against those Indians but with so bad successe that hee lost not onely the field and many of his men but also those ten Peeces of Ordnance which he brought The Indians hauing thus gotten the victorie went straightway against the Towne of Concepcion from whence the Spaniards fled for feare and left the Towne desolate And in this manner were the Spaniards chased by the Indians out of the Countrie of Arauco But newes hereof being brought to the Marqueste of Cannete Vice-roy of Pern he sent his sonne Don Garcia de Mendoza against those Indians with a great power of Horsemen and Footmen and store of Artilerie This Nobleman hauing subdued Chili againe and slaine in diuers battels aboue fortie thousand Indians and brought them the second time vnder the Spaniards subiection newly erected the said Fort that stood in the midst of the Land inhabited the Towne of Concepcion againe and built other Townes for the Spaniards and so leauing the Land in peace he returned for Peru. But ere he was cleane departed out of the land the Indians rebelled again but could not do so much mischiefe as they did before because the Spaniards tooke better heed vnto them From that time vntil this present there hath beene no peace at all for not withstanding many Captianes and Souldiers
him and by an Interpreter signified that hee came to his Excellency by the mandate of the Imperiall Maiestie and that with the authoritie of the Roman Bishop Vicar of the heauenly Sauiour which hath giuen to Cesar the Lands before vnknowne and now first discouered that hee might send thither learned and godly men to preach his most holy Name publikely to those Nations and to free them from Diabolicall errours Hauing thus said he gaue to the King the Law of God and sayth that he had created all things of nothing and beginning with Adam and Eue tells how Christ had assumed flesh in the wombe of the Virgin and died on the Crosse after which he rose againe and ascended into Heauen Then auerring the articles of the resurrection and of euerlasting life he sheweth that Christ appointed Peter his first Vicar for the gouerment of the Church and that this power succeeded to his successors the Popes declaring lastly the power and wealth of Caesar the King of Spaine Monarch of the whole world Therefore the King should doe as became him if he accepted his friendship and became his tributarie and vassall and if lastly hee reiected his false gods and should become a Christian. Which if he would not doe voluntarily let him know that he should thereunto be compelled by force and armes The King answered that not vnwillingly hee would accept the friendship of the chiefe Monarch of the world but for a free King to pay tribute to a man whom hee had neuer seene seemed scarsely honest or iust As for the Pope he must needs appeare to be a foole and a shamelesse man which was so bountifull in giuing that which is none of his owne Touching Religion he denied that hee would alter that which hee professed and if they beleeued in Christ whom they confessed to haue died on the Crosse they also beleeued in the Sunne which neuer died And how sayth he to the Frier doe you knowe that the Christians God created all things of nothing and died on the Crosse The Frier answered that hee was taught it by his Booke and withall reached it to him which he looking on said it said nothing to him and threw it to the ground The Frier presently tooke vp his Booke and cried amaine to the Spaniards Goe to Christians goe to and make them smart for so hainous a deed the Gospels are derided and throwne away Kill these Dogs which so stubbornly despise the Law of God Presently Pizarro giues the signe and leades forth his men The Gunnes amaze the Indians as also the Horses Drummes and Trumpets Easily are they hereby and terrour of their Swords chased and Atabaliba himselfe taken by Pizarro which commanded the footmen without hurt or slaughter of any Spaniard Ferdinand his brother Captaine of the Horse made a great slaughter amongst the Indians sparing neither age nor sexe and filling the wayes with Carkasses The Frier also all the time of the battell animated the Spaniards admonishing them to vse the thrust rather then the stroke with their Swords for feare of breaking them The next day Pizarro visits his prisoner and giueth him good words who grieued with his chaines couenanted for his ransome to giue them as much Gold and Siluer vessels so that they should not breake them as should fill vp the roome as high as a man could reach But when halfe so much was not brought in a moneths space they perswaded Pizarro to kill him The King excused himselfe by the length of the way that it could not come in so soone If they would send to Cusco they might see themselues cause to credit him Soto is sent thither with two Spaniards which met Indians all the way laden with treasure Almagro came to the sharing of this ransome Pizarro notwithstanding retayned his former purpose to kill him that so hee might enioy the Countrey Atabaliba desired to bee sent to Caesar which hee refused And none that consented to his death came to a prosperous end When Pizarro had told him of the Sentence hee exclaimed bitterly and then turning with his deuotions to the Sunne hee expostulated with Pizarro for breaking his oath not onely to restore him to libertie vpon his ransome but to depart out of his Countrie but hee commanded his Negros to execute him which with a cord fastned to a sticke and wrung about his necke was soone dispatched Then marched hee to Cusco and was encountrered by Quisquiz Atabalibas Captaine whom hee ouerthrew and entred Cusco by force and got there more prey then before by Atabaliba The Souldiers tortured the Inhabitants to confesse their treasures yea some killed the Indians in sport and gaue them to their Dogges to eate After this hee beganne the Citie of Kings on the Riuer of Lima and made Almagro Gouernour of this new Prouince Caesar also gaue him priuiledge to bee Marshall of Peru and to conquer three hundred miles further then Pizarros conquest for himselfe Hence arose suspicions and iealousies of Pizarro to Almagro and after some quarrels Almagro is sent to Chili by Pizarro so to ridde his hands honourably of him New Oathes also passed Hee passeth ouer the snowy Hills where diuers both Men and Horses were frozen to death Pizarro receiueth soone after the title of Marquesse from Caesar. Mango Inga brother of Atabaliba whom Francis Pizarro in those broyles had crowned was by Fernandez Pizarro taken and committed to chaines in Cusco and vpon great promises by his brother Iohn freed who seeing the Spaniards tooke a course of robbery rather then warre rebelled slue many Spaniards at their Mines and sent a Captaine to Cusco which tooke it and slue Iohn Pizarro with some Spaniards The Spaniards againe recouered it and againe lost it Mango besieging it with an hundred thousand Indians which burnt it and slue the Spaniards The Marquesse sent Diego Pizarro with seuentie Spaniards against Mango but not one of them was left to carrie tidings of their destruction About the same time Morgonius had like successe with his Spanish Band going to relieue Cusco Gonçales Tapia was sent with eightie horse but he and most of his were slaine neere Guamanga Gaeta another Captaine with his fiftie Spaniards ranne the same fortune The Marquesse sends Godoies with fortie Horse but he being assayled and seeing his men slaine fled and brought newes to Lima. Then did the Marquesse send Peter Lerma with fiftie Horse and followed himselfe and slue many of the Indians in battell two hundred Horses and foure hundred Spaniards had beene lost neither could hee heare of his brethren any thing He sent therefore to Cortese to Truxillo Nicaragua Panama to Alonso Aluarado who first came to his succour with three hundred Spaniards the most Horsemen He ouerthrew Tizoia Mangos chiefe Commander with 50000. Indians and againe in another battell Meane while Almagro whom the Marquesse thought to bee dead returneth out of Chili which had not answered his expectations the fame
the King These were Incas legitimate of great experience in Warre and Peace And these foure only were Counsellors of State Roca succeeded his Father Manco he was called Sinchi that is valiant excelling in manly feates of Actiuity Running Leaping casting stones or Darts Wrestling any of his time His Fathers Obsequies beeing finished hee sought to augment his Empire assembled his Curacas to that end and put them in minde of that which his Father had said to them when he would returne to Heauen commanding the conuersion of the Indians to the knowledge and worship of the Sunne whereunto he was now obliged by his place and for the profit of the bordering Nations which had need thereof They promised all readinesse and he made his expedition to Collasuyu and perswaded with faire words the Nations Puchina and Chanchi being simple and credulous of euery noueltie as are all the Indians and so proceeded without violence twentie leagues that way to the people Chuncara in all things following his Fathers example Hee also brought in other Nations on each hand some affirme a great many He is thought to haue reigned thirtie yeeres and then professing that he went to rest with his Father the Sunne hee left Lloque Yupanqui his sonne to succeed him and a numerous Issue besides His name Lloque signifieth left handed for so he was Yupanqui was added for his vertues and signifieth thou shalt account or reckon to wit his great exploits and good parts If any thinke the word may imply aswell the recounting of vices let him know that in that Language it is not so the same Verbe not beeing flexible to euill transition which is vsed to good nor to good which may be applyed to euill but their elegance enforceth a change of the Verbe in change of the obiect The name Yupanqui as that of Capac were for their merits giuen to three other Incas He reduced vnder subiection proceeding by the Collasuyu the people Cama by perswasions The Ayavari refused and fought with him and after fortified themselues and indured many skirmishes but by siege and famine were subdued After that he went to Pucara which was a Fortresse builded by him and sent to the Pancarcolla and Hatuncolla which listned to his proposition being a great Nation or rather a multitude of Nations which had many fables of their originall some from a Fountaine others from a Caue others from a Riuer They worshipped a white Ramme as their principall God being Lords of much cattell They said that the first Ram in the world aboue made more reckoning of them then other Indians and had multiplied their Cattell They offered to that Ram Lambs and tallow in Sacrifice All of them agreed in this Ram deitie in other their gods differing but now exchanged all for the Sunne Afterwards Titicaca and Chucuytu and Hurin Paâ—â—ssa were subdued by him Now to intermixe somewhat of the Sciences which the Incas had Their Astrologie and and naturall Philosophie was little by reason their Amautas or Pphylosopher wanted letters They betâ—er vnderstood mortall learning and left it written in the practise of their lawes They obserued the solstices and equinoctials by certaine towers The Moone and Moneth they called Quilla the yeare huata The eclipses of the Moone they attribâ—ted to her sicknesse fearing that she would dye and fall from heauen and kill all below and therefore they sounded Trumpets Cornets Drums and such Instrumencs as they had beating and making their Dogs also to houle thinking her affectioned to Dogges for a certaine seruice which they fable done by them and therefore imagine she would respect them and awake out of her sleepe caused by sicknesse The ecclipse of the Sunne they say happeneth for some offence done against him for which he is angrie The spots in the Moone they fable to haue come of a Foxe which being in loue with the Moones beautie went to heauen and touching her with his forefeete left those foule memorials They make their children to cry Maâ—â—a Quilla Mother Moone doe not dye lest all perish The men and women cry likewise in her ecclipse with horrible noise when she recouers her light they say Pachacamac hath cured her and commanded her not to dye that the world should not perish and giue her great thankes All this I haue seene with mine eyes The lightning and thunder they adore not for gods but honour and esteeme them as the Sunnes seruants resident in the ayre not in heauen Like account they make of the Rainebow which the Kings Incas placed in their armes and scutchion In the house of the Sunnâ— was a roome for each of them They made no Prognostications nor Predictions by signes of the Sunne Moone Comets but by their dreames often and strange and by their sacrifices The Sun euery euening set in the Sea and with his heate dried vp much of the water and swam vnder the earth thorow it to the East For Phisicke they vsed purging and bleeding but had no skill of Vrines or Pulse some rootes and hearbes they made medicinable vse of especially of Tobacco In Geometrie they had some skill for partitions of their grounds but nothing for speculation and so much Geographie as with plats or pictures to expresse the Nations I haue seene one of Cusco and the confines admirably artificiall Arithmeticke they practised with knots as is said and with graines of Maiz and small stones making perfect accompts Musicke they had in some ruâ—es of art with diuers Instruments as Pipes proportioned to a consort and flutes and songs The Amautas also had some practise of Poetrie and composed Comedies and Tragedies The Actors were not base persons but Incas and the Nobilitie sonnes of the Curâ—â—as The argument was the acts of their ancestors These were represented before the King and Lords at Court They had no base or dishonest parts intermixed They made Verses short and long with measuring the syllables without rimes I haue giuen an instance the argument is like that of Iupiter and Iuno in our Poets the daughter of a King had a pitcher full of water to moisten the earth which her brother brake and with the blow caused thunders and lightnings They were found in knots and particoloureâ— threads being very ancient The words are thus in Peruan and English the syllables also in like number and meeter Cumac Nusta Totallay quim Puyunuy quita Paquir Cayan Hina Mantara Cunun numum Ylla pantac Camri Nusta Unuyu Quita Para Munqui May 〈…〉 piri Chich◠〈…〉 qui Riti munqui Pacha rurac Pacha camac Vira cocha Cay hâ—â—apac Châ—rasâ—nqui Cama sunqui Fairest of Nimphes Thine owne Brother This thy Pitcher Now is breaking Whose hard striking Thunders lightens And throwes fire-bolts But thou sweet Nimph Thy faire Pitcher Powring rainest Sometimes also Thou sendst forth haile Thou sendst forth snow The worlds maker Pachacamac Viracocha To this office Hath
and of the Cloister Where the Idoll of the Sunne was there is now the blessed Sacrament and in the Cloister are Processions and yeerely Festiuals in the Couent of Saint Domingo Hee sent his sonne in another Expedition who comming to the Valley entred Pachacamacs Temple but without Sacrifices or verball Orisons onely professing mentall adoration He visited also the Temple of the Sunne with rich offerings and then the Idoll Rimac and after marched to Huamac where Chimu a great Lord reigned from thence to Truxillo in the Vallies Parmunca Huallmi Santa Huarapu and Chimu Here while Chimu would admit no new Gods a bloudy warre followed which at last ended in his vassallage The Inca now hauing enlarged his estate aboue an hundred and thirty leagues North and South and in breadth from the Hills to the Sea some sixtie or seuenty leagues fell to founding Townes Temples Stâ—re-houses and reformed the Empire ennobled the Schooles augmented the Schoole-masters caused all the Caracas and all Officers to learne the Cusco Language as common and much enlarged Cozco Hee reigned about fiftie yeeres or as others aboue sixtie and left Ynca Yupanqui his successor leauing aboue three hundred sonnes and daughters The Spanish Authours confound the father and the sonne Many of his sentences and lawes are recorded by the authour here omitted as likewise the transplanting of Colonies order of bringing vp the Curacas heires in the Court the common or Court Tongue the description of Cozco the Schooles and the three Royall Palaces Almes c. for all these I remit the curious to the Authour fearing blame for this our length Yet their chiefe Feast of the Sun rites of triall and installing of Knights I haue added Cozco was another Rome in which the Sunne had foure Festiuall solemnities obserued the principall in Iune which they called Yntip Raymi as it were The Sunnes Easter and absolutely Raymi in acknowlegement of the Sunnes Deity ouer all and his being Father of the Incas Manco and his descendants All the principall Captaines which were not then in the warres came to it and all the Curacas not by precept but of deuotion in adoration of the Sunne and veneration of the Inca. And when age sicknesse distance or businesse in the Kings affaires detained them they sent their sonnes or brethren with the chiefe of their kindred to that solemnitie The King did performe the first ceremonies as Chiefe Priest for although they had a high Priest alwaies of the bloud Royall Brother or Vncle to the King legitimate by Father and Mother yet in this Feast proper to the Sunne the King himselfe as first-borne of the Sunne was the principall Solemnâ—zer The Curacas came in their greatest brauerie and best deuises some like Hercules in Lions skinnes with their heads in the Lions head-skinne as boasting of descent from a Lion some like Angels with great wings of a Cuntur fourteene or fifteene foot distant in the extremes stretched out as descended of that Fowle some with vizors of most abominable and deformed formes and those are the Yuncas others with golden and siluer ornaments and others with other inuentions Euery Nation carried the armes which they vsed in fight as Bowes and Arrowes Dâ—rts Slings Clubs Lances Axes c. the pictures also of whatsoeuer exploits they had done in the seruice of the Sunne oâ— Incas Once all came in their best accoultrements and brauerie that they were able They prepared themselues to this festiuitie with a rigorous Fast in three dayes eating nothing but a little white raw Mayz and a few herbs with water not kindling a fire in the Citie or accompanying with their wiues all that time The Fast ended or the night before the Feast the Priests Incas made ready the Sacrifices and Offerings which euery Nation is to prouide The women of the Sunne make that night a great quantity of dowe of Maiz called çancu whereof they make little loues as bigge as a common Apple Neyther do these Indians euer eat their Maiz made into bread but at this Feast and at another called Citua then eating two or three bits at the beginning of the meale their ordinary meales in stead of bread haue çara parched or boyled in graine The Virgins of the Sunne prepare this bread for the Inca and those of his bloud for the rest innumerable other women are appointed which make it with Religious care In the morning early the Inca goeth accompanied with all his kindred 〈…〉 ed according to their age and dignitie to the chiefe street of the Citie called Haucapata and there expect the Sunne rising all barefooted looking to the East with great attention as soone as he peepes forth fall on their elbowes which is as kneeling here adoring him with their armes open and their hands before their faces giuing kisses to the ayre as in Spaine it is the vse to kisse a mans owne hand or the Princes garment so acknowledging him their God The Curacas set themselues in another street next thereto called Cussipata and make the same adoration After this the King riseth on his feet others remaning on their elbowes and taketh two great vessels of Gold full of drinke the one in his right hand as in the name and steed of the Sunne as if he did drinke to his kindred this was their greatest courtesie of the Sâ—perior to the Inferior and amongst friends to giue them drinke and powres it into a pipe of Gold by which it runneth into the house of the Sunne After this he drinketh part of that in his left hand giuing the rest to the Incas in a small Cup or out of the same vessell this sanctifying or giuing vertue to all that is brought forth euery man drinking a draught The Curacas drinke of that which the women of the Sunne haue made This done they went all in order to the House of the Sunne and two hundred paces before they came at the doore they put off their shooes only the King stayed till hee came at the doore Then the Inca and his entred in and adored the Image of the Sunne as naturall Sonnes The Curacas abode in the street before the Temple The Inca offered with his owne hands the vessels in which he had done that ceremony the other Incas gaue their vessels to the Priests for they which were not Priests might not doe the Priestly office although they were of the bloud The Priests hauing receiued the Incas offered vessels went forth to receiue those of the Curacas which brought them in order of their antiquity as they had bin subiect to the Empire they gaue also other things of Gold and Silâ—er with Sheep Lizards Toads Snakes Foxes Tigres Lions variety of Birds and whatsoeuer most abounded in their Countries The offerings ended they returned to their streets in order Then the Incas Priests bring sorth great store of Lambes barren Ewes and Rams of all colours for sheep
in those parts are of al colours as Horses in these all being the Câ—â—tle of the Sun They take a black Lambe which they esteeme the holiest colour for Sacrifices and the Kings weare commonly black and offer that first for Soothsaying a thing vsed by them in all things of moment in peace and warre looking into the heart and lungs for prognostications they set the head to the East not tying any of his feet open him aliue being holden by three or foure Indians and that on the left side to take out his heart and entrals with their hands without cutting The best Augury was if the lungs mooued when they were taken forth the worst if the Sacrifice in the opening arose on the feet ouercomming those which held it If one prooued vnluckie they assayed another of a Ram and another of a barren Ewe if all prooued vâ—â—ucky they gaue ouer keeping the Feast and said the Sunne was angry for some fault which they had done and expected wars Dearth Murrayne c. After this Augury they opened not the other Sacrifices aliue but cut off their heads offering the bloud and heart to the Sun The fire which they vsed must bee new giuen them as they said by the hands of the Sunne which they did by the force of the Sunne beames shining thorow a Iewell which the High Priest held in his hand as by a burning Glasse on Cotton With this fire they burned the Sacrifice and rosted that dayes flesh and carried thereof to the Temple of the Sunne and to the house of Virgins to keepe all the yeere And if the Sunne did not shine they made fire with motion of two smooth round stickes but this absence or refusall of the Sunne they esteemed vnlucky All the flesh of those Sacrifices was rosted openly in the two streets aforesaid they parted it amongst the Incas Curacas and common people which were at the Feast giuing it with the bread çancu After this they had many other Viands and when they had done eating they fell to drinking in which vice they exceeded though now the Spaniards example haue that way done good and this vice is infamous amongst them The Inca sitting in state sends his Kinsmen to the principall in his name to make them drinke first the valorous Captaynes next the Curacas which haue not bin Commanders in war then to Cozco-Incas by priuiledge the manner was this the Inca which brought the drinke said the Capa Inca sends thee banketting drinke and I come in his name to drinke with thee The Captaine or Curaca tooke the Cup with great reuerence and lifted vp his eyes to the Sunne as giuing him thankes for such a fauour and hauing drunke returned the Cup to the Inca with shew of adoration not speaking one word Hee sends to the Captaines in generall but to some speciall Curacas only the rest the Incas in their owne name and not in the Kings cause to drinke The Cups were holden in great veneration because the Capa Inca had touched them with his hands and lips After this beginning they fell to freer drinking one to another and after that to dancing the Feast continuing nine dayes with great iollity but the Sacrifices held but the first and after they returned to their Countries Now for their Knights till they had that order they were not capeable of the dignities of warre or peace The youths of the Royall bloud for none else might be in election from sixteene yeeres old vpwards first made experiments of themselues in rigorous tryals whether they could indure the hard Aduentures of warre Euery yeere or each other yeere these noble youths were shut vp in a house where old Masters examined them They were to fast seuen dayes strictly with a little raw 〈…〉 ne and water to try their endurance of hunger and thirst Their Parents and brethren al 〈…〉 ed for them to intreate the Sunne to fauour them They which could not sustaine this fast were reiected as vnsufficient After this they heartned them with meate and tryed their actiuitie in running of a certaine Race a league and halfe long where was a Banner set which he that first came at was Captaine of the rest others also to the tenth were subordinately honoured Their next tryall was in skirmish one halfe to keepe the other to get a Fort and they which were now keepers were another day besiegers where eagernesse and emulation sometimes cost some their liues in that ludicrous warre Then followed wrestling betwixt equals leaping throwing small and great stones also a Launce and a Dart and other Armes shooting casting with a sling and exercise in all weapons of warre They caused them to watch ten or twelue nights as Centinels comming suddenly on them at vncertaine houres shaming those which they found sleeping They tryed with wands how they could indure stripes beating them cruelly on the armes and legs where the Indians goe bare and if they made any sad remonstrance of sorrow they reiected them saying how would they beare their enemies weapons They were to bee in manner vnsensible A Fencer also made semblance with a two hand Club called Macana another while witâ— a Pike to hit or strike them and if they shrugged or in their eyes or body made shew of feare they were reiected Next they made triall whether they had skill to make their armes of all sorts and shooes called Vsuta like those which the Franciscans weare After all these the Captaines and Masters of these Ceremonies tell them of their pedigree from the Sunne the noble Acts of their Ancestors and instruct them in courage clemency and mildenesse to the poore with other parts of morality The Heire apparant indured no lesse rigorous tryals then others except in running for the Banner and all that tryall time which was from one New Moone to another he went in poore and vile habit to teach him to pity the poore These things done the King solemnly attended made a Speech to them and each on their knees receiued at his hand the first Ensigne of dignity which was to boare a hole in their eares The New Knight kissed his hand and the next person to the Inca put off his Vsutas and put him on gallant shooes of Wooll Then did he goe to another place where other Incas put him on breeches as the token of manhood which before he might not weare after which they put on his head two kinds of flowres and a leafe of another herbe which will long keepe greene No other men might weare those flowres The Prince had the same Ensignes and differed only in his yellow fringe of Wooll which none but he and that first after his tryall might weare and an Axe of Armes with a kinde of Iaueline aboue a yard long which when they put in his hand they said Aucunapac that is for tyrant Traytors The Kings fringe was coloured he ware besides on his head two feathers of a Bâ—rd called Coreqâ—enque which are
Subiects and for better execution of Iustice by his Officers and Iudges in which he spent foure yeeres This done he leuied forty thousand Souldiers to proceed in the course of his Fathers which palliated their ambition of Souereigntie and Dominion with reducing men from Barbarisme and beastiality to Ciuility and Religion He marched to Cassamarca and entred the Prouince of Chachapuya Eastwards from Cassamarca a Countrey of valiant men and very faire women They worshipped Snakes and the bird Cuntur was their principall God It then contayned aboue fortie thousand Families Their chiefe Armes were slings and they wore a kinde of sling-net for their head tyre hee cals both by the name honda Beyond them are the Huacrachucu a fierce and warly Nation which weare on their head a blacke leash of Wooll with white flyes here and there and for a feather a piece of a Deeres horne these worshipped in those times Snakes and kept them pictured in their Temples and houses These lay in the way to the former and much bloud was lost in fight on both sides whereupon the Inca after their ancient custome sought to reduce them by faire meanes intimating that hee came more to doe them good as they had done to other Nations suffering the Curacas to rule still then to rule ouer them seeking no more but that they should worship the Sunne and leaue their barbarousnesse He diuided his Armie and sent some to take the most commodious places so that they were forced to seeke peace He stayed there the Countrey being rainy till the next Summer and sent for twenty thousand men more instructing the Huacrachucus meane while in his deuotions and Lawes and to conuay away the waters and make the grounds fit for seed to their great benefit The next Summer hee entred the Prouince Chachapuya where notwithstanding the wonted gentle message he was incountred with a cruell warre This Prouince was fiftie leagues long and twenty broad reaching to Muyupampa which is thirtie leagues long The Hils were craggie and in places very steepe and snowie three hundred which he sent to spie were drowned in the snow not one escaping The prowesse and numbers of the Inca brought all by degrees to subiection Pias Charmac cassa an open passage of the snowie Hill very dangerous where the three hundred were lost Cuntur Marca Cassa Marquilla all Mountaynous and craggie places till hee came to Raymipampa so called of a Feast which he solemnized there to the Sunne in his Campe being a faire Valley and thence to Muyupampa where Ancohualla entred as is before said in Viracochas time rather then he would bee a subiect to the Inca these and Cascuyunca now yeelded The next Summer hee marched on to Huancapampa a great Nation but diuided amongst themselues naked and warring not for wealth but women worshipping Birds Beasts Plants euery one as himselfe pleased These he tamed by hunger staruing such as came not in and gaue them Masters to instruct them in husbandry and how to clothe themselues to water their fields and to plant Townes so that it became one of the best Prouinces in Peru. More to ennoble it hee after built there a Temple and house of Virgins prohibiting the eating of mans flesh and gaue them Priests and men learned in the Lawes to instruct them Afterwards he added three great Prouinces Cassa Ayahuaca and Callua to his Signory which liued ciuilly hauing Townes and Fortresses and a kind of Republike or free State hauing their meetings and choice of Gouernours These Conquests ended he spent long time in visiting his Kingdom and buâ—lding Temples Nunneries Store-houses Aquaeducts especially taking care of the Fortresse at Cozco Some yeeres this way spent hee marched Northward to Huanucu which containeth many disunited Nations whom he easily conquered and planted Townes there being a fertile Countrie and temperate making it the chiefe Prouince of many others in those Confines He built there a Temple for the Sunne and a house of chosen Virgins twenty thousand Indians performing seruices in course to those two houses He went next to the Prouince Cannari which ware their haire long tied on a knot in the Crowne By these head-tires in the time of the Incas each Indian was knowne of what Nation he was which in my time they continued but now they say all is confounded These Cannaris before this worshipped the Moone as chiefe Deity and great Trees and Stones in the second place but now were brought to the Incas Sunne-religion and their Countrie ennobled with a Temple Nunnerie Palaces Water-passages c. The Nation Quillacu is belowe the Cannari the most miserable of Nations neither hauing good land nor aire nor water whence grew a Prouerbe applied to couetous misers hee is a very Quillacu on these the Inca imposed a tribute of Lice that so they might learne to be cleanly Tupac Inca Yupanqui and his sonne Huayna Capac much ennobled those Prouinces of the Cannaris and of Tumipampa with building Royall houses adorning the Lodgings in stead of Tapestry with counterfeits of Herbs Plants and Creatures of gold and siluer the Porches chased with Gold and inlayed with Emeralds and Turquesses a Temple also of the Sunne enchased with Gold and Siluer the Indians custome being to make oftentation of seruice to their Kings and to flatter them filling their Temples and Palaces with all the treasures they were able in Pots Pannes and other vessels of gold and siluer and much costly raiment Hauing returned to Cozco his ambition not long after brought him backe to Tumipampa where he gained many Prouinces vnto the confines of the Kingdome of Quitu viz. Chanchan Moca Quesna Pumallacta that is the Land of Lions by reason of the store there being also worshipped for Gods Ticzampi Tiu cassa Capampi Vrcollasu and Tincuracu barren and barbarous Regions which he sent Masters to teach Ciuilitie and Religion After that he made another expedition with fortie thousand men to Quitu the name of the Kingdome and King It is seuenty leagues long and thirtie broad fertile and rich They worshipped Deere and great Trees The warre continuing long he sent for his sonne Huayna Capac to come with twelue thousand men more to exercise him in warre Huayna Capac signifieth from a childe rich in magnanimous exploits Capac was a title giuen to things of greatest eminence And this seemed praeeminent in him that he neuer denied any woman any sute vâ—ing to them gentle compellations of Mother Sister Daughter according to their age c. Tupac Inca returned to Cozco and left his sonne to dispatch the warre which was three yeeres before Quitu was reduced beside two yeeres which his father spent the reason whereof was the Incas custome to gaine not by fire and sword but as they could make the Natiues forsake it which had this effect that their conquest was more durable and their vassals bare them better affection At the
end of those fiue yeeres the King of Quituâ—â—ed â—â—ed and the people subiected them to Huayna Capac which vsed them gently He passed on to Quillacenca that is Iron-nose Prouince so called for their boring the nostrils and wearing Iewels thereat a vile brutish lousy People without Religion eating any carion They were easily subiected as likewise the next Prouince of like condition Pastu and Otauallu a People more ciuill and warlike and Caranque a barbarous Nation which worshipped Tigres and Lions and great Snakes in their Sacrifices offering the hearts and bloud of men which they ouercame in warre these he ciuillized also Tupac Inca was busie in his Fortresse at Cozco keeping twenty thousand men at worke therein with great order and emulation of each Nation to exceed other Huayna Capac returning was receiued with great triumph and because he had no children by his eldest Sister Pillcu Huaco he was secondly married to his second Sister Raua Ocllo the Incas still vsing that marriage in imitation of Manco Capac and for certainty of the bloud on both sides King Tupac and his Councell ordained that both should be lawfull Wiues and holden for Queenes and not for Concubins Hee married also Mama Rucu his Vncle Amara Tupacs eldest daughter the next in bloud to the former hauing no third Sister of whole bloud By Raua Ocllo he had Huascar Inca and by his Cousin-german Manco Inca. Tupac Inca drawing neere to death called together his children which were aboue two hundred and made the wonted discourse or Testament commending peace and iustice and care of their vassals to them and to shew themselues indeed the children of the Sunne recommending to the Prince the reducing and conquest of the Sauages to the seruice of the Sunne and a politike life and to follow the example of his Fore-fathers and to chastise the Huallcauilcas which had slaine his Captaines in rebellion Hee said hâ— was now going to another life his father the Sunne calling him to rest with him Thus died Tupac Inca famous for the benefits done to his Countrie therefore called Tupac Yaya Illustrious Father By Mama Ocllo he had sixe sonnes the eldest Huayna Capac the second Auqui Amaru Tupac Inca the third Quehuar Tupac the fourth Huallpa Tupac Inca Yupanqui my mothers grandfather the fiâ—th Titu Inca Rimachi the sixth Aâ—qui Mayta They embalmed his body which I saw Anno 1559. as if it had beene aliue The rest of this eighth Booke the Authour hath spent in description of the creatures of principall note of those parts in which out of Acosta and others hauing beene tedious already we will not here trouble the Reader THe mighty Huayna Capac after other things set in order hauing a sonne Huascar borne for whom he made twenty dayes feast began to propound great and rare deuises to himselfe One was a Chaine of gold much sought but neuer seene by the Spaniards The Indians vse much dancing and are as easily distinguished one Nation from another by their dances as by their head-tires The Incas had a graue kinde of dancing in measures men alone without women hand in hand singing in their soft paces three hundred or more in a solemne feast the Inca himselfe sometimes dancing with them at other times they danced about still comming neerer to that Royall centre This holding of hands in a ring gaue occasion to make the golden Chaine that they might dance by it without touching hands as I haue heard the fore-mentioned old Inca my mothers Vncle discourse Hee told mee that it contained the length and bredth of the great street of Cozco which is seuen hundred foot and the bignesse of euery linke thereof was he said as bigge as his wrest Augustin de Zarate calls it Maroma a Cable from the report of Indians then liuing and sayth it was as much as two hundred Indians could lift Much haue the Spaniards sought for this and other treasures whereof they could neuer finde any foot-print Prince Ynti Cusi Huallpa that was his name before and signifieth Huallpa the Sunne of reioycing was in memorie of that which was made to honour his birth called Huascar an r added to Huasca which signifieth a Rope their Language not differencing a Chaine from a Rope by which addition Huascar might be without signification and auoyde the ill sound of a Rope which was added to his former name at his waining and polling Feast when hee was two yeeres old After that hee leuied fortie thousand Souldiers and went to Quitu in which Voyage hee tooke for his Concubine the eldest daughter of King Quitu aforesaid which was there kept in the House of the chosen or Nunnerie and by her had Atahuallpa and other children Thence he went to the Plaines and made conquest of the Valley of Chimu now Trugillo and Chacma Pacasmayn Canna Collque Cintu Tucmi Sayanca Mutupi Puchiu Sallana bestowing much cost to conuey water and benefit his new conquests After some time spent at Quitu hee leuied another Armie of fifty thousand and conquered Tumpiz a vicious luxurious People and Sodomiticall which adored Tigres and Lions and sacrificed the hearts and bloud of Men and Chunana Chintuy Collonche and other confining places Hee made a faire Fortresse in Tumpiz and set there a Garrison he built a House of the Sunne and another of Virgins and after that entred into the Prouince Huancauillca which had killed those Masters which his Father Tupac Inca Yupanqui had sent to instruct them Hee commanded all the Curacas to come before him which durst doe no other with all the chiefe men to whom one of the Masters of the Campe made a Speech of their treason and bad demerits Notwithstanding the Inca vsing his naturall clemency and making account of his title Huacchacuyac The benefactor or louer of the poore both pardoned all the common people and would so farre remit the better sort which had beene doers in that businesse that though all had deserued death yet one onely of tenne whom the lot should designe to execution should die and of the Curacas and Captaines each should lose two teeth in the vpper iaw and as many in the lower both they and their descendants in memorie of falsifying their promise to his father They which feared that all should passe the sword were content and the whole Nation would needs both men and women participate in that tooth-losse and did likewise to their sonnes and daughters as if it had beene a fauour One of that Nation I knew in my fathers house at Cozco which largely recounted the premisses The Inca spent much time in visiting his Kingdome from Quitu to Charcas aboue seuen hundred leagues and sent Visitors to Chili whence his father had drawne much Gold This done he raised an Armie of fifty thousand men of the Northerne Prouinces and hauing visited the Temple of Pachacamac and caused the Priests to consult with
to Cassamalca and ascended a great Mountaine the horsemen leading vp their horses sometimes mounting as it were by staires there being no other way till they came to a fortresse of Stone walled with and founded on the rocks As they proceeded in this Mountaine they found it very cold The waters on the top were very cold that without heating they could not drinke them and they set vp their tents and made fires when they staid because of the cold Here came messengers with ten Sheep for a present from Atabalipa which told Pizarro of the great victories which he had had against his brother But hee answered that his Emperour was King of Spaine and of the Indies and Lord of the whole world had many seruants which were greater Lords then Atabalipa and he had sent him into these Countries to draw the people to the knowledge of God to his subiection and with these few Christians said he I haue ouercome greater Lords then is Atabalipa If he will haue friendship I will helpe him in his wars leaue him in his estate but if he choose warre I will doe to him as to the Cacikes of Puna and Tumbez The Indian which Pizarro had sent returned from Caxamalca and related that Atabalipa there abode with an armie and would haue slaine him had hee not said that the like should be done to his Messengers then being with the Spaniards that he could not speake with him but an Vncle of his which had enquired of the Christians and their armes all which he extolled to the vtmost The Gouernor came to Caxamalca the fifteenth of Nouember 1532. Atabalipa sent other messengers with presents Fernando Pizarro was sent to his campe with another Captain which did his message to him but he did not once looke on him but was answered by a principall man till the other Captain signified that he was brother to the Gouernor then the tyrant lifted vp his eyes and obiected the reports of their ill vsage of his Caciques but for his part he would be friend to the Christians taking them to be good men They promised helpe against his enemies He said he would employ them against a Cacique which had rebelled together with his Soldiers Pizarro answered ten of their horsemen would be enough to destroy him without helpe of your Indians Atabalipa laughed and bad they should drinke saying he would the next day see his Brother They to excuse drinking said they fasted but he importuned them and women came forth with vessels of gold full of drinke of Mayz Hee looked on them without speaking a word and they went againe and brought greater vessels of gold whereof they dranke and were licenced to depart There seemed to be 30000. men in the Campe they stood without their tents with lances in their hands like to Pikes The next morning being Saturday came a Messenger from Atabalipa saying that he would come to see him with his people armed He answered that he should vse his pleasure The Gouernour had placed his horse and foote couertly in great houses that they should not stirre forth till opportunity serued the signe being giuen and the Ordnance thereupon discharged then to rush out suddenly from diuers parts assault the Indians And seeing Atabalipa staid so long till neere night he sent a Messenger to him signifying his desire to see him Hereupon he moued to the town with his armie in squadrons singing dancing richly adorned with gold and siluer The Gouernors purpose was to take him aliue therefore expected his entrance into that walled or closed stree of Caxamalca which the Indians had forsaken with the fortresse left to him It was late before he came into the town and being come into the streete he made a stand The Gouernor sent Frier Vincent to him with a Crosse in one hand and a Bible in the other being entred where Atabalipa was he said by an Interpreter I am a Priest of God and teach the Christians things diuine and come likewise to instruct you that which the great God hath taught vs and is written in this Booke And therefore on Gods behalfe and of the Christians I pray you to become their friend for God commands it and it shall be well for you and come to speake with the Gouernor which expects you Atabalipa asked for his Booke which he gaue him shut He not knowing which way to open it the Frier stretched forth his hand to doe it and he with great disdaine hit him on the arme and at last opened it himselfe And without wondring at the letters or paper as other Indians vse cast it a way fiue or six paces from him and to the words which the Frier had said to him he answered with great pride I well wot what thou hast done in this voiage and how thou hast handled my Caciques and taken away their goods The Frier answered the Christans haue not done this but some Indians without the Gouernours knowledge who knowing it caused them to make restitution Atabalipa replied I will not depart hence till they bring it all to me The Frier carried this answer to the Gouernor and that he had throwne the holy Scripture on the ground who presently set on the Indians and came to the litter where Atabalipa was and tooke him by the left arme crying Saint Iames S. Iames. The Ordnance plaied the trumpets founded the horse and foot set forth the Indians fled the horsemen pursuing slaying the footmen killing all in the streete the Gouernour got a wound on the hand in sauing his prisoner In all this hurliburly there was not an Indian which lifted vp his armes against the Christians Pizarro bid his prisoner not be amased at his captiuity for with these Christians though few I haue subiected greater Lords then thou art to the Emperor whose vassall I am who is Lord of Spaine and of all the world aâ—d by his order I am come to conquer these lands that you may come to the knowledge of God c. adding many words of their pitie to the conquered and his good parts and acts The Spaniards had no harme onely one horse had a small wound whereupon the Gouernor thanked God for thebmiracle The Sun was down before they began and the battell lasted halfe an houre 2000. Indians were killed besides those which were wounded and 3000. taken In the stree of Caxamalca Pizarro caused to build a Church for the Masse and fortified the place against all occurrents Atabalipa promised for his ransome to fill a roome 22. foot long and 17. wide with gold vp as high as the middle of the roome higher by one halfe then a mans height in pots and other vessels plates peeces and the same roome twice filled with siluer in two moneths space But so much not comming in so soone the Gouernor sent three men to Cusco February 15. 1533. commanding one of them in the name of his Maiesty presence of
ouer and that passing those Riuers which are foure and very great the many currents tooke the Boat wherewith they went to Sea and foure of them were drowned the rest with much labour passed the Gulfe and that fifteene leagues further they found another and as soone as they met together there two of their companions died in the time that they had trauelled sixtie leagues and that all the rest were yet at the point of death and that all that iournie they had eaten nothing but Creuises and Herbs of the wall and comming to this last Gulfe they said that they found Indians who stood eating of Mulberies who when they saw the Christians they went vnto the other end and so they standing still and deuising meanes to passe the Gulfe an Indian and a Christian came vnto them and being come they knew it was Figheroa one of the foure we had sent before from the Iland of Malhado who recounted vnto them in what manner he and his companions came to that place where two of them and one Indian died all through cold and famine because they were come thither in the hardest time of the yeere and that the Indians had taken Figheroa himselfe and Mâ—ndes which Mendes fled afterwards trauelling the best hee could towards Paâ—â—co and that the Indians followed after him and slue him And that abiding thus with those Indians hee vnderstood that with the Marianes there was a Christian who had passed to the other side and he found him with them whom they call Queuenes Which Christian was Gernando d' Esquiuel a Natiue of Badaioa who came in the company of the Commissary and that from Esquiuell hee vnderstood what end the Gouernour had together with the Auditor and the rest telling them how the Auditor and the Friers had lanched their Boat into the Riuers and comming along the Coast the Gouernour landed his people and went with his Boat vntill they came vnto that great Gulfe where he turned to take in his men and passe ouer to the other side and returned for the Auditor and the Friers and all the rest And he declared that being thus imbarked the Gouernour reuoked the authoritie of his Lieutenant which the Auditor had and gaue that charge vnto a Captaine that went with him called Pantossa And that the Gouernor stayed that night in his Boat would not come on Land and the Master abode with him and one Page who was not well and they had neither water nor any thing to eate in the Boat so about midnight so hard a gale of winde from the North tooke them that it droue the Boat into the Sea before any one saw it for he had nothing to releeue him but one flint stone and they knew not that he had any other thing besides And when the men who remained on the land saw this they went along the Coast and finding the water so rough they made floats with much trouble and paines and so passed ouer vnto the other side And going further they came to the point of an Hill at the water side and found Indians there who when they saw them comming put their things into their Canowes and passed ouer to the other side of the Coast. So the Christians seeing what the time was being in Nouember abode in that Mountaine because they found water wood and certaine Creuises there where through cold and famine by little and little they beganne to die And beside this Pantossa who remained Lieutenant vsed them very ill and not being able to indure it the Sergeant Maior Brother of Vasquez Porealle who came in the fleete from Cuba Master of the Campe reuolted from Pantossa and smote him with a piece of wood with the which blow hee died and such as died became the morsels of the other and the last that died was the Sergeant Maior and Esquiuel did the like and eating him maintained himselfe vntill the first of March that an Indian one of them who fled from thence came to see if they were all dead and after brought Esquiuel away from thence with him who being in subiection to this Indian Figheroa spake with him and vnderstood all this of him which wee haue before declared and prayed him to come with him that they might goe together towards Pamico but Esquiuel would not doe it saying that hee vnderstood by Friers that Pamico was behind them and so he remained there and Figheroa went to the Coast where he vsed to abide All this Figheroa reported vnto vs by the relation which Esquiuel made vnto him and so from hand to hand it came vnto me Whereby hee might see and know the end which all that fleete had and the particular mischances which happened to euerie one of the rest And hee further said that if the Christians at any time should goe through those parts it might bee that they should see Esquiuel bâ—cause hee knew that hee was fled from that Indian with whom hee abode vnto the other which are called Marianes who were their Neighbours And so hauing ended his Discourse he and Asturiano were about to goe vnto the other Indians that were further beyond but those Indians who kept them perceiuing them went forth and came to giue them many Bastinadoes and spoiled Asturianâ— and wounded him on the arme with an Arrow but yet in the end they fled and the other Christians remained and procured those Indians to take them for slaues although abiding with them and seruing them they were as euilly intreated as euer any slaues were or other men of the World Because of sixe which they were not being contented continually to buffet and â—udgell them and plucke off their beards with the skinne only for their pastime and recreation and only for going from one house to another they killed three who are those of whom I spoke before to wit Diego Dorante Ualdeuiesso and Diego de Helua and the other three that remained expected that they also should make the like end and not being able to indure that life Andrea Dorantes fled to the Marianes who were they with whom Esquiuel abode and they themselues reporâ—ed that they had kept Esquiuel there who afterward would haâ—e fled because a woman had dreamed that hee should kill a childe of hers the Indians pursued him and slue him and they afterward shewed Andrea Dorante his Sword Crowne Booke and other things which he had They haue this custome also euen to kill the same male children while they sleepe and when the female children are borne they leaue them for the Dogs to eate and cast them away in those places And the reason why they doe it is this because they say that all they of the Countrey are their enemies and make very great warres with them Wherefore if by chance they should marrie their Daughters their enemies should be the more increased who would subiect them and hold them all in captiuitie And for this cause they would rather kill them then haue any
perceiue their women to be great with childe they lye not with them vntill two yeares be passed after the children be borne to the which they giue sucke vntill they be of the age of twelue yeares that they are now of vnderstanding to prouide foode for themselues We demanded of them for what reason they did thus nourish them who answered vs that they did it for the great famine which was in that Countrey where as wee our selues saw they were faine to continue sometimes three or foure dayes without eating and therefore they let them sucke that in that time they might not dye through hunger and if notwithstanding some should escape they would become too delicate and of little strength If by chance it happen that any among them be sicke they let them dye in those fields if he be not a childe and all the rest that cannot goe with them remaine there but for a childe or a brother of theirs they lay them vpon their necke and so they carry them They haue all this custome to be seperated from their wiues when there is no agreement betweene them and that both they and she may marry againe with whom they please And this is vsuall among the yonger sort but such as haue children neuer forsake their wiues And when they contend with other people or be at variance one with another they buffet and beate each o 〈…〉 r with cudg 〈…〉 ls vntill they be very weary and then they part and sometimes the women part them going betweene them because the men come not in to part them and what choller or passion soeuer they haue they fight not together with their Bowes and Arrowes And after they haue â—â—ffetted and cudgelled each other the braule being ended they take their houses and women and goe to liue in the fields seperated from the rest vntill their anger and choller be past and when they are now pacified it is not needefull that others interpose themselues to make peace and friendship because in this manner they make it themselues And if they who be at variance haue no wiues they goe to other of their neighbours who although they were their enemies receiue them courteously and doe them much flattering kindnesse and giue them such as they haue so that when their choller is past they returne rich vnto their people They are all warlike people and vse as great subtilty to defend them from their enemies as they would doe if they had bin brought vp in Italy and in continuall warre The horses are they that onely ouercome them and which the Indians generally feare They who are to fight with them must be very wary that they know not that they be faint or cowardly and while the battaile continueth they are to vse them the worst they can For if they perceiue them to be timerous or cowards it is a people that very well knoweth the time to auenge themselues and to take courage and strength from the feare of their enemies When they are shot in the warres and haue spent Arrowes they returne euery one their way without any pursuit of the enemy although the one part be few and the other many and this is their custome They goe many times away shot cleane through with Arrowes and dye not if they touch not the bowels or heart nay they quickely heale them They see and heare and haue the sharpest sences I thinke of any men in the world They are very well able to endure hunger thirst and cold as they who are more acquainted there with then any other In the Iland of Malhada there are two languages the one called Canoques and the other Han. In the firme land afront that Iland are others called Carruco who take their name from the Mountaines where they liue Further vpon the Sea coast are others called Deguenes and afront them are others called Mendica Further vpon the coast are the Queuâ—nes and afront these within the firme land are the Marianes and going further vpon the coast are other called Guaicones and afront those within the firme land the Iegunzes at the end of them are other called Ataâ—â—s and behinde them other called Acubadaos and of these there are many along this banke further Other called Quitoles liue on the coast and afront them within the firme land are the Auauares and with these the Maliacones vnite themselues and the Cultalculebes and other called Susolus and other called Comos and further vpon the coast abide the Cumoles and on the same coast beyond are others whom we called them of the Figtrees All these Nations haue habitations and people and diuers languages Among them there is one language in the which when they say vnto men looke there they say arraca and to the Dogs they say Xo and in all that Countrey they make themselues drunke with a certaine smoake and giue whatsoeuer they haue to get it Likewise they drinke another thing which they take from the leaues of trees like vnto the Mulberry trees and boile it in certaine vessels on the fire and after they haue boyled it they fill the vessels with water and so keepe it ouer the fire and when it hath beene twice boiled they poure it out into certaine vessels and coole it with halfe a goord and when it gathereth much â—ome they drinke it as hot as they are able to suffer it and while they put it out of the vessell and vntill they drinke it they stand crying who will drinke And when the women perceiue these exclamations they presently settle themselues not daring once to moue although they finde that they are very well beloued And if by chance any of them moue they accompt her shamelesse and cudgell her and with much choller and anger cast away the water or drinke which they haue made and if they haue drunke it they vomit it out againe which they doe very easily The reason of this their custome they say is this that if when they will drinke of that water the women moue themselues from the place where they heare that voyce some bad thing might be put into that drinke which entring into the body in short space would cause them to dye And all the time that that water is boyled the vessell must be well closed and shut and if peraduenture it should stand vncouered and any woman should come and passe by they cast it away and drinke no more of it It is of the colour of Saffron and they drinke it three dayes without eating and euery day they drinke one amphora and an halfe And when the women haue their naturall purgation they prouide no meate but for themselues because no other person will eate of that which she carrieth In the time that I continued among them I saw a most brutish and beastly custome to wit a man who was married to another and these be certaine effeminate and impotent men who goe cloathed and attired like
and honestly vsed then in any other part of India which wee had seene They weare certaine smockes of Bombasin Cotton which reach to the knee and ouer them soft sleeues of certaine folds or plaits of Deere skinnes without haire which touch the ground and they perfume them with certaine roots which make them very fine and so they vse them very well they are open before and tied together with silken strings They goe shod with shooes All this Nation came vnto vs that we should touch and blesse them and they were so importunate herein that they put vs to much trouble because the sicke and the whole would all goe from vs blessed and it often happened that of the women that came with vs some were deliuered and as soone as the children were borne they brought them vnto vs that wee should touch and blesse them They accompanied vs vntill they left vs with another Nation and among all these people they held it for a certaintie that wee came from Heauen because all the things which they haue not and know not whence they come they say that they descend from Heauen For so long time as wee went with them wee trauelled all the day without eating vntill night and wee eate so little that they were astonied to see it They neuer knew vs wearie and surely wee were so accustomed to trauell that we were neuer weary We had great authoritie among them and they held a reuerent opinion of vs and to preserue the the same wee seldome spake vnto them The Negro was the man that alwaies spoke and informed himselfe of the way that wee would goe by the direction of the people that were there and touching euery other thing which we desired to know We passed through diuers languages and our Lord God fauoured vs withall for they alwaies vnderstood vs and we vnderstood them and if we demanded any thing of them by signes they answered vs as if they should haue spoken our language and wee theirs For although we vnderstood six languages we could not thereby preuaile with all because wee found more then a thousand differences of language Throughout all these Countries they who haue warre among themselues became suddenly friends that they might come vnto vs and receiue vs and bring vs whatsoeuer they had Dorante had sixe hundred Deeres hearts giuen him whereupon we called it the people of Hearts Through this Countrey entrie is made into many Prouinces which stand vpon the South Sea and if they that desire to goe thither enter not from hence they are lost because the Coast hath no Maiz so that they are faine to eate the powder of beetes straw and fish which they take in the Sea with floates because they haue no Canowes nor any Boat The women couer their priuities with herbs and straw they are a people of little vnderstanding and miserable We supposed that neere vnto the Coast by the way of those people which way wee went it is more then a thousand leagues of a populous Countrey and that they haue much prouision wherein they liue for they sowe Pulse and Maiz three times in the yeere We saw three sorts of Deere there one as great as the biggest steeres of Castiglia The houses of all those people for habitation are cottages They haue poyson of a certaine kind of tree of the bignesse of an apple tree and they doe no more but gather the fruit and anoint the Arrow therewith and if they haue no fruit they breake of a bough and with a certaine milkie iuyce which it hath they doe the same There are many of these trees that are so poysonous that if the leaues thereof be bruised and cast into any standing poole and not running water all the Deere and whatsoeuer other beast that drinketh thereof suddenly burst asunder Wee abode three daies with these people and about one daies iourny from thence there was another people where such showres of raine came powring downe vpon vs that by reason the Riuer which was there was so growne we could not passe it and so we continued there fifteene daies In this meane time Castiglio saw the buckle of a Spanish girdle about an Indians necke and an Iron key sewed together with it which he tooke from him then we demanded what that thing was and they answered that it came from heauen and questioning further with them who brought them they answered that certaine men brought them which had beards like vnto vs who came from heauen and comming to that riuer with Horses brought Lances and Swords and two of them passed ouer with their Lances Afterward as cunningly as we could we asked them what became of those men so they answered vs that they went to the Sea Wee went through many Countries and found them all dispeopled and not inhabited for the countrie people went their way flying through the mountaines not daring to keepe their houses nor labour for feare of the Christians It greatly discontented vs seeing the Countrie verie fruitfull and exceeding pleasant and full of water and goodly riuers and to see them afterward so solitarie and scorched and the people so feeble and weake fled away and all hid and because they sowed not in so great famine they maintained themselues onely with the barkes of trees and roots Wee had our part of this famine in all this iourney because they could not so well prouide for vs being so euilly hired that it seemed they would all die They brought vs couerings and beades which they had hid for feare of the Christians and gaue them vnto vs and declared how at other times the Christians had entred and passed through that Countrie and had destroied and burned the people and carried halfe the men away and all the women and little children and that such as were able to escape out of their hands fled away Wee seeing them so affrighted that they could not be secured to settle themselues in any place and that they neither would nor could sowe nor labour and manure the Countrie nay they rather determined to suffer themselues to die which seemed better vnto them then to expect to bee so ill intreated with so great crueltie as they had beene vntill that time and they seemed to bee greatly pleased with vs. Notwithstanding wee feared that being come vnto them who were vpon the Frontiers and in warre with the Christians least they would vse vs cruelly and make vs pay for that which the Christians had done vnto them But God being pleased to conduct vs where they were they began to feare and reuerence vs as the former had done and somewhat more whereat we did not a little maruell Whereby it may cleerely appeare that to allure this Nation to become Christians and make them obedient to the Imperiall Maiestie they ought to be gently and curteously vsed and this is the onely and most certaine way of all other They brought
inuented the weauing of certaine Mats of drie Iuie and did weare one beneath and another aboue many laughed at this deuice whom afterward necessitie inforced to doe the like The Christians were so spoyled and in such want of Saddles and weapons which were burned that if the Indians had come the second night they had ouercome them with little labour They remoued thence to the Towne where the Cacique was wont to lie because it was in the champaine Countrie Within eight dayes after there were many Lances and Saddles made There were Ash-trees in those parts whereof they made as good Lances as in Biscay Vpon Wednesday the 15. of March 1541. after the Gouernour had lodged eight dayes in a Plaine halfe a league from the place which he had wintered in after he had set vp a forge and tempered the Swords which in Chicaça were burned and made many Targets Saddles and Lances on Tuesday night at the morning watch many Indians came to assault the Campe in three squadrons euery one by themselues Those which watched gaue the alarme The Gouernour with great speed set his men in order three squadrons and leauing some to defend the Campe went out to encounter them The Indians were ouercome and put to flight The ground was champaine and fit for the Christians to take the aduantage of them and it was now breake of day But there happened a disorder whereby there were not past thirtie or fortie Indians shine and this it was that a Frier cried out in the Campe without any iust occasion To the Campe To the Campe Whereupon the Gouernour and all the rest repaired thither and the Indians had time to saue themselues There were some taken by whom the Gouernour informed himselfe of the Countrie through which he was to passe The fiue and twentieth of Aprill hee departed from Chicaça and lodged at a small Towne called Alimamu They had very little Maiz and they were to passe a Desart of seuen dayes iourney The next day the Gouernour sent three Captaines euery one his way with Horsemen and Footmen to seeke prouision to passe the Desart And Iohn Danusco the Auditor went with fifteene Horsemen and fortie Footmen that way that the Gouernour was to goe and found a strong Fort made where the Indians stayed for him and many of them walked on the top of it with their weapons hauing their bodies thighes and armes okered and died with blacke white yellow and red striped like vnto panes so that they shewed as though they went in hose and doublets and some of them had Plumes and others had hornes on their heads and their faces blacke and their eyes done round about with streakes of red to seeme more fierce Iohn Danusco sent three horsemen to aduertise the Gouernour hereof He came presently for his intent was to driue them from thence saying that if he did it not they would be emboldned to charge him another time when they might doe him more harme Hee made the horsemen to alight and set his men in foure Squadrons The signe being giuen they set vp the Indians which made resistance till the Christians came neere the Fort and assoone as they saw they could not defend themselues by a place where a Brooke passed neere the Fort they ran away and from the otherside they shot some Arrowes and because at that instant wee knew no ford for the horses to passe they had time enough to get out of our danger Three Indians were slaine there and many Christians were hurt whereof within few dayes there died fifteene by the way The Gouernour was inforced to depart presently toward Quizquiz He trauelled seuen dayes through a Desert of many Marishes and thicke Woods but it might all bee trauelled on horsebacke except some Lakes which they swamme ouer Hee came to a Towne of the Prouince of Quizquiz without being descried and tooke all the people in it before they came out of their houses There came to the Campe sixe principall Indians and said they came to see what people they were and that long agoe they had beene informed by their fore-fathers That a white people should subdue them and that therefore they would returne to their Cacique and bid him come presently to obey and serue the Gouernour and after they had presented him with sixe or seuen skins and Mantles which they brought they tooke their leaue of him and returned with the other which waited for them by the Brookes side The Cacique neuer came againe nor sent other message And because in the Towne where the Gouernour lodged there was small store of Maiz he remoued to another halfe a league from Rio Grande where they found plentie of Maiz And he went to see the Riuer and found that neere vnto it was great store of Timber to make Barges and good situation of ground to incampe in Presently he remooued himselfe thither They made houses and pitched their Campe in a plaine field a Crosse-bow shot from the Riuer And thither was gathered all the Maiz of the Townes which they had lately passed They began presently to cut and hew downe Timber and to saw plankes for Barges The Indians came presently downe the Riuer they leaped on shoare and declared to the Gouernour That they were subiects of a great Lord whose name was Aquixo who was Lord of many Townes and gouerned many people on the other side of the Riuer and came to tell him on his behalfe that the next day he with all his men would come to see what it would please him to command him The next day with speed the Cacique came with two hundred Canoes full of Indians with their Bowes and Arrowes painted and with great plumes of white feathers and many other colours with shields in their hands wherewith they defended the Rowers on both sides and the men of Warre stood from the head to the sterne with their Bowes and Arrowes in their hands The Canoe wherein the Cacique was had a Tilt ouer the sterne and hee sate vnder the Tilt and so wâ—re other Canoes of the principall Indians And from vnder the Tilt where the chiefe man sat he gouerned and commanded the other people All ioyned together and came within a stones cast of the shoare From thence the Cacique said to the Gouernour which walked along the Riuers side with others that wayted on him that he was come thither to visit to honor and to obey him because he knew he was the greatest and mightiest Lord on the Earth therefore hee would see what he would command him to doe The Gouernour yeelded him thankes and requested him to come on shoare that they might the better communicate together And without any answere to that point hee sent him three Canoes wherein was great store of fish and loaues made of the substance of Prunes like vnto Brickes After hee had receiued all hee thanked him and prayed him againe to come on shoare And because the Caciques
Tulla which might be about eightie leagues and that it was a plentifull Countrey of Maiz. And because Winter came on and that they could not trauell two or three moneths in the yeere for cold waters and snow and fearing that if they should stay so long in the scattered dwelling they could not be susteined and also because the Indians said that neere to Autiamque was a great water and according to their relation the Gouernour thought it was some arme of the Sea And because hee now desired to send newes of himselfe to Cuba that some supply of men and horses might be sent vnto him for it was aboue three yeeres since Donna Isabella which was in Hauana or any other person in Christendome had heard of him and by this time hee had lost two hundred and fiftie men and one hundred and fiftie horses he determined to winter in Autiamque and the next Spring to goe to the Sea Coast and to make two Brigantines and send one of them to Cuba and the other to Nueua Espanna that that which went in safetie might giue newes of him Hoping with the goods which he had in Cuba to furnish himselfe againe and to attempt the Discouerie and conquest toward the West for he had not yet come where Cabeca de Uaca had beene Thus hauing sent away the two Caciques of Cayas and Tulla hee tooke his iournie toward Autiamque He trauelled fiue dayes ouer very rough Mountaines and came to a Towne called Quipana where no Indians could bee taken for the roughnesse of the Countrie and the Towne being betweene Hils there was an ambush laid wherewith they tooke two Indians which told them that Autiamque was sixe dayes iournie from thence and that there was another Prouince toward the South eight dayes iournie off plentifull of Maiz and very well peopled which was called Guahate But because Autiamque was neerer and the most of the Indians agreed of it the Gouernor made his iournie that way In three dayes hee came to a Towne called Anaixi He sent a Captaine before with thirtie Horsemen and fiftie Footmen and tooke the Indians carelesse he tooke many men and women prisoners Within two dayes after the Gouernour came to another Towne called Catamaya and lodged in the fields of the Towne Two Indians came with a false message from the Cacique to know his determination He had them tell their Lord that hee should come and speake with him The Indians returned and came no more nor any other message from the Cacique The next day the Christians went to the Towne which was without people they tooke as much Maiz as they needed That day they lodged in a Wood and the next day they came to Autiamque They found much Maiz laid vp in store and French Beanes and Walnuts and Prunes great store of all sorts They tooke some Indians which were gathering together the stuffe which their wiues had hidden This was a Champaine Countrie and well inhabited The Gouernor lodged in the best part of the Towne and commanded presently to make a fence of timber round about the Campe distant from the houses that the Indians might not hurt them without by fire And measuring the ground by paces he appointed euery one his part to doe according to the number of Indians which he had presently the timber was brought by them and in three dayes there was an inclosure made of very high and thicke posts thrust into the ground and many rayles laid acrosse Hard by this Towne passed a Riuer that came out of the Prouince of Cayaâ— and aboue and beneath it was very well peopled They stayed in Autiamque three moneths with great plentie of Maiz French Beanes Walnuts Prunes and Conies which vntill that time they knew not how to catch And in Autiamque the Indians taught them how to take them which was with great springes which lifted vp their feet from the ground And the share was made with a strong string whereunto was fastned a knot of a cane which ranne close about the necke of the Conie because they should not gnaw the string They tooke many in the fields of Maiz especially when it freezed or snowed The Christians stayed there one whole moneth so inclosed with snowe that they went not out of the Towne and when they wanted fire-wood the Gouernour with his Horsmen going and comming many times to the Wood which was two Cros-bow shot from the Towne made a path-way whereby the Footmen went for wood In this meane space some Indians which went loose killed many Conies with their Giues and with their Arrowes These Conies were of two sorts some were like those of Spaine and the other of the same colour and fashion and as bigge as great Hares longer and hauing greater loines Vpon Monday the sixt of March 1542. the Gouernour departed from Autiamque to seeke Nilco which the Indians said was neere the Great Riuer with determination to come to the Sea and procure some succour of Men and Horses for he had now but three hundred Men of warre and fortie Horses and some of them lame which did nothing but helpe to make vp the number and for want of Iron they had gone aboue a yeere vnshod and because they were vsed to it in the plaine Countrie it did them no great harme Iohn Ortiz died in Autiamque which grieued the Gouernour very much because that without an Interpreter he feared to enter farre into the Land where hee might bee lost whereby it often happened that the way that they went one day and sometimes two or three dayes they turned backe and went astray through the wood here and there The Gouernour spent ten dayes in trauelling from Autiamque to a Prouince called Ayays and came to a Towne that stood neere the Riuer that passeth by Cayas and Autiamque There hee commanded a Barge to bee made wherewith hee passed the Riuer When he had passed the Riuer there fell out such weather that foure dayes he could not trauell for Snow As soone as it gaue ouer snowing he went three dayes iourney through a Wildernesse and a Countrie so lowe and so full of Lakes and euill wayes that he trauelled one time a whole day in water sometimes knee deepe sometimes to the stirrup and sometimes they swamme He came to a Towne called Tutelpinco abandoned and without Maiz there passed by it a Lake that entred into the Riuer which carried a great streame and force of water The Gouernour went a whole day along the Lake seeking passage and could finde none nor any way that did passe to the other side Comming againe at night to the Towne he found two peaceable Indians which shewed him the passage and which way hee was to goe There they made of canes and of the timber of houses thatched with canes rafts wherewith they passed the Lake They trauelled three dayes and came to a Towne of
Minister of God in earth and Lord of all those parts subiect to him and that to me in his royall name they were to yeelde obedience and seruice and that they should abstaine from sacrificing adoration to Idols and Diuels which they had hitherto done because God alone was to be worshipped feared and serued and after him they ought to serue and obey on earth the King of Castile The Cacique answered that till that houre hee had neuer knowne any thing of that which I had spoken nor had euer heard of any but me that which I declared but that he now conceiued great pleasure to haue vnderstood it and that from henceforth he would hold for God the King of Castile and would worship him I answered that hee ought not so to doe for the King of Castile was a mortall man as we our selues are but that hee was Lord and Soueraigne ouer vs all and giuen to vs of God to rule and gouerne vs and we were to serue and obey him And God aboue which created heauen and earth and all things visible and inuisible is he which ought to be worshipped feared and serued aboue all things for as much as he giueth vs and of his hands we hold the life and being which we haue and he is able to take it from vs at his pleasure In this manner he stood aduised of that which he ought to doe although their wit and capacitie be very small and their will much disagreeing by reason of their ancient custome of seruing the Dâ—uell But seeing all things must haue a beginning and labour and herein especially the grace of God is necessary and the holy Ghost to be infused it is to be beleeued and hoped of his infinite gentlenesse and mercy that hauing directed your Maiestie to discouer this place and conquest in vertu thereof and good fortune after that of God all things shall be done prosperously and he will suffer to giue to this Nation knowledge of the truth And if it be not so suddenly done yet the way shall be opened and the Countrie conuersed in and inhabited of Christians which adore and laud his holy Name where before the Deuill was adored with so many Idolatries and the Baners of his most holy Crosse shall be fixed in all those Countries that when he shall send his Grace those Nations may be prepared to receiue it I gaue to that Cacique all the people which I had taken and they beganne to reinhabite their houses and after a most sumptuous Crosse placed there and possession of those Prouinces taken in your Maiesties name I departed by the way of another Prouince called Cuiseo situate on the other side of a great Riuer issuing out of a great Lake After a battell with this People wherein we preuailed by our Artillerie the Cacique sent a Messenger to me by whom I sent him word that we came thither to haue them our friends and to take possession of that Countrie in the name of the King of Castile Hauing obtayned prouisions and passing further in an Iland in the Riuer happened a hard skirmish in which diuers were hurt many of theirs slaine and taken and the rest fled The last which was taken and which fought most couragiously was a man in habite of a woman which confessed that from a childe he had gotten his liuing by that filthinesse for which I caused him to be burned Returning to the Campe I caused the principall Lords of the Countrie to come to me and pacified them giuing them clothes restoring the prisoners and bidding them returne to their habitations giuing them to vnderstand on behalfe of the King of Castile That he was Lord and the Minister of God in Earth in which God the King and all men of the world are to beleeue to adore feare and serue him as God alone maker and Creator of all things and on Earth to be vassals and to obey the commandements of the King of Castile as his Minister and to mee in his Royall name and that they should not worship Idols nor eate mans flesh They answered me that so they would doe and their sacrificing to Idols hitherto grew from hence that they knew not what God was and because the Deuill commanded them to obserue those formes and desired flesh and bloud of them giuing them to vnderstand that he was the Lord of all the world whereupon for feare they had committed this errour which henceforth they would cease to doe Great are the sinnes of all men liuing seeing God permits so great abominations to bee committed against his diuine Maiestie and that such a multitude of soules are lost and remaine blinde as brute beasts and worse for they follow their naturall course which these haue lost although some not onely publish the warre which is made vpon them to be vniust but also seeke to disturbe it being the most worthie and holy worke and of most merit with the punishing of that Nation that nothing can be done in the seruice of God greater howsoeuer it be done by the hands of great sinners and especially by mee who am the greatest of all since that nothing is hidden from his heate and as the mercifull and giuer of all good I hope in his infinite clemency that he will receiue my meane desire and small paine and labour in diminution of my sinnes and will permit by his infinite bountie and grace and because your Maiestie doth all for the seruice of God which it doth whose charge it is to guide the enterprise in such manner that the beginning be with manifesting his Name where before that of the Enemie was serued wholly and adored Bee it knowne to your Maiestie that wheresoeuer I come I giue all the people to vnderstand what God is and who your Maiestie is The Towne aboue this place or ford of the Riuer is called Guanzebi where a Crosse was planted Departing toward the Prouince of Tonola I sent the Ouerseer to the Prouince of Cuynaccaro on the other side of the Riuer The Seniory of that Prouince for they had no particular Lord sent Messengers that they expected mee in peace and would giue mee what I would howsoeuer Coiula Coiuila and Cuynaccaro the three neighbour Prouinces were fooles and resolued vpon warre These fought with vs so valiantly that some one Indian would turne his head against a Light-horseman and taking his Lance with one hand with the other would lay on him with a club which they vse others would lay hold on the Bridles and those which haue beene in New Spaine and other parts testifie that more couragious Indians haue not beene seene They vse Bowes Arrowes Clubs and two-hand Swords of wood a Sling and some Targets The most of them feare the Horses holding opinion that they would eate them and a thousand of them haue beene afraid of three Horsemen yet neuerthelesse some are thus hardy The Countrie is temperate they are great
Sacrificers haue Siluer and some Gold but I made shew not to care for it and said I had no need of Gold but that they should serue and not sacrifice as before In the place of the victorie was erected a faire Church called The victorie of the Crosse and a Crosse of sixtie foot long there erected Zapatula receiued me in peace Aximocuntla people fled yet sent store of victuals as did also Ixtatlan Our Indians in our march had slaine and sacrificed certaine women and children the signes whereof I found it being a thing impossible to remedie notwithstanding all the punishment I inflicted howsoeuer some say they are good Christians And let your Maiestie beleeue that they doe at this present time as they did before but secretly And for this and for other iust causes which I haue written to your Maiestie there ought not so much libertie be giuen them nor more then that which is accustomed to their state and liuing for to doe otherwise is to giue occasion to them to be bad and especially this People is of such nature that they must be very much holden vnder and made to feare that they may be good Christians From Xalpa three Embassadors came to me with offer of peace subiection and certaine Siluer plates and an Idoll made of Cotton and full of bloud and a Rasor of stone in the midst wherewith they sacrificed which was burned in their sight to their great amazement who thought it would haue destroyed all Against Mandie Thursday a Church was erected of reeds in a day and deuout Procession was then made of more then thircie Disciplinants On Easter Tuesday I departed thence to Tespano thence by Mount Amec to Teulinchano a strong place being all of stone cut round where euery Lord of the Prouince ought to haue a house wherein to sacrifice there had beene a great Idoll of Gold destroyed in other warres The Palaces were of stone engrauen some pieces of eighteene spannes with great Statues of men with other things like those of Mexico The Courts of the Palaces were spacious and faire with Fountaines of good water Thence I sent Captaine Verdugo to Xaltenango thorow a Valley of sixe leagues but the people were fled to the Mountaines A Crosse was planted and Masse said for the seruice of God there where the Deuill had so long beene serued and had receiued so many Sacrifices I diuided the Armie one part to goe to Mechuacan another Prouince not that of New Spaine neere to the South Sea I marched with the other to Guatatlan and there planted a Crosse on a Hill and thence to Tetitlan accompanied with the Caciques of the Countrie thence to Xalisco Heere the way was so bad that in fifteene dayes I rode not three and many beasts were lost I sent to the principall Lords of Xalisco to whom I made the request accustomed They were all retired to the Mountaines Finding my selfe neere the Sea I tooke possession thereof for your Maiestie At Tepique two of the Lords of Xalisco came to me in peace and to yeeld obedience as three other Townes had done neere the Sea where are said to bee Mines of Gold There I made Officers in your Maiesties name as being a new Discouerie and Conquest separate from New Spaine that there might be some to receiue your Maiesties fifths Two Crosses were erected in Xalisco and two in Tepeque a place well watered and very fertile In marching from thence a great and dangerous battell was giuen vs by the Indians wherein we obtained victorie They wounded fiftie Horses of which onely sixe died one Horse I assure your Maiestie is worth aboue foure hundred Pezos diuers of the principall Commanders were wounded also The next day I made a Procession with a Te Deum Thence I passed the great Riuer of the Trinitie to come to Omitlan the chiefe of that Prouince The Countrie is very hot and the Riuer full of Crocodiles and there are many venomous Scorpions Here was erected one Church and two Crosses Aztatlan is three dayes iourney hence where they prepare to giue mee battell From thence ten dayes further I shall goe to finde the Amazons which some say dwell in the Sea some in an arme of the Sea and that they are rich and accounted of the people for Goddesses and whiter then other women They vse Bowes Arrowes and Targets haue many and great Townes at a certaine time admit them to accompanie them which bring vp the males as these the female issue c. From Omitlan a Prouince of Mecuacan of the greater Spaine on the eighth of Iuly 1530. I had thought but for prolixitie here to haue added Aluarados Conquests the other way from Mexico two of whose Letters are extant in Ramusio The later of them is dated from the Citie of Saint Iago which hee founded Hee writes that hee was well entertained in Guatimala and passed alongst with diuers fortunes foure hundred leagues from Mexico conquering and let your Lordship beleeue mee this Countrie is better inhabited and peopled then all that which your Lordship hath hitherto gouerned In this Prouince I haue found a Vulcan the most dreadfull thing that euer was seene which casteth forth stones as great as a house burning in light flames which falling breake in pieces and couer all that fiery Mountaine Threescore leagues before wee saw another Vulcan which sends forth a fearefull smeake ascending vp to Heauen and the body of the smoake encompasseth halfe a league None drinke of the streames which runne downe from it for the Brimstone sent And especially there comes thence one principall Riuer very faire but so hot that certaine of my companie were not able to passe it which were to make out-roades into certaine places and searching a Ford found another cold Riuer running into it and where they met together the Ford was temperate and passable I beseech your Lordship to grant mee the fauour to bee Gouernour of this Citie c. From Saint Iago Iuly 28. 1524. §. II. The Voyages of Frier MARCO de Niça Don FR. VASQVEZ de Coronado Don ANTONIO de Espeio and diuers into New Mexico and the adioyning Coasts and Lands THere arose some strife betwixt Don Antonio de Mendoza Vice-roy of New Spaine and Cortes each striuing to exceed the other in New-Discoueries and complaining of each other to the Emperour Whiles Cortez went to that end into Spaine Mendoza hearing somewhat by Dorantez one of Naruaez his companions in the former inland Discoueries from Florida sent both Frier Marco de Niça with Steph. a Negro of Dorantez and afterwards Captaine Francis Vasquez de Coronado by Land as likewise Ferdinando Alarchon by Sea Cortez also sent Francis Vlloa with a Fleet of three ships for discouerie of the same Sea commonly called the South Sea The Voyages Ramusio hath published at large in Italian and Master Hakluyt out of him in English I shall borow leaue to collect out of
the American parcels the particular relations of which you haue had already and yeeld you the totall summe for a conclusion to our Spanish-Indian Peregrinations §. III. Extracts out of certaine Letters of Father MARTIN PERâ—Z of the Societie of Iesus from the new Mission of the Prouince of Cinoloa to the Fathers of Mexico dated in the moneth of December 1591. With a Letter added written 1605. of later Discoueries SInce my last Letters dated the sixth of Iuly among the Tantecoe on which day wee came into this Prouince of Cinoloa being guided by the Gouernour Roderigo del Rio we passed and trauelled through diuers Castles Countrie Villages Mines of Metall Shepheards houses Townes of Spaniards and certaine Signiories helping our neighbours by our accustomed duties so that wee were alwaies full of businesse Wee passed ouer in eight dayes the rough and hard and painefull Mountaine Tepesnan seeing no liuing creature saue certaine Fowles The cause whereof is the force of certaine Muskitos which trouble Horses whereof is exceeding abundance in all the Mountaine which were most noisome to our Horses There met vs certaine Cuimecht which are warlike Indians which offered vs bountifully such as they had without doing vs any harme There are almost an infinite number of these which wander dispersed vp and downe doing nothing else but hunt and seeke their food And it was told vs that three thousand of them were assembled in a part of the hill which besought the Gouernour that he would cause them to be taught and instructed in the Christian Faith Their Minister which was but onely one came to visite vs. There met vs also a certaine Spanish Captaine which had the gouernment of six Castles or Countrie Villages in a part of the Mountaine who knowing well enough what the societie ment by these missions wrote vnto the father Visitor requesting him to grant him one of the Fathers by whose trauell twenty thousand soules might be instructed which he would recommend vnto him These and other Villages we passed by not without griefe because it was resolued already among vs that we should stay in no other place but in this Prouince A few dayes before our comming thither we wrote to six or seuen Spaniards which dwell there without any Priest and heard Masse onely once a yeare to wit when any Priest dwelling thirtie or forty leagues off came vnto them to confesse and absolue them being penitent who being accompanied with most of the chiefe Indians met vs with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse aboue twenty leagues distant from their dwellings and accompanied vs vnto the second Riuer of this Prouince wherein the towne of Saint Philip and Iacob standeth This Prouince is from Mexico aboue three hundred leagues and is extended towards the North. On the right hand it hath the Mountaines of the Tepesuanes on the left hand the Mediterrane Sea or the Gulfe of California on another part it stretcheth euen to Cibola and California which are Prouinces toward the West very great and well inhabited On one side which regardeth the North new Mexico is but two dayes iourney distant from the vttermost Riuer of this Prouince as we were enformed by the Gouernour which is so famous and renowned and so full of Pagan superstition whereof diuers haue often written They measure and diuide the Prouince of Cinaloa with eight great Riuers which runne through the same The reason of that diuision is this because all the Castels and Villages of the inhabitants are setled neere the bankes and brinkes of the Riuers which are replenished with fish and which in short space doe fall into the Mediterranâ— Sea or Gulfe of California The soyle is apt for tillage and fruitfull and bringeth forth such things as are sowne in it The ayre is cleere and wholesome The Pesants and husband men reape twice a yeare and among other things store of Beanes Gourds Maiz and such kinde of Pulfe whereof wee and they eate so plentifully that there is no speech of the rising of the price of things or of Famine nay rather a great part of the old crop perisheth oftentimes and they cast away their old Maiz to make roome for the new They haue great store of Cotten Wooll whereof they make excellent cloathes wherewith they are apparelled Their apparell is a peece of cloath tyed vpon their shoulders wherewith as with a cloak they couer their whole body after the manner of the Mexicans True it is that though they be all workemen yet for the most part of the yeare they are not couered but goe naked yet all of them weare a broad girdle of the said Cotten cloath cunningly and artificially wrought with figures of diuers colours in the same which the shels of Cockles and Oysters ioyned artificially with bones doe make Moreouer they thrust many threds through their eares whereon they hang earerings for which purpose they bore the eares of their children as soone as they be borne in many places and hang eare-rings round Stones and Corall in them so that each eare is laden with fiftie of these Ornaments at least for which cause they alwayes sleepe not lying on their sides but with their face vpward The women are decently couered from their waste downeward being all the rest naked The men as well as the women weare long haire the women haue it hanging downe their shoulders the men often bound vp and tyed in diuers knots they thrust Corals in it adorned with diuers feathers and cockle shels which adde a certaine beautie and ornament to the head They weare many round Beades of diuers colours about their neckes They are of great stature and higher then the Spaniards by a handfull so that as wee sate vpright vpon our horses without standing on tiptoe they easily could embrace vs. They are valiant and strong which the warres which they had with the Spaniards doe easily shew wherein though they sustained no small damages yet were they not vnreuenged nor without the bloud of their aduersaries When they would fight resolutely for their vttermost libertie they denounced and appointed the day of battell Their weapons are Bowes and poysoned Arrowes and a kinde of clubbe of hard wood wherewith they neede not to strike twice to braine a man They vse also â—ertaine short iauelins made of red wood so hard and sharpe that they are not inferiour to our armed speares And as fearefull and terrible as they be to their enemies so quiet and peaceable are they among themselues and their neighbours and you shall seldome finde a quarrellour or contentious person The Spaniards after certaine conflicts at length made friendship with them leauing their Countrie to them but those eight Spaniards whom I mentioned before liue quietly among them and though they be called Lords yet are they contented with such things as the Indians giue them offering no violence nor molestation to any man Vpon our comming into these Countries the
Domingo which are fiftie leagues large on condition that he should exact of them no Gold for hee said and hee said the truth that his Subiects had not the skill to draw it out As for the manuring which he said he would procure to be done I know that he could haue done it very easily and with great readiness and that it would haue beene worth vnto the King euery yeere more then three Millions of Castillans besides that it would haue caused that at this houre there had bin aboue fiftie Cities greater then Siuill The paiment that they made to this good King and Lord so gracious and so redoubted was to dishonour him in the person of his wife an euill Christian a Captaine rauishing her This King could haue attended the time and opportunitie to auenge himselfe in leuying some armie but the aduised to withdraw himselfe rather and onely to hide him out of the way thus being banished from his Realme and state into a Prouince of the Cignaios where there was a great Lord his vassall After that the Spaniards were ware of his absence and he could no longer hide himselfe they make warre against the Lord which had giuen him entertainment and make great slaughters through the Countrey as they goe till in the end they found and tooke him thrusting him loden with chaines and irons into a Ship to carry him to Castile which Ship was lost vpon the Sea and there were with him drowned many Spaniards and a great quantity of Gold amongst the which also was the great wedge of Gold like vnto a great loafe weying three thousand six hundreth Castillans Thus it pleased God to wreake vengeance of matters so lewd and so enormous The other Realme was called of Marien where is at this day the Port at one of the bounds of the plaine towards the North and it is farre greater then the Realme of Portugall and much fertiler worthy to be inhabited hauing great Mountaines and Mines of Gold and Copper very rich The King was called Guacanagari which had vnder him many great Lords of the which I haue knowne and seene sundry In this Kings Countrey arriued first the old Admirall when he discouered the Indies whom at that time that he discouered the Ile the said Guacanagari receiued so graciously bountifully and curteously with all the Spaniards who were with him in giuing him all entertainement and succour for at the very instant was the Ship lost which the Admirall was carried in that hee could not haue bin better made off in his owne Countrie of his owne Father This did I vnderstand of the Admirals owne mouth This King dyed in flying the slaughters and cruelties of the Spaniards through the Mountaines being destroyed and depriued of his estate And all the other Lords his subiects dyed in the tyrannie and seruitude that shall be declared hereafter The third Realme and dominion was Maguana a Countrie also admirable very healthfull and very fertile where the best Sugar of the I le at this day is made The King of this Countrie was named Caenabo who surpassed all the others in strength and state in grauitie and in the ceremonies of his seruice The Spaniards tooke this King with great subtiltie and malice euen as he was in his owne house doubting of nothing They conueied him afterwards into a Ship to carry him to Castile but as there attended them six other Ships in the port all ready to hoise vp saile behold how God by his iust iudgement would declare that it with other things was an exceeding great iniquitie and vniust by sending the same night a tempest which sunke and drenched that Nauie with the Spaniards that were within There died also with them the said Caonabo charged with bolts and irons The Prince had three or foure brothers valiant men and couragious like himselfe who considering the imprisonment of their Lord brother so against all equitie together with the wasts and slaughters which the Spaniards made in other Realmes and specially after that they had heard that the King their brother was dead they put themselues in armes to encounter the Spaniards and to auenge the wrong who on the otherside meeting with them on horsebacke so they rage in discomfitures and massacres that the one moytie of this Realme hath beene thereby desolate and displâ—pled The fourth Realme is the same which is named of Xaragua This Realme was as it were the centre or middle point or to speake of as the Court of this Isle the diamond ouer all the other Realmes in language and polished speech in policie and good manners the best composed and ordered For as much as there were many noble Lords and Gentlemen the people also being the best made and most beautifull The King had to name Behechio which had a sister called Anacaona These two the brother and sister had done great seruices to the Kings of Castile and great good turnes to the Spaniards deliuering them from sundry dangers of death After the decease of Behechio Anacaona remained sole Soueraigne of the Realme At a time came into this Realme the Gouernour of this I le with threefcore Horses and more then three hundreth footemen the horsemen alone had beene enough to spoyle and ouerrunne not this I le alone but all the firme land withall And to him came being called more then three hundred Lords vnder assurance of whom the chiefest he fraudulently caused to be conueyed into a house of thatch and commanded to set to fire Now on this wise were these Lords burned all aliue all the rest of the Lords with other folke infinite were smitten to death with their Speares and Swords But the Soueraigne Lady Anacaona to doe her honour they hanged It happened that certaine Spaniards either of pittie or of couetousnesse hauing taken and detained certaine yong striplings to make them their Pages because they would not haue them slaine and setting them behinde them on their horse backes another Spaniard came behinde which stabbed them through with a speare If so be any childe or boy tombled downe to the ground another Spaniard came and cut off his legges Some certaine of these Indians which could escape this crueltie so vnnaturall passed ouer vnto a little I le neere vnto the other within an eight leagues The Gouernour condemned all those which had passed the water to become slaues because they had fled from their butcherie The fifth Realme was called Higney ouer the which raigned an ancient Queene named Hignanama whom the Spaniards hanged vp The people were infinite whom I saw burnt aliue and rent in peeces and tormented diuersly and strangely and whom I saw made slaues euen so many as they tooke aliue And now for as much as there are so many particularities in these Massacres and destruction of those peoples that they cannot conueniently be comprised in writing yea I doe verily beleeue that of a number of things to be spoken of there cannot be
destroy other Prouinces that which they call discouering many of the Indians assembled fortifying themselues vpon certaine Rockes Vpon the which Rockes the Spanish haue made and yet at this present and afresh doe make so many cruelties that they almost made an end of laying desolate all this great Countrey slaying an infinite number of people Of the Realme of Yucatan THe yeare one thousand fiue hundred twenty and six was deputed ouer the Realme of Yucatan another caitiffe Gouernour and that through the lies and false reports which himselfe had made vnto the King in like manner as the other tyrants vntill this present to the end there might be committed vnto them offices and charges by meanes whereof they might rob at their pleasures This Realme of Yucatan was full of inhabitants for that it was a Countrie in euery respect wholesome and abounding in plentie of victuals and of fruites more then Mexico and singularly exceeded for the abundance of Honie and Waxe there to be found more then in any quarter of the Indies which hath beene seene vnto this present It containeth about three hundred leagues compasse The people of that Countrie were the most notable of all the Indies as well in consideration of their policie and prudencie as for the vprightnesse of their life verily worthy the training of the knowledge of God amongst whom there might haue beene builded great Cities by the Spanish in which they might haue liued as in an earthly Paradise if so be they had not made themselues vnworthy because of their exceeding couetousnesse hard hartednesse and heinous offences as also vnworthy they were of other moe blessings a great many which God had set open in these Indies This tyrant began with three hundred men to make warre vpon these poore innocent people which were in their houses without hurting any body where he slew and ransacked infinite numbers And for because the Countrey yeeldeth no Gold for if it had yeelded any he would haue consumed those same Indians in making them to toyle in the Mines to the end he might make Gold of the bodies and soules of those for whom Iesus Christ suffered death he generally made slaues of all those whom he slew not and returned the Ships that were come thither vpon the blowing abroad and noyse of the selling of slaues full of people bartered for Wine Oyle Vinegar powdred Bacons flesh Garments Horses and that that euery man had neede of according to the Captains estimate and iudgement He would let choose amongst an hundred or fiftie yong Damosels bartering some one of the fairest and of the best complexion for a Caske of Wine Oyle Vineger or for Porke powdred And in like manner he would let choose out a young hansome Stripling amongst two or three hundred for the foresaid Merchandize And it hath beene seene that a youth seeming to bee the Sonne of some Prince hath beene bartered for a Cheese and an hundred persons for an Horse Hee continued in these doings from the yeere twentie sixe vntill the yeere thirtie three As these Spaniards went with their mad Dogges a foraging by the tracke and hunting out the Indian men and women An Indian woman being sicke and seeing she could not escape their Dogges that they should not rent her as they did others shee tooke a coard and hanged her selfe at a beame hauing fastened at her foot a child she had of a weere old and she had no sooner done behold these Curres which come and dispatch this infant howbeit that before it died a Religious man a Frier baptized it When the Spanish parted out of this Realme one amongst others said to a Sonne of a Lord of some Citie or Prouince that he should goe with him the Boy answered and said he would not forsake his Countrie The Spaniard replied Goe with me or else I will cut off thine eares The young Indian persisted in his first saying that he would not forsake his Countrie The Spaniard drawing out his Dagger cut off first one and then his other eare The youngman abiding by it still that he would not leaue his Countrie he mangled off also his Nose with the vppermost of his lips making no more scrupulositie of the mater then if he had giuen him but a philip This damnable wretch magnified himselfe and vaunted him of his doings villanously vnto a reuerend Religious person saying that hee tooke as much paines as hee could to beget the Indian women in great numbers with child to the end he might receiue the more money for them in selling them great with childe for slaues In this Realme or in one of the Prouinces of New Spaine a certaine Spaniard went one day with his Dogges on hunting of Venison or else Conies and not finding game hee minded his Dogges that they should bee hungrie and tooke a little sweet Babie which hee bereaued the mother of and cutting off from him the armes and the legges chopped them in small gobbets giuing to euery Dogge his Liuerie or part thereof by and by after these morsels thus dispatched he cast also the rest of the bodie or the carkasse to all the kenell together Being now departed the Realme all the Deuillish Tyrants blinded with the couetousnesse of the riches of Peru that reuerend Father Frier Iames with foure other Religious of Saint Francis was moued in spirit to goe into this Realme to pacifie them and for to preach to them and to winne vnto Iesus Christ those which might bee remayning of the Butcheries and Tyrannous Murders which the Spanish had beene peâ—petrating seuen continuall yeeres And I beleeue that these same were those Religious persons the which in the yeere thirtie foure certaine Indians of the Prouince of Mexico sending before them Messengers in their behalfe requested them that they would come into their Countrie to giue them knowledge of that one only God who is God and very Lord of all the woâ—ld according in the end to admit them with condition that they should enter themsâ—lues alone and not the Spaniards with them that which the Religious promised them For it was permitted them yea commanded them so to doe by the Vice-roy of New Spaine and that there should bee no kind of displeasure bee done vnto them by the Spaniards The Religious men preached vnto them the Gospell of Christ as they are accustomed to doe and as had beene the holy intention of the Kings of Castile that should haue beene done Howbeit that the Spaniards in all the seuen yeeres space past had neuer giuen them any such notice of the truth of the Gospell or so much as that there was any other King sauing himselfe that so tyrannized ouer them and destroyed them By these meanes of the Religious after the end of fortie dayes that they had preached vnto them the Lords of the Countrie brought vnto them and put into their hands their Idols to the end that they should burne them After also they brought vnto them their young children that
they should catechise them whom they loue as the Apple of their eye They made for them also Churches and Temples and houses Moreouer some other Prouinces sent and inuited them to the end that they might come to them also to preach and giue them the vnderstanding of God and of him whom they said to bee the great King of Castile And being perswaded and induced by the Religious and did a thing which neuer yet before hath beene done in the Indies Twelue or fifteene Lords which had very many subiects and great dominion assembling euery one for his owne part his people and taking their aduise and consent of their owne voluntarie motion yeelded themselues to the subiection and to be vnder the domination of the Kings of Castile admitting the Emperour as King of Spaine for their Liege Souereigne Whereof also they made certaine Instruments by them consigned which I keepe in my charge together with the Testimonies thereunto of the said Religious The Indians being thus onward in the way of the faith with the great ioy and good hope of the Religious Brethren that they should be able to winne vnto Iesus Christ all the people of the Realme that were the residue being but a small number of the slaughters and wicked wars passed There entred at a certaine Coast eighteene Spaniards Tyrants on horsebacke and twelue on foot driuing with them great loades of Idols which they had taken in the other Prouinces of the Indians The Captaine of those thirtie Spaniards called vnto him a Lord of the Countrie therabouts as they were entred and commandeth him to take those Idols and to disperse them throughout all his Countrie selling euery Idoll for an Indian man or an Indian woman to make slaues of them with threatning them that if he did not doe it he would bid them battaile That said Lord being forced by feare distributed those Idols throughout all the Countrie and commanded all his subiects that they should take them to adore them and that they should returne in exchange of that ware Indies and Indisses tomake slaues of The Indians beeing affraid those which had two chldren gaue him one and hee that had three gaue him two This was the end of this Sacrilegious Trafficke and thus was this Lord or Cacique faine to content these Spaniards I say not Christians One of these abominable Chafferers named Iohn Garcia being sicke and neere his death had vnder his bed to packs of Idols and commanded his Indish Maid that serued him to looke to it that she made not away his Idols that there were for Murlimeus for they were good stuffe and that making vent of them shee should not take lesse then a slaue a piece for one of them with another and in fine with this his Testament and last Will thus deuised the Catiffe died The Indians perceiuing that that which the Religious had promised them was as good as nothing namely that the Spaniards should not enter those Prouinces and seeing the Spaniards which had laded thither Idols from other places there to make vent of them they hauing put all their Idols afore into the hands of the Friars to the end they should bee burned and to the end the true God should be by them adored all the Country was in a mutinie and a rage against the Religious Friars and the Indians comming vnto them say Why haue you lied vnto vs in promising vs by deceits that there should not enter any Spaniards into these Countries And why haue you burnt our gods seeing the Spaniards doe bring vs other Gods from other Nations Were not our Gods as good as the Gods of other Prouinces The Friars pacified them in the best manner that they could not knowing what to answere them and went to seeke out those thirty Spaniards to whom they declared the euill which they had done praying them to get them thence which the Spaniards would not doe but said to the Indians that those Religious men had caused them to come thither themselues of their owne accord which was rightly an extreme maliciousnesse In the end the Indians deliberated to kill the Religious men By occasion whereof the Friers fled away in a night hauing aduertisement of the case by some of the Indians Of the Prouince of Saint Martha THe Prouince of Saint Martha was a Countrie where the Spaniards gathered Gold in all plentie the Land being with the Regions adiacent very rich and the people industrious to draw out the Gold Wherefore also infinite Tyrants haue made thither continually with their ships ouer-running and ranging along the Country killing and spoyling those the Inhabitants and ramping from them that gold that they had with speedie returne euer to their ships which went and came oftentimes And so wrought they in those Prouinces great wasts and slaughters and cruelties horrible and that most commonly on the Sea-coast and certaine leagues within the Country At what time there went Spanish Tyrants to inhabite there And for as much as the Country was exceeding rich as hath beene said there euer succeeded Captaines one in anothers roome euery one more cruell then other in such sort that it seemed that euery one inforced himselfe for the masterie in doing of euils The yeere 1529. there went a great Tyrant very resolute with great troupes but without any feare of God or compassion of the nature of man who wrought such wastes and slaughters so great that he exceeded all others that had gone before him himselfe robbing for the space of sixe or seuen yeeres that he liued great Treasures after being deceassed without confession and fled from the place of his residence there succeeded him other murdering Tyrants and Theeues which made an end of the rest of the people that from the yeere 1529. vnto this day they haue reduced into a Wildernesse in those same quarters more then 400. leagues of Land which was no lesse peopled then the other Countries which we haue spoken of Verily if I had to make a bed-roll of the Vngraciousnesses of the Slaughters of the Desolations of the Iniquities of the Violencies of the Massacres and other great Insolencies which the Spaniards haue done and committed in those Prouinces of Saint Martha against God the King and against those innocent Nations I should write an Historie very ample But that may be done if God spare me life hereafter in his good time onely I will set downe a few words of that which was written in a Letter by a Bishop of this Prouince to the King our Souereigne and the Letter beareth date the twentieth of May 1541. The which Bishop amongst other words speaketh thus I say sacred Maiestie that the way to redresse this Countrie is that his Maiestie deliuer her out of the power of Stepfathers and giue vnto her an husband which may intreate her as is reason and aâ—cording as shee deserueth otherwise I am sure hereafter as the Tyrants which now haue the gouernment doe torment and tormoyle her she
will soone take an end c. And a little below he saith Whereby your Maiestie shall know cleerely how those which gouerne in those quarters doe deserue to be dismounted and deposed from their gouernment to the end that the Common-weales may be relieued That if that be not done in mine aduise they can neuer be cured of their diseases His Maiestie shall vnderstand moreouer that in those Regions there are not any Christians but Deuils that there are no Seruants of God and the King but Traitors to the state and their King And in truth the greatest incumbrance that I find in reducing the Indians that are in warre and to set them at peace and to lead those which are at peace to the knowledge of our faith is vnnaturall and cruell entreatie which they that are in peace receiue of the Spanish being so deeply altered and launced that they haue nothing in more hatred and horror then the name of Christians the which in all these Countries they call in their Language Yares that is to say Deuils For the acts which they committed here are neither of Christians nor of men which haue the vse of reason but of Deuils Whereof it commeth to passe that the Indies which doe see these behauiours to be generally so farre estranged from all humanitie and without any mercie aswell in the heads as in the members they esteeme that the Christians do hold these things for a Law and that their God and their King are the Authors thereof And to endeuour to perswade them otherwise were to endeuour in vaine and to minister vnto them the more ample matter to deride and scorne Iesus Christ and his Law The Indians that are in war seeing the intreatie vsed toward the Indians that are in peace would choose rather to die once for all then to endure sundrie deaths beeing vnder the command of the Spanish I know this by experience most victorious Caesar c. He calleth the Indians in warre those which saued themselues by flying into the Mountaines from the slaughters of the mischieuous Spaniards And hee calleth the Indians in peace those which after hauing lost an infinite of their people by the Massacres haue beene thralled into the Tyrannicall and horrible seruitude aforesaid and whereof in the end they haue beene fined out desolated and slaine as appeareth by that which hath beene said by the Bishoppe which notwithstanding speaketh but little in comparison of that which they haue suffered The Indians in that Countrie haue accustomed to say if when they are trauelled and driuen vp the Mountaines loden they happen to fall downe and to faint for feeblenesse and for paine for at that time they lay on vpon them blowes with their feet and with their staues and they breake their teeth with the pummels of their Swords to make them rise and march on without taking of breath with these words Out vpon thee what a Uillaine art thou they I say the Indians for their parts are wont to say I can no more kill me here right I doe desire to die heere and this they say with great sighes and being scarce able to speake for hauing their heart drawne together declaring a great anguish and dolour Of the Prouince of Carthagene THis Prouince of Carthagene is situate vnder and a fiftie leagues distant from the same of Saint Martha towards the West confining with the Prouince of Ceu vnto the Gulph of Araba which are a hundred leagues all along the Sea-side and is a great Countrie within Land towards the South These Prouinces since the yeere 1498. or ninetie nine vntill now haue beene euill entreated martyred massacred desolated like vnto that of Saint Martha Of the Coast of Pearles and of Paria and of the I le of the Trinitie FRom the Coast of Paria vnto the Gulfe of Venesuela without forth which are two hundred leagues the Spanish haue wrought great and strange destructions rioting vpon that people and taking aliue as many as they could to the end they might sell them for slaues and oftentimes making them prisoners against the assurance and the promise of friendship made vnto them It cannot bee well told nor particularly exprest the sundrie kindes and greiuous vexations wrongs hurts and spoiles which those people indured at the Spaniards hands from the yeere 1510. vntill this present I will onely rehearse two or three acts by the which it may be iudged of the rest innumerable and excessiue and worthy all torments and fire In the I le of the Trinitie which is farre greater and more fertile then the I le of Sicile and ioyneth with the firme Land of the Coast of Paria and where the people are the best disposed and most enclined to vertue in their kind of all the Indians as they went there a Captaine Rouer in the yeere 1510. accompanied with sixtie or seuentie other pettie Theeues well appointed they published among the Indians by Proclamations and other publike Summons that they should come and dwell and liue with them in that I le The Indians receiued them as their owne bowels and babes and as well the Lords as Subiects serued them with exceeding readinesse bringing them to eate from day to day as much as might suffice to feed as many moe people For this is the liberalitie of all these Indians of the new World to bestow on the Spaniards of all that they haue in great abundance The Spanish build a great house of Timber in the which the Indians should dwell altogether for the Spanish would haue it so that there should bee one only house for all and no more to compasse that which they had alreadie premeditate to doe and did it When they laid the Thatch vpon the binding staues or sparres and had alreadie couered to the height of two mens length to the end that those that were within might not see those that were without vnder colour to hasten forward the worke that it might bee the sooner dispatched they set a great number of people within the Spaniards deuiding themselues the one part of them being bestowed without compassing the house round about with their weapons because of those that might get forth the other part of them presse into the house Thus laying hands on their Swords they beganne to threaten the Indians naked as they were to kill them if they did stirre and then bound them And those which fled they hewed them in pieces Howbeit some of the Indians which fled both of the hurt and not hurt with others that had not come within the house tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and assembled themselues in another house about an hundred or two hundred persons And as they kept the gate the Spaniards set fire on the house and burned them aliue After with their purchase which might bee of an hundred or fourescore persons of them which they had bound they get them to the I le of Saint Iohn where they sold the one moitie and thence to the I le
hee determined to depart from Quito and to goe seeke the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia leauing thereto moe then two hundred of Footmen and Horsemen amongst whom were a great many Inhabitants of the Citie of Quito Unto those Inhabitants the Captaine gaue licence to carrie with them the Cacikes that were escheated them in sharing with as many Indians as they would That which they did and Alfonso Sanches Nuita carried forth with him his Cacike with moe then an hundred Indians besides and in like manner Peter Cibo and his Cousin and they led out more then an hundred and fifty with their wiues and sundry also sped out their children because that in a manner euery one died for hunger Also Moran Inhabitant of Popayan carried out moe then two hundred persons And the like did all the rest Citizens and Souldiers euery one after his abilitie the Souldiers crauing that they might haue licence giuen them to captiue those Indians men and women which they carried forth the which was granted them vntill the death of the said captiues and those deceased to take as many more When they departed out of the Prouince of Quito they carried out moe then sixe thousand Indians men and women and of all those there neuer returned home into their Countrie twenty persons For they died all through the great and excessiue trauell which they made them indure in those broyling Countries contrary to their nature It happened at that time that one Altonso Sanches whom the said Captaine sent for Chieftaine ouer a certaine number of men into a Prouince there met with a good company of women and young boyes laden with victuals who stayed waiting for them without mouing from the place to giue them of that which they had and hauing so done the Captaine commanded that they should be put to the sharpe of the sword It came to passe also that at the time that the said Captaine came into the Prouince of Lili to a Towne called Palo neere vnto the great Riuer where hee found the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia which was gone before to discouer and pacifie the Countrie the said Ampudia kept a Citie by him prouided of a Garrison in the name of his Maiestie and of the Marques Francis of Pizarro and had set ouer them for Gouernours ordinary one Petre Solano of Quennoues and eight Counsellours and all the rest of the Countrie was in peace and shared out amongst them And as hee knew that the said Captaine was in the said Riuer hee came to see him with a great number of the Inhabitants of the Countrie and peacefull Indians laden with victuals and fruits Shortly after also all the neighbour Indians came to see him bringing him food There were the Indians of Xamundi and of Palo and of Soliman and of Bolo Now because that they brought no Mahis which he would haue he sent a great number of Spaniards with their Indians to goe search for Mahis commanding them to bring some where soeuer they found any So went they to Bolo and to Palo and found the Indians men and women in their houses in peace and the said Spaniards with those that were with them tooke them and robbed their Mahis their Gold and Couerings and all that they had and bound many Wherefore they seeing that the Captaine kept no Faith with them all the Countrie arose and reuolted from the Spanish whereof ensued great damage and God and the Kings Maiestie offended and by this meanes the Countrey remayned dispeopled for that the Olomas and the Manipos their enemies which are Mountaine people and warlike descended daily to take and robbe them when they perceiued the Citie and places of their abode left destitute And amongst them hee who was the stronger did eate vp his fellow for all died for famine This done the Captaine came to the Citie of Ampudia where he was receiued for Generall From this place they goe to a Citie called Tukilicui from whence the Cacike of the place yeelded forth incontinent in peace a number of Indians going before him The Captaine demanded Gold of him and of his Indians The Cacike told him that hee had but a small deale and that which he had should be giuen him and immediatly all beganne to giue him all that they had Whereupon the said Captaine gaue vnto euery of them a ticket with the name of the said Indian for a testimoniall that he had giuen him Gold affirming that hee which should haue neuer a ticket should be cast to the Dogges to bee deuoured because he gaue him no Gold Whereupon the Indians for feare that they were put in gaue him all the Gold that they were able and those which had none fled into the Mountaines and other Townes for feare to bee slaine By reason whereof perished a great number of the natiue Inhabitants of the Countrie And shortly after the said Captaine commanded the Cacike to send two Indians to another Citie named Dagna to will them that they should come in peace and bring him Gold in abundance And comming to another Citie hee sent that night many Spaniards to take the Indians and namely of Tulilicui So as they brought the next morrow aboue an hundred persons and all those which could beare burdens they tooke them for themselues and for their Souldiers and put them to the chaine whereof they died all And the said Captaine gaue the little children vnto the said Cacike Tulilicui that hee should eate them and in truth the skinnes of those children are kept in the house of the said Cacike Tulilicui full of ashes and so departed hee from thence without an Interpreter and went towards the Prouinces of Castile where hee ioyned himselfe vnto the Captaine Iohn de Ampudia who had sent him to discouer another way doing both of them great outrages and much mischiefe vnto the Inhabitants of the Countrie where they became And the said Iohn de Ampudia came to a Citie the Cacike and Lord whereof called Bitacur had caused to make certaine Duches to defend himselfe and there fell into the same two Horses the one of Antonie Rodondos the other of Marc Marqueâ—â—s That of Marcos Marquis died the other not For which cause the said Ampudia commanded to take all the Indians men and women that might be and thereupon tooke and layed together more then an hundred persons whom they cast aliue into those Ditches and slue them and brent withall more then an hundred houses in the said Citie And in that manner met in a great Citie where without summoning the Indians being at peace and without any spokesman to goe betweene them they slue with their Speares a great number of them making on them mortall warre And as it is said soone after they were met the said Ampudia told the Captaine what he had done in Bitaco and how he cast so many into the Ditches and the said Captaine answered that it was well done and that he for his part had done as much
soeuer they be doe neuerthelesse keepe them to one and their owne wife as nature and necessitie teacheth and yet we see some Spaniard haue fourteene or more which Gods Commandements doe forbid The Indians deuoure no mans goods they doe no man wrong they doe not vexe trouble or slay any where themselues doe see the Spaniards commit all sinnes iniquities and treacheries that man can commit against all equitie and iustice To be briefe the Indians doe not beleeue any thing but doe mocke at all that is shewed them of God being in truth fully rooted in this opinion of our God that he is the worst and most vniust and the most wicked of all Gods because he hath such seruants also concerning your Maiestie they thinke you the most vniust and cruell of all Kings because you doe both send thither and keepe here such euill Subiects supposing that your Maiestie doth feed vpon humane flesh and bloud The Spaniards hauing authoritie to command or particular interest in the Indies cannot by reason of their great couetousnesse abstaine from afflicting troubling disquieting vexing or oppressing the Indians taking away their goods lands wiues or children and vsing among them many other kindes of iniquitie for the which they can haue no redresse sanction or warrant at your Maiesties chiefe Iustice because the Spaniards doe make them afraide yea sometimes doe kill them lest they should complaine They doe night and day mourne after their Gods thinking them to be better then ours at whom they sustaine such harmes while contrariwise of their owne they reape there so many commodities and there is nothing that troubleth them so much as the Christians Wee can shew to your Maiestie that the Spaniards haue within eight and thirty or forty yeeres slaine of iust accompt aboue twelue millions of your Subiects I will not say how mightily this world of people might haue multiplied This Countrey being the fertilest whether for cattell or mankinde that is in the world the soyle being for the most part more temperate and fauourable to humane generation All these innumerable persons and all these people haue the Spaniards slaine to the end to beare sway gouerne and command ouer the rest and when in vniust warres they haue slaine them then doe they vse the rest who iustly haue withstood them in drawing Gold and Siluer yoking them together like beasts to make them carrie their burdens What plague of pestilence or mortalitie could there haue fallen from heauen that had beene able to consume or make waste aboue 2500. leagues of flat Country replenished with people and would not haue left either trauailer or inhabitant The Spaniards onely for their temporall commoditie haue blemished the Indies with the greatest infamie that any man euen among the most horrible and villanous persons in the world could be charged withall and whereby they haue sought to take them out of the degree of mankinde namely that they were all polluted with the abominable sinne against nature which is a wretched and false slander For in all the great Iles Hispaniola Saint Iohn Cuba and Lamaica Also in the sixtie Iles of Lucayos which were inhabited with an infinite number of people the same was neuer thought vpon in some other part there is a voice of a few for whole sakes neuerthelesse all that world is not to be condemned We may say as much of the eating of mans flesh which likewise those places that I haue named are free of although that in other places thy doe it indeede They be also charged with their Idolatrie The Spaniards haue purposely and effectually hindered the teaching of the Law of God and Iesus Christ with all other vertues among the Indians and driuen away the Religious persons out of Townes and Fortresses least they should see and disclose their tyrannies yea they haue by their euill example infected and corrupted the Indies teaching them many odious behauiours and vices which before they knew not as blaspheming the name of Iesus Christ practising of vsurie lying and many other abhominations wholly repugnant to their nature The Spaniards doe sucke from the Indians the whole substance of their bodies because they haue nothing else in their houses They make them spit bloud They exhibite them to all dangers They lay vpon them sundry and intollerable trauailes and more then all this They loade them with torments beatings and sorrowings To be briefe they spoile and consume a thousand manner of wayes Besides all that the Indians doe indure in seruing and pleasing the Spaniards there is yet a butcher or cruell hangman to keepe them in awe appointed in euery Towne and place and is tearmed Estanciero or Calpisque who hath authoritie to lay his clawes vpon them and to make them labour and doe what the Lord Commander or chiefe thiefe will So as if in hell there were no other torment yet were this incomparable This hangman whippeth them he ladeth them with stripes he basteth them with scalding grease he afflicteth them with continuall torments and trauels hee forceth and defloureth their daughters and wiues dishonouring and abusing them he deuoureth their Hens which are their greatest treasure not because themselues doe eate them but that of them they offer presents and seruice to their greatest Lord and chiefe tyrant he vexeth them with innumerable other torments and griefes and least they should complaine of so many iniuries and miseries this tyrant putteth them in feare saying that hee will accuse them and say that he see them commit Idolatry To be briefe they must please and content aboue twenty disordinate and vnreasonable persons so as they haue foure Lords and Masters Your Maiestie their Cacique him that hath them in commendam and the Estanciero of whom I last spake which Estanciero is to them more grieuous to beare then a quintall of lead among which we may also in truth adde all the Mochachos and Moores that doe serue the Commander and Master for they all doe molest oppresse and rob these poore people It is greatly to be feared least God will lay Spaine desolate euen for those horrible sinnes that this Nation hath committed in the Indies whereof we doe euidently behold the scourge and all the world doth see and confesse that already it hangeth ouer our heads wherewith God doth afflict and shew that he is highly offended in those parts through the great destruction and waste of those Nations in that of so great treasures haue bin transported out of the Indies into Spaine the like quantitie of Gold and Siluer neither King Salomon neither any other worldly Prince euer had saw or heard of there is none left besides that of that that was here before the Indies were discouered there is now none to be found no neuer a whit Hereof it commeth that things are thrise dearer then they were the poore that haue want doe suffer great miseries and your Maiestie cannot dispatch matters of great importance So long as Lares
but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge whereunto these coasts are subiect which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea vntill the next day in the morning when we descried land the weather being very cleere which was the Cape of Saint Marie The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw of winde which lasted two dayes The fifteenth of the said moneth wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie sixe leagues in length which caused vs to strike saile all the night to auoide the danger we might incurre The next day we set saile and descried Cape de Raie and the Isles of Saint Paul and Cape de Saint Laurence which is on the South side And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie is eighteene leagues which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada The same day about ten of the clocke in the morning we met with another Iland of Ice which was aboue eight leagues long The twentieth of the said moneth we discried an Isle which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length which is called the Isle of Assumption which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada The next day we descried Gachepe which is a very high land and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike which is twenty leagues which is on the South side also from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac which is fifteene leagues All these Countries are very high and barren yeelding no commoditie The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Saguenay where there is a very strange currant and tide for the swiftnesse and depth thereof where sometimes strong windes do blow because of the cold which they bring with them it is thought that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall and it commeth from the North North-west The said Port of Tadousac is little wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships but there is water enough toward the East toward the opening of the said Riuer of Sagenay along by a little hill which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines whereon there is little mould but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines Cypresses Fir-trees Burch and some other sorts of trees of small price There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods At the entrance of the said Port there are two points the one on the West side running a league into the Sea which is called Saint Matthewes point and the other on the South-east side containing a quarter of a league which is called the point of all the Diuels The South and South South-east and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen But from Saint Matthewes Point to the said Point of all the Diuels is very neere a league Both these Points are dry at a low water THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew which is a league from Tadousac with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him to make report of that which they had seene in France and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo which is called Anadabijou where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions which were making Tabagie that is to say a Feast Hee receiued vs very well according to the custome of the Countrey and made vs sit downe by him and all the Sauages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France and that they might assure themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well and desired to people their Countrey and to make peace with their enemies which are the Irocois or to send them forces to vanquish them He also reckoned vp the faire Castels Palaces Houses and people which they had seene and our manner of liuing He was heard with so great silence as more cannot be vttered Now when he had ended his Oration the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo and to mee and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him after he had taken store of Tobacco he began to make his Oration to all speaking distinctly resting sometimes a little and then speaking againe saying that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great friend they answered all with one voyce ho ho ho which is to say yea yea yea He proceeding forward in his speech said That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey and make warre against their enemies and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good then to the French In fine hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie When hee had ended his speech we went out of his Cabine and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast which they make with the flesh of Orignac which is like an Oxe of Beares of Seales and Beuers which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue with great store of wilde Fowle They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine and they were set one from another some six paces and each one vpon a seuerall fire The men sat on both sides the house as I said before with his dish made of the barke of a tree and when the meate is sodden there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes wherein they feede very filthily for when their hands be fattie they rub them on their haire or else on the haire of their dogs whereof they haue store to hunt with Before their meate was sodden one of them rose vp and took a dog danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother when he came before the great Sagamo he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground and then all of them with one voice cried ho ho ho
me that they beare Fruit like ours In passing further we met an Ile which is called Saint Eloy and another little Ile which is hard by the North shoare we passed betweene the said Ile and the North shore where betweene the one and the other are some hundred and fiftie paces From the said Ile we passed a league and an halfe on the South side neere vnto a Riuer whereon Canowes might goe All this Coast on the North side is very good one may passe freely there yet with the Lead in the hand to auoid certaine points All this Coast which we ranged is mouing Sand but after you be entred a little into the Woods the soile is good The Friday following we departed from this I le coasting still the North side hard by the shoare which is low and full of good Trees and in great number as farre as the three Riuers where it beginneth to haue another temperature of the season somewhat differing from that of Saint Croix because the Trees are there more forward then in any place that hitherto I had seene From the three Riuers to Saint Croix are fifteene leagues In this Riuer are sixe Ilands three of which are very small and the others some fiue or sixe hundred paces long very pleasant and fertile for the little quantitie of ground that they containe There is one Iland in the middest of the said Riuer which looketh directly vpon the passage of the Riuer of Canada and commandeth the other Ilands which lye further from the shoare aswell on the one side as on the other of foure or fiue hundred paces it riseth on the South side and falleth somewhat on the North side This in my iudgement would be a very fit place to inhabit and it might bee quickly fortified for the situation is strong of it selfe and neere vnto a great Lake which is aboue foure leagues distant which is almost ioyned to the Riuer of Saguenay by the report of the Sauages which trauell almost an hundred leagues Northward and passe many Saults and then goe by Land some fiue or sixe leagues and enter into a Lake whence the said Riuer of Saguenay receiueth the best part of his Spring and the said Sauages come from the said Lake to Tadousac Moreouer the planting of The three Riuers would be a benefit for the liberty of certaine Nations which dare not come that way for feare of the said Irocois their enemies which border vpon all the said Riuer of Canada But this place being inhabited we might make the Irocois and the other Sauages friends or at least wise vnder the fauour of the said Plantation the said Sauages might passe freely without feare or danger because the said place of The three Riuers is a passage All the soyle which I saw on the North shoare is sandy Wee went vp aboue a league into the said Riuer and could passe no further by reason of the great current of water We took a Boate to search vp further but we went not past a league but we met a very Strait full of water of some twelue paces which caused vs that we could not passe no further All the ground which I saw on the bankes of the said Riuer riseth more and more and is full of Firre-trees and Cypresse Trees and hath very few other Trees ON the Saturday following we departed from The three Riuers and anchored at a Lake which is foure leagues distant All this Countrey from The three Riuers to the entrance of the said Lake is low ground euen with the water on the North side and on the South side it is somewhat higher The said Countrey is exceeding good and the most pleasant that hitherto we had seene the Woods are very thinne so that a man may trauell easily through them The next day being the nine and twentieth of Iune we entred into the Lake which is some fifteene leagues in length and some seuen or eight leagues broad At the entrance thereof on the South-side within a league there is a Riuer which is very great and entreth into the Countrey some sixtie or eightie leagues and continuing along the same Coast there is another little Riuer which pierceth about two leagues into the Land and commeth out of another small Lake which may containe some three or foure leagues On the North side where the Land sheweth very high a man may see some twentie leagues off but by little and little the Mountaynes beginne to fall toward the West as it were into a flat Countrey The Sauages say that the greatest part of these Mountaynes are bad soyle The said Lake hath some three fathoms water whereas we passed which was almost in the middest the length lieth East and West and the breadth from North to the South I thinke it hath good fish in it of such kinds as we haue in our owne Countrey Wee passed it the very same day and anchored about two leagues within the great Riuer which goeth vp to the Sault In the mouth whereof are thirtie small Ilands as farre as I could discerne some of them are of two leagues others a league and an halfe some lesse which are full of Walnut-trees which are not much different from ours and I thinke their Walnuts are good when they bee ripe I saw many of them vnder the Trees which were of two sorts the one small and the others as long as a mans Thumbe but they were rotten There are also store of Vines vpon the bankes of the said Ilands But when the waters be great the most part of them is couered with water And this Countrey is yet better then any other which I had seene before The last day of Iune wee departed from thence and passed by the mouth of the Riuer of the Irocois where the Sauages which came to make warre against them were lodged and fortified Their Fortresse was made with a number of posts set very close one to another which ioyned on the one side on the banke of the great Riuer of Canada and the other on the banke of the Riuer of the Irocois and their Boates were ranged the one by the other neere the shoare that they might flie away with speed if by chance they should bee surprised by the Irocois For their Fort is couered with the barke of Okes and serueth them for nothing else but to haue time to embarke themselues We went vp the Riuer of the Irocois some fiue or sixe leagues and could passe no farther with our Pinnasse by reason of the great course of water which descendeth and also because we cannot goe on Land and draw the Pinnasse for the multitude of Trees which are vpon the bankes Seeing we could not passe any further we tooke our Skiffe to see whether the current were more gentle but going vp some two leagues it was yet stronger and wee could goe no higher Being able to doe no more we returned to our
Some three leagues beyond we passed neere vnto another Riuer which seemed to be very great yet barred for the most part with Rockes some eight leagues farther there is a Point which runneth a league and an halfe into the Sea where there is not past a fathome and an halfe of water When you are passed this Point there is another about foure leagues off where is water enough All this Coast is low and sandie Foure leagues beyond this there is a creeke where a Riuer entreth many ships may passe heere on the West side this is a low point which runneth about a league into the Sea you must runne along the Easterne shoare some three hundred paces to enter into the same This is the best Hauen which is all along the North shoare but it is very dangerous in going thither because of the flats and sholds of sand which lye for the most part all along the shoare almost two leagues into the Sea About six leagues from thence there is a Bay where there is an Isle of sand all this Bay is very shallow except on the East side where it hath about foure fathoms water within the channell which entreth into the said Bay some foure leagues up there is a faire creeke where a Riuer entreth All this coast is low and sandie there descendeth a fall of water which is great About fiue leagues farther is a Point which stretcheth about halfe a league into the Sea where there is a creeke and from the one point to the other are three leagues but all are shoald where is little water About two leagues off there is a strand where there is a good hauen and a small Riuer wherein are three Islands and where Ships may harbour themselues from the weather Three leagues beyond this is a sandie point which runneth out about a league at the end whereof there is a small Islet Going forward to Lesqueuim you meete with two little low Islands and a little rocke neere the shoare these said Ilands are about halfe a league from Lesqueuim which is a very bad Port compassed with rockes and dry at a low water and you must fetch about a little point of a rocke to enter in where one Ship onely can passe at a time A little higher there is a Riuer which runneth a little way into the land This is the place where the Basks kill the Whales to say the truth the hauen is starke naught Wee came from thence to the foresaid hauen of Tadousac the third day of August All these Countries before mentioned are low toward the shoare and within the land very high They are neither so pleasant nor fruitfull as those on the South although they be lower And this for a certaintie is all which I haue seene of this Northerne coast AT our comming to Tadousac we found the Saâ—ages which wee met in the Riuer of the Irâ—cois who met with three Canowes of the Irocois in the first Lake which fought against tenne others of the Mountayners and they brought the heads of the Irocois to Tadousac and there was but one Mountayner wounded in the arme with the shot of an Arrow who dreaming of something all the other tenne must seeke to content him thinking also that his wound thereby would mend if this Sauage die his Parents will reuenge his death either vpon their Nation or vpon others or at least wise the Captaines must giue Presents to the Parents of the dead to content them otherwise as I haue said they would be reuenged which is a great fault among them Before the said Mountayners set forth to the Warre they assembled all with their richest apparell of Furres Beauers and other Skinnes adorned with Pater-nosters and Chaines of diuers colours and assembled in a great publike place where there was before them a Sagaue whose name was Begâ—â—rat which led them to the Warre and they marched one behind another with their Bowes and Arrowes Mases and Targets wherewith they furnish themselues to fight and they went leaping one after another in making many gestures of their bodies they made many turnings like a Snaile afterward they began to dance after their accustomed manner as I haue said before then they made their Peast and after they had ended it the women stripped themselues starke naked being decked with their fairest Cordons and went into their Canowes thus naked and there danced and then they went into the water and strooke at one another with their Oares and beate water one vpon another yet they did no hurt for they warded the blowes which they strooke one at the other After they had ended all these Ceremonies they retired themselues into their Cabines and the Sauages went to warre against the Irocois The sixt day of August we departed from Tadousac and the eighteenth of the said moneth we arriued at the I le Perçee where wee found Mon 〈…〉 r Preuert of Saint Malo which came from the Myne where he had beene with much trouble for the feare which the Sauages had to meet with their enemies which are the Ar 〈…〉 cois which are Sauages very monstrous for the shape that they haue For their head is little and their body short their armes small like a bone and their thigh like their legges great and long which are all of one proportion and when they sit vpon their heeles their knees are higher by halfe a foot then their head which is a strange thing and they seeme to be out of the course of Nature Neuerthelesse they be very valiant and resolute and are planted in the best Countries of all the South Coast And the Souricois do greatly feare them But by the incouragement which the said Mon 〈…〉 r de Preuert gaue them hee brought them to the said Myne to which the Sauages guided him It is a very high Mountaine rising somewhat ouer the Sea which glistereth very much against the Sunne and there is great store of Verde-grease issuing out of the said Myne of Copper He saith that at the foot of the said Mountayne at a low water there were many morsels of Copper as was otherwise declared vnto vs which fall downe from the top of the Mountaine Passing three or foure leagues further toward the South there is another Myne and a small Riuer which runneth a little way vp into the Land running toward the South where there is a Mountaine which is of a blacke painting wherewith the Sauages paint themselues Some sixe leagues beyond the second Myne toward the Sea about a league from the South Coast there is an I le wherein is found another kind of Metall which is like a darke browne if you cut it it is white which they vsed in old time for their Arrowes and Kniues and did beate it with stones Which maketh me beleeue that it is not Tinne nor Lead being so hard as it is and hauing shewed them siluer they said that the Myne of
it by whose violence the gumme enclosed within the lembecke melted and dropped downe into a bason but it was needefull to be very watchfull at it by reason that if the fire had taken hold of the Gumme all had beene lost That was admirable especially in a man that neuer saw any made Whereof the Sauages being astonied did say in words borrowed from the Basques Endia chaue Normandia that is to say that the Normans know many things Now they call all Frenchmen Normands except the Basques because the most part of fishermen that goe afishing there be of that Nation This remedie came very fitly vnto vs for those which came to seeke vs were fallen into the same want that we were THe Sunne did but beginne to cheere the earth and to behold his Mistris with an amorous aspect when the Sagamos Membertou after our Prayers solemnely made to God and the break-fast distributed to the people according to the custome came to giue vs aduertisement that he had seene a sayle vpon the Lake which came towards our Fort. At this ioyfull new es euery one went out to see but yet none was found that had so good aâ—sight as he though he be aboue a 100. yeeres old neuerthelesse we spied very soone what it was It was onely a small Bark vnder the charge of a young man of Saint Maloes named Cheualier who beeing arriued at the Fort deliuered his Letters to Monsieur de Poutrincourt which were read publikely They did write vnto him that for to helpe to saue the charges of the Voyage the ship being yet the Ionas should stay at Campseau Port there to fish for Cods by reason that the Merchants associate with Monsieur de Monts knew not that there was any fishing farther then that place Notwithstanding if it were necessary he should cause the ship to come to Port Royall Moreouer that the societie was broken because that contrary to the King his Edict the Hollanders conducted by a traiterous Frenchman called La Ieunesse had the yeere before taken vp the Beuers and other Furres of the great Riuer of Canada Notwithstanding after that Monsieur de Poutrincourt had a long while mused hereupon he said that although he should haue no bodie to come with him but onely his family hee would not forsake the enterprize It was great griefe vnto vs to abandon without hope of returne a Land that had produced vnto vs so faire Corne and so many faire adorned Gardens All that could be done vntill that time was to find out a place fit to make a setled dwelling and a Land of good fertilitie And that being done it was great want of courage to giue ouer the enterprise for another yeare being passed the necessitie of maintayning an habitation there should be taken away for the Land was sufficient to yeeld things necessarie for life This was the cause of that griefe which pierced the hearts of them which were desirous to see the Christian Religion established in that Countrey But on the contrary Monsieur de Monts and his associates reaping no benefit but losse and hauing no helpe from the King it was a thing which they could not doe but with much diffiâ—ultie to maintayne an habitation in those parts Now this enuie for the Trade of Beauers with the Sauages found not onely place in the Hollanders hearts but also in French Merchants in such sort that the priuiledge which had beene giuen to the said Monsieur de Monts for ten yeeres was reuoked The vnsatiable auarice of men is a strange thing which haue no regard to that which is honest so that they may rifle and catch by what meanes soeuer And thereupon I will say moreouer that there haue beene some of them that came to that Countrey to fetch vs home that wickedly haue presumed so much as to strip the dead and steale away the Beauers which those poore people doe put for their last benefit vpon them whom they bury as we will declare more at large in the Booke following A thing that maketh the French name to be odious and worthy disdaine among them which haue no such sordid qualitie at all Fifteene dayes after the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent a Barke to Campseau with part of our Workmen for to beginne to pull downe the house In the beginning of Iune the Sauages about foure hundred in number went away from the dwelling that the Sagamos Membertou had newly made in forme of a Towne compassed about with high pales for to go to warres against the Armouchiquois which was at Chouakoet some eightie leagues distant from Port Royall from whence they returned victorious Monsieur de Poutrincourt being not willing to depart thence vntill hee had seene the issue of his expectation that is to say the ripenesse of his Corne hee deliberated after that the Sauages were gone to warres to make Voyages along the Coast. And because Chaualier was desirous to gather some Beuers he sent him in a small Barke to the Riuer of Saint Iohn called by the Sauages Ouigoudi and to the I le Saint Croix And he the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt went in a shallop to the Copper Myne I was of the said Cheualier his Voyage we crossed the French Bay to goe to the said Riuer where as soone as wee arriued halfe a doozen Salmons newly taken were brought to vs we soiourned there foure dayes during which we went into the Cabins of Sagamos Chkoudun where we saw some eightie or a hundred Sauages all naked except their priuie members which were a making Tabagy that is to say a banquetting with the meale that the said Cheualier had trucked with them for their old skinnes full of Lice The Towne of Ouigoudi so I call the dwelling of the said Chkoudun was a great inclosure vpon an Hill compassed about with high and small Trees tied one against another and within it many Cabins great and small one of which was as great as a Market Hall wherein many housholds retired themselues And as for the same where they made their Tabagie it was somwhat lesse A good part of the said Sauages were of Gachepe which is the beginning of the great Riuer of Canada and they told vs that they came from their dwelling thither in sixe dayes which made me much to maruell seeing the distance that there is by Sea but they shorten very much their wayes and make great Voyages by the meanes of Lakes and Riuers at the end of which being come in carrying their Canowes three or foure leagues they get to other Riuers that haue a contrary course All these Sauages were come thither to goe to the warres with Membertou against the Armouchiquois When we returned to our Barke which was at the comming in of the Port halfe a league off from thence sheltered by a causie that the Sea hath made there our men and specially Captaine Champdore that conducted vs were in doubt lest some
for we are not able of our selues to make those Voyages without the assistance of the Sauages These Countries are not the Plaines of Champaigne nor of Vatan nor the ingratefull wood of Limosin All is there couered with woods that seeme to threaten the clouds And at that time his company of men was but weake as well by reason of the former mortality as of the infirmities of sicknesses which were yet continuing Notwithstanding being a man who is astonished with nothing and of a gentle conuersation knowing wisely how to acquaint and accommodate himselfe with those people after hauing promised them that when the land of the Iroquois and other Countries should be discouered the great French Sagamos meaning our King would giue them great rewards he inuited them to goe to warre against the said Iroquois promising for himselfe that he would take part with them They in whom the desire of reuenge dieth not and who delight in nothing more then in warre passe their word vnto him and arme themselues about one hundred men for that effect with whom the said Champlein ventures himselfe accompanied with one man and one of Monsieur de Monts his footemen So they began their voyage in the Sauages Barkes and Canoes alongst the great Riuer as farre as the entring into the Riuer of the Iroquois wherein being entred within certaine dayes they went vp vnto the Lake of the said Iroquois But one may demand with what did so many people liue in a Countrie where no Innes are I wonder as much at that as others doe for with them there is not any meanes of liuing but by hunting and in that they doe exercise themselues through the woods in their trauailes Champlein and his men were forced to liue after their manner For although they had made prouision of Bread Wine and Meate out of the storehouse the same could not haue serued them to make accompt of Finally being come into the said Lake they were many dayes a crossing of it for it is about sixtie leagues of length without giuing knowledge of their being there and so the said Champlein had time to view their Tillage and the faire Ilands that serue for an ornament to their great extension of water These people are much like to the Armouchiquois in their fashion of liuing They sowe Indian Maiz and Beanes and haue quantity of faire Grapes whereof they make no vse and very good rootes Euery Family haue their ground round about their dwellings Forts also yet no Townes made with buildings of three or foure stories high such as they haue in new Mexico a Countrie situated much farther within the lands In the end our men being discouered the alarum was giuen among the Iroquois who assembled themselues And as the Iroquois did approach Champlein who was armed with a Musket charged with two bullets would haue set himselfe forward to aime to make at one of the forwardest of the Iroquois who did braue it challenging his enemies to the combat But the Sauages of Kebec told him in their language no doe not so for if they once discouer you not being accustomed to see such folkes they will forthwith runne away and make no stand so shall we loose the glory which we expect of this charge withdraw your selfe therefore behinde our formost ranke and when we shall be neere you shall aduance your selfe and shoote at those two feathered fellowes whom you see the formost in the middest of the troope which was found good and executed by the said Champlein who with one shot laid them both to the ground as he hath related vnto vs. He who assisted him did also his duetie But on a sodaine all was in disorder astonished at such a noise and death so vnexpected Vpon this feare the men of Kebec loosing no occasion followed earnestly their enemies and killed about fiftie of them whose heads they brought backe to make therewith merry feasts and dances at their returne according to their custome These things so passed Champlein tooke againe his course towards ancient France where he arriued in October 1609. hauing left the gouernment of New France to a good reuerent old man called Captaine Pierre And for as much as the accidents of the former sicknesse were feared to come the winter following Captaine du Pont of Honfleure a man very well worthy to hold ranke among the Heroes of the said Prouince for hauing bin the first that came to the Fals of the great Riuer after Iacques Quartier hauing also wintered in Port Royall and almost euery yeare made voyages to those parts for the reliefe of them that were there gaue aduise that wood should be ready cut downe for those that should tarry there all the winter and thereby to free them from painfull toyles That helpe hath bin of such force that besides this hauing their buildings made they haue left no infirmitie nor mortality So he returned and with him the said Champlein and those that would returne In the meane while preparations were made for another voyage against the returne of the said Champlein to the end to prosecute his discoueries and consequently to relieue the said Captaine Pierre He tooke againe for the second time the Lieutenancy of the said Monsieur de Monts for the gouernment of Kebec and setting out in the beginning of March was forced diuers times to turne backe by reason of contrary windes which made him to arriue late as did also Monsieur de Poutrincourt of his part And neuerthelesse in that small time which hee had in those parts he exploited a great peece of worke hauing gone this yeare as farre as a great Lake of an hundred leagues in length which is beyond the Fals of the great Riuer of Canada eighty leagues Hauing then reuiewed the state of all things at Kebec and learned what occurrences had passed there since his departure he made an agreement with the Captaines of the said place and with them of Tadoussac to goe on warfare aboue the Fall of the said Riuer promising them to procure an hundred Frenchmen to assist them in the extirping of all their enemies and that they should haue as many of their owne men of their side which they liked very well But the day appointed being come and the Frenchmen not come he excused the matter vpon the weather which had beene boistrous for Sailers and for want of whom hee told them that himselfe would goe with them and follow their fortunes They seeing they could doe no better accepted of his offer and went together with some other Frenchmen more along the same faire Riuer the Sauages still hunting for prouision for the kitchin And they trauailed so farre that after hauing passed the Fals they crossed some Lakes and in the space of eighty leagues came to that other Lake which we haue said to be of an hundred leagues in length where as the said Champlein hath recited
intelligence They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish Indies and for the Indian ships and the shippes of the Countries in the West which put the Ilanders in great feare specially those of Fayael for that the Englishmen sent a Trumpet to the Gouernour to aske certaine wine flesh and other victuals for their money and good friendship They of Fayael did not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them but with a shot killed their Messenger or Trumpetter which the Englishmen tooke in euill part sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues and stand vpon their guard for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere that he was there in the behalfe of his Maiestie of Spaine and that he would doe his best to keepe them out as he was bound but no thing was done although they of Fayael were in no little feare sending to Tercera for aide from whence they had certaine Barkes with Powder and Munition for warre with some Bisket and other necessary prouision The thirtieth of August we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugall that there were eightie ships put out of the Carunho laden with Victuals Munition Money and Souldiers to goe for Britaine to aide the Catholikes and Leaguers of France against the King of Nauarre At the same time two Netherland Hulkes comming out of Portugall to Tercera beeing halfe the Seas ouer met with foure of the Queenes shippes their Generall beeing Sir Iohn Hawkins that stayed them but let them goe againe without doing them any harme The Netherlanders reported that each of the Queenes ships had eightie Peeces of Ordnance and that Captaine Drake lay with fortie ships in the English Channell watching for the Armie of Carunho and likewise that there lay at the Cape Saint Vincent tenne other English ships that if any ships escaped from the Ilands they might take them Those tidings put the Ilanders in great feare lest if they failed of the Spanish fleete and got nothing by them that then they would fall vpon the Ilands because they would not returne emptie home whereupon they held straight watch sending aduise vnto the King what newes they heard The first of September there came to the Iland of Saint Michael a Portugall ship out of the Hauen of Pernanbuco in Brasilia which brought newes that the Admirall of the Portugall fleet that came from India hauing missed the Iland of Saint Helena was of necessitie constrained to put in at Pernanbuco although the King had expresly vnder a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe because of the Wormes that there doe spoile the ships The same ship wherein Bernaldine Rybero was Admirall the yeere before 1589. sayled out of Lisbone into the Indies with fiue ships in her company whereof but foure got into India the fift was neuer heard of so that it was thought to be cast away The other foure returned safe againe into Portugall though the Admirall was much spoiled because he met with two English ships that fought long with him and slue many of his men but yet he escaped from them The fift of the same moneth there arriued in Tercera a Caruell of the Iland of Coruo and brought with her fiftie men that had beene spoyled by the Englishmen who had set them on shore in the Iland of Coruo being taken out of a shippe that came from the Spanish Indies they brought tydings that the Englishmen had taken foure more of the Indian ships and a Caruell with the King of Spaines Letters of aduise for the ships comming out of the Portugall Indies and that with those which they had taken they were at the least forty English ships together so that not one Barke escaped them but fell into their hands and that therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India durst not put into the Ilands but tooke their course vnder fortie and fortie two degrees and from thence sailed to Lisbon shunning likewise the Cape Saint Vincent otherwise they could not haue had a prosperous iourney of it for that as then the Sea was full of English ships Wherupon the King aduised the fleet lying in Hauana in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spaine that they should stay there all that yeere till the next yeere because of the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen which was no small charge and hinderance to the fleet for that the ships that lie there doe consume themselues and in a manner eate vp one another by reason of the great number of people together with the scarcitie of all things so that many ships chose rather one by one to aduenture themselues alone to get home then to stay there all which fell into the Englishmens hands whereof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera for that a whole day we could see nothing else but spoyled men set on shore some out of one ship some out of another that pittie it was to see all of them cursing the Englishmen and their owne fortunes with those that had beene the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight and complayning of the small remedie and order taken therein by the King of Spaines Officers The nineteenth of the same moneth there came to Tercera a Caruel of Lisbon with one of the Kings Officers to cause the goods that were saued out of the ship which came from Malacca for the which we stayed there to be laden and sent to Lisbon And at the same time there put out of the Carunha one Don Alonso de Bassan with fortie great ships of warre to come vnto the Ilands there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish and Portugall Indies and the goods of the Malacca ship being laden they were to conuoy them all together into the Riuer of Lisbon but being certaine dayes at Sea alwayes hauing a contrary wind they could not get vnto the Ilands only two of them that were scattered from the fleet they presently returned backe to seeke them in the meane time the King changed his minde and caused the fleet to stay in India as I said before and therefore he sent word vnto Don Alonso de Bassan that hee should returne againe to the Carunha which he presently did without doing any thing nor once approching neere the Ilands sauing only the two foresaid ships for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Iland of Coruo but he would not visit them and so he returned to the Hauen of Carunha whereby our goods that came from Malacca were yet to ship and crussed vp againe forced to stay a more fortunate time with patience perforce The three and twentieth of October there arriued in Tercera a Caruell with aduise out of Portingall that of fiue ships which in the yeere 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies foure of them were turned againe to Portingall after they had beene foure moneths abroad and that the Admirall wherein the Vice-roy
for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue foure hundred men and of the English were slaine about a hundred Sir Richard Greenfield himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was borne into the Sâ—ip called the Saint Paul wherein was the Admirall of the Fleete Don Alonso de Barsan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish Surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondring at his courage and stout heart for that he shewed not any signe of faintnesse nor changing of coloâ—r But feeling the houre of death to approach he spake these words in Spanish and said Here dye I Richard Greenfield with a ioyfull and quiet minde for that I haue ended my life as a true Souldier ought to doe that hath fought for his Countrey Queene Religion and honour whereby my Soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body and shall alwayes leaue behinde it an euerlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier that hath done his duetie as hee was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great and stout courage and no man could perceiue any true signe of heauinesse in him This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England and had great yearely reuenewes of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde and greatly affected to warre in so much as of his owne priuate motion he offered his seruice to the Qâ—eene He had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowne of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse and spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the Fleete or Armado they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue sailed away for it was one of the best Ships for saile in England and the Master perceiuing that the other Ships had left them and followed not after commanded the great saile to be cut that they might make away but Sir Richard Greenfield threatned both him and all the rest that were in the Ship that if any man laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight and in the end were taken He was of so hard a complexion that as hee continued among the Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him hee would carouse three or foure Glasses of Wine and in a brauery take the Glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in peeces and swallow them downe so that often times the bloud ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him and this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the Ship as the Captaine of the Souldiers the Master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish Ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen betweene the Biscaines and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarrell among them one taking the chiefe Ancient and the other the Flagge and the Captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Iland of Tercera there to repaire themselues where being arriued I and my chamber-fellow to heare some newes went aboord one of the Ships being a great Biscaine and one of the twelue Apostles whose Captaine was called Bertandono that had bin Generall of the Biscaines in the fleete that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the Gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English Captaine that sat by him and had on a sute of blacke Veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a little speake The English Captaine that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the least ten or twelue wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at Sea betweene Lisbone and the Ilands he died The Captaine wrote a Letter wherein he declared all the manner of the fight and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the Lord Admirall of England The English Captaine comming to Lisbone was there well receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Sentuual and from thence sayled into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prysoners The Spanish Armie staied at the Iland of Corus till the last of September to assemble the rest of the Fleete together which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sayle of Ships partly comming from India and partly of the Army and being altogether ready vnto saile to Tercera in good company there sodainly rose so hard and cruell a storme that those of the Iland did affirme that in mans memory there was neuer any such seene or heard of before for it seemed the Sea would haue swallowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the Cliffes which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the Sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwne vpon the land This storme continued not onely a day or two with one winde but seuen or eight dayes continually the winde turning round about in all places of the compasse at the least twice or thrice during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at Sea so that onely on the Coasts and Clifts of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue twelue Ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner whereby nothing else was heard but complaining crying lamenting and telling here is a ship broken in peeces against the Cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of twenty dayes after the storme they did nothing else but fish for dead men that continually came driding on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon
whatsoeuer from the said first seate of their Plantation and Habitation by the space of fiftie miles of English Statute measure all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the West and South-west as the Coast lyeth withall the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Sea Coast And also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Myneralls Woods Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fiftie like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the East and North-east as the Coast lyeth together with all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Sea-coast And also all the Lands Woods Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Mynerals Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the same fiftie miles euery way on the Sea Coast directly into the mayne Land by the space of one hundred like English miles And shall and may inhabit and remayne there and shall and may also build and fortifie within any the same for their better safeguard and defence according to their best discretions and the direction of the Councell of that Colonie And that no other of our Subiects shall be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind or on the backeside of them towards the mayne Land without the expresse license or consent of the Councell of that Colonie thereunto in writing first had or obtained And we doe likewise for vs our Heires and Successors by these presents grant and agree that the said Thomas Hanham Rawleigh Gilbert William Parker and George Popham and all others of the Towne of Plimmouth in the Countie of Deuon or elsewhere which are or shall be ioyned vnto them of that Colonie shall be called the second Colonie and that they shall and may begin their said first Plantation and Seate of their first aboad and Habitation at any place vpon the said Coast of Virginia and America where they shall thinke fit and conuenient betweene thirtie eight and fortie fiue degrees of the same latitude and that they shall haue all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Minerals Woods Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the first Seate of their Plantation and Habitation by the space of fiftie like English miles as is aforesaid all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the West and South-west and towards the South as the Coast lieth And all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly oâ—er against the same Sea Coast. And also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Mynerals Woods Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fiftie like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the East and North-east and towards the North as the Coast lyeth and all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Coast and also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Woods Mynes Mynerals Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the same fiftie miles eâ—ery way on the Sea Coast directly into the mayne Land by the space of one hundred like English miles and shall and may inhabit there and shall and may also build and fortifie within any the same for their better safeguard according to their best discretions and the direction of the Councell of that Colonie and that none of our Subiects shall be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind or on the backe of them towards the mayne Land without the expresse license or consent of the Councell of that Colonie in writing thereunto first had and obteined Prouided alwayes c. It followeth that neither Colonie shall plant within one hundred miles of each other also that each Colonie shal haue a Councell of thirteene persons to rule and be ruled according to Articles set downe and confirmed vnder the Priuie Seale which I haue but for breuitie omit as also the rest of this Patent the Seales of each Colonie appointed the digging of Mynes granted in the same and on the backside of their Colonies within the mayne Land paying the fift of Gold and Siluer and the fifteenth of Copper to the King libertie to carrie all Subiects not restrained which will goe with them Of coyning for the Colonies vse there of repelling enemies of staying ships which trade there without leaue were too long to reherse seeing this Patent hath beene often altered and renewed CHAP. II. Obseruations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English 1606. Written by that Honorable Gentleman Master GEORGE PERCY ON Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere 1606. the fleet fell from London and the fift of Ianuary we anchored in the Downes but the winds continued contrarie so long that we were forced to stay there some time where wee suffered great stormes but by the skilfulnesse of the Captaine wee suffered no great losse or danger The twelfth day of February at night we saw a blazing Starre and presently a storme The three and twentieth day we fell with the Iland of Mattanenio in the West Indies The foure and twentieth day we anchored at Dominico within fourteene degrees of the Line a very faire Iland the Trees full of sweet and good smels inhabited by many Sauage Indians they were at first very scrupulous to come aboord vs. Wee learned of them afterwards that the Spaniards had giuen them a great ouerthrow on this I le but when they knew what we were there came many to our ships with their Canoas bringing vs many kindes of sundry fruites as Pines Potatoes Plantons Tobacco and other fruits and Roane Cloth abundance which they had gotten out of certaine Spanish ships that were cast away vpon that Iland We gaue them Kniues Hatchets for exchange which they esteeme much wee also gaue them Beades Copper Iewels which they hang through their nosthrils eares and lips very strange to behold their bodies are all painted red to keepe away the biting of Muscetos they goe all naked without couering the haire of their head is a yard long all of a length pleated in three plats hanging downe to their wastes they suffer no haire to grow on their faces they cut their skinnes in diuers workes they are continually in warres and will eate their enemies when they kill them or any stranger if they take them They will lap vp mans spittle whilst one spits in their mouthes in a barbarous fashion like Dogges These people and the rest of the Ilands in the West Indies and Brasill are called by the names of Canibals that will eate mans flesh these people doe poyson their Arrow heads which are made of a fishes bone they worship the Deuill for their God and haue no other beliefe Whilest we remayned at this
hornes and are feathered very artificially Pasphia was as good as his word for hee sent Venison but the Sawse came within few dayes after At Port Cotage in our Voyage vp the Riuer we saw a Sauage Boy about the age of ten yeeres which had a head of haire of a perfect yellow and a reasonable white skinne which is a Miracle amongst all Sauages This Riuer which wee haue discouered is one of the famousest Riuers that euer was found by any Christian it ebbes and flowes a hundred and threescore miles where ships of great burthen may harbour in safetie Wheresoeuer we landed vpon this Riuer wee saw the goodliest Woods as Beech Oke Cedar Cypresse Wal-nuts Sassafras and Vines in great abundance which hang in great clusters on many Trees and other Trees vnknowne and all the grounds bespred with many sweet and delicate flowres of diuers colours and kindes There are also many fruites as Strawberries Mulberries Rasberries and Fruits vnknowne there are many branches of this Riuer which runne flowing through the Woods with great plentie of fish of all kindes as for Sturgeon all the World cannot be compared to it In this Countrey I haue seene many great and large Medowes hauing excellent good pasture for any Cattle There is also great store of Deere both Red and Fallow There are Beares Foxes Otters Beuers Muskats and wild beasts vnknowne The foure and twentieth day wee set vp a Crosse at the head of this Riuer naming it Kings Riuer where we proclaimed Iames King of England to haue the most right vnto it When wee had finished and set vp our Crosse we shipt our men and made for Iames Fort. By the way wee came to Pohatans Towre where the Captaine went on shore suffering none to goe with him hee presented the Commander of this place with a Hatchet which hee tooke ioyfully and was well pleased But yet the Sauages murmured at our planting in the Countrie whereupon this Werowance made answere againe very wisely of a Sauage Why should you bee offended with them as long as they hurt you not nor take any thing away by force they take but a little waste ground which doth you not any of vs any good I saw Bread made by their women which doe all their drugerie The men takes their pleasure in hunting and their warres which they are in continually one Kingdome against another The manner of baking of bread is thus after they pound their wheat into flowre with hote water they make it into paste and worke it into round balls and Cakes then they put it into a pot of seething water when it is sod throughly they lay it on a smooth stone there they harden it as well as in an Ouen There is notice to be taken to know married women from Maids the Maids you shall alwayes see the fore part of their head and sides shauen close the hinder part very long which they tie in a pleate hanging downe to their hips The married women weares their haire all of a length and is tied of that fashion that the Maids are The women kinde in this Countrey doth pounce and race their bodies legges thighes armes and faces with a sharpe Iron which makes a stampe in curious knots and drawes the proportion of Fowles Fish or Beasts then with paintings of sundry liuely colours they rub it into the stampe which will neuer be taken away because it is dried into the flesh where it is sered The Sauages beare their yeeres well for when wee were at Pamonkies wee saw a Sauage by their report was aboue eight score yeeres of age His eyes were sunke into his head hauing neuer a tooth in his mouth his haire all gray with a reasonable bigge beard which was as white as any snow It is a Miracle to see a Sauage haue any haire on their faces I neuer saw read nor heard any haue the like before This Sauage was as lustie and went as fast as any of vs which was strange to behold The fifteenth day of Iune we had built and finished our Fort which was triangle wise hauing three Bulwarkes at euery corner like a halfe Moone and foure or fiue pieces of Artillerie mounted in them we had made our selues sufficiently strong for these Sauages we had also sowne most of our Corne on two Mountaines it sprang a mans height from the ground this Countrey is a fruitfull soile bearing many goodly and fruitfull Trees as Mulberries Cherries Walnuts Ceders Cypresse Sassafras and Vines in great abundance Munday the two and twentieâ—h of Iune in the morning Captaine Newport in the Admirall departed from Iames Port for England Captaine Newport being gone for England leauing vs one hundred and foure persons verie bare and scantie of victualls furthermore in warres and in danger of the Sauages We hoped after a supply which Captaine Newport promised within twentie weekes But if the beginners of this action doe carefully further vs the Country being so fruitfull it would be as great a profit to the Realme of England as the Indies to the King of Spaine if this Riuer which wee haue found had beene discouered in the time of warre with Spaine it would haue beene a commoditie to our Realme and a great annoyance to our enemies The seuen and twentieth of Iuly the King of Rapahanna demanded a Canoa which was restored lifted vp his hand to the Sunne which they worship as their God besides he laid his hand on his heart that he would be our speciall friend It is a generall rule of these people when they swere by their God which is the Sunne no Christian will keepe their Oath better vpon this promise These people haue a great reuerence to the Sunne aboue all other things at the rising and setting of the same they sit downe lifting vp their hands and eyes to the Sunne making a round Circle on the ground with dried Tobacco then they began to pray making many Deuillish gestures with a Hellish noise foming at the mouth staring with their eyes wagging their heads and hands in such a fashion and deformitie as it was monstrous to behold The sixt of August there died Iohn Asbie of the bloudie Flixe The ninth day died George Flowre of the swelling The tenth day died William Bruster Gentleman of a wound giuen by the Sauages and was buried the eleuenth day The fourteenth day Ierome Alikock Ancient died of a wound the same day Francis Mid-winter Edward Moris Corporall died suddenly The fifteenth day their died Edward Browne and Stephen Galthrope The sixteenth day their died Thomas Gower Gentleman The seuenteenth day their died Thomas Mounslic The eighteenth day there died Robert Penniugton and Iohn Martine Gentleman The nineteenth day died Drue Piggase Gentleman The two and twentieth day of August there died Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold one of our Councell he was honourably buried hauing all the Ordnance in the Fort shot off with many vollies of small shot After
with Wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neere the roote then doe they scorch the roots with fire that they grow no more The next yeere with a crooked piece of Wood they beat vp the Woods by the roots and in those moulds they plant their Corne. Their manner is this They make a hole in the earth with a sticke and into it they put foure graines of Wheat and two of Beanes These holes they make foure foot one from another Their women and children do continually keepe it with weeding and when it is growne middle high they hill it about like a Hop-yard In April they begin to plant but their chiefe plantation is in May and so they continue till the midst of Iune What they plant in April they reape in August for May in September for Iune in October Euery stalke of their Corne commonly beareth two eares some three seldome any foure many but one and some none Euery eare ordinarily hath betwixt two hundred and fiue hundred graines The stalke being greene hath a sweet iuyce in it somewhat like a Sugar Cane which is the cause that when they gather their Corne greene they sucke the stalkes for as we gather greene Pease so doe they their Corne being greene which excelleth their old They plant also Pease which they call Ass 〈…〉 which are the same they call in Italy Fagioli Their Beanes are the same the Turkes call Gar 〈…〉 s but these they much esteeme for dainties Their Corne they rost in the eare grâ—ene and bruised it in a Morter of Wood with a Polt lap it in roules in the leaues of their Corne and so boile it for a daintie They also reserue the Corne late planted that will not ripe by roasting it in hot ashes the heat thereof drying it In Winter they esteeme it being boiled with Beanes for a rare dish they call Paus 〈…〉 Their old Wheat they first steepe a night in hot water in the morning pounding it in a Morter They vse a small basket for their Temmes then pound againe the great and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket receiue the flower in a platter made of Wood scraped to that forme with burning and shels Tempering this flower in water they make it either in cakes couering with ashes till they be baked and then washing them in faire water they drie presently with their owne heat or else boile them in water eating the broth with the bread which they call Poâ—ap The grouts and pieces of the cornes remaining by fanning in a platter or in the wind away the branne they boile three or foure houres with water which is an ordinary food they call Vstatahamâ—n But some more thriftie then cleanly doe burne the coare of the eare to powder which they call Pungnough mingling that in their meale but it neuer tasted well in bread nor broth There fish and flesh they boile either very tenderly or broâ—le it so long on hurdles ouer the fire or else after the Spanish fashion putting it on a spit they turne first the one side then the other till it bee as drie as their Ierkin beefe in the West Indies that they may keepe it a month or more without putrifying The broth of fish or flesh they eate as commonly as the meat In May also amongst their Corne they plant Pumpeons and a fruit like vnto a Muake Millen but lesse and worse which they call Macocks These increase exceedingly and ripen in the beginning of Iuly and continue vntill September They plant also Maracocks a wilde fruit like a Lemmon which also increase infinitely They begin to ripe in September and continue till the end of October When all their fruits be gathered little else they plant and this is done by their women and children neither doth this long suffice them for neere three parts of the yeere they onely obserue times and seasons and liue of what the Countrey naturally affordeth from hand to mouth c. The mildnesse of the aire the fertilitie of the soile and the situation of the Riuers are so propitious to the nature and vse of man as no place is more conuenient for pleasure profit and mans sustenance Vnder that Latitude or Climate here will liue any beasts as Horses Goats Sheepe Asses Hens c. as appeared by them that were carried thither The waters Iles and shoales are full of safe harbours for ships of Warre or Merchandize for boats of all sorts for transportation or fishing c. The Bay and Riuers haue much merchandable fish and places fit for Salt coats building of Ships making of Iron c. Muscouia and Polonia doe yeerely receiue many thousands for Pitch Tarre Sope ashes Rosen Flax Cordage Sturgeon Masts Yards Wainscot Firres Glasse and such like also Swethland for Iron and Copper France in like manner for Wine Canvas and Salt Spaine as much for Iron Steele Figs Reasons and Sackes Italy with Silkes and Veluets consume our chiefe commodities Holland maintaines it selfe by Fishing and Trading at our owne doores All these temporize with other for necessities but all as vncertaine as Peace or Warres Besides the charge trauell and danger in transporting them by seas lands stormes and Pyrats Then how much hath Virginia the prerogatiue of all those flourishing Kingdomes for the benefit of our Land when as within one hundred miles all those that are to bee had either readie prouided by nature or else to be prepared were there but industrious men to labour Onely Copper we may doubt is wanting but there is good probabilitie that both Copper and better munerals are there to bee had for their labour Other Countries haue it So then here is a place a nurse for Souldiers a practise for Mariners a trade for the Merchants a reward for the good and that which is most of all a businesse most acceptable to God to bring such poore Infidels to the true knowledge of God and his holy Gospel Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia and their customes The land is not populous for the men be few their farre greater number is of women and children Within sixtie miles of Iames Towne there are about some 7000. people but of able men fit for their warres scarse 2000. To nourish so many together they haue yet no meanes because they make so small a benefit of their Land be it neuer so fertill seuen or eight hundred â—hough by their owne report they were aboue a thousand haue beene the most which hath beene seene together when they gathered themselues to haue surprised Captaine Smith at Pamavâ—ke hauing but fifteene to withstand the worst of their furie As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet beene discouered is in comparison of that yet vnknowne the people differ very much in stature especially in language as before is expressed Some being very great as the Sesquesahamocks others very little as the Wighcocomococs but generally tall
either some part of Commada some great Lake or some inlet of some Sea that falleth into the South Sea These Massawomekes are a great Nation and very populous For the heads of all those Riuers especially the Pattawomekes the Pautuxuntes the Sasquesahanoks the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them of whose cruelty they generally complained and very importunate they were with Captaine Smith and his company to free them from these tormentors To this purpose they offered food conduct assistance and continuall subiection which hee concluded to effect But the councell then present emulating his successe would not thinke it fit to spare him forty men to be hazarded in those vnknowne Regions hauing passed as before was spoken of but with twelue and so was lost that opportunity Seuen Boates full of these Massawomekes the discouerers encountred at the head of the Bay whose Targets Baskets Swords Tobaccopipes Platters Bowes and Arrowes and euery thing shewed they much exceeded them of our parts and their dexteritie in their small Boates made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke and well luted with gum argueth that they are seated vpon some great water Against all these enemies the Powhatans are constrained sometimes to fight Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems trecheries or surprisals Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death but keepe them Captiues They haue a method in warre and for our pleasures they shewed it vs and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient Hauing painted and disguised themselues in the fiercest manner they could deuise They diuided themselues into two Companies neere a hundred in a Company The one company called Monacans the other Powhatans Either army had their Captaine These as enemies tooke their stands a Musket shot one from another ranked themselues fifteene a brest and each ranke from another foure or fiue yards not in fyle but in the opening betwixt their fyles So as the Reare could shoote as conueniently as the Front Hauing thus pitched the fields from either part went a Messenger with these conditions that whosoeuer were vanquished such as escape vpon their submission in two daies after shall liue but their wiues and children should he prize for the Conquerours The Messengers were no sooner returned but they approached in their orders On each flanke a Sarieant and in the Reare an officer for Lieutenant all duely keeping their orders yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune which they vse onely in wars Vpon the first flight of Arrowes they gaue such horrible shouts and screeches as so many infernall helhounds could not haue made them more terrible When they had spent their Arrowes they ioyned together prettily charging and retiring euery ranke seconding other As they got aduantage they catched their enemies by the haire of the head down he came that was taken his enemy with his wodden Sword seemed to beate out his braines and still they crept to the Reare to maintaine the skirmish The Monacans decreasing the Powhatans charged them in the forme of a halfe Moon they vnwilling to be inclosed fled all in a troope to their Ambuscadoes on whom they led them very cunningly The Monacans disperse themselues among the fresh men whereupon the Powhatans retired with all speede to their seconds which the Monacans seeing tooke that aduantage to retire againe to their owne battell and so each returned to their owne quarter All their actions voices and gestures both in charging and retiring were so strained to the height of their quallitie and nature that the strangenesse thereof made it seeme very delightfull For their musicke they vse a thicke Cane on which they pipe as on a Recorder For their warres they haue a great deepe platter of wood They couer the mouth thereof with a skin at each corner they tie a Walnut which meeting on the backeside neere to the bottome with a small rope they twitch them together till it be so tough and stiffe that they may beate vpon it as vpon a Drum But their chiefe instruments are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpions shels Of these they haue Base Tenor Countertenor Meare and Trible These mingled with their voyces sometimes twenty or thirty together make such a terrible noise as would rather affright then delight any man If any great Commander arriue at the habitation of a Werowance they spread a Mat as the Turkes doe a Carpet for him to sit vpon Vpon another right opposite they sit themselues Then doe all with a tunable voice of showting â—â—d him welcome After this doe two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration testifying their loue which they doe with such vehemency and so great passions that they sweate till they drop and are so out of breath they can scarce speake so that a man would take them to be ex 〈…〉 ding angry or starke mad Such victuall as they haue they spend freely and at night where hâ—s lodging is appointed they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and Oile to be his bedfellow Their manner of trading is for Copper Beades and such like for which they giue such commodities as they haue as Skins Fowle Fish Flesh and their Countrie Corne. But their victuall is their chiefest riches Euery spring they make themselues sicke with drinking the iuice of a roote they call Wighsacan and water whereof they powre so great a quantity that it purgeth them in a very violent manner so that in three or foure daies after they scarce recouer their former health Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies swellings aches and such like diseases for cure whereof they build a stone in the forme of a Douehouse with mats so close that a few coales therein couered with a pot will make the patient sweate extreamely For swellings also they vse small peeces of touchwood in the forme of cloues which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth With this root Wighsacan they ordinarily heale greene wounds But to scarrifie a swelling or make incision their best instruments are some splinted stone Old vlcers or putrified hurts are seldome seene cured amongst them They haue many professed Physitians who with their charmes and Rattels with an infernall rowt of words and actions will seeme to sucke their inward griefe from their nauels or their grieued places but of our Chirurgians they were so conceited that they beleeued any Plaister would heale any hurt Of their Religion There is yet in Uirginia no place discouered to be so Sauage in which the Sauages haue not a Religion Deere and Bow and Arrowes All things that were able to doe them hurt beyond their preuention they adore with their kinde of diuine worship as the fire water lightning thunder our ordnance peeces horses c. But their chiefe God they worship is the Diuell him they call Oke and serue him more of feare then loue They
twelue with the President and yet wee neuer wanted Harbour where wee found any houses The twelfth of Ianuary we arriued at Werawocomo where the Riuer was frozen neere halfe a mile from the shore but to neglect no time the President with his Barge so farre had approached by breaking the Ice as the ebbe left him amongst those Ozie shoales yet rather then to lie there frozen to death by his owne example he taught them to march middle deepe more then a flight shot through this muddie frozen Oze when the Barge floted hee appointed two or three to returne her aboord the Pinnace where for want of water in melting the Salt Ice they made fresh water but in this march Master Russell whom none could perswade to stay behind being somewhat ill and exceeding heauie so ouer-toyled himselfe as the rest had much adoe ere hee got ashore to regaine life into his dead benummed spirits quartering in the next Houses wee found we sent to Powhatan for prouision who sent vs plentie of Bread Turkeyes and Venison The next day hauing feasted vs after his ordinary manner he began to aske when we would bee gone fayning hee sent not for vs neither had hee any Corne and his people much lesse yet for fortie Swords hee would procure vs fortie bushels The President shewing him the men there present that brought him the message and conditions asked him how it chanced hee became so forgetfull thereat the King concluded the matter with a merrie laughter asking for our Commodities but none hee liked without Gunnes and Swordes valuing a basket of Corne more precious then a Basket of Copper saying hee could eate his Corne but not his Copper Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtle Sauage beganne to deale with him after this manner Powhatan Though I had many courses to haue made my prouision yet beleeuing your promises to supply my wants I neglected all to satisfie your desire and to testifie my loue I sent you my men for your building neglecting my owne what your people had you haue engrossed forbidding them our Trade and now you thinke by consuming the time we shall consume for want not hauing to fulfill your strange demands as for Swords and Gunnes I told you long agoe I had none to spare And you shall know those I haue can keepe me from want yet steale or wrong you I will not nor dissolue that friendwe haue mutually promised except you constraine me by your bad vsage The King hauing attentiuely listned to this Discourse promised that both he and his Countrey would spare him what they could the which within two dayes they should receiue yet Captaine Smith saith the King some doubt I haue of your comming hither that makes me not so kindly seeke to releeue you as I would for many doe informe mee your comming is not for Trade but to inuade my people and possesse my Country who dare not come to bring you corne seeing you thus armed with your men To cleere vs of this feare leaue aboord your weapons for here they are needlesse we being all friends and for euer Powhatans With many such Discourses they spent the day quartering that night in the Kings houses the next day he reuiewed his building which he little intended should proceed for the Dutchmen finding his plentie and knowing our want and perceiuing his preparation to surprize vs little thinking we could escape both him and famine to obtaine his fauour reuealed to him as much as they knew of our estates proiects and how to preuent them one of them being of so good a iudgement spirit and resolution and a hireling that was certaine of wages for his labor and euer well vsed both he and his Countrimen that the President knew not whom better to trust and not knowing any fitter for that imployment had sent him as a spie to discouer Powhatans intent then little doubting his honestie nor could euer be certaine of his villany till neere halfe a yeere after Whilst we expected the comming in of the Country we wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corne for a Copper Kettle the which the President perceiuing him much to effect valued it at a much greater rate but in regard of his scarcitie he would accept of as much more the next yeere or else the Country of Monacan the King exceeding liberall of that he had not yeelded him Monacan Wherewith each seeming well contented Powhatan began to expostulate the difference betwixt Peace and Warre after this manner Captaine Smith you may vnderstand that I hauing seene the death of all my people thrice and not one liuing of those three Generations but my selfe I know the difference of Peace and Warre better then any in my Countrie But now I am old and ere long I must die my Brethren namely Opichapam Opechankanough and Kâ—kataugh my two sisters and their two daughters are distinctly each others successors I wish their experiences no lesse then mine and your loue to them no lesse then mine to you but this brute from Nansamund that you are come to destroy my Countrie so much affrighteth al my people as they dare not visit you what will it auaile you to take that perforce you may quietly haue with loue or to destroy them that prouide you food what can you get by war when we can hide our prouision and flie to the woods wherby you must famish by wronging vs your friends and why are you thus iealous of our liues seeing vs vnarmed and both doe and are willing still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our labours thinke you I am so simple not to know it is better to eat good meate lie well and sleepe quietly with my women and children laugh be merrie with you haue Copper Hatchets or what I want being your friend then be forced to flie from all to lie cold in the woods feed vpon Acornes roots and such trash and be so hunted by you that I can neither rest eat nor sleepe but my tired men must watch and if a twig but breake euery one cry there comes Captaine Smith then must I flie I know not whether and thus with miserable feare end my miserable life leauing my pleasures to such youths as you which through your rash vnaduisednesse may quickly as miserably end for want of that you neuer know how to find Let this therefore assure you of our loues and euerie yeere our friendly Trade shall furnish you with Corne and now also if you would come in friendly manner to see vs and not thus with your Guns and Swords as to inuade your foes To this subtill discourse the President thus replied Seeing you will not rightly conceiue of our words we striue to make you know our thoughts by our deeds The vâ—w I made you of my loue both my selfe and my men haue kept as for your promise I find it euerie day violated by some of your subiects yet we
stand shoot he that dare You promised to fraught my ship ere I departed and so you shall or I meane to load her with your dead carkasses yet if as friends you will come and trade I once more promise not to trouble you except you giue mee the first occasion Vpon this away went your Bowes and Arrowes and men women and children brought in their commodities but two or three houres they so thronged about the President and so ouerwearied him as hee retired himselfe to rest leauing M. Beheathland and M. Powel to accept their Presents but some Sauages perceiuing them fast asleepe and the guard carelesly dispersed fortie or fiftie of their choice men each with an English Sword in his hand began to enter the house with two or three hundred others that pressed to second them The noise and hast they made in did so shake the house as they awoke him from his sleepe and being halfe amazed with this sudden sight betooke him straight to his Sword and Target M. Crashaw and some other charging in like manner they thronged faster backe then before forward The house thus clensed the King and his Ancients with a long Oration came to excuse this intrusion The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse the company againe renuing their Presents of their best prouision And whatsoeuer we gaue them they seemed well contented with it Now in the meane while since our departure this hapned at the Port M. Scriuener willing to crosse the surprizing of Powhatan nine daies after the Presidents departure would needs visit the I le of Hogs and tooke with him Captaine Waldo though the President had appointed him to be readie to second his occasions with M. Anthony Gosnoll and eight others but so violent was the wind that extreame frozen time that the Boat sunke but where or how none doth know for they were all drowned onely this was knowne that the Skiffe was much ouerladed and would scarce haue liued in that extreame tempest had she beene emptie but by no perswasion he could be diuerted though both Waldo and a hundred others doubted as it hapned The Sauages were the first that found their bodies which so much the more encouraged them to effect their proiects To aduertise the President of this heauy newes none could be found would vndertake it but the iourney was often refused of all in the Fort vntill M. Wiffin vndertooke alone the performance thereof wherein he was encountred with many dangers and difficulties and in all parts as he passed as also that night he lodged with Powhatan he perceiued such preparation for warre that assured him some mischiefe was intended but with extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three daies trauell at length he found vs in the midst of these turmoiles This vnhappy newes the President swore him to conceale from the rest and so dissembling his sorrow with the best countenance he could when the night approached went safely aboard with all his company Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his men if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith that the next day they appointed the Country should come to trade vnarmed yet vnwilling to be treacherous but that they were constrained hating fighting almost as ill as hanging such feare they had of bad successe The next morning the Sunne had not long appeared but the fields appeared couered with people and baskets to tempt vs ashore The President determined to keepe aboard but nothing was to be had without his presence nor they would not indure the sight of a Gun then the President seeing many depart and being vnwilling to lose such a bootie so well contriued the Pinnace and his Barges with Ambuscadoes as only with M. Persie M. West and M. Russell armed he went ashore others vnarmed hee appointed to receiue what was brought the Sauages flocked before him in heapes and the banke seruing as a trench for retreate he drew them faire open to his Ambuscadoes for he not being to be perswaded to goe to visit their King the King came to visit him with two or three hundred men in the forme of two halfe Moones with some twentie men and many women loaded with great painted baskets but when they approached somewhat neere vs their women and children fled for when they had enuironed and beset the fields in this manner they thought their purpose sure yet so trembled with feare as they were scarce able to nock their Arrowes Smith standing with his three men readie bent beholding them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado who vpon the word discouered themselues and hee retiring to the banke which the Sauages no sooner perceiued but away they fled esteeming their heeles for their best aduantage That night we sent to the Fort M. Crashaw and M. Ford who in the mid-way betweene Werawocomoco and the fort met foure or fiue of the Dutchmens confederates going to Powhatan the which to excuse those Gentlemens suspition of their running to the Sauages returned to the Fort and there continued The Sauages hearing our Barge depart in the night were so terribly affraide that wee sent for more men wee hauing so much threatned their ruine and the rasing of their Houses Boates and Canowes that the next day the King sent our Captaine a Chaine of Pearle to alter his purpose and stay his men promising though they wanted themselues to fraught our ship and bring it aboard to auoid suspition so that fiue or sixe daies after from all parts of the Countrey within ten or twelue miles in the extreame cold Frost and Snow they brought vs prouision on their naked bâ—ckes Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade had their art and poison beene sufficient the President with Master West and some others had beene poysoned it made them sicke but expelled it selfe Wecuttanow a stout young fellow knowing hee was suspected for bringing this present of poison with fortie or fiftie of his choice companions seeing the President but with a few men at Potavncat so proudly braued it as though hee expected to incounter a reuenge which the President perceiuing in the midst of his company did not onely beat but spurned him like a dogge as scorning to doe him any worse mischiefe whereupon all of them fled into the Woods thinking they had done a great matter to haue so well escaped and the Townsmen remayning presently fraughted our Barge to bee rid of our companies framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow being sonne to their chiefe King but Powhatan and told vs if wee would shew them him that brought the poyson they would deliuer him to vs to punish as wee pleased Men may thinke it strange there should bee this stirre for a little Corne but had it beene Gold with more ease wee might haue got it and had it wanted the whole Colony had starued Wee may bee thought verie patient to indure all those iniuries yet onely with fearing them wee got
halfe water and my Barke did draw seuen foot This Land lyeth South-west and North-east and the shoales lie off from it South and South by West and so along toward the North. At the Northwest by West Guards I obserued the North-starre and found the ship to be 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of fortie-one degrees fiftie minutes being then in the middle of the Sholdes and I did finde thirteene degrees of westerly variation then likewise Thus finding the place not to be for my turne assoon as I was cleere of these dangers I thought it fit to returne to â—ames Towne in Uirginia to the Lord De-lawarre my Lord Gouernour and there to attend his command so I shaped my course for that place And the one and twentieth day by noone I had brought my selfe South Southwest thirtie three leagues from this Cape and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene North and North-west and the weather very faire and cleere From the one and twentieth at noone to the two and twentieth at noone I ran thirtie leagues South-West by West and then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie nine degrees thirtie 〈◊〉 minutes and I had twelue degrees westerly variation and the wind â—â—ifting betweene North and North-east and the weather very faâ—re and cleere From the two and twentieth at noone to the three and twentieth at noone nine leagues South-west by West and then by obseruation I did find the ship in thirtie nine degrees twentie foure minutes and I had eleuen degrees of westerly variation and there did blow but very little wind and shifting betweene West and North and the weather very faire and cleere From the three and twentieth at noone to the foure and twentieth at noone eighteene leagues South-west and then I found the shippe to be in thirtie eight degrees fortie two minutes and I had twelue degrees of Westerly Variation and the wind shifting betweene North and West and the weather very faire From the foure and twentieth at noone to the fiue and twentieth at noone two and twentie leagues West by South the wind shifting betweene North and East And then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees fiue and twentie minutes and the same Variation that I had before and the weather very faire From the fiue and twentieth at noone to the six and twentieth at noone fiue and twentie leagues Westerly the wind all shifting betweene South and South-west And I had thirteene degrees fiue and twentie minutes of Westerly Variation About sixe of the clocke at night the water was changed and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelue fathomes water about twelue leagues from the shore The seuen and twentieth by day in the morning I was faire aboord the shore and by nine of the clocke I came to an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay where I found great store of people which were very kind and promised me that the next day in the morning they would bring me great store of Corne. But about nine of the clocke that night the winde shifted from South-west to East North-east So I weighed presently and shaped my course to Cape Charles This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues And the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-east and North North-west and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes of Northerly Latitude The eight and twentieth day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone I fell among a great many of shoales about twelue leagues to the Southw 〈…〉 of Cape La Warre So there I came to an Anchor in three fathomes water the winde beeing then all Easterly and rode there all that Night The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind being all Southerly and turned vntill night and then I came to an Anchor in seuen fathomes water in the 〈…〉 ing to Sea How the tyde did set there or whether that there did run any current or not I cannot say but I could find neither current nor tyde The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind still Southerly and turned all that day but got very little so at Euening I stood off to Sea vntill midnight and then stood in againe The one and thirtieth about seuen of the clocke at night I came to an Anchor vnder Cape Charles in foure fathomes and one third part water and rode there all that night CHAP. VIII A short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre to the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia touching his vnexpected returne home and afterwards deliuered to the generall Assembly of the said Company at a Court holden the twentie fiue of Iune 1611. Published by authoritie of the said Counsell MY LORDS c. BEing now by accident returned from my Charge at Uirginia contrary either to my owne desire or other mens expectations who spare not to censure mee in point of dutie and to discourse and question the reason though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne I am forced out of a willingnesse to satisfie euery man to deliuer vnto your Lordships and the rest of this Assembly briefly but truly in what state I haue liued euer since my arriuall to the Colonie what hath beene the iust occasion of my sudden departure thence and in what termes I haue left the same The rather because I perceiue that since my comming into England such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers that some of them seeke to withdraw those payments which they haue subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation and by which that Action must be supported and mayntained making this my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction Which that you may the better vnderstand I must informe your Lordships that presently after my arriuall in Iames Towne I was welcommed by a hot and violent Ague which held me a time till by the aduice of my Physition Doctour Lawrence B 〈…〉 n by bloud letting I was recouered as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gâ—â—es I haue informed you That Disease had not long left me till within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally assailed meâ— for besides a relapse into the former Disease which with much more violence held me more thâ—â— a moneth and brought me to great weaknesse the Flux surprized mee and kept me many dayes then the Crampe assaulted my weake bodie with strong paines and afterwards the Gout with which I had heeretofore beene sometime troubled afflicted me in such sort that making my bodie through weaknesse vnable to stirre or to vse any manner of exercise drew vpon me the Disease called the Scuruy which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse yet was in me an effect of weaknesse which neuer left mee till I was vpon the point to leaue the World These
am so farre from shrinking or giuing ouer this honourable Enterprize as that I am willing and readie to lay all that I am worth vpon the aduenture of the Action rather then so Honourable a Worke should faile and to returne with all the conuenient expedition I may beseeching your Lordships and the rest not onely to excuse my former wants happened by the Almightie Hand but to second my Resolutions with your friendly indeuours that both the State may receiue Honour your selues Profit and I future Comfort by beeing imployed though but as a weake Instrument in so great an Action And thus hauing plainly truly and briefly deliuered the cause of my returne with the state of our affaires as we now stand I hope euery worthy and indifferent hearer will by comparing my present resolution of returne with the necessitie of my comming home rest satisfied with this true and short Declaration CHAP. IX A Letter of Sir Samuell Argoll touching his Voyage to Virginia and Actions there Written to Master Nicholas Hawes Iune 1613. MAster Hawes within seuen weekes after my departure from the Coast of England being the three and twentieth of Iuly 1612. I fell with the Coast of Virginia in the Latituae of fortie degrees The twelfth of September with all my men in good health the number being sixtie two and all my victuals very well conditioned my course being fiftie leagues to the Northward of the Azores The seuenteenth I arriued at Point Comfort where by the discreet and prouident gouernment of Sir Thomas Gates and great paines and hazard of Sir Thomas Dale I found both the Countrey and people in farre better estate there then the report was by such as came home in Sir Robert Mansfields ship From my arriuall vntill the first of Nouember I spent my time in helping to repaire such ships and Boats as I found heere decayed for lacke of Pitch and Tarre and in pursuing the Indians with Sir Thomas Dale for their Corne of which we got some quantitie which we were like to haue bought very deerely for by the Prouidence of God Sir Thomas Dale escaped killing very narrowly Then about the beginning of Nouember by the aduice of Sir Thomas Gates I carried Sir Thomas Dale to Sir Thomas Smiths Iland to haue his opinion of the inhabiting of it who after three dayes march in discouering it approued very well of the place and so much the better because we found abundance of fish there and very great Cod which we caught in fiue fathome water of which we are in hope to get a great quantitie this Summer for the reliefe of our men as also to find safe passage for Boats and Barges thither by a cut out of the bottome of our Bay into the Dela Warre Bay For which fishing and better Discouery I haue my ship readie with my Company in as good health as at my arriuall and as they haue continued euer since for which God be glorified to whom we giue daily thankes for the continuance of his mercy After my returne from Sir Thomas Smiths Iland I fitted my ship to fetch Corne from Patowomeck by trading with the Indians and so set sayle from Point Comfort the first of December and being entred into Penbrooke Riuer I met with the King of Pastancie a hunting who went presently aboord with me seeming to be very glad of my comming and told me that all the Indians there were my very great friends and that they had good store of Corne for mee which they had prouided the yere before which we found to be true Then I carried my ship presently before his Towne and there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 shallop to get the Corne aboord withall which being done and hauing concluded a peace with diuers other Indian Lords and likewise giuen and taken Hostages I hasted to Iames Towne beeing the first of Ianuary and arriued at Point Comfort the first of February In this Uoyage I got 1100. bushels of Corne which I deliuered into the seuerall Store-houses according vnto the direction of Sir T. Gates besides the quantitie of 300. bushels reserued for mine Company As soone I had vnladen this Corne I set my men to the felling of Timber for the building of a Frigat which I left halfe finished in the hands of the Carpenters at Point Comfort the 19. of March and returned my selfe with the ship into Pembrook Riuer and so discouered to the head of it which is about 65. leagues into the Land and nauigable for any ship And then marching into the Countrie I found great store of Cattle as big as Kine of which the Indians that were my guides killed a couple which wee found to be very good and wholsome meate and are very easie to be killed in regard they are heauy sl 〈…〉 and not so wild as other beasts of the Wildernesse In this iournie I likewise found a Myne of which I haue sent a triall into England and likewise a strange kind of Earth the vertue whereof I know not but the Indians eate it for Physicke alleaging that it cureth the sicknesse and paine of the belly I likewise found a kind of water issuing out of the Earth which hath a tart taste much like vnto Allum-water it is good and wholsome for my men did drinke much of it and neuer found it otherwise I also found an earth like a Gumme white and cleere another sort red like Terra sigillata another very white and of so light a substance that being cast into the water it swimmeth Whilst I was in this businesse I was told by certaine Indians my friends that the Great Powhatans Daughter Pokahuntis was with the great King Patowo neck whether I presently repaired resoluing to possesse my selfe of her by any stratagem that I could vse for the ransoming of so many Englishmen as were prisoners with Powhatan as also to get such armes and tooles as hee and other Indians had got by murther and stealing from others of our Nation with some quantitie of Corne for the Colonies reliefe So soone as I came to an anchor before the Towne I manned my Boate and sent on shoare for the King of Pastancy and Ensigne Swift whom I had left as a pledge of our loue and truce the Voyage before who presently came and brought my pledge with him whom after I had receiued I brake the matter to this King and told him that if he did not betray Pokohuntis into my hands wee would be no longer brothers nor friends Hee alleaged that if hee should vndertake this businesse then Powhatan would make warres vpon him and his people but vpon my promise that I would ioyne with him against him hee repaired presently to his brother the great King of Patowomeck who being made acquainted with the matter called his Counsell together and after some few houres deliberation concluded rather to deliuer her into my hands then lose my friendship so presently he betrayed her into my Boat wherein I carried
scarce passable for shoalds perillous currents the other no question to be made of Hauing receiued these directions I hasten to the place of greatest hope where I purposed to make triall of Gods goodnesse towards vs and vse my best endeuour te bring the truth to light but wee were but onely shewed the entrance where in seeking to passe wee were forced backe with contrary and ouerblowing windes hardly escaping both our liues Being thus ouercharged with weather I stood alongst the coast to seeke harbours to attend a fauourable gale to recouer the streight but being a harbourlesse Coast for ought we could then perceiue wee found no succour till wee arriued betwixt Cape Charles and the Maine on the East side the Bay Chestapeak where in a wilde Roade wee anchored and the next day the eight of September crossed the Bay to Kecoughtan where the first newes strooke cold to our hearts the generall sickenesse ouer the Land Here I resolued with all possible speede to returne in pursuite of this businesse so that after a little refreshing wee recouered vp the Riuer to Iames Citie and from thence to Cape Warde his Plantacon where immediately wee fell to hewing of Boords for a close Decke hauing found it a most desired course to attempt as before As wee were thus labouring to effect our purposes it pleased almighty God who onely disposeth of the times and seasons wherein all workes shall be accomplished to visite vs with his heauie hand so that at one time there were but two of vs able to helpe the rest my selfe so sore shaken with a burning feauer that I was brought euen vnto deaths doore but at length by Gods assistance escaped and haue now with the rest almost recouered my former strength The Winter hauing ouertaken vs a time on these Coasts especially subiect to gusts and fearefull stormes I haue now resolued to choose a more temperate season both for the generall good and our owne safeties And thus I haue sent you a broken discourse though indeede very vnwilling to haue giuen any notice at all till it had pleased God to haue blessed mee with a thorow search that our eyes might haue witnessed the truth I haue drawne a Plot of the Coast which I dare not yet part with for feare of danger let this therefore serue for confirmation of your hopes till I can better performe my promise and your desire for what I haue spoken I can produce at least mille testes farre separate of the Sea behinde them and of Ships which come many dayes iourney from the West and of the great extent of this Sea to the North and South not knowing any bounds thereof Westward I cease to trouble you till a better opportunity offer it selfe remembring my best lone c. I rest From Captaine MARTYN his Plantation 27. Decemb. 1619. Yours to command THO. DERMER To Sir Edwin Sands in the Treasurership succeeded the right Honorable Henry Earle of Southampton whose industry together with that of those two brethren Iohn and Nicolas Farrars the successiue Deputies haue giuen much content to many but to diuers others matter of complaint wherein I am an vnfit Iudge onely as a reasonable man and Christian Minister that I say not Historian I am much grieued that Virginias prosperity cannot answer mens hopes nor can any man meruaile if diuisions minde-massacres here with the massacring Sauages and diseases there haue hindred there the expected effects of honorable and carefull indeuours Master Stockam a Minister writ thence May the eight and twentieth that which deserueth iust consideration that he found no probability by faire meanes alone to draw the Sauages to goodnesse and if Mars and Minerua went hand in hand they would effect more good in one houre then these verball Mercurians in their liues and till their Priests and Ancients haue their throats cut there is no hope to bring them to conuersion CHAP. XIIII A true Relation of a Sea Fight betweene two great and well appointed Spanish Ships or Men of Warre and an English Ship called thy Margaret and Iohn or the Blacke Hodge going for Virginia HAuing taken our iourney toward Virginia in the beginning of February last past in a Ship called the Blacke Hodge her burthen one hundred and sixtie tunne manned onely with eight Iron Peeces and a poore Faulcon we soone ouer-passed both the tedious endurances and fearefull dangers of such a Voyage and came at last by the foureteenth of March vnder 13. and halfe Latitude within twenty leagues of Matalina Falling with Meuis by the twentieth of March and compassing the furthest point to stand in the hand sommer with the shore wee perceiued two tall Ships at anchor right ouer against the watring place with their top sayles loose and their Boates going ashoare for their men At first we supposed them Hollanders in respect of their building and the Hollanders colours borne by their Admirall in the maine top the vice Admirall hauing his fore top mast downe and no colors displayed which encreased our former opinion adding withall that it must needes be prise or some other Ship subiect to the misfortune of a fight But driuing by necessity of water and willing to refresh our selues a shoare wee trimmed our Ship and came to anchor fairely by them sending our Boate in friendly manner to hale them both vnprouided and vnarmed which returned with certificate that they were Spaniards wherein not fully satisfied by reason of our former apprehension that it was otherwise the better to be resolued we sent out our Boate againe as well to be assured what to trust vnto as to gaine sometime to prepare our Shippe and trim her more commodiously being pestered with goods and fardels betweene the deckes and altogether vnprouided for any fight either offensiue or defensiue The Boate approached the hindmost Ship which I call the vice-Admirall and haled her demanding who they were but instead of resoluing vs she commanded them to come aboord and would answere no otherwise whereupon the Boate rowed from them as resoluing all was not well and so made haste vnto vs againe yet could not preuent a volley of small shot powred very dangerously amongst them insomuch that they had their cloathes shot through their Oares shiuered and the sides battered with Bullets yet thankes be to God neither was a man hurt nor any thing lost which as if they had had notice of the same escape rated their rage so much the more For by that time the Boate was out of reach of their small shot they followed it to the Ship with great Ordnance and when they perceiued they were safely come aboord they tooke it so ill that they thundred against our Ship with the soarer rage and most violent vollies which we could not answer hauing no Peece in our gunner roome nor indeede any other well mounted for such a Sea fight By this time their vice Admirall heaued vp her anchor to her warpe and
lesse feare imbarguing detention imposts yea shall from other Nations raise by returne of our excesse in these kindes great Summes besides the furnishing of the Kingdome with greater encrease of Shipping Marriners and innumerable employments and the securing and enriching the Ports both of Ireland and England As for Tobacco I haue said little of it because it is so generally knowne which yet is said to be worth to Spaine 100000. pounds yearely and that I grieue to speak it from the fume-fome-froth-spirits of England the abundance brought from Virginia and Summer Ilands inopes nos cepia fecit exceedeth the Market and because so many by immoderate vse thereof are corrupted here at home and the present benefit thereby accrewing in quicke returne hindreth designes of better consequence there And thus much of Virginias present or very probable Commodities to which we may adde the hopes in future times by finding there as good vent for our Wools and Clothes both to the English and ciuilized Indian as the Spaniards doe in their Indies by their Wines and Oyle of which I haue already said that they permit not the generall growth in their Indian plantations for the continuance and necessitie of commerce with Spaine And who seeth not the exceeding benefit which may arise by compleat commerce in venting our owne superfluities of Men of others and specially the principall of English Commodities Cloth and Wooll with the Gospel of our Lord Iesus and returning from thence Clapboord Pipe-staues Cauiare Oade Madder Salt Cordage Pitch Tarre Sope-ashes Pot-ashes Cotton-wools Gaules Furres Hops Hides Gummes Dyes Gingers Sugars Silkes Wines Iron Timbers Fish Ships Mariners Merchants and a World of the Worlds most vseful good things thorow an open Sea obnoxious to no forreine Potentate from and to known and secure Ports and Harbours It is also not only vsefull at all times but necessary to these times as to transport superfluous numbers from hence to Virginia so to cure the diseases of the times caused by the wants of Monies the life of trading and sinewes of a great State attended with wants of sale for the Merchant and consequently of Clothiers and other subordinate professions want of worke for Spinsters Weauers and innumerable poorer Trades and Handicraftsmen want of trading for Citizens neither hath such a generall breaking beene euer knwone so many shops in the principall limmes and streets of this Citie yea in Cheapside the faire face yea in the eye of that beauteous face the Gold-Smiths Row where besides so many shoppes conuerted to other Trades I haue told this last Winter betwixt Friday-street and Bread-street the third part shut vp want of employment for decayed Gentlemen both the elder Vnthrifts and younger Gallants which want of moneyes and store of wants thence issuing is in greatest part caused by the Merchandizes sought and bought in other Countries whereby our Moneyes fall into forraine Whirle-pooles without hopes of recouery whereas if our Trade lay as we see the Spanish with our owne Colonies and Plantations else-where wee should hold them still current in our owne Nation and draw others to bring to vs both Wares and Moneyes from other Regions for the Commodities aforesaid And thus should the Vices of the Times be remedied and the vices of men or vicious men finde from Tobacco Silkes Wines and other excesses like the sting of Scorpions from the Oyle of Scorpions a cure thence whence they receiued their wounds and so many ruptures should eyther be preuented or healed prouisions also procured for employment of honest and humble pouertie at home and the inordinate spirits of others tamed by the Sea and trained at labour to better Discipline I adde further that the prosecution of the Virginian Plantation is both profitable and necessary for the strengthning of the Plantations already begun in Summer Ilands New England and New found Land and that other expected in New Scotland Now if we adde the hopefull passage to the South Sea that one argument is more then all the rest if our eyes shall once be blessed with that desired sight For the trade of the whole world is then made compendious all the rich trades of the East Indies are obuious and neerer hand and no force is able to scoure so large a Coast as that Westerne shoare of all America and secure it from our trading Hence if we finde not golden Countries before not possessed by other Christians whereof also Sir Francis Drakes Noua Albion so long since subiected by voluntary surrender to the English Crowne hath giuen vs hope yet trade will bring the Mines of the West into our ships and the Spices and other rich Merchandize of the East into our shops at easier charge and therefore saleable at easier rates But this Designe of the South Sea may seeme desperate and the Argument ridiculous I shall therefore indeuour to giue better light therein and withall to adde another Argument as weightie as it and greater then all exceptions I may adde also the case of Warre which I desire not but which may happen and Bellona may euen now seeme pregnant and alreadie conceiued whose abortion might be wished if necessitie adde not honour to the lawfulnesse I but propound a case possible The most certaine honorable and beauteous front of Peace hath a backe part of Warre and therefore in securest Peace Prudence is not so secure but she armeth her selfe against feares of War forewarning and forearming men by the Sword drawne to preuent the drawing of Swords and eyther eschewes it or reaps good out of it It is not vnknowne what expenses England hath sustained in and euer since Sir Sebastian Cabots first Discouerie as in those of Sir Hugh Willoughby Burrough Pet and Iackman by the North-east of Hudson Poole Fotherby and diuers other Nauigations by the North of Sir Martine Frobusher Captaine Dauies Sir Thomas Button Master Knight Hudson Hall Baffin and other manifold Discoueries by the North-west all seeking a compendious passage to Cathay and to the East Indies The Reasons which mooued them were far more hopefull then that of Columbus which found not with standing far better and speedier successe Successe is a seruile Argument for Sense rather then for Reason and in this whole Virginian proiect I speake to English Aduenturers and not to pettie Pedlers or Virginian Sauages to such whose eyes are in their heads and not in their hands Careat successibus opto Quisquis abeuentu facta notanda putet Yet hath not Successe beene wholy frustrate yea both Reason and Sense plead for a Passage and Virginias vsefulnesse therein I will not bring vncertaine testimonies of a Portugall taken in a Carrike in Queene Elizabeths dayes and of another Portugall in Guinie which affirmed to Sir Martine Frobusher that hee had past it nor of Garcia Loaisa which is said by the Coast of New-found-land to haue gone to the Moluccas nor of Uasco Coronado in his Letter to the Emperour Charles and other antiquated
Religion for which wee most honour her for which God did most blesse her she might iustly haue beene ranked with the ancients Romans England is a small thing as the Map sheweth to Spaine and yet we durst not looke out of doores for her and hers Thus worthily that worthy man of the Worthy of women in her time Great and glorious Elizabeth how didst thou contemne the Iberian threates How didst thou inuert diuert subuert their attempts How victoriously didst thou euade their inuinoible Inuasion how didst thou inuade the Inuaders at their gates in their ports how didst thou meete them in the Atlanticke pursue them to the South to the Indian Seas and round about the World How did the skie windes waues serue to a higher prouidence in thy deliueries in thy triumphs how often were the prodigious Carrikes of the East and prodigall Vessels of the West either staid at home for feare or driuen to fort-couert by the way or costly wafted on their way or burned in the way or sunke out of the way or carried quite a way to visite the English shoares and adornâ— the Trophees of great and glorious Elizabeth Rouze vp your braue spirits English hearts in loyall subiection to your Royall Soueraign be ready to offer right feare not to suffer wrong seeke the good and see the goods which Virginia offers Here could I wilder my selfe in thickets of arguments and could Muster more motiues and more necessarily concluding for Virginias aduancement if that which we desire not be enforced on vs then I haue already numbred in plantation and commerce Yea almost all those former arguments are pressed of necessity or offer their seruice voluntarily some more others no lesse seruiceable that way then to publike peace and traffique which also are securest when they neede not feare a Warre The honour of Religion defended by the Defender of the Faith of our Nation King Kingdome the Materials of Ships Mariners Armes Victuals Fishing Merchandise and Prize subseruient to each Voyage that one may supply if the other faile in crossed Voyages a conuenient receptacle for refreshing fit place of stay in not fitting and vnseasonable seasons a safe repository for spoiles gotten in expectation of greater purchase a redresse to weatherbeaten and storme-distressed Ships a refuge to such as the enemy hath battered and endangered an Hospitall for sicke wounded and presently vnseruiceable Mariners and Souldiers a storehouse to repaire Timbers Tackling and other prouisions to Ships and Men a fit meane in supplying vs from thence with necessaries to keepe those Monies in our owne hands whereby we are destitute of the principall sinewes of warre yea perhaps the enemy armed against vs a schoole and training place for our youth to endure labour and hardship and to prepare them like the Iewes in Nehemiahs time to vse the Sword with one hand and instruments of labour in the other an exercise to breede Men for longer Voiages a backedoore to breake out suddenly on the enemy an ambushment whiles Ships from hence thence shal at once be expected and he wâ—ich flees the one shall fall into the other a redoubling of our forces when they meete a safe harbour in Bermuda or in Virginia for a hundred sailes or many more to awaite all opportunities a place likely to yeelde to men of merit entertainment and reward a place yeelding opportunity by trade there to weaken our possible or probable enemies to whom now wee seeke for trade and consequently to weaken them by the want of our Commodities and to adde a double strength to our selues a place commodious to preuent warre by diuerting it to diuert it by preuenting to subuert the enemies Plantations by sudden assaults or force them to costly Garisons to euert their Merchandising by trade suspended surprized or defended with chargeable waftage to interuert their intelligence and profits to inuert the hearts of Malecontents and those hands which feare now curbeth and briâ—leth to conuert to our parts those which maintaine a fugitiue and wilde enmity with them to auert the profits of their Mines by other imployments and in a word to make that vse of others against them which their examples haue taught vs in acquiring the great Empires of Mexico and Peru with other parts of America which without the helpe of Indians against Indians banding themselues with a contrary faction such handfuls had neuer beene able to haue effected What shall I say more If others impotence and importunities force a War Uirginia and Summer Ilands seeme to this English body as two American hands eares feete two eyes for defence two Keyes as before is said for offence two Armes to get encompasse embrace two Fists to strike the Sword and Dagger Ship and Pinnace Castle and Rampire Canon Musket Arsenale and Peere and whatsoeuer God shall please to giue to humaine industry who giues all things of free grace but to such to whom he hath giuen grace freely to seeke them and is alway a facile and easie giuer but to them onely which loue not their ease and idle pleasure And although I am no Secretary of Gods Counsell for the Indies yet euent hath reuealed thus much of his will that no other Christian Nation hath yet gotten and maintained possession in those parts but the English to whom therefore wee may gather their decreed seruiceablenesse in Peace aduantagiousnesse in Warre and opportunity for both to be both Magazine and Bulwarke and ready euen by naturall scituation to sit on the skirts of whatsoeuer enemies which passe from America to Europe Three Spanish witnesses Acosta Ouiedo and Herrera haue related this in describing the course of that Nauigation yea all experience the Heauens also and Elements subscribe to it For such is the statute of the windes which all Shipping in that Sea must obey they must goe one way and returne another To the Indies the course from Europe is by the Canaries and thence entring the Tropike they meete with the Brises which are perpetuall Easterne windes or I know not what impetuosity by the motion of the heauens breathed into the lower aire betwixt the Tropikes and pressing all vapours and exhalations vnto that seruice in one or other point Easterly which force the Ships to returne neerer the American coast there to seeke as it were some alloy of that impetuous motion euen as you see Water-men in the Thames rowing against the tide to couet neere the shoare where the tide is weakest and thence passing the Tropike to seeke Westerly windes which from twenty seuen to thirty seuen doe there vsually remaine as wee see in Eddies caused by stronger motions Thus the Spanish Ships on the South Sea make one way from Acapulco to the Philippinas which is the Tropicke and another without in the height of Iapan to returne And thus in the Atlanticke the Ships from their seuerall ports come to the Hauana in Cuba and thence must take their course neere to Uirginia and Summer Ilands
and should inclose the house or place so indangered and stand aloofe on their guard with their backes towards the fire to preuent trechery if any were in that kinde intended If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard they were then freed from it but not otherwise without speciall command Long before this time we promised the people of Massachuset in the beginning of March to come vnto them and trade for their Furres which being then come we began to make preparation for that Voyage In the meane time an Indian called Hobbamocke who still liued in the Towne told vs that he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseuks for they so called the people of that place were ioyned in confederacie with the Nanohigganneucks or people of Nanohigganset and that they therefore would take this opportunity to cut off Captaine Standish and his Company abroad but howsoeuer in the meane time it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the Towne at home giuing many reasons for his iealousie as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy who we should finde would vse many perswasions to draw vs from our Shallops to the Indians houses for their better aduantage Notwithstanding the forenamed Captaine with ten men accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamocke set forwards for the Massachusets but we had no sooner turned the point of the Harbour called the Gurnets nose where being becalmed we let fall our grapneli to set things to rights and prepare to row but there came an Indian of Tisquantums family running to certaine of our people that were from home with all eagernesse hauing his face wounded and the bloud still fresh on the same calling to them to repaire home oft looking behinde him as if some others had him in chase saying that at Namaschet a Towne some fifteene miles from vs there were many of the Nanobiggansets Massassowat our supposed friend and Conbatant our feared enemy with many others with a resolution to take aduantage on the present opportunity to assault the Towne in the Captaines absence affirming that hee receiued the wound in his face for speaking in our behalfe and by sleight escaped looking oft backward as if he suspected them to be at hand This he affirmed againe to the Gouernour whereupon he gaue command that three peece of Ordnance should be made ready and discharged to the end that if wee were not out of hearing we might returne thereat Which we no sooner heard but we repaired homeward with all conuenient speede arming our selues and making all in readinesse to fight When wee entred the Harbour we saw the Towne like wise on their guard whither we hasted with all conuenient speede The newes being made knowne vnto vs Hobbamock said flatly that it was false assuring vs of Massassowats faithfulnesse howsoeuer he presumed he would neuer haue vndertaken any such act without his priuitie himselfe being a Pinse that is one of his chiefe Champions or men of valour it being the manner amongst them not to vndertake such enterprises without the aduice and furtherance of men of that ranke The Gouernour caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all priuacie to Puckanokick the chiefe place of Massassowats residence pretending other occasions there to informe her selfe and so vs of the right state of things When she came thither and saw all things quiet and that no such matter was or had beene intended she told Massassowat what had hapned at Plimoth by them called Patuxet which when he vnderstood he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum returning many thankes to the Gouernour for his good thoughts of him and assuring him that according to their first Articles of peace hee would send word and giue warning when any such businesse was towards Thus by degrees we began to discouer Tisquantum whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes of his Country-men by meanes of his neerenesse and fauour with vs not caring who fell so he stood In generall his course was to pers wade them hee could lead vs to peace or warre at his pleasure and would oft threaten the Indians sending them word in a priuate manner we were intended shortly to kill them that thereby he might get gifts to himselfe to worke their peace insomuch as they had him in greater esteeme then many of their Sachims yea they themselues sought to him who promised them peace in respect of vs yea and protection also so as they would resort to him So that whereas diuers were wont to relye on Massassowat for protection and resort to his abode now they began to leaue him and seeke after Tisquantum But when we vnderstood his dealings we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein assuring them till they begun with vs they should haue no cause to feare And if any hereafter should raise any such reports they should punish them as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance which gaue the Indians good satisfaction on all sides After this we proceeded in our Voyage to the Massachusets where we had good store of Trade and blessed be God returned in safety though driuen from before our Towne in great danger and extremity of weather At our returne we found Massassowat at the Plantation who made his seeming iust Apologie for all former matters of accusation being much offended and inraged against Tisquantum whom the Gouernour pacified as much as he could for the present But not long after his departure he sent a Messenger to the Gouernour intreating him to giue way to the death of Tisquantum who had so much abused him But the Gouernour answered Although he had deserued to dye both in respect of him and vs yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him and the rather because without him he knew not well how to vnderstand himselfe or any other the Indians With this answer the Messenger returned but came againe not long after accompanied with diuers others demanding him from Massâ—ssowat their Master as being one of his subiects whom by our first Articles of peace we could not retaine yet because hee would not willingly doe it without the Gouernors approbation offered him many Beuers skins for his consent thereto saying that according to their manner their Sachim had sent his owne Knife and therewith to cut off his head and hands and bring them to him To which the Gouernour answered It was not the manner of the English to sell mens liues at a price but when they had deserued iustly to die to giue them their reward and therefore refused their Beauers as a gift but sent for Tisquantum who though he knew their intent yet offered not to flye but came and accused Hobbamocke as the author and worker of his ouerthrow yeelding himselfe to the Gouernour to be sent or not according as he thought meete But at the instant when our Gouernour was ready to deliuer him into the hands of his Executioners a Boate was seene
water in her Hereupon the Gouernour caused the Corne to be made in a round stacke and bought Mats and cut Sedge to couer it and gaue charge to the Indians not to meddle with it promising him that dwelt next to it a reward if he would keepe vermine also from it which he vndertooke and the Sachim promised to make good In the meane time according to the Gouernors request the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water marke hauing many things remaining in her but vnseruiceable for the present whereof the Gouernour gaue the Sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken And hauing procured a Guide it being no lesse then fiftie miles to our Plantation set forward receiuing all respect that could be from the Indians in his iourney and came safely home though weary and surbated whether some three dayes after the Ship also came The Corne being diuided which they had got Master Westons Company went to their owne Plantation it being further agreed that they should returne with all conuenient speede and bring their Carpenter that they might fetch the rest of the Corne and saue their Shallop At their returne Captaine Standish being recouered and in health tooke another Shallop and went with them to the Corne which they found in safety as they left it also they mended the other Shallop and got all their Corne aboard the Ship This was in Ianuary as I take it it being very cold and stormy insomuch as the harbour being none of the best they were constrained to cut both the Shallops from the Ships sterne and so lost them both a second time But the storme being ouer and seeking out they found them both not hauing receiued any great hurt Whilest they were at Nauset hauing occasion to lye on the shoare laying their Shallop in a Creeke not farre from them an Indian came into the same and stole certaine Beads Câ—ssers and other trifles out of the same which when the Captaine missed he tooke certaine of his company with him and went to the Sachim telling him what had hapned and requiring the same againe or the party that stole them who was knowne to certaine of the Indians or else he would reuenge it on them before his departure and so tooke leaue for that night being late refusing whatsoeuer kindnesse they offered On the morrow the Sachim came to their randeuow accompanied with many men in a stately manner who saluting the Captaine in this wise He thrust out his tongue that one might see the roote thereof and there with licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end withall bowing the knee striuing to imitate the English gesture being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum his men did the like but in so rude and Sauage a manner as our men could scarce forbeare to breake out in open laughter After salutation he deliuered the Beads and other things to the Captaine saying he had much beaten the party for doing it causing the women to make Bread and bring them according to their desire seeming to be very sorry for the fact but glad to be reconciled So they departed and came home in safety where the Corne was equally diuided as before After this the Gouernour went to two other inland Townes with another Company and bought Corne likewise of them the one is called Namasket the other Manomet That from Namasket was brought home partly by Indian women but a great sicknesse arising amongst them our owne men were inforced to fetch home the rest That at Manomet the Gouernour left in the Sachims custody this Towne lieth from vs South well neere twenty miles and stands vpon a fresh Riuer which runneth into the Bay of Nanobigganset and cannot be lesse then sixty miles from thence It will beare a Boat of eight or ten tun to this place Hither the Dutch or French or both vse to come It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles out of which Bay it floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost direct towards the Towne The heads of the Riuer and this Creeke are not farre distant This Riuer yeeldeth thus high Oysters Muscles Clams and other Shel-fish one in shape like a Beane another like a Clam both good meate and great abundance at all times besides it aboundeth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons The Gouernour or Sachim of this place was called Canacum who had formerly as well as many others yea all with whom as yet we had to doe acknowledged themselues the Subiects of our Soueraigne Lord the King This Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians For whilest the Gouernour was there within night in bitter weater came two men from Manamoick before spoken of and hauing set aside their Bowes and Quiuers according to their manner sat down by the fire and tooke a pipe of Tobacco not vsing any words in that time nor any other to them but all remained silent expecting when they would speake At length they looked toward Canacum and one of them made a short speech and deliuered a present to him from his Sachim which was a basket of Tobacco and many Beades which the other receiued thankfully After which he made a long speech to him the contents hereof was related to vs by Hobbamock who then accompanied the Gouernour for his Guide to be as followeth It hapned that two of their men fell out as they were in game for they vse gaming as much as any where and will play away all euen their skin from their backs yea and for their wiues skins also though it may be they are many miles distant from them as my selfe haue seene and growing to great heat the one killed the other The actor of this fact was a Powah one of speciall note amongst them and such an one as they could not well misse yet another people greater then themselues threatned them with warre if they would not put him to death The partie offending was in hold neither would their Sachim doe one way or other till their returne resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weightie a matter After this there was silence a short time at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best Amongst others he asked Hobbamock what he thought Who answered he was but a stranger to them but thought it was better that one should die then many since he had deserued it and the rest were innocent whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him Not long after â—auing no great quantitie of Corne left Captaine Standish went againe with a Shallop to Mattachiest meeting also with the like extremitie of weather both of winde Sâ—ow and Frost insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same Here they pretended their wonted loue and spared them a good quantitie of Corne
dayly in Nauall forces answered by Martiall Spirits for Land and Sea seruice Thus did God blesse her that had glorified him in establishing his Truth notwithstanding the pouertie of the State at her entrance deepely indetted by her predecessours and the saint friendship or professed enmitie of Rome and all her disciples Thus shall it bee done to the Woman God will honour and more then thus for what was all the time of her reigne but vicissitudes of Treasons Warres and manifold externall and internall broyles and yet in an admirable working of Diuine Grace when had England so long and flourishing peace at home or glory and renowme abroad as if hee which brought light out of darknesse would permit all such contrary workings to bee the object of his goodnesse the fewell and materialls of her greatnesse Arthur Poole the fourth yeere of her reigne abused the greatnesse of his bloud with other conspirators to the Guisâ—â—n purposes but taken and sentenced receiued not bloudie reward from her mild and mercifull hand Pope Pius the fift denounceth her excommunicate discharging her Subiects from loyaltie and alleageance and arming them against her Ridolfi a Florentine playes the Merchant of Popish wares the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland take armes the Duke of Norfolke is entangled the French and Spaniard are perswaded by the Pope who promised also if need were to ingage to this purpose all the goods of the Sea Apostolike Chalices Crosses and holy Vestments Uitellius is commanded to inuade England with an Army from the Low-countries but God protected ELIZABETH and her Enemies abroad were disappointed the Traitors at home falling into their owne pit About the same time Edmund and Peter brethten to the Earle of Oâ—â—ond were busie in Ireland to inflame which rebellion Mendoza came out of Spaine but before it brake forth into any great combustion it was extinct Don Iohn of Austria enters next vpon the Stage for I omit Barues and Muthers Sir Henry Percie the B. of Ross his attempts and other Acts and Arts sauouring more of the Foxe then the Lion and pretended a peace whiles hee intended the deliuerance of the Scottish Queene and marrying her to make himselfe King of England and Scotland by helpe of fugitiues and fauour of the Pope and Guisians and in the midst of his warlike preparations suddenly dieth When Pius his impious curses had thus proued blessings hee deceaseth and Gregory his successour in the Papacie and malice to Queene ELIZABETH the great Founder of Seminaties gaping for no lesse then a Kingdome to his base sonne Iames Boncompagnâ— treateth with the Spaniard who had swallowed England also in his conceit Thomas Stukley an English fugitiue promiseth Ireland to the Popes bastard who in recompence giues him the titles of Marquesse of Lagen Earle of Wexford and Caterlough Vicount of Morough and Baron of Ross all places of note in Ireland and made him Generall of eight hundred Italian Souldiers the King of Spaine paying their wages But Sebastian King of Portugall which should haue conducted the Spanish forces against England being intangled with an African Expedition procured Sâ—â—cley to goe thither with him where both lost their liues And the Spaniard was now diuerted from English designes to those neerer of Portugall there imploying the forces intended against vs. Doctor Nicolas Sanders playeth the next part who hauing written in defence of the Popes visible Monarchy Ecclesiasticall and belched out the fowlest slanders of Queen ELIZABETHS parentage that Hell could deuise would make his writings visible by his deeds and with Iames Fitz Moricâ— an Irish Traitor hauing obtained to be the Popes Nuntio with a banner consecrated at Rome and some forces out of Spaine entreth Ireland there fortifieth and winneth Desmond to his partie San Ioseph 〈…〉 followeth with seuen hundred Italians and Spaniards with Armour for fiue thousand Their Fort is taken Fitz moricâ— first and after the Earle with many others slaine Sanders runnes mad and wandering vp and downe in the Woods and Mountaines dieth miserably the Country is pacified and ELIZABETH preuaileth The Seminaries Schooles of Treason were now erected at R 〈…〉 and Rhemâ—â— to become worse then that Troian Hoâ—se Cells of desperate Eâ—issaries incâ—ndaries of their owne Countrey Campion and others suffer seditious Bookes are written against the Queene whereby S 〈…〉 râ—ill was instigated to kill her Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour was commanded to depart out of England hauing practised with Throckmorton and others about an inuasion of the Land and to remoue the Queene About the same time in manner miraculously traiterous projects came to light by certaine papers of one Creighâ—â—â— a Scottish Iesuite who being taken by Dutch Pirates tare them and threw them into the Sea which would not bee accâ—ssary to Iesuiticall plots but by the helpe of the winde brought them backe to the Ship which being deliuered to Sir William Wade were ioyned again and reuealed new plots of the Pope the Spaniard and Guisians to inuade England Whereupon an Association was made by many thorow the Kingdome binding themselues by their hands and seales to prosecute all such to death as should attempt any thing against the life of the Queene Cardinall A 〈…〉 for the English Catholikes Ecclesiasticall Inglefield for the Larkes the Bishop of Rosse for the Queene of Scots were said to haue agreed to depriue the Queene and to disinherite King IAMES as a fauoâ—â—er of Heresie c. A. 1585. Doctor Parry whom Queene ELIZABETH had before pardoned his life being heartned by Ragazonius the Popes Nuntio in France and absolued in the Popes name by the Cardinall Comensis vndertooke to kill the Queene being thereunto incouraged by Allens booke teaching that excommunicated Princes may bee dispoyled of liues and Scepters His partner reueales him and his mischiefe lighted on himselfe Henry Earle of Northumberland brother of Thomas before executed at Yorke slew himselfe in the Tower and the Lord Chancellour three dayes after in the Starre Chamber declared that he had beene committed for traiterous deuises against the Queene and State the particulars whereof were then opened by the Atturney Popham seeking to set free the Queene of Scots to destroy the Queene and the Religion to haue dealt with Charles Paget termed Mope about these things with the inuasion of England c. The Burkes rebellion in Ireland fell out that yeere and many broyles which cost three thousand their liues at one time the title Mac-William in Connagh extinguished and the insolence of the Ilanders betwixt Scotland and England repressed The Spaniard arrested the English Ships in his Ports whence the Expeditions of the Earle of Cumberland and Sir Francis Drake before mentioned tooke their beginning and the Warres betwixt the two Kingdomes A. 1586. that prodigions plot of Sauage Balard Babington and the rest of that bloudy crue conspiring to kill the Queene was detected and the plotters were executed In 87. the French Embassadour a Guisian conferred
with Stafford to kill the Queene making great promises to that purpose And he and Moody were further treated with on that point by Trappius his Secretary which by Stafford was reuealed and preuented But whiles all pretended the freeing of the Queen of Scots by this meanes they shortned her dayes and freed her of her life The story is knowne and I shall not need to insist vpon these later things nor on Tyrones Tragicall rebellion the death of so many thousands English Irish Spanish noâ— Lopez his plot to poison the Queene c. I but propound these things to excite English thankfulnesse to God and hatred to that Whoore drunken with bloud which hath thus enchanted the Kings of the earth yea like the Legion Deuill hath broken all chaines of allegeance and hath initiated in hellish mysteries naturall sworne subiects to inuasion and mutuall massacres yea to account it tolerable lawfull commendable meritorious and in ordine ad deum necessary ô times ô monsters to kill and murther and hath made it a compendious way to win the Kingdome of Heauen by killing the Kings of the Earth And if the bloud of so many Saints from Abel to Zacharias were threatned to fall on Ierusalem sometimes the holy Citie what may be said of Rome whose Temporall Monarchy first founded in the bloud of Rhemus brother of Romulus proceeded in exiling their owne Kings and in exterminating worlds of men out of the world Caesar alone is said in fiftie battells to haue slaine 1192000. men besides what was slaine in his Ciuill Warres in a world of time together exceeded in the sanctitie of the bloud of so many thousand Saints and Martyrs in ten dismall persecutions and yet fell short of the pretended Catholike Rome that mysticall Woman drunken with bloud I dare boldly auer and by History make it good yea in great part to a iudicious obseruer the former parts of this Worke haue shewed that since the Papall challenge of Monarchy ouer Monarkes by Gregory the seuenth the Deuills thousand yeeres of imprisonment being expired Antichristian Rome hath by Sword Fire Warres Ciuill and Forraine and other inhumane immane diuellish furies procured the shedding of more humane bloud then euer Heathen Rome in farre longer time had shed to erect their Heathenish Empire from the dayes of Romulus which founded the Citie to Augustus which grounded and stablished the Empire and Tiberius vnder whom Christ was crucified Yea if you adde the persecutions of the succeeding Emperors till Iulian the Apostata yet haue the later Antichristian exceeded in numbers as much as the executions of Warres are vsually beyond all comparison of the Iudiciall and Legall I adde that as the Ethnike Romans spilt none except in persecutions but Ethnike bloud so the pretended Christan Romists except in the Indies and the Holy Land Wars shed none in this account but Christian. This may seem a prodigal speech prodigious paradox to those which know not the millions which perished in the Holy Land Wars set kept on foot about 200. yeers together by Papall ambition so many hundreths of thousands which perished in the same times by open warres made by the Popes Crusados against the Albigenses Waldenses and what other names it pleased them to giue to better men then themselues in almost eightie yeeres continued warres So many Ciuill Warres in Germany the subiects and competitors armed by Crusados against the Emperours till that Eagle was plucked where one Henry whom Hildebrand first deposed fought sixtie battells In England France Italy and other parts in the daies of King Iohn Fredericke the second Coâ—radâ— Memfred Phillip and others and after that the long Bohemian broiles drenched in bloud after Husses fire and lately so innumerable millions pauperis est numerare in America and the Ilands which these bookes plainly euince to haue beene written in bloud by Roman authoritie and pretence not to make mention of the Philippinas the East Indies the Wars in Sicile and Naples and the Greeke Empire first weakned and after by Roman ambition lost how many hundreth thousands hath France lost of Christians within these last hundreth yeeres how many more haue taken their fatall farewells in the Belgian quarrell How doe those Low-countries and Germany still flow in bloud That I speake not of our England and Ireland But I hate the thoughts of those things and therefore come to the 88. businesse that also set on worke from Rome the widest and openest passage from hell for his ingresse and egresse that was a Murtherer from the beginning and in the last ages turning himselfe into an Angell of light hath there established his principall Vicar vnder pretended titles and seemings of Christ and Christianitie Yea this is also remarkable that in the treasons against Queene Elizabeth and in those against our present Souereigne King Iames whom God long preserue by Watson Clerke Cobham c. at first and in the Master and Monster-peece which was now ready to breake forth with violence and virulence from Hell and to blow vp all other Treasons that of the Gun-powder Traitors still the busiest part of the Tragedie is committed to some Romish Priest or Iesuite who should fit and frame the resolute dissolutenesse of wild spirits to the execution of it or themselues The Master Workman I say not Beelzebub is the Pope as appeareth in those before mentioned and in this of 88. whose Bull declaratory against that Worthy of women followeth as the contents thereof are deliuered by Meteranus to whose labours in this Story wee are principally indetted It was to be published in the Popes name by Cardinall Allen after the Nauie had arriued in England to command the English to yeeld their obedience to the Duke of Parma From the Pope therefore wee will begin our 88 Story touching the preparation and successe of that Armada sirnamed inuincible CHAP. XI Octagesimus Octauus mirabilis Annus The Popes Bull the King of Spaines preparations the Duke of Medinas Expedition the Duke of Parmas Forces for the inuasion of England diuers Sea-fights twixt the English and Spanish Fleets the Sea flight of the Spanish and miserable disasters in their returne Their lies The Queens Religious Triumph SIxtus Quintus by diuine prouidence vniuersall Pastor of the Flock of Christ to whom by continued and lawfull succession the administration and charge of the Catholike Church pertaineth taking into consideration the miseries and calamities whereinto the famous Kingdomes of England and Ireland had falne which in times past were commended so much for Vertues Religion and Christian Pietie and Obedience and now by the impious and vniust Empire of Elizabeth pretended Queene and a few adhering to her not onely to haue come to a dissolute estate and dangerous to it selfe but also as infected and venemous members are wont to cause infection and disease to the whole body of Christians and wanting there the due remedies which elswhere by help of
the coast of France The Generall of this mightie Nauie was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman Duke of Medina Sidonia Lord of S. Lucar and Knight of the golden Fleece by reason that the Marquesse of Santa Cruz appointed for the same dignity deceased before the time Iohn Martines de Ricalde was Admirall of the Fleete Francis Bouadilla was chiefe Marshall who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed Vicar generall of the Inquisition being accompanied with more â—hen a hundreth Monkes to wit Iesuites Capuchines and Friers Mendicant Besides whom also there were Phisitians Chirurgians Apothecaries and whatsoeuer else pertained vnto the Hospitall Ouer and besides the forenamed Gouernours and Officers being men of chiefe note there were 124 very noble and worthy Gentlemen which went voluntarily of their owne costs and charges to the end they might see fashions learne experience and attaine vnto glory Amongst whom was the Prince of Ascoli Alonzo de Leiua the Marquesse de Pennafiel the Marquesse de Ganes the Marquesse de Barlango Count de Paredes Count de Yeluas and diuers other Marqueses and Earles of the honorable families of Mendoza of Toledo of Pachicco of Cordono of Guzman of Manriques and a great number of others I haue by me the Dukes Orders for the whole Nauie during this Voyage made aboord the Gallion Saint Martin May 28. the beginning whereof I haue added the whole would be too long Don ALONSO PERES DE GVSMAN the good Duke of Medina Sidonia Countie of Nebla Marquesse of Casheshe in Africa Lord of the Citie Saint Lucar Captaine Generall of the Occian Sea of the Coast of Andaluzia and of this Armie of his Maiestie and Knight of the honorable Order of the golden Fleece I Doe ordaine and command that the generall Masters of the field all Captaines of the Sea Pilats Masters Souldiers Mariners and Officers and whatsoeuer other people for the Land or Sea seruice commeth in this Armie all the time that it indureth shall be thus gouerned as hereafter followeth viz. First and before all things it is to be vnderstood by all the aboue named from the highest to the lowest that the principall foundation and cause that hath moued the King his Maiestie to make and continue this iournie hath beene and is to serue God and to returne vnto his Church a great many of contrite soules that are oppressed by the Heretikes enemies of our holy Catholike faith which haue them subiects to their sects and vnhappinesse and for that euery one may put his eyes vpon this marke as we are bound I doe command and much desire euery one to giue charge vnto the inferiors and those vnder their charge to imbarke themselues being shriuen and hauing receiued the Sacrament with competent and contrition for their sinnes by the which contrition and zeale to doe God such great seruice he will carry and guide vs to his great glory which is that which particularly and principally is pretended In like manner I doe charge and command you to haue particular care that no Soldier Marriner or other that serueth in this Armie doe blaspheme or rage against God or our Lady or any of the Saints vpon paine that he shall therefore sharply be corrected and very well chastened as it shall seeme best vnto vs and for other oathes of lesse qualitie the Gouernours in the same Ships they goe in shall procure to remedy all they shall punish them in taking away their allowance of Wine or otherwise as they shall thinke good And for that the most occasions come by play you shall publikly prohibit it especially the games that are forbidden and that none doe play in the night by no meanes Articles follow to suppresse quarrels to auoid disgracing any man and all occasions of scandall forbidding carriage of common women with other orders for watchwords attendance on the Admirall for fire and wilde-fire and lights armours shâ—â— powder match and other necessary instructions too long to be here particularised that in the height of humaine policie and religious hypocrisie the hand of God in Englands preseruation may be made euident While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Nauie the Duke of Parma at the direction of King Philip made great preparation in the low Countries to giue aide and assistance vnto the Spaniards building Ships for the same purpose and sending for Pilots and Ship wrights out of Italy In Flanders he caused certaine deepe channels to be made and among the rest the channell of Yper commonly called Yper-lee employing some thousands of workemen about that seruice to the end that by the said Cannell he might transport Ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges where he had assembled aboue a hundreth small Ships called Hoyes being well stored with victuals which Hoyes he was determined to haue brought into the Sea by the way of Sluys or else to haue conueied them by the said Yper-lee being now of greater depth into any port of Flanders whatsoeuer In the Riuer of Waten he caused 70. Ships with flat bottomes to be built euery one of which should serue to carry 30. horses hauing each of them Bridges likewise for the Horses to come on boord or to goe forth on land Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiuport but not so great And at Dunkerk he procured 28. Ships of warre such as were there to be had and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg Breme Emdâ—n and at other places He put in the ballast of the said Ships great store of beames of thicke plankes being hollow and beset with Iron pikes beneath but on each side full of claspes and hookes to ioyne them together He had likewise at Graueling prouided 20. thousand of caske which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords and reduced into the forme of a Bridge To be short whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of Bridges and for the barring stopping vp of Hauens mouthes with stakes posts and other meanes he commanded to be made ready Moreouer not far from Neinport hauen he had caused a great pile of wooden fagots to be laid and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a Mount The most part of his Ships contained two Ouens a peece to bake Bread in with a great number of saddles bridles and such other like apparell for Horses They had Horses likewise which after their landing should serue to conuey and draw engines field-pieces and other warlike prouisions Neeere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie ouer the which hee had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians of ten bands of Wallons eight of Scots and eight of Burgundians all which together amount vnto 56. bands euery band containing a hundreth persons Neere vnto Dixmud there
moued with the renoune and celebritie of his name with one consent yeelded themselues and found him very fauourable vnto them Then Ualdez with forty or fiftie Noblemen and Gentlemen pertaining vnto him came on boord Sir Francis Drakes ship The residue of his company were carried vnto Plimmouth where they were detained a yeere and an halfe for their ransome Valdez comming vnto Drake and humbly kissing his hand protesting vnto him that he and his had resolued to die in battell had they not by good fortune fallen into his power whom they knew to be right curteous and gentle and whom they had heard by generall report to be most fauourable vnto his vanquished foe insomuch that he said it was to be doubted whether his enemy had more cause to admire and loue him for his great valiant and prosperous exploits or to dread him for his singular felicity and wisdome which euer attended vpon him in the wars and by the which he had attained vnto so great honor With that Drake embraced him and gaue him very honorable entertainment feeding him at his owne table and lodging him in his Cabbin Here Valdez began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleete and how foure mighty Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to be repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by meanes of their huge Fleete they were become Lords and commanders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueiled much how the Englishmen in their small Ships durst approach within musket shot of the Spaniards mighty wodden Castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his Company being a man of principall authority in the Spanish Fleet and being descended of one and the same family with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the said ship 55. thousand Duckets in ready monie of the Spanish Kings gold which the souldiers merrily shared among themselues The same day was set on sire one of their greatest ships being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the ship of Michael de Oquendo Vice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of Gunpowder and other warlike prouision The vpper part onely of this ship was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and scorched Spaniards Howbeit the Gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the Lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enemies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleete could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada Gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble suite vnto the Duke of Medina that hee might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which liberty the Duke thought not good to permit vnto him because he was loath to exceede the limits of his Commission and charge Vpon tuesday which was the 23. of Iuly the Nauy being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to be more incensed to fight then before But when the English fleet had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniards vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues to make haste vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioyne forces with the Duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small ships vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloudy skirmish of all in which the Lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enemies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines a farre off he spake vnto him in these words Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou now furstrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee now With which words hee being enflamed approached forthwith encountered the enemy and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had beene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Uenetian ship with other small ships surprized and taken by the English The English Nauy in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to be performed vnto their Prince and Countrey In which number there were many great and honorable personages as namely the Earle of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse M. William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English ships amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirty being not withstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twnety of the Queenes greater ships which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniards minds concerning the power of the English Fleet the Marriners and Souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the Sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English ships which being rowed with Oares had great vantage of the English ships which not withstanding for all that would not be forced to yeelde but discharged their chaine-shot to cut a sunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagems They were now constrained to send their men on land for a new supply of Gunpowder whereof they were in great scarcitie
Wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could neuer reach toâ—n England and hauing it there without money euen in their houses where they lie and hold their guard can be kept from being drunke and once drunke held in any order or tune except we had for euery drunkard an Officer to attend him But who bee they that haue run into these disorders Euen our newest men our youngest men and our idlest men and for the most part our slouenly prest men whom the Iustices who haue alwayes thought vnworthily of any warre haue sent out as the scum and dregs of the Countrey And those were they who distempering themselues with their hot Wines haue brought in that sicknesse which hath infected honester men then themselues But I hope as in other places the recouery of the disease doth acquaint their bodies with the ayre of the Countrey where they be so the remainder of these which haue either recouered or past without sicknesse will proue most fit for Martiall seruices If we haue wanted Surgeons may not this rather be laid vpon the Captaines who are to prouide for their seuerall Companies then vpon the Generalls whose care hath been more generall And how may it be thought that euery Captaine vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war which was alwayes wont to be maintained by the purse of the Prince But admit euery Captain had his Surgeon yet were the want of curing neuerthelesse for our English Surgeons for the most part bee vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot because England hath not knowne warres but of late from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort which I hope will warne those that hereafter goe to the warres to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill From whence the want of carriages did proceed you may coniecture in that wee marched through a Country neither plentifull of such prouisions nor willing to part from any thing yet this I can assure you that no man of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for And that the Generall commanded all the Mules and Asses that were laden wiâ—â— any baggage to be vnburdened and taken to that vse and the Earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to carry men vpon Pikâ—â— And the Earle whose true vertue and nobilitie as it doth in all other his actions appeare so did it very much in this threw downe his owne stuffe I meane apparell and necessities which hee had there from his owne carriages and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sicke men vpon them And the great complaint that these men make for want of victualls may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of warre for if to feed vpon good Beeues Muttons and Goates be to want they haue endured great scarcitie at Land whereunto they neuer wanted two dayes together wine to mixe with their water nor bread to eat with theâ— meat in some quantitie except it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to 〈◊〉 out of their places for food of whom we haue too many After six dayes sayling from the Coast of England and the fifth after we had the wind good being the twentieth of Aprill in the euening we landed in a bay more thâ—â— an English mile from the Groine in our long Boats and Pinnaces without any impeachmentâ— from whence we presently marched toward the Towne within one halfe mile wee were encountred by the enemy who being charged by ours retired into their gates For that night our Armie lay in the Villages Hoâ—ses and Mils next adioyning and very neere round about the Towne into the which the Galeon named S. Iohn which was the second of the last yeeres 〈◊〉 against England one Huâ—ke two smaller Ships and two Gallies which were found in the Road did beat vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne found the same defended on the Lâ—nd side for it standeth vpon the necke of an Iland with a wall vpon a dry Ditch whereupon hee resolued to try in two plâ—ces what might be done against it by Escâ—lade and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some Artillerie to be vpon the Ships and Gallies that they might not annoy vs which being but in execution vpon the planting of the first Peece the Gallies abandoned the Road and betooke them to Feroll not farre from therice and the Armada being beaten with the Artillery and Musketers that were placed vpon the next shoare left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the Companies and other prouisions readie for the surprise of the baâ—e Towne which was effected in this sort There were appointed to bee landed 1200. men vnder the conduct of Colonell Huntley and Captaine Fenner the Vice-Admirall on that side next â—â—onting vs by water in long Boates and Pinnaces wherein were placed many Peeces of Artillery to beat vpon the Towne in their approach at the corner of the wall which defended the other water side were appointed Captain Richard Wing field Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris and Captaine Sampson Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake to enter at low water with fiue hundred men if they found it passable but if not to betake them to the Esâ—alade for they had also Ladders with them â—â—t the other corner of the wall which ioyned to that side that was attempted by water were appointed Colonell Umpton and Colonell Bret with three hundred men to enter by Escalade All the Companies which should enter by Boat being imbarked before the low water and hauing giuen the alarme Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betooke them to the Escalade for they had in commandement to charge all at one instant The Boats landed without any great difficultie yet had they some men hurt in landing Colonell Bret and Colonell Vmpton entred their quarter without encounter not finding any defence made against them for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by water at his first entry with some of his owne companie whom hee trusted well betooke himselfe to that part of the wall which hee cleered before that they offered to enter and so scoured the wall till he came on the backe of them who maintained the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson who were twice beaten from their Ladders and found very good resistance till the enemies perceiuing ours entred in two places at their backes were driuen to abandon the same The reason why that place was longer defended then the other is as Don Iuan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth that the enemie that day had resolued in counsell how to make their defences if they were approached and therein concluded that if wee attempted it by
water it was not able to bee held and therefore vpon the discouery of our Boates they of the high Towne should make a signall by fire from thence that all the low Towne might make their retreat thither but they whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought vpon them or forgetting their decree omitted the fire which made them guard that place till we were entred on euery side Then the Towne being entred in three seuerall places with an huge cry the Inhabitants betooke them to the high Towne which they might with lesse perill doe for that ours being strangers there knew not the way to cut them off The rest that were not put to the sword in fâ—rie fled to the Rocks in the Iland others hid themselues in Chambers and Sellers which were euery day found in great numbers Amongst those Don Iuun de Luna a man of very good commandement hauing hidden himselfe in a house did the next morning yeeld himselfe There was also taken that night a Commissarie of victuals called Iuan de Vera who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entrie fiue hundred Souldiers being in seuen Companies which returned very weake as appeareth by the small numbers of them from the iourney of England The rest falling into the hands of the common Souldiers bad their throats cut to the number of fiue hundred as I coniecture first and last after wee had entred the Towne and in the entry thereof there was found euerie Seller full of Wine whereon our men by inordinate drinking both grew themselues for the present senslesse of the danger of the shot of the Town which hurt many of them being drunk and tooke the first ground of their sicknesse for of such was our first and chiefest mortalitie There was also abundant store of Victualls Salt and all kind of prouision for shipping and the warre which was confessed by the said Commissary of Victualls taken there to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of prouision for a new Voyage into England whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath aduantaged vs and preiudiced the King of Spaine The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their Ships And hauing ouercharched the Artillery of the Gallion left her on fire which burnt in terrible sort two daies together the fire and ouercharging of the Peeces being so great as of fiftie that were in her there were not aboue sixteene taken out whole the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire were taken out in broken pieces into diuers Ships The same day was the Cloister of the South side of the Towne entred by vs which ioyned verie neere to the wall of the Town out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our Musketiers The next day in the afternoone there came downe some two thousand men gathered together out of the Countrey euen to the gates of the Towne as resolutely led by what spirit I know not as though they would haue entred the same but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approach and with greater speed then ours were able to follow notwithstanding wee followed after them more then a mile The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the Countrey with three or foure hundred men who brought home very great store of Kine and Sheepe for our reliefe The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose to take a long Munition-house builded vpon their wall opening towardes vs which would haue giuen great aduantage against them but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs burnt it in the beginning of the euening which put him to a new councell for he had likewise brought some Artillery to that side of the Town During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the Towne which had it not bin by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger as next vnto them had burnt all the prouisions we found there to our wonderfull hinderance The fourth day were planted vnder the guard of the Cloisters two Demy-canons and two Coluerings against the Towne defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall thorow which our battery lay the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall down so as all the Ordnance lay open to the Enemy by reason wherof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine The Lieutenant also of the Ordnance M. Spencer was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris Master thereof whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vnto him neuer left that place till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery which he presently did leauing a guard vpon the same for that day and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery as after there were very few or none annoyed therein That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall that when the assault should be giuen to the Towne he should make a proffer of an Escalade on the other side where he held his guard but he mistaking the signall that would haue beene giuen attempted the same long before the assault and was shot in the mouth The same day the Generall hauing planted his Ordnance ready to batter caused the Towne to be summoned in which summons they of the Towne shot at our Drum immediately after that there was one hanged ouer the wall and a parle desired wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand that the man hanged was hee that shot at the Drum before wherein they all intreated to haue faire wars with promise of the same on their parts The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna and some other prisoners and somewhat of the rendring of the Towne but not much for they listned not greatly thereunto Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the Towne which is almost all seated vpon a Rocke found one place thereof mineable did presently set workemen in hand withall who after three daies labour and the seuenth after we were entred the base Towne had bedded their Powder but indeed not farre enough into the wall Against which time the breach made by the Canon being thought assaultable and Companies appointed as well to enter the same as that which was expected should be blowne vp by the Mine namely to that of the Canon Captaine Richard Wingfield and Captaine Philpot who led the Generalls Foot-company with whom also Captaine Yorke went whose principall commandement was ouer the Horse-men And to that of the Mine Captaine Iohn Sampson and Captaine Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the Master of the Ordnance with certaine selected
seuen miles in circuit at the foot fashioned it is vpward like an Hiue and the top therof most commonly to be discerned within and aboue the clouds This Mountaine hath in it by report many great hollow Caues and deepe Vaults and it is credibly reported that oftentimes it breathes out flames and sparkes of fire as doth the Mountaine Aetna Also at the bottome of this Mountain towards the East there is a great Spring of Fresh-water which is seen many times to issue out flakes and stones of fire with great violence and of the number and bignesse of the stones that are throwne out by the force and source of this Spring and what huge workes they make of the multitudes of them they confidently doe tell strange wonders which I will neither affirme nor deny but leaue indifferent to credit as men list Fayall is so called of Faya which in the Portugues signifieth a Beech Tree wherewith that Iland is said to abound But yet I saw there more store of Iuniper and Cedar then of any other Wood or Timber For Aire and Soyle it is as pleasant and fruitfull as any of the other Ilands and in it are some fiue Townes with many pretie Villages and in this Iland there are yet remaining certaine families of the Flemish race Gratiosa is so called of the exceeding fruitfulnesse of the Soyle and pleasant temper of the Ayre Flores of the abundance of Flowers that grow in it Cueruo of the multitude of Rauens and Crowes breeding therein And that Iland doth also breed Horses Saint Maries Saint Georges and Saint Michaels were so called of those Saints names vpon whose dayes they were first discouered for such is the custome of many Nauigators and especially of the Spaniards and Portugues so to call those Landes that they first make by the Saints day and name wherein they are discouered And these three Ilands for temper and fruitfulnesse are suteable with the others But Saint Michael is the greatest of them all Tercera the strongest and Saint Maries the neerest to the Coast of Spaine But now as wee come neerer to our intended purpose for the better vnderstanding thereof I thinke it very necessary and pertinent somewhat to speake of the chiefe Commanders as well by Sea as by Land and also of the number of our Ships and Souldiers together with the proiect and designe of that iourney then vndertaken for the seruice of her late Maiestie and the Honour of our Nation It is therefore to be vnderstood that Robert Deuereux late Earle of Essex Master of the Horse and Ordnance and Knight of the Garter First commanded in chiefe as well Admirall of the Nauie by Sea as Generall of the Armie by Land His Vice-Admirall was the Lord Thomas Howard Knight of the same Order and second Sonne to the last Thomas Duke of Norfolke a Nobleman much honoured and beloued and of great experience in Sea seruice His Reare-Admirall was Sir Walter Raleigh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Guard Lord Warden of the Stanneries and Lieftenant of Cornwall For the Land seruice his Leiftenant Generall was Sir Charles Blunt Lord Mountioy Knight of the Garter Gouernour of Portsmouth and a man in high fauour with her late Maiestie His Marshall of the Field was Sir Frauncis Vere Knight a great Souldier and Coronell Generall of the English Forces in the Low-Countries The Master of the Ordnance Sir George Carew Knight Leiftenant of the Ordnance of the Kingdome of England His Sergeant Maior Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight Gouernour of the Forts of Plimouth The Coronell Generall of the Foot Sir Christopher Blunt Knight The Treasurer of the Armie Sir Hugh Biston Knight one of her Maiesties Receiuers Generall in the Principalities of Walles with all other Officers designed to places requisite that were needful by Land or Sea now too long to rehearse And yet of all the Noblemen I will as neere as I can record their names particularly but craue pardon if I faile in the precedencie of their places The Earles of Essex Rutland and Southampton the Lord Howard the Lord Audley the Lord Gray the Lord Mountioy the Lord Rich and the Lord Cromwell But the particular names of all the Land Captains that had charge I could neuer come to the knowledge of much lesse can I marshall them orderly in this discourse And therefore I will passe to the number of the Ships in generall and therein name some particulars of the chiefe and principall Vessells of the Royall Nauie with their Captaines The whole Nauie which was diuided into three Squadrons viz. The Admirall his Squadron The Vice-Admirall his Squadron and the Reare-Admirall his Squadron consisted of 120. sayle or thereabout whereof sixtie were good men of Warre and gallant Ships the rest Victuallers and Ships of Transportation Of her Maiesties owne Ships the number was eighteene or nineteene and these were their names The Merhoneur Admirall whereof Sir Robert Mansfield was Captaine The Due Repulse Vice-Admirall whereof Master Middleton was Captaine The Wast Spite Reare-Admirall whereof my selfe was Captaine The Garland the Earle of Southampton commanded The Defiance wherein the Lord Mountioy was shipped had for Captaine Sir Amias Preston The Saint Mathew to Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance The Mary Rose to Sir Francis Vere Marshall whose Captaine was M. Iohn Winter The Dread-nought Sir William Brooke was Captaine of The Nonparellia Sir Richard Luson was Captaine of The Bonouenture Sir William Haruey was Captaine of The Antelope Sir Thomas Vauisâ—r was Captain of The Rainbow Sir William Mounson was Captaine of The Swiftsure Sir Gilly Mericke was Captain of The Golden Lion was sent after for a supply The Hope whereof was Captain The Foresight whereof Sir Carew Reignall was Captaine The Saint Andrew whereof Master Marcellus Throckmorton was Captain The Tramontana whereof young Master Fenner was Captain The Moone whereof Sir Edward Michelboorne was Captaine Besides that there were some other of her Maiesties small Pinnaces that attended the Fleet. The residue or the Fleet aforenamed consisted of the best shipping of London and other Port-Townes of the Kingdome with sundry stout Vestells belonging to some Lords and Gentlemen that were Aduenturers in this Voyage There were also added to this Nauie tenne sayle of good men of Warre sent from the States of the Low-Countries to attend her Maiesties Fleet in this seruice vnder the conduct of one Mounsier de Duneincorde well manned and furnished The Land Army besides Saylers that might be afforded and spared vpon occasion of landing consisted of six thousand able men well appointed with ten Peeces of Artillery for the Field and Battery with all necessary Vtensils fit for them The proportion of victuals was for four months at large allowance double apparell both for Souldier's and Mariners In this Armie there went Knights Captaines and Gentlemen voluntaries fiue hundred at the least as gallant parsonages and as brauely furnished as euer the
eye of men did behold The list of whose names I did seriously inquire after thereby to doe them right but could by no meanes compasse it The end and purpose of this great Preparation was to the taking in of most of those Ilands and especially of the winning of the Tercera it selfe the which was resolued to haue beene attempted by vs with the other Ilands and Holds of importance and in some of them to haue placed strong Garrisons if it had pleased God to haue prospered the iourney with happy successe But in the very beginning with long contrary winds and extremitie of foule weather the maine plot and ground of this enterprise was hindred and maimed as hereafter more at large shall be related in his due place But this intended iourney for the surprising and holding of the Tercera alone if it had taken effect without any further respect to the other Ilands then onely to haue sacked them and rased those Fortresses they haue had beene a seruice of great consequence for vs and as preiudiciall to the King of Spaine as any action that was euer vndertaken against him since the reuolt of the Low-Countries The which to set downe in particular would require more ample discourse then either my leasure or my memory can suddenly afford But what great vse and benefit both the Portugues did and the Spaniards doe make of these Ilands is in daily experience And as for that bare Allegation how difficult and inconuenient it would bee for vs to hold a peece so farre off men of Warre in their true iudgements would easily answere For as well it might be demanded how the Forts are held in the East Indies by the poore Portugues against mightie Nations and yet so farre remote from Christendome And how Rhodes and Cyprus were heretofore long kept in despite of the Turke in his very bosome And how the Spaniards of late haue kept certaine places in Britaine and Amyens and Callice in Picardie â—angâ—â— the force of France and neuer quitted them but by composition And God knowes how long Don Iohn D'Lag 〈…〉 would haue kept Kinsale and Beare Castle if these had bin places halfe sâ— terrible as those of the Tercera or but the fouth part so remote from vs as the Tercera is from Spaine Undoubtedly their industry and patience is far beyond ours both in getting and holding matters of more difficultie But vaine it is to set a price of the Beares skin before hee be slaine although I am verily perswaded that the contrary winds onely lost vs both that and all the King of Spaine his treasure that came that yeere to the Tercera For the iourney was carried with as great secrecie expedition and Royall preparation as euer was any these many yeeres â—â—d they on the contrary as slenderly prouided and little doubting any such attempt When all things were thus ordered and wee furnished of our necessaries after some few daies abode in Sandwich for the meeting mustering and imbarking of our Land Army about the fiue and twentieth of Iune in the yeere 1597. we set saile from the Downes and within threedayes with skant winds recouered Portland Rhode where we ancored and staied some six or seuen dayes taking in men and victualls at Waymouth and thence we made for Plimouth where wee were to take in our freshwater much of our prouisions and most of our Mariners besides that this place was appointed the very randeuous for the knitting vp and dispatch of this Voyage whether in a day and a nights sayle wee came but with very extreme foule weather Insomuch that euen in the entrance of the very Harbour many of our Ships falling foule one of another were sorely distressed The Lord Mountioy his Ship the Defiance had her Beake head stricken cleane off and the Saint Mathew being a Spanish Ship of great charge very leeward and drawing much water had like in the tempest to haue runne her selfe vpon the Rocks had not her Captaine Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance beene very resolute and carefull in that extremitie when a great part of his Souldiers and Saylers would haue abandoned her and betaken themselues to their Ship-boats to shun the iminent perill that threatned them which he staied to the preseruation of the Ship and the company Moreouer a Flee-boat of our Traine who had in her fortie Last of Powder was likewise bulged and all the store had beene vtterly lost had not the Master of the Ordnance with like care and diligence bestirred himselfe to saue all that hee might who with the aid of many Ship-boats as the Flee-boat was sinking saued the greatest part of her lading Yet notwithstanding seuenteen Lasts of Powder was vtterly spoiled with the Salt-water as I heard the Master of the Ordnance himselfe affirme Thus with great difficultie wee arriued at Plimouth where within six or seuen daies our whole Army and Nauie met and withall the shipping of the Low-Countries came to vs. And soone after hauing watered and taken in all our prouisions and Marinrs and mustered our men we imbarked our Army and set sayle about the ninth of Iuly and for two dayes space were accompanied with a faire leading North-easterly wind In which time we receiued a ship-board all our directions throughout the Nauie with such orders and instructions as are vsually set downe by an Admirall and a Counsell of Warre together with the places of meeting from time to time vpon any occasions of separations by stormes by fight by giuing chase or any other accidents This order of deliuering directions when a Fleet is a Sea-boord and not before is an vse grounded vpon many good reasons as to auoid the reuealing of secret plots and the preuention of sudden execution As also to shun the discouraging of diuers that doe often expose themselues and their aduentures to Sea actions either for loue to the Commanders or out of hope of Purchase or for many other respects which perhaps they would not doe if they knew indeed either the danger or the true ends of some preparations And this secret manner of proceeding hath bin often vsed by Philip the late king of Spain in diuers great expeditions who hath beene sâ— precise and seuere therein as that oftentimes the Admiralls of his Fleet themselues haue not knowne their instructions nor beene suffered to open them vntill they haue beene thirtie or fortie leagues on their way Wee now being in this faire course some sixtie leagues onwards our iourney with our whole Fleet together there suddenly arose a fierce and tempestuous storme full in our teeths continuing for foure dayes with so great violence as that now euery one was inforced rather to looke to his owne safetie and with a low saile to serue the Seas then to beat it vp against the stormy winds to keepe together or to follow the directions for the places of meeting And here some began to taste the inconuenience and perill of high Cargued Ships
the company that the Captaine that had taken this Indian Prize had already sent the Admirall a Letter to the same effect Yet the Reare-Admirall for the more suretie doubting that a Letter might miscarry or that no such Letter might bee sent being but an excuse of this Man to put off the trouble of seeking out our Fleet being a matter of great importance commanded one of his small Men that at that time followed vs to deliuer the same aduertisement to our Admirall as hee had receiued it by word of mouth and to vse all diligence to seeke him and the Fleet and to deliuer the report truly in manner as it was related and withall to signifie vnto his Lordship that wee there attended him in that height according to the directions and so would obserue all places and times appointed and that in such sort his Lordship should be sure to heare of vs vpon any occasion to wait on him This message and Messenger could sufficiently witnesse that we had no intent nor desire to abandon the Fleet or to sequester our selues being at the place set downe in the generall instructions This small Man that had this message in charge to deliuer to his Lordship the next day by good hap found out the Fleet and vpon deliuery of this newes within two dayes after our Reare-Admirall receiued two seuerall Letters to one effect from the Admirall one after another First somewhat taxing him for not writing then for his absence and withal requiring him presently to follow him to the Ilands whether he said he would by Gods helpe hasten to find the Adelantado not doubting but to giue his Mistresse a better account of that seruice then the Adelantado should yeeld his Master so or much to that effect the Letters went for I my selfe read them with the Reare-Admirall his permission and therefore can truly report their contents Vpon this suddaine and strict message we presently altered our determination from going to the South-Cape to hast to the Ilands and therfore we presently gaue notice to Sir William Brooke and the rest of our consorts of our Admirall his Letters and what way he meant to take and so instantly without any further delay we shaped our course for the Ilands But in this passage of ours towards the Ilands as wee had a franke wind so met wee with other lets For our Maine-yard began againe to cracke insomuch that wee were inforced to strengthen it with more fishing And as commonly misfortunes neuer come alone so in the necke of this trouble our Mayn-mast began to shrinke also springing great flawes in diuers places in so much that at last we greatly doubted with euery high blast or wind that it would haue beene blowne ouer-boord This sudden disaster much troubled vs and the more to thinke what vnequall constructions would bee made thereof Wee acquainted all the rest of our consorts with this late befallne mischiefe and desired Sir William Brooke in the Dread naught to carry the light for all the company seeing that our ship was so defectiue that we must needs stay to see if we could make the Mast seruiceable but would vse all our best means to come speedily after desiring him and all the rest to hast to our Admiral and to signifie our misfortunes and withal to make the more speed for that if the Adelantado were at the Ilands our Admirals Forces would be wel helped by their companies so for a few hours we and our consorts parted only we retained two little small Men with vs for our better comfort Yet notwithstanding this order and direction giuen so great were our desires to go on our labor such as that the same night wee had new fished our crased Maine-mast with a spare Maine top Mast that lay by vs and then so plied our sayles as that the next day towards the euening wee ouertooke Sir William Brooke againe and the rest of our consorts hasting towards the Ilands as was directed And on the eight of September in the yeere 1597. being Thursday wee made the I le called the Tercera and weathered it to the North-west where we met with an English Merchant that came from Saint Michaels and had layen trading about those Ilands some six weekes together but could not tell vs any newes of our Admirall and the Fleet albeit they were passed by but two dayes before Which shewes how easie a matter it is for shipping to passe by amongst those Ilands vnseene and how difficult it is to find out such Ships among those Ilands as would shelter themselues from men of Warre and couet not to bee met withall seeing that so great a Fleet could passe by vnseene or vnheard of by one that came iust from the Ilands at the same time that our Generall came thither And therefore it is a necessary obseruation for all such men of Warre as would meet or intercept any shipping that doth touch at those Ilands or do come from thence to keep in the maine sea and so to attend their comming forth and not to puzzle themselues with running in amongst those Ilands to seeke for purchase except they haue others of their consorts lying in the Sea at the receite if they chance to slip by which is easily done This Merchant informed vs of certaine West Indian men and two Carracks that a month before had touched there bound for Spaine And by this Merchant wee wrote into England how affaires went In passing thus onwards we discouered Saint Georges Ilands and there we dispatched two of our small men with charge to search about the Islands for our Fleete and to enforme our Admirail that we were going for Flores and Cueruos in hope to meete him there withall willing those small men to come thither vnto vs. And yet I remember many in our Ship were doubtfull and laid great wagers that our Fleet was not yet come to the Islands for that this Merchant could make no report thereof Whilest we were before Saint Georges we were very much becalmed for a day or two and the weather extreamely hot insomuch as the winde could not beare the sailes from the mastes but were faine to hull in the Sea to our great discontentment that before had vsed such great diligence and haste to meete with our Admirall and the rest of the Fleete Notwithstanding the winde began againe to be fauourable and so setting forwards the next of the Ilands that we made were Gratiosa Pyke and Fayall And as we ranged by Gratiosa on the tenth of September about twelue a clocke at night we saw a large and perfect Rainbow by the Moone light in the bignesse and forme of all other Rainbowes but â—n colour much differing for it was more whitish but chiefly inclining to the colour of the flame of fire This made vs expect some extraordinary tempestuous weather but indeede it fell out afterward to be very calme and hot This Rainbow by the Moone light I
time before they had carried all away Besides a great scorne and disgrace wee should doe our selues to enterprise nothing vpon them that had begun the warres shooting first at vs as we roade at ancor and then after their bringing downe to the water side so many Auncients did proudly as it were inuite vs to assaile them if we durst hauing withall hung out a red Flagge of defiance from the top of the high Fort. The hope of the wealth of this good Towne and the ransoming of Houses and Prisoners together with those brauadoes which they shewed did so set on fire all our Mariners and Souldiers as that they began to mutine and raile on the Reare Admirall and at all the Commanders there taxing them for these delaies as not daring to attempt the taking thereof Besides they were the more eagerly set vpon the spoile and gaining of this Towne and Fort for that they saw no great likelihood of benefit by this Voyage but what was gotten ashoare in the Islands In conclusion albeit we heard no newes of our Generall in two dayes more expectation yet at the counsell of Captaines which our Reare Admirall had assembled some of them varied much from the common desire and would by no meanes assent to the landing without my Lord Generall his knowledge And of this opinion was Sir Guilly Mericke Sir Nicholas Parker and some other Captaines Our Reare Admirall with Sir William Brooke my selfe Sir William Haruey and other Gentlemen and Commanders of our Reare Admirall his Squadron called to this consulation were of a contrary opinion iudging that my Lord Generall would repute vs but Idlers and Cowards to lye so long before so good a Towne with so many Ships and men and to doe nothing in his absence seeing them hourely before our eyes so fast to carry and packe away their goods and wealth And this was also 〈…〉 e common opinion and b 〈…〉 te as well of the multitude as of the Low Countrie Captaines But yet the violent and earnest perswasions of Sir Guillie Merricke did so preuaile with vs vrging our obedience and duetie to our Generall as that we staied from the Enterprise at that time and expected our Generals comming one day longer especially for that they perswaded vs if his Lordship came not the next day then themselues would also land with vs. Which when we had also expected in vain and the winde changing somewhat vnfit for that Roade our Reare Admirall and diuers of his Squadron and many other of the Ships following him weied and coasted about the point to the North-west side of the Island some foure miles further from the Towne then we were before and there let fall our ancors being then a better Roade then the first as the winde was changed But Sir Guillie Merricke with some fiue or sixe Ships of his consorts staied still in the first Roade and would not budge When we had in this sort changed our Roade and being now the fourth day of our arriuall before Fayall which was not aboue a daies sailing from the place from whence our Generall sent for vs wee might see before vs a very fine and pleasant Countrie full of little Villages and fruitfull fields and therefore we much desired to refresh our selues aland there with victuals and water as our Generall had promised we should doe when we came to Fayall and as diuers others had done before vs at Flores and as we had then but that we were called away to Fayall by Captaine Champernownes sodaine message from the Generall as was aforesaid And in truth we were in great want of fresh water which we had not renued since our setting out from Plimouth All these occasions considered and we being now retired from the Towne and Forts we all resolued that wee might without offence with a few of our owne men goe ashoare and refresh our selues and seeke for water whereupon we manned a Barge a long Boate and a Pinnace with threescore Muskets and forty Pikes rather to guard our selues in our landing and watering with discretion then expecting any encounter or resistance from the Towne or Forts on the other side of the Island But our men were no sooner placed in our Boates and all things ordered and we ready to put off from the Ships side but we might discouer sixe Auncients of foote and some dosen Horsemen comming on a speedy march from the Towne and Forts directly towards the place where wee were to make our discent for from one side of the high Fort on the Mountaine they might also ouerlooke vs where our ships roade and discouer all our preparation When we had a while aduised of this new Brauado that they went about and saw them still to come on faster with so many strong companies of men or at the least the bodies of men furnished with womens hearts and had made such haste as that they possessed themselues of the Trenches and Flankers where we were to land and there had placed their Companies and Collors attending our approach as they made shew by wauing their Swords and displaying their Auncients in great brauery for doubtlesse they thought we feard to land in their faces because we lay so long before the Town and neuer attempted any thing and were so shrunke aside off after they had prouoked vs so with great shot and many other affronts we seeing that pâ—â—portion of an hundred men prouided onely to guard our watering to be too few to assault and win a landing vpon so many in a place of so great disaduantage and yet disdaining to goe backe or make any shew of feare our Reare Admirall in his Barge rowed to Sir William Brookes Ship and to Sir William Harueyes and desired them and some other Sea Captaines to accompany him in landing with such men as conueniently they could furnish For said he seeing these Spaniards and Portugals are so gallant to seeke and follow vs and to keepe vs from watering wee will try our fortunes with them and either win our landing or gaine a beating Sir William Brooke Sir William Haruey and some others very willingly assented and presently there were made ready with shot and Pike one hundred and sixtie men more in Boates. And after this our Reare Admirall rowing by Captaine Bret Sidney White Berry and other Captaines of the Low Countrie Souldiers that were there abrood in other Ships they all cried out to take them and their companies with them assuring him that if he aduentured to land with Mariners and with his owne attendants without some Companies of Land Souldiers hee would receiue a disgrace He answered that he durst not take any of my Lord Generall his company of the Low Countries no knowing in what seruice he ment to vse them but he was resolued with the Gentlemen and company of his owne Squadron first to make a discent and then to call them and send Boates for them if he proceeded any further and that neither my Lord Generall nor
inferior Officers Souldiers Notwithstanding said he though I could inforce others to doe it they shall well perceiue that I my selfe will doe that which they dare not performe whereof I am ashamed in their behalfe and how our Generall and we all are abused in the opinion of these Low Countrie Souldiers And therefore called for his Curates and Caske and said that he would both goe view the way for them which they had made so nice of and also the passages and ascents vnto the hill top and as well as hee could take view of the strength and fortifications thereof for our better directions against the next morning that we should attempt it Captaine Berrie thereupon very willingly offered himselfe to hoe and did earnestly desire me to diuert our Reare Admirall from vndertaking it And I thereupon did openly dissawde him that commanded in chiefe from putting his owne person to those inferiour Offices of hazard fitter for a Lieutenant or a Sergeant then himselfe to performe knowing that all the direction as well of those troopes as also of a whole Squadron of the Nauie did at that time onely rest vpon him in the absence of the Admirall Vice Admirall Notwithstanding he was obstinate therein as well in scorne to them that had refused as also indeede out of a desire to be the better informed of the strength and fortification of the high Fort. Wherein when I saw him resolued I told him that I would out of the loue of a kinsman in particular and also out of an honest regard take such part as he did from whom I had receiued many kinde fauours and accompany him but not out of any great desire I had to goe about a peece of worke that consisted of much danger and little honour in the performance Hee thanked mee for mine offer but yet wished me not to goe if it were against my minde notwithstanding I accompanied him and so did some eight or ten more of our seruants and followers But I say truely and so afterwards it was much spoken of that there was not any one more of quality that did accompany him in that businesse In this sort and in this number did he himselfe goe to discouer the passage and also was carefull and diligent to obserue and search out the strengths and ascents to the hill In which doing we were shrewdly troubled with the great Artillery which did beat vpon the old wals alongst the which we were to passe and therewithall much indangered and harmed vs. For besides some that were hurt two of our traine had their heads stricken cleane from their shoulders my selfe was then shot through the left leg with a Musket bullet but missed the boanes being but a flesh-wound but the bullet did burne both my silke stocking and buskin as if it had bin singed with an hot Iron I was then hard by the Reare Admirall who also was shot through the breeches doublet sleeues in two or three places And still they plied vs so fast with small shot as that I well remember he wished me to put of a large red scarfe which I then wore being as hee said a very faire marke for them But I was not willing to do the Spaniards so much honor at that time albeit I could haue wished it had not bin on me therfore told the Reare Admirall again that his white scarfe was as eminent as my red and therefore I now would follow his example But yet in my poore opinion I see no great honor nor discretion in those nice ceremonies but when men go to seruice they may with reputation either put on or put off all habiliments for their most aduantage and securitie and especially in going to discouer which best may be performed when themselues are least discouered And this puts me in minde of a report which I heard many yeeres since of Monsieur La Noe that famous French Captain and one Bussey de Amboys a gallant French Gentleman These two being with Monsieur the French Kings brother some 24. yeer since at the siege of Bines in the Low Countries were to informe themselues of a flanker or some Rauelin that was to be beaten with Artillery La Noue was the Marshall of Monsieurs Campe and Bussye his great fauourite Lieutenant Generall as I take it Bussey would needes before Monsieur in a brauery inuite La Noue to vndertake with him the discouery of that place which La Noue out of his better iudgment and experience in the Warres thought not so fit a peece of seruice for their places but rather to be preferred to some priuate Captaines of valour and iudgement that would very couertly goe about it But such was Busseyes forward beate and iollitie to the businesse as that La Noue who was inferiour to none in true valour disdained to refuse that which the other still vrged and made so light of And being stirred by Busseyes daring branery he fell to the businesse and led Bussey such a dance in his hose and doubled vnarmed to the discouery and so slily curried him on still with a sober discourse further and further inso the very mouth of the Cannon and Musket shot with a soft steady pace as that Bussey began to finde and dislike their entertamment seeing the imminent danger that they still ranne into And thereupon suddenly asked La Noue what he meant so farre openly to ingage himselfe and on so slow a pace whereto La Noue answered that hee did so to make Bussey know that La Noue had a heart as well to execute as a tongue to giue counsell when neede required But at last they both falling into the true reckoning of their follies the one for vrging a valiaut old Souldier and the other for assenting to the vaine glorious humour of youthly inconsiderate courage came off very quietly both together hauing had their fils of discouering And yet these Simullates as the Latines name them haue euer in all ages raigned Caesar in his Commentaries makes an especiall obseruation of two of his Captaines for the like The one was called Titus Pulfio and the other Lucius Varenus and it happened in his Warres of France in the wintering Campe of Qâ—intus Cicero one of his Lieutenants being furiously assaulted by the Gauls but most resolutely defended The manner hee describeth excellently and large in his Commentaries to which I referre you And now to our purpose by this time we had reasonably to our satisfaction made a sufficient discouery both of the way for our Troopes to passe and also of the ascents to the high Forton the Mountaine And then there came vnto vs Captaine Berry and one Master Henry Allen and others who finding me hurt very kindely bemoned my harme and I in requitall of their curtesie as much lamented the want of all their good companies at that banquet vpon the comming of these vnto vs we sent backe two of our men to Captain Bret Sergeant Maior for that
of Virginia hauing but 30 fighting men 1692 Sr. Arthur Gorge his relation of a voyage to the Iles of Azores 1938 Articles offered to Port Ricco-men by the Earle of Cumberland 1163. And receiued 1164 Articles propounded by Mr. More to the Company planted in the Bermudas to hee subscribed to generally 1795 Arraroopana an entrance into the riuer Orenoco 1248 Armes vsed by the Indians 1261 Aruba Iland described 1146 1246 Aruburguary a town of the Epeuremii in the Indies 1285 Arwarcas certaine Indians so called that dwell in the Wyapoco 1253 Assapana the first Iland in Orenoque 1â—48 Assaccona a Prouince in Guiana 1285 Assawais certaine Indianâ— inhabiting the Plaines of Samia 1â—48 Ashamabaga a riuer in Mawooshen westward from Sagodok 1875 Asshaw a town on the riuer Aponeg in Mawooshen 1874 Aspiner a Gouernor in Nausset vnder the great Massasoye his good entertainment of our English forces 1853 Assumption a place erected by the Spaniards in the West Indies 1352 Asticon a great Lord in Mawooshen 1874 Atabalipa Prince of Peru craftily taken by the Spaniards and afterwards perfidiously slaine 1445 1452 1490 1491 Atacames Bay the situation thereof 1401 Atacama a towne in Peru 1443 Athul a pleasant Country neere the Riuer Orenoco 1248 Atuhualpa or Atabalipa Emperer of Peru his warres with his brother his victory crueltie c. 1483 1484 1485 Ataios-Indians 1516 Atriâ—co a place fiue leagues from Mexico 1414 Attoca-Riuer 1248 Atturari certaine inhabitauts of the West Indies 1299 Anasalii spirits possessing and vexing the inhabitants of West India 1213 Auauares certaine Indians so called 1514 Aubri a French Priest lost in New France and after many dayes found againe being almost starued all his food being a fruit worse then wild cherries 1623 Audacity of the English Admirall in the voyage to the Azores 1943 Augurari Brasilians 1299 Autiamque a Prouince in Florida described with the commodiâ—iâ—s thereof 1550 1551 Axa a place in America 1561 Aximocuntla a place in New Spaine 1558 Azores Ilands their number and nomination in particular why called Azores and why the Flemmish Ilands 1667 1668. Azores Iles situated in the Atlanticke and Westerne Oceans betweene 37 and 40 Degrees 1938. the inhabitant Port 〈…〉 hate the Sp 〈…〉 ds and would bee freed from them if they might fall with a Gouernour that could protect them from the Sp 〈…〉 1952 Aztatlan a Prouince neere New-Spaine 1559 Ayard Indian wood so called 1251 Ayer a disease in Tereeta 1671 Aygas Indians then nature and commodities described 1351 Ay 〈…〉 y a Towne in Florida called by the Spaniards The towne of reliefe the commodities and description thereof 1537 B BAgres a very strange Fish in RioGrand in Florida 1548 Bahia a Towne in the West-Indies neere the Line 1189 Baldiuia his death by a cup of molten Gold which the Indiaâ—â— forced him to drinke saying Now glut thy selfe with gold 1443 Baldiuia a places name neere the South-sea 1391. Baldiuia Port 1442. 1443 Balparizo a place in America 1399 Balsamum of three sorts in Tâ—ppan Basse neere Brasile white red blacke all very odoriâ—erous 1189 Bancke in the New-found Land knowne by Mariners to bee neere by the testimony of Birds 1628. The description of it and the fishing there ibid. Banner of a Spanish ship hung vp in one of the Churches of Leyden in token of triumph 1909 Baptisme of Spaniards leaueth no character in the Indians 1323 Baptisme forbidden by the Deuill to the Sauages 1564 Baratta a delicate perfume and admirable in curing greene wounds 1276 Barbudos Iland the description and commodities thereof 1255 1256 Baâ—ede an Indian towne 1364 Bareras Mermethues hils in Pareyna 1237 Capt. Barker of Bristowes nauigations 1180 Capt. Barker slaine in Brasile 1195 Barkley viz. Sir Iohn Barkley his noble resolution ambition and courage 1151 Baroti an India towne 1364 Barrennesse of women how dispelled by the Indians 1303 Bartennis Indian inhabitants 1349 Bartholomew de las Casas his discouerie of Spanish cruelties in the Indies 1569 sequ his disputations with Doctor Sepulueda concerning the same point 1631. Saint Bartholmew Valley in New Biscany 1562 Bascherepos Indians 1357 Basenesse of the Spaniards in refusing the Earle of Essex his challenge 1924 Basse great plenty summer and winter taken at Mattachiest 1859 Bastimento Ilands 1244 A Bath temperately hot in Dominica 1158 A Bath caring diuers diseases 1281 1282. Bathes boyling meat 1685 Batiscan-Riuer in Canada 1611 Battell of Sauages 1218 1224 1272 1272 1273 1348. Battell of Sauages with Spanâ—ards 1360 1361 Batts very great and noxious 1284 Baximete a place fertile with fine gold 1413 Bay of Cods in Canada 1616 Bay of heate ibid. Bayâ— a towne in Brasile 1142 1438 Bayama a Gulfe in the West Indies 1241 Bayamond a riuer in Port-Ricco 1169 Bayas de Sant Antonio sands on the coasts of Brasile 1238 Bayshas de Ambrobrio certaine clifts so called 1223 Beares tame taught by Sauages in stead of Ladders to cary the climbers vp on trees 1644 Beares that swim 14 Leagues from the Continent to feed on Birds 1605 Beasts with armed scales repelling Iron in America 1326 A Beast called Hay that liueth vpon haire 1328 A Beast with a monstrous snout ibid. Beasts hideously howling 1381 Beasts that carie their young ones in a bag vnder their belly 1502. A beasts hide of strange forms and fashion 1560 Beds of what kind vsed among the Sauages 1188 Beefe how kept in the Ilands of Mona and Sauona c. 1146 Beeues infinitely plentifull 1171 1421 Bees without stings 1364 Belle a voire a riuer of Florida discouered by the French 1603 Belligods 1202 Bengula in Affrica 1234 Saint Bent an Iland in Brasile 1240 Bermuda plantation distrest by Rats in infinite number 1796. Their deuouring their fruits ibid. The weaknesse and mortality succeeding ibid. 1797. The prediction thereof portended by Rauens 1797. Bermudas Plantation vnder the gouernment of Master Moore ibid. Vnder Captaine Tucker ibid. Its growth in benefit and commodities 1798. It s gouernment by Captaine Kendall and Captaine Butler ibid. Its Forts built by Master Moore 1802. It s gouernment by a Triumuirate ibid. A Church built with supplies of all necessaries ib. Bermudas plantation-affaires vnder diuers Gouernours and the fortification therof at large 1804 1805 1811. Beâ—mudas impregnability 1823. Englands naturall and nationall right to plant in Bermudas 1811 Bermuda Ilands infamous for storms and thunder their situation 1169. Called the Deuils Ilands 1737. Opinions of their number magnitude circuit and latitude seasons and climate 1738 Pearle-fishing there ibid. The danger of ariuall thither by ships their soile want of venemous beasts fruits Cedars 1739. Palmes there and their commodities trees Silke-wormes ibid. The reason why they were not formerly inhabited ibid. Their want of fresh water fish great store mâ—king of salt there 1740 The wholesomnesse of the fish and its cauâ—e store of Whales Fowles ibid. Wild Hogs and Tortoises 1741. Bermudas liked by Sir Thomas Gates and other Mariners and preferred before Virginia
conquered foe 1905 Iohn Drake liued 15 moneths with the savages 1186. His mishaps 1440 1441. His fame gotten by his iourney to the West Indies and about the World 1916 Drano a River neere Orenoco It s vnhealthy passage 1250 Dreames sceming ominous 1191 Drinke to some poison to other bodies beneficiall although the very same 1173. Great drinkingmatch by the Indians 1285. Drink made of roots great want of drink 1364. It s quality and varietie among the Indians 1381. Drinking esteemed by those of Peru the greatest courtesie that can be offered by King or Subiect 1473. Strange drinking 1519. Drinke made of Berries at the Bermudas 1739. Drinke made of Plummes in Virginia 1784. Scarcitie of drinke 1143 Drowth extraordinarie in New-England 1866 Drugs in Guiana 1276 Drunkennesse a vice of Savages 1189 1473. Drunkennesse like to ouerthrow an English Armie 1916 Ducks the curiousnesse of making their nests in the Magellane Streights 1385 Dudley viz. Sir Robert Dudley his voyage and successe to Trinidada and the coast of Paria c. 1186 Duke of Medina his kindnesse to the English 1834. His yearely tribute of the Fishers of Tunny-Mullit and Purgos 1837. His preparation for the Spanish Fleet in Anno 1588 1895 Duke of Parma his forces in 88 1902. His apparell for horses 1903. His vaine hope of the Crowne of England 1907 Duke of Medina is prohibited the Court because hee returned without the English Crowne 1910 Duke of Parma's force against England 1895 Capt. Du Pont his voyages into the New-found-lands 1643 A Dutchmans courtesie to the English 1261. Dutchmens treachery to the Englishmens inhabiting Virginia 1841 Dutchmens fals-heartednesse 1721 And abuse of Capt. Smith by ioyning to Powhatan 1723. Their treacherie frustrateth his attempt for the surprizall of Powhatans house 1725. Their plot to kill Capt. Smith and fruitlesse issue 1726. Their continued base treacherie and deserved pension one comming to a miserable and among the English the others having their braines beaten out by Savages 1729 E. EArle of Essex his worthy acts 1917. His valorous chalenge in Portugall Voyage 1924. His voyage to the Iles. of Azores 1935. His trouble travell and arivall Hee taketh three Spanish Ships 1937 Earth medicinable earth like guâ—me in Virginia 1765. Earth red like terra sigillata 1765 Earth-quakes 1476 Earth-quakes frequent in Tercera 1670. A terrible Earth-quake in S Michaels I le and the dreadfull effects thereof 1678 1679 Ease and efferainate life enemies to great practices 1436 East-India warres disburden the Spaniard of West India gold and silver 1815 Ecatepeck supposed the highest mountaine in the world from the top whereof are discerned the north and South seas 1177 Eclipses what conceited to be by some Americans 1462 Echro an Iland neere Port-Ricco 1267 Eggs very hard and sounding like Bels 1306 Ekinnick a kinde of worme that poysoneth the water 1286 Elephants how taken by the Aethiopians 1234 El estado de Arauco the description thereof the fiercenesse of the inhabitants and their opinion of the Spaniards 1442 El Caâ—â—o the Port of Lima 1446 Capt. Ellis his relation of Sir Richard Hawkins his voyage 1416 Q. Elizabeths providence in repairing her Army Royall 1903 Q. Elizabeth denounced excommunicate by Pope 〈◊〉 her subiects are discharged from loyalty and allegeance 1892. Her enemies abroad are disappointed traitors at home taken in their owne pâ—t â—bid Her triumph after the deliverance in 88. 1912 Q. Elizabeths Encomium 1823 Q. Elizabeths martial affairs 1181 Elizabeth-Bay 1386 Elizabeths Ile in Virginia 1648 Its description being thought fit and commodious for plantation 1649. At large 1651. vide Ile of Elizabeth Elizabeth her manifold dangers and gracious deliverances 1890 Elizabeth Iles inhabitants described their ornaments nature proportion wittinesse courtesie yet theeverie 1651. The description of the climate ibid. Embalming by the Indians how well performed 1459 Embassage from the English to the Massasoyt chiefe Commander of the Savages in Pacanokick 1851 Embroderie exercised among the Savages 1560 Emeralds of inestimable worth 1420 1446. An Emerald as big as an Estriches Egge and therefore was adored by the Indians 1481. Emerald store 1560 Emeria the easter most part of Dorado 1247 Enemies to bee kept in awe as the Spaniards by the Earle of Cumberland at Port-Ricco who though he meant not to spoile their towne yet told them not so much 1186 Enemies taken among the Savages are commonly killed and eaten 1217 1218 Engines in warre by the Indians performed 1361 Englishmens discoveries of America 1813 An English Pilots treacherie and adherence to the Spaniards 1773 Englands gaine by Salt-fish Poore-Iohn Salmonds and Pilchards 1837 Englishmen rather desirous to bee renowned for mercy and clemencie then for dreadfull conquest 1959 English miracles by Captain Smith in Virginia such as the Spaniard vsed in the Indies 1727 English-Bay in the Magellane streights the description of the inhabitants 1388 English Captiues delivered by the Duke of Medina 1934 English Nauy returneth from Azores Iles 1968 English forces mustered 1903 English gallants reprehended for their vnprouidence in going to warre 1942 English inhabiting the River Wiapoco 1270 Englishmen chusing rather to trust God and the Sea then the deuill and the Spaniards 1186 Englishmen striking terrour in the Charibes 1273. Take possession of the Mountaine Gomerigo 1278 English mens nature 1440 Englishmen slaine in Virginia by the treacherie of the Indians and the cause why 1841 Englishmens encounters in New-England 1841 Englishmen cheat the Indian of their victuals and turne savage 1865 Englishmens throats cut by the Portingals 1959 English fugitiues appointed to giue the first onset against their owne Nation 1908 Englishmen sinke the Spanish ships or take them 1673 1674 English Fleet set forth and successe 1676 English returne from the pursuit of the Spaniards 1910 English ships by their nimblenesse farre exceeding the Spanish Galliasses 1905 English victory ioyned with courtesie 1677 English famine and mortalitie in Virginia 1690 English souldiers dye with drinking of water 1927 E 〈…〉 sh desire a battell with the Portingals 1924 English forbidden to furnish the Spaniard with munition 1927 Enmity imparted by sending a rattle Snakes-skinne full of arroweâ— 1854 Entertainment how strange among the Savages of Pores 1208 1292. Among Brasilians Enuy espyeth more inpretended then in professed enemies 1959 Eparigotos enemies to the Epuremi in India 1248 Epeoya a great Iland in Brasile 1241. Called by the Indians Sapeawera ibid. Epuremi Indians neere the River Orenoco 1248 Equibone a towne at the foot of Marwin in America inhabited by the Arwaccas and Parawagotos Savages 1283 Eregooda a place neere Orenoco 1248 Escudo an Iland 1185 Estanca that is a farme place where slaues keepe cattle and make Cassani bread among the Indians 1146 Estechemins Savages in Canada enemies to the Irocois 1607 Estriches tame 1230 Eteowbo a mountaine in America 1214 Etepararange a mountaine abounding with gold 1229 Etaoca a place in America 1219 Etapuca a great mountaine in America 1214 Etamatiqua a Cape in Brasile its fitnesse for Navigation 1238.
a Citie in the West Indies taken by the English its description aire dewes greatnesse Church want of Glasse-windowes doores standing of their Quire in the lowest part of the Church 1144. Fortification 1165. Healthinesse ibid. Its situation 1169 And fortification 1418 Saint Iohns head the easterly part of Port-Ricco 1169 Captaine Iohn Smith his discoverie of Russels Iles Point-Ployer and Limbo Iles in Virginia 1712. His entertainment by the Savages with courtesic and trcacherie his mens desire of returne 1713. His many Savage bickerings endanger by a stinging Fish and safe returne 1714. His setting forth againe and encounter with the Savages 1714 1715. The loue hee received from Mosco that Savage ibid. His fight with the Tapahonecks 1716. His great tempests yet safe returne 1716. His assuming the presidencie of Virginia 1716. His opposition by the Councell iourney to Powhatan onely with foure 1717. His strange entertainment ibid. His provision for Nansamund proiect for Powhatan and setting forth 1720. His discourse and passages with Powhatan 1721 1722. His escaping death amidst his treacherous vassals ibid. His abuse by some treacherous Dutchmen 1723. His great danger with fifteene men by a multitude of Indians ibid. His valiant evasion and forcing them to composition captinating their King in the midst of them ibid. 1724. His poysoning by the Vassals of Powhatan and escape 1725. His death plotted by Dutchmen his escape encounter and captivating the King of Paspahigh and other bickerings 1726. His progresse in the plantation hinderance and desire of remouall thereof 1727 1728. His hatred by vpstart plantationers escaping their plots and revenge on them 1729. His suppressing mutinies appeasing concluding peace endanger by powder 1730 1731. His endanger of murther grieuous torture returne for England and the cause with the consequents 1731 1732. His accusers and accusation 1731. His innocencie 1732 Master Iones his endeuours furthering the plantation of New-England 1867 Ippoa a place neere the great Iland in America 1212 Irasing a place seven leagues from Mexico 1414 Irocois Savages in Canada 1607 Their River and manner of fortification with stakes 1612. Their further description provision and townes and warres with their vanquishment and affrighting with a musket-shot 1643 Iron extolled aboue gold 1814 Isla del Gallo an Iland 1444 Itshuera a towne of the Caribes one dayes iourney from the head of the River Marwin 1285 Saint Iuan de Lua achiefe part in Noua Hispania 1432 Iuan de Ofnate his discoverie of the North from old Mexico his armie and preparation 1563. His losse and revenge of his Nephew his building a towne and possession for Spaine 1566 Iuan Fernandes Ilands their situation and plenty 1393 Iucatan how so called 1455. The inhabitants tortured and consumed by the Spaniards 1581 1582 1583 Iumanos Indians 1561 Saint Iuo de Vllua a Port towne 1418 Iuana the second Iland in Orenoque 1248 Ixtatlan a place in New-Spaine 1558 Iyanough a Governour among the Savages of Pechanochick 1853 Saint Izabella one of the Iles of Salomon 1447 K. KAiwaire a towne inhabited by the Careebees in the River Marwin in America 1283 Kebec a place in New-France wherein was a plantation of the French begun by Capt. Champlaine 1642. The naturall fruit and commodities thereof ibid. Kecoughtan a towne of Savages in Virginia 1687. The inhabitants maner of entertainment dancing Orations 1687 Kenebek a towne vnder the Dominion of Apomhamen in Mawooshen 1874 Ketangheanycke a town vnder the Sagamos Octoworth 1875 Capt. Keymish his voyage to Guiana 1269 Kiarno a towne of the Sauages 1286 Kietitan a god of the Savages 1862 Kine very strange in Brasile living in water without hornes or vdders 1243. Kine strange neere Quiuira with bunched backs 1561 A Kings distinction from others among the Amazons is by a crowne of feathers a woodden sword or a chaine of Lyons teeth 1288 Kings bodies how bestowed after death by the Peruans before the Spanish conquest 1464 Kings dying among the Floridan Indians and Tartarians two yong men are slaine to wait vpon them in the next world 1553 King Iames his name nothing respected among the Spaniards 1834. His faithfulnesse to the Queene of England his wise answere to her Embassadour 1912. His gracious letters to the Earle of Southhampton touching the Silke-wormes and Silke-grasse in Virginia 1787 I0 King Englishman one that lived fifteene yeares at Santos 1203 Kimbeki a River in New-France 1625 Knaw-saw an Iland how situate 1184 Knights how chosen and created among the ancient Emperours of Peru and who thought worthy of Knighthood 1474 Kniuets adventures accidents 1192 He finds a chest of Rials 1203. Loseth his toes by frost 1204. Narrow scaping death 1205 1206. His danger by a Sea-Monster 1207. Eateth Whale 1207. His escaping all his fellowes slaine 1207. His comming to the River Ianero and escaping from drowning by a woman his life there 1208. His slaverie in a Sugar-mill nakednesse shame and flight to the wildernesse his life there 1208. His perill by a Savage 1208. By a Sharke-fish 1209. His disastrous flight and wracke 1209. In danger of starving ibid. His imprisonment condemnation pardon 1210. His wounding the Factor flight iourney and fortune 1210. His fearfull travels through the wildernesse and manifold dangers there 1210 1211. His returne to his old master after many perils 1212. Kils a great dangerous Snake 1215. Is stocked and brought to execution saved 1216 Passeth in a weake vessell through a River that ran vnder-ground 1217. His escape all his fellowes devoured ibid. His nakednesse 1218. Returne againe to his Portingall Master his danger ibid. 1219. His adventure vnder-water 1220. His escape and voyage to Angola in Africa his sending backe againe ibid. His plot and dangerous discoverie 1221. Saveth his master from drowning ibid. Is imprisoned 1222. Escapeth drowning 1223. Ariveth at Lisbon his sicknesse there 1224. One and twenty times let blood 1225. His recoverie imployment and imprisonment ibid. Kniues and Hatchets deare sold amongst the Indians 1229 1208 A Knife bought eight women 1249 Kuskara waock a river in Virginia the inhabitants thereof 1694 L. LAbour well imployed hath its reward one time or other 1832 La Buena Ventura an vnhealthy place in Peru 1446 La Canela a Country in Peru 1415 Lacana a miserable towne in Florida 1553 Laguada a towns in Port-Ricco 1170 Lake of a hundred leagues in length 1644 A Lake wondrous great 1612. A Lake of 80 leagues 1614. Many others ib. 1615. One of three hundred leagues 1616. La Loma de Camana a very fertile soyle in America the description thereof 1420 La Mocha an Iland in America 1443 Lampere a fortified Citie of the Carios in the Indies taken by the Spaniards 1352 Lancerota the town and Castle taken by the Earle of Cumberland 1151 1155. It is one of the greatest Ilands of the Canaries 1155 The chiefe towne in it described 1156. The inhabitants armes situation commodities latitude their severall haruests Church Religion ibid. Language of Savages 1237. A thousand languages of Savages
from Iames Towne in Virginia to the I le of Hogs 1724 Scuruie reigning in New France 1642. and vnder the Aequinoctiall 1202. its cause effects signes and remedie 1373 1374. great raigning of it among Mariners 1374. the things that are discommodious or beneficiall to the patient 1623 1763 Scuruy-grasse 1191. its medicinable operations 1624 Sea blacke in colour beyond the line 1157. a Sea-monster like a man of complexion like a tawny Indian 1187. another strange Sea-monster 1207 Sea-water warme the ayre being cold 1627. Sea made fresh by a violent intermixture of riuers in Florida 1555. Sea-scum like pitch and vsed like pitch called Coper in Florida 1556. Sea discommodious for meats in sickness 1624. Sea danger 1223 Sea-fire a meteor seene commonly in temposts the diuers opinions and names thereof 1737 The Sea worshipped by some Indians 1471 Sea-faring mens errors 1368 Sea-fights 1183 1186 1402 seq the requisitenesse of armour in Sea-fights 1408. a Sea-fight betweene the Spanish and English at vnequall hand the successe largely related 1780 1781 1784 Sea-hawking 1376 Sea-voyages require a Princes purse 1942 Sea-stratagem of the English hauing good effect 1908 Sea-snakes 1315 Seale-land 1440 Seales great store 1187. their nature and description 1386 Seasons falling vnequally vnder the same parallel 1637 Sea-men their seuerall offices 1403 Seminaries erected at Rome and Rhemes 1893 Security is dangerous 1635 St. Sebastian Iland 1200 Seed-time in New England 1866 Segouni abeast in Brasile 1243 Selinama riuer 1284. directions to trauell there 1286 Seralta an ancient Commander in Port Râ—cco 1166 Serpents called Iebua 1226. a serpent called Cobrus in Brasile as big as a man twenty foot long his strange feeding rotting and reviving 1243. A Serpent called Cururijuba thirty foot long its description 1317 1318. Serpents that are armed with plates not pierceable by an arrow ibid. Serpents called Guararici which being heard sing by the indians causeth them to dye so strong is their imagination 1318. a huge Serpent 1350. two great Serpents 1603 Shadden a towne of the Arwaccas in the West Indies 1285 Shambles of mans flesh among the Spaniards in the Indies 1280 Sharke a fish so called described 1376 Sheathing of Ships requisite 1387 Shawakotoc a riuer in Mawooshen 1875 Sheepe why s 〈…〉 in Port-Ricco 1172. Sheep vsed for cariages as horses in the Indies called Amidas 1362. Sheepe as big as horses with huge hornes and small tayles neere Mexico 1560 one horne waigheth 50 pound 1561 Shels of Pearle curiously wrought by nature 1381 Sherleys voyage 1168 Showers of gold 1395 Shooting at Sea how aduisedly to be vndertaken 1369 Sicknesse its cause and remedy 1251. Sicknesses vnknowne in New France 1623 Sicknesse in Guiana 1261. Sicknesse preuented by good dyet 1624. sicknesse destroying the whole Country in Pataxâ—t in New England 1849 Sickene Mountaine 1286 Sierra Leona a country so called 1141 Shipwracks 1355 1356 1440 1560 1673 1674 1676 1677 Ships how most conueniently built for warres or Merchandise 1405 1406. ships vnprofitably built of Cedar in the Bermudas 1747. ships taken by Sr. Francis Drake at the Cascois in the Portingall voyage 1923. ships of great worth taken by the English at the fight before Cadiz 1930. in ships whether race-building be commodious for men of warre 1409 Silk-wormes in Florida 1603. in the Bermudas 1739 Silk-grasse in Virginia 1758 Silley an I le on the west of England 1247 Siluer in Florida presented to the French by the Inhabitants 1603 Smiarra a towne neere the Fort of Marwin inhabited by the Arwacca Sauages 1283 Sir Samuel Argal by vertue of commission with much valour and discretion dispossessed the French of their vsurped possession in the New found Land 1828. his departure from the coasts of Virginia 1830. His inuention of trade with the Uirginia Sauages 1763 Skin as ruffe as Buffe on men 1280 Skuls of dead men layd in the windowes of houses among some Indians perchance to put them in mind of mortality 1560 Slate good store in Canada affording Diamonds 1610 1611 Sleeping-hearbe 1312 Smiths Iles before Uirginia 1691 Capt. Smith of Plimouth his disasterous voyage with sudden returne by the vnmercifulnesse of a raging tempest his second aduentures to the Westerne Ilands hee is chased by the French Pyrates is taken prisoner and the voyage ouerthrowne 1829. Captaine Smiths suspition by the Councell of Virginia his behauiour and clearing there from 1706. his care for the Plantation and furtherance thereof his discouerie of the riuer 1707. he fights and kils sauages is taken by them brought to the Emperour threatned death and saued by the Kings daughter returneth to the Plantation 1708 1709. his second arriuall at Powhatans court 1710. his better desire then power to benefit the plantation 1711. his striking terror in the Sauages ibid. his departure for a discouerie 1712 Iohn Smith his voyage to New-England finished in the space of 6 moneths with gaine of fifteene hundred pounds 1838 Snakes-hearb excellent good against the poyson of Snakes 1311 Snakes eaten 1210. snakes verie venemous 1212. A dangerous snake kild 1215. its quality ib. name Sorocueu 1230 its description 1231. Snakes without poyson 1303. their plenty and diuersitie in Brasile 1303 1304. with their names ibid. 1317 1318 Snakes of thirty foot long called Amara worshipped 1457 1478. Snakes worshipped in Topira 1560. Snakes worne about the neckes of the Virginians 1698 Snowes exceeding great in Florida 1551. Snowes made vse of in stead of drinke 1561. Snowes as good as a furd-gowne for fruits 1636 Soacatino a towne in Florida very poore and destitute of prouision 1554 Socke riuer 11â—6 Sodomites burnt by the Indians 1558 Somme-riuer in Florida discouered by the French 1603 Sommerset-Iland in the Bermudas 1796 Sir George Sommers ariuall at the Bermudas and death 1733. his care for the suruay of those Ilands 1738. his departure from Uirginia to the Bermudas 1754 Sommer Ilands commodities at large 1794 1795. Vide Bermudas Somma a place in America 1222 Soto a Spaniard his parentage time of his flourishing nature and dignity 1528 1529. his voyage to Florida at large related and discouery 1530 the company of his ships and number of his S 〈…〉 iers his ariuall at Florida and at the towne Vâ—â—â— and meeting with Indianized Christians there 1530 1531. his comming to Paracossi Acela Tocaste Cale townes in Florida his newes of Gold and Maiz 1532. his approach at other seuerall townes in America-Florida and seuerity to the Indians 1533 1534. his many bickerings with the Indians his resolution for the Prouince of Ochus 1535. hee pretends himselfe to be the sonne of the Sunne 1536. his ingratitude to an Indian Princess that had vsed him his company kindly 1538 1539. burieth a letter neere a Pine-tree to giue direction to his lost followers 1537. carieth the Caciques with them till hee was out of their countries 1541. the course of his trauels 1542. his skirmish and losse by the Indians 1543. his other Indian occurrents 1546 1547 1548 1549 et seq his
in a golden Countrie Cristall mountaine Vault-straits Tamoyes proper men Store of gold His iourney with the Sages Tocoman Pigmeys dwelling in Caues Riuer running to Chile Mountaines of a 〈…〉 Mettals The Caryiohs A youth 13. spans high Chile Giants habitlesse habit Port â—amine in the Sâ—râ—its of Magelan Wide mouthed men Extreame cold and naked people Harris the Goldâ—mith H. Barrawell Beasts bigger then Horses at the Mâ—gellan stâ—aiâ—s called Tapeâ—ywason in Ethiopia whether he meaneth Zebra or Dantecâ— see Tom. 1. p. 1002. Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil as is before deliliuered The Kings pompe Rites of the people The Countrie Wezels sâ—iâ— affected Branded beguiled slaues Taking of Elephants Circumcision Of Congo The King Masangana See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battell liued here sixe yeeres Sickly disposition of the place Gold Paul Di 〈…〉 Angica Anzicans valiant Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceiued by occasion of their circumcision which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnicks with Mahumetans Rio Grande Ambergreese Para 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Riuers A Riuer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—an 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 â—â—wly The description of a place called by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—â—nâ—mbuqâ—o and 〈◊〉 Citie o◠〈◊〉 Cape of Saint Augustine Iâ— of S. Aleyxo Porto Docaloâ— Riuer of stones Camaryiâ—â—â— The Riuer of Saint Antoniâ— Salt Fish Varâ—â—â— A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen Riuer called Iaquareasicke Alaqua Riuer of Saint Michael The Harbour called The Riuer of Toades R. Saquarâ—ma Etiâ—ca Pirâ—teninga M 〈…〉 mayd â—een by the Author The Riuer of Ienero and Ci 〈…〉 oâ— Saint Sebastian Iland of Brigalion Iland of Saint Bent. The Riuer câ—lled Waratiâ—â— Certaine Ilands called by tâ—e 〈◊〉 gr 〈…〉 Greaâ— Ilaâ—â— The Iland of 〈◊〉 Sebastian The descripti 〈…〉 oâ— S. Vin 〈…〉 s Saâ—tos The description of the third 〈◊〉 noâ— called by the Pâ—â—tugals Oâ— patoâ— and by the Indianâ— Vâ—â—son The description of the Riuer of Plate Note Beasts of Brasil Traueil by Compasse on sands Saint Michaels Brasill Iesuits Sauages friends Ciants Flat heads Strange Kine See before in Ouiedo Strange Serpent * â—his number may perhaps seeme incredible and iustlâ— vethâ—e tels the report which in some one yeere after some great battle may also be probable but the general report is of diuers thousands shipped thence yeerly the Portugals making their gaine by the Negroes foolish and spightfull wars vpon each other Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado Iles of Cape Verde The I le and Towne of S. Vincent 〈◊〉 The Raâ—chera in Cubagua wâ—â—h diuers 〈…〉 oners taken and ransomed A great ship with 〈◊〉 Negros taken Las Cabâ—zas They take sixe or seuen people of the Iles of Bastimentos R. of Puerto bello The great Castle of S. Philippe with 25. pieces of brasse and 50. Souldiers The Towne Triana Porto bello Pedro Melendes Melendes the Gouernour taken prisoner Braue spirit liberall minde of Captaine Parker Porto bello described He at 〈…〉 ineth from 〈…〉 tting the Towne of Porto bello on fire Two Frigats taken and brought away Their departure Sir Fr. 〈◊〉 buriall Sambo Virtuâ— in 〈◊〉 laudanda Grand Canarie Punta delaraya S. Vincents â—oinara Aruba Seuen men killed Puntal Bracheo Cape Caldera Morecapana M. S. Ann. Portete Cape S. Antony Organes Cuba Cobey Martyrs Cape of Florida Silley The Riuer of Capuri The Gulfe of Guanipa The Riuer Amana Orenoco Tiuitiuas The Riuer Macurio Toparimaca a Gouernour Arwacan Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria 〈◊〉 Iland Iwana Iland Arrarooâ—ana Europa Riuer Ocawitâ— Iland Morrequito Arromaia Putapaima Iland Oâ—â—â—â—e The Playnes of Samia Cumana Aroami Iland Aio Iland Manoripano A omaio Th Riuer Caroli Cassipagotos Morâ—equito â—aâ—â—ma Iland Epuremi Great Fall Caâ—uri Store of gold among the Epuremians Casâ—ipagotos Eâ—arâ—â—oâ—os Arawagotos Store of gold beyond the Mountaines of Curaa Store of gold Riuer Arui Riuer Cassipa Riuer Atoica Riuer Caora Riuer Casnero Amapaia The Riuâ—rs Cari Limo Paoo Caturi Voari Capuri The Prouince of Amapaia Bad water Guicar Goauar Papemena The Iland of Amazones The Iland Athul Riuer Vbra Eregoodawe Oromona Tapiawary Riuer Salma Papemena a great Riuer Athul a most sweet pleasant Iland He returneth from Athul Papemena Limo Orenoco Cosnero Riuer Amapaia Paoo Riuer The rich countrie of Curaa six weekes trauell from Orenoco Manoa Gold in abundance Gold in grains found in Riuers Crocodiles in the Riuer and worse on land keepers of gold Tulahe Bad pearles Top asses Camalaha Women-Faire and yet no fair women Eight women for a halfe-peny knife Tar or Taroo an Iland Habuc a Riuer Habuc scarce eight dayes iourney from Orenoco Europa Riuer Oecopa Mountaine Santo Domingo Amapaia Riuer Amazones Iland Wiaumli Riuer Maccah Riuer Woripur Carrabouca Guiana or Manoa Drano Riuer Aâ—â—bas Moores Vnhealthfull dewes Emeria Capurisol Riuer Canoa of water Riuer of Amazones Riuer Wiapogo The Falls They desire to learne religion Caribes A Canowe taken R. Aracawa The Commodities of the Countrey Strange fishing Cassauiâ— The iuice Sicknesse The cause The remedie Ni 〈…〉 little 〈…〉 mes great torture Terrible cure Trecherie of a S 〈…〉 e. Captaine Leâ— Saint Barbudos Sancta Lucia Captaine Nich Saint Iohn staieth at Saint Lucia with 67. men Tortoises Shew of Gold The Captaine and his men slaine Indian treacherie Faire gardens Great Trees of hard wood Hamaca beds Treacherous ambush Blind hungrie voyage A storme Thomas Morgan dyeth Land Boat split Three Spanâ—ards Miserable famine Vse of Tabacco Fiue died in the Iland â—ood almost kils aswell as penurie Tocoya Coâ—o Kind Spaniards Good Flemming Spanish gentlenesse Two more dic Commodities of the Countrey Drinke made of Maiz. The treason of the Indians * The cause why Francisco Lopez did vse vs so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he tooke Cartagena did saue all his fathers goods and his lâ—â—â— withall They ariue at Wiapâ—â—â— Causes of their mutinie Second voiage of the Phenix Captain Leighs weaknesse Deiected minds Mount Howard Possession Bay Gold siluer R. Caliane Expedition against the Caribes Mount Huntly Cou. R. Wia. English ship Vrake Arwakes Mortalitie The Captains sicknesse and death M. Tederington 35. persons lost 15. depart Kindnesse of a Dutchman French ship Ten more depart Two returne out of the Countrey to them They plant Flaxe c. Surgeâ—ie Indian Armes Mad choice of a patient Captaine R. Caliane searched Three ships in R. of Amazons Peyar-diuining Riuer of Arâ—cow Fall Three Nations The Yayes The Arwakes Suppayes Nakednesse Men and women how they liue Their houses Faire earthen Pots Baskets Hamakes Painting Childebirtâ— Funerals Beasts of those parts Fowles Fishes and fishing as before Fruites Dying woods other commodities of the Countrie Their returne Sir Walter Rawleigh Trinidado Fountaine of Pitch * The large iournall of their voiage to this place is for breuity omitted as also their course homewards * The vertue of the Guanos a thing worthy the noting for their nature is if one eat a ripe one it sets one a scouring and
The Hollanders challenge the discouery of new Straits by Mayre and Schouten before twice sailed about by Sir F. Drake See sup the Preface to the second Chapter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake imbraceth the Southermost point of the World Since this in that Voiagâ— wherein W. Adams was Pilot whose voiage and Seb. Werts ye haue in the former Tome Theodore Gerards one of that fleet was caried by tempest as â—hey write to 64. degrees South in which height the country was mountainous couered with snow looking like Norway It seemed to extend towards the Ilands of Salomon Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous successe in Chili was taken by the Portugâ—ls at the Moluccaâ— and carried to Mala ca prisoner Mocha Baldiuia and Conception wonne from the Spaniards by the Indians Beefe kept most safely in Pickell Iland Chule Iland Mocha Note Treacherie of the Indians Of Sheepe Their apparel and housing Strange Tobacco People of Chily Their weapons Their hate to the Spaniards Imperiall A cruel storme in the Sea of Ladies In it they lost their light horsman Saint Maries City of Conception Iuan Fernandes Good to auoid discouery Wilfulnesse of Mariners They seize vpon foure ships And the Ware-houses They seize vpon another ship and some gold Light Anchors brought from the North Sea And the first Artillerie Sayles of Cotton-cloth They depart from Lyma and conceale their weaknes The noblen's of Alonso de Soto The enemy lâ—ste dâ—ngerous then the Wine Description of â—he Bay Note of tides A new deuise for stopping a leake without boord Sparâ— Rudders and to take off at pleasure Bay of Quintera Ingratitude punished Coquinbo Excellent harbour Arica in Chily much commended For all sorts of fruits Chinchilla a rare beast Litle Cocos And plentie of Gold The Indians forbid the search of gold Euery showre a showre of gold Linnen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo The valour of the Araweant The mischiefe of corrupt or scantie prouisions Of dâ—tayning and deâ—â—auding oâ— wages Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage The lawes of Oleron concerning Pillage Note or brand rather for taltongued-fingred fellowes Whâ—t ought to be reputed pillage Against the disloyalties of Captaines Concealment of much more value then the Trading The preuention of vndue pillagings Aricâ— Moormereno The 〈◊〉 of Spaine Ouerchaâ—giâ—g of Artilerieâ— The amity of the Indians Their rudé manners and expert swimming Bay of Pisco Cape Sangalean Chilca Aduise giuen by Sea and Land Returne of the Spanish Armado Scoffed at They set forth the second time Few men 〈◊〉 a Ship in the South Sea Port of Santâ— Plantation of the Ilands of Salomon Malabrigâ— Current Punta de Augussa Point of Augussa Illas de Lobos Puma Medicinable Riuer Scoales of Crocodiles P. de S. Elena Puerto vicjo Bay of Atacames They dismisse their Indians Distresse of Spaniards Occasion of their ruine A taut saile is that which proportionably is to high for the vess 〈…〉 Boy of S. Mathew The Indians led by a 〈◊〉 Chase the Spaniards Spanish Armado Pride and vnrulinesse forerunners of ruine The vnaduised courage of the multitude The beginning of the fight The inexperience of the Spaniards and ef the English Gunner And carelesnesse of the English How farre a Commander is to trust his officers Deceit of the Gunner and his extreme carelesnesse and suspicious disloyaltie Who to account a true Marriner His knowledge for Materials For prouisions For NauigatioÌ„ Office of the Master Office of the Pilot. The Boateswaine The Steward The Carpenter The Gunner Directions in secret Why the Spanish Admirall came to leewards Rule for Ordnance Intertainment of Spaniards The English 75. The Spaniards 1300. The Spanish discipline The Souldiers The Gunner The Marriner Officers in a Ship of War Captaine of the Ship Captaine of the Soldiers M. Del Campo Ill order Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline Their imitation of our Discipline Englishman lost the English and therefore the man The Spaniards pay deerly for their rashnesse And take a new resolution Great Ordnance 〈…〉 e 〈◊〉 ship neere Sâ—râ—nge e 〈…〉 of Th 〈…〉 Policies to auâ—ide boordings Dispute concerning ships of Trade Concerning the Prince his ships Courses for Artillery after boording Disuse of engines of Antiquitie Sir R. H. wounded The Spaniards patley Perfidiousnesse often found in Spanish promises The rest of this conference being long is omitted They resolue to fight out The Enemy breatheth The English repaire their defects Vice-admirals mast shot away Aduantages omitted The difference of shot Their effects Errors in fight Learned from the Flemings Easterlings 1. To fight vnarmed 2. To drinke to excesse Folly of the bold English The Spaniard surpasâ—eth vs onely in temperance The vâ—e profit of arming exactly obserued by the Spanish Armes more necessary by Sea then at Land The Reuenge auenged The third cause Race-ships of Warre disliked Wast-clothes not so vsefâ—ull as other deuiÌ„ses The disaduantage of Ships to lee-ward And the best remedie Crosse-barre and Chainshot misliked The Spaniards Fore-Mast thrice shot through The Company againe importunate to come to composition The English surrender Gloue sent for pledge Braue worthy Spaniard The mildnesse of a Generall after victorie The Daintie in danger of perishing Michael Angel recouereth the ship Many Ilands Fishing for Pearles The places where Pearle are found Great Pearle The Generall continueth his honourable vsage towards the sicke and wounded Spanish Surgions ignorant Misprision of the terme Pirats What a Pirate is Three sorts of defiances The custome of Spaine for warre The custome of England A disputation concerning Buena Querra The Resolution c. The noble vsage of the English But abused in these dayes Don Beltran satisfied and answereth Short arrowes for Muskets Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Peece Iohn Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea What the Symarons are Their habitation Their assistance Iohn Oxnam capitulateth with them His folly and Breach of promise His pursuit See the Storie before This is added of later intelligence La Pacheta The Generall certifieth the Audiencia of his successe The great ioy of the Spaniards Note English treacherie procured by Spanish Gold I haue this Letter translated into Spanish and printed by them together with the discourse of the whole action much agreeing with this except where they lust to magnifie their Spanish worth The Daintie named the Uisitation Penguin Iland Port Famine The Riuer of Geneuera Mocha Santa Maria. Valparaso Gold Arica Pisco Chincha Sixe of the Kings ships Lima. Paita Atacame Baia de Santâ— Mateo Panama Paita Lima. Gnamanga Cusâ—o Potosi Master Lucas sâ—nne to Master Tho. Lucas This is part of another Letter * I found this paper amongst others of Master Hakl without the name of the Author Lima. Payta Acapulca Zumpanga Mexico Atrizco Angeles Vera Cruz. Saint I. de Vllua Saint Domingo Iamaica Not one naturall in Hispaniola Cartagena Saint Martha Nombre de dios Veragua Costa riâ—ca
made to Gold Hathuey burned His choise to goe to hell and why 3000. slaine Out of the frying-pan into the fire 6000. Infants lost God and King abused 800000. Indians slaine Cause and extremitie of famine Tribute slaues 500000. Indians transported 50000. slaine In the former discourse of Herera you may find the names of all these first planters or as this Author reckoneth supplanters which did rather depopulate then people whole Prouinces I could haue added their names but was loth to doe more then the Author had donethen whiles mâ—ny of them liued yea his most passiâ—nate and bitter inuectiues I haue taken out only minding the Storie therein also mollifying many things Foure Millions slaine Of New Spainâ— in particul 〈…〉 The Mexican cruelties are before related and therefore here omitted Two millions slaine Pretence of rebellion against that Prince to which â—hey neuer had beene subiect Guatimala destroyed wiâ—h Earth-quakes Foure or fiue millions slaine Shambles of mans flesh 800. Indians giuen for a Mare Xalisco 800. Townes destroyed Bishop of S. Marthas Letter to Charles the fiâ—th Spanish Frierâ— killed for others faults Two Millions of stolne Indians Manner of vsage at Sea Manner of landing and sharing Manner of Pearle-fishing * Sharkes Foure or fiue millions slaine in Venesuela A million of slaues Iuan Ponâ—e de Leon with 80. men were all lost there After him Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon with 220. Pamphilo de Noruaez with 400. And â—â—urthly Ferdinando de Soto with 1000. as some say and they which say least 600. entâ—ed Florida whose stories you haue before Of Soto was no newes An. 1542. when this was written See before in Schmidel Fifteene Millions paid for Atabalipas ransome Testimony of Frier Marke touching Pizarro and the Spaniards which first entred Peru * A people of those parts good warriors not of the Caâ—â—â—y Ilands Bishop of Mexicos testimony Foure Millions slaine in Peru c. King Bugata tentenced executed What conuersions knowledge of God are in the Indies Ciuill warres in Peru betwixt the Spaniards Tâ—â— thousand perish Cruell famine Extract out of the second reason Out of the third reason Out of the fourth reason Out of the fifth reason Out of the sixth reason Out of the seauenth reason Out of the eight reason Out of the tenth reason Note Out of the eleuenth reason Out of the 13. reason Note the Popes Bull is pretended which and our answere to it see To. 1. l2 c. 1. Twenty Millions destroied before he saith 12. or 15. Millions which is to be vnderstood of some greater part not of all the Indies Yea only in New Spaine Honduras Guatimala Venesuela Peru and the Coast of Paria he reckoneth aboue 20. Milions besides three Millions in Hispaniola halfe a Million in the Lucayos 600000 or rather a Million in Iamaica and Saint Iohns Ilands 800000 in Terra Firma in Nicaragua 550000. that I mention not the innumerable multitudes in Cuba Panuco Florida Xalâ—sco Yucatan Saint Martha Carthagena New Granado Riuer of Plata c. As out of Ouiedo Benzo c. is before obserued Sir Seb Cabot Cap. Ribalt Silke-wormes store in Florida Port Royall in 32. degrees Mutinie Cap. Albert slaine The second Golonie Stone Pillar worshipped Men nigh 300. yeeres old The Vassals are petty Werâ—â—nces or Lords of Villages Mutinies The Virginians a 〈…〉 such a custome Cruell famine Sir Iohn Hawkâ—ns his great kindnesse Thâ—rd Floridan Voyage by C. Ribalt Gold Mynes of Apalatci Spaniards kill the French and plant in Florida Massacre Reuenge by Cap. Dom 〈…〉 Gaurgues Three Forts Spanish Why the Sauages haue their goods interred with them Iust requit all Iaques Cartier his three Voyages Iland of Birds in 49. deg 〈…〉 s 40. minutes Margaulx seeme to be Pengwins L. of Robewall Saualets 42. Voyages to Newfoundland Their Voyage to Tadousac Chap. 1. A banke of Ice aboue 8. leagus long in 45. degrees and two third parts The Banke in 44. degr one third part These coasts subiect to fogs The Cape of S. Marie The Isles of S. Peter A banke of Ice 6. leagues long Cape de Raie Cape de S. Laurence An Iland of Ice aboue eight leagues long The I le of Assumption Gachepe The Riuer Mantanne The Pike Tadousac from Gachepe 100. leg The description of the hauen of Tadousac The Riuer of Sagenay falleâ—h into Camada That of Sagenay is in Lescarbots Map expressed to enter on the North side of Canada about 51. or 40. from thence to the Sea shoare of Canada is aboue sixtie miles which entring into the Sea hath 100. miles and vp to the fals which Voyage followeth continueth a maruellous breadth so that it may be for greatnesse reputed greater then any other Riuer in our world or in the Northerne parts of the New full also of Lakes and Ilands for greater magnificence The great Sagamo their feasts wars The Irocois Cap. 2. Two Sauages brought out of France Anadabijon The Oration of one of the sauages which we brought with vs. The Irocois enemies to Anadabijon The Oration of Anadabijon A feast of this Sauages Orignac a Beast like an Oxe A victorie gotten of the Irocois Estechemins Algoumequins and Mountainers The Riuer of the Irocois The Irocois are in great number Two hundred Canowes The fashion of their Canowes Their Cabins made like tents and couered with the barke of trees Cypresse trees The â—â—triumphs humors famin superstitions rites Chap. 3. Matachia or cord 〈…〉 s of the haire of the Porke-pike Their manner of dancing Besouat the Sagamo of the Algoumequins These Sauages endure great famine Their had qualities The beliefe of the Sauages They beleeue one God one Son one Mother and the Sunne Great famine sometimes among the Sauages Sauages which speake with the Diuell They paint themselues with an Oliue colour Their apparell of skins A deuice to go on the snow with a Racket The marriage of the Sauages Their burials after the Tartars manner They beleeue the immortality of the soule The Riuer of Saguenay his originall Chap 4. A violent fall of water A Mountainous Country The report of the beginning of the Riuer of Saguenay A Lake two daies iournie long Three other Riuers Two or three Lakes where â—n the head of Saguenay beginneth * That is 120. leagues People of the North. A salt sea Iourney to the fall and to certaine Ilands arriual at Quebec Chap. 5. The Isle of the Hare The Isle of Filberds 12. leagues The I le of Orleance Quebec Diamants 29. leagues Of the point of S. Croix of the Riuer of Batiscon of the Riuers Rocks Iles Lands Trees Fruits Vines faire Countries which are from Quebec vnto The 3. Riuers Chap. 6. Saint Croix 15. leagues Ground Nuts The Riuer Batiscan Another Riuer A goodly Countrie An I le full of Vines Sixe small Riuers The Ile S. Eloy Another small Riuer A better temperaâ—ute 15. leagues â—n Iland 〈◊〉 to be planted A great Lake The head of Saguenay 106. leagues off A great
fellow Aâ— 14. or 〈◊〉 miles Christall Rock Ayre and Seasons Note well Feare is the beginning of piety ciuility What vse may be made of the Natiues Possown a strange beast Flying Squirrels Fowle Fish Nets The Lottery * To 100. 200. 300. 1000. 2000. and the highest 4500. crownes Spanish Ships aâ— Virginia English Pilatâ— oâ— Iudas rather suspended and exalted together according to his meâ—â—â— Cap Y 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ◠〈◊〉 Hitherto from Capt. Smith See my Pil. l. 8. c. 5. See my Pilg. vbi sup Powhatans remoue Virginian yeers which perhaps occasioned the conceits of their longevity A. 1617. Cap. Argolls gouernment 1618. Great drought L. de-la-De-la-Wars last voyages and death Plowing and Corne in Virginia Killingbeck slain Powhatans death Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer Sir George Yerdley Gouernour Profit to be made in Virginia Seuerall Burroughs Patent three times renewed Ships People Commodities Gifts Patents Cap. I. Smith Sir Edw. Sands was Treasurer from Ap. 1619. till Iun. 16â—0 Master Stockams Letter to Master Whitaker before 1620. Hollanders colours The Spaniards shot at the boat They shot at the Ship English vnprepared for fight Spanish aduantages Spanish colors Their conference Insolence of the Spaniards The English fight Spaniards seeke to enter Their repulse Second charge Third charge Their Captain slaine Lucas his braue act The case altered Omnium reâ—urâ— vicissitudo The English could 〈◊〉 but foure Ordnance Spaniards fall off Brauado turned English Next dayes fight The Vice-Admirall seeketh to recouer the Iland and the qualitie Sana Doctor Bohune and seuen others slaine out-right Spanish losse Spanish ships described Beads Maids Magazine Furre-trade Boat-builders East Indie Schoole Iron Cotton Indico Vines Silke and Mulberies Plum-drinke Salt-workes New Discoueties by M. Pory Copper Mine Summer Iland Plants 3570. people sent to Virginia in the three last yeeres 42. Saile of ships 1200. Mariners imployed 1500. To the Summer Ilands Nine ships 240. Mariners imployed Forrest of Pines M. Hariot in his Booke of Virginia A. 1585. Vines planted Note A China Boxe seene with the Sauages M. Berkley M. G. Sandys French Vignerous Mulberies The Booke is printed containing many good rules both for Silk works Vines othâ—r husbandry but too long here to be inserted Hasty security Opachankanoes dissimulation occasioned by English security 347. slaine and basely murthered some think more He had written letters the year before May 17 testifying the plentiful comming vp of the Cotten seede c. attributing the ill successe of things to the not seeking of Gods glory in conuerting the Natiues which he said were peace able wanted but meanes indeed to murther them which this conceit procured Sure binde sure find Pitty such an Abel should be so Kaiâ— deceiued Conuerted Indian Manner of the Sauages life Gunpowder sowne practised before in Captain Smiths time Cap. Ioh Smith M. Pâ—rie Naked breast concealed beast Prouident Sauages Iack of the Feather Câ—uâ—e of the Massacre M. Gookins M. Iordan Mistris Procter Sup. cap. 6. Saint Georges Iland Three men had staied behind and went not to Virginia Harter Water and Chard Commodites of the Countrie Fishes Tortoises great and of great vse Fowle Hogs by reason of their food there and our mens stomackes extraordinarily sweet The weather Fruits Peares not hurtfull Cedar Berries Palmitos Pepper Palme-liquor Ambergreece and Pearle Tobacco Silk-spider Timber Trees * I haue omitted the rest of this discourse as being better knowne to later Writers Ambergreece Rat-plague How vaine a thing is man whose best wits and industry are triumphed ouer by silly Rats Great God giue vs grace to feare thee that we may feare nothing else else shall we feare with Pharao Frogs Lice Flies Grashopper or with others Fleas Sparrowes â— Yea a few Rats in despite of Cats Dogs Traps poisons shall starue vs. The Feagâ— Cap. Tucker Whales Shares Wels. The Aire TeÌ„perature of the Countrey Spiders Inueniuntur opes irritamenta malorum Flies Ants. Wormes Lizards Spiders Fowles Moores Forts Master Keath Church built Supplies sent An. 1613. M. Barklie Increase of Potatos Spanish Ships Escapes from dangers Rats M. Barklies second coming 1614. Famine and sicknesse Rauens Contrary extreme Gouernment by a Counsell Caldicots lot M. Keath and M. Hughes Strange accident Andrew Hilliaras aduentures M. Tucker 1616. Tribes laid oâ—â— Assises The Gouernours Admirable voyage His course was neerer shoare with all prouisions fitting Small Boat from Bermudas commeth to Ireland Sanders his fortunes Cap. Powell 1617. Hurt by Rats filling all the Iland Gallowes clappers fate 1618. Magazines not so profitable as intended Escapers not escaping Two ships sent Cap. Butler Gouernour 1619. Great stormes Ambergreece New platforme Ministers scruples Sir George Summers memorial Their first Parliament Spanish Wrack These made false reports in England the Spanish Embasadoâ—r also vrging the same till the contraâ—ie was manifested Weauells cure Forts Ordnance in Bermudas M. Bernard Gouernour 1622. M. Harrison Gouernour 1623. Wormes noysome He mentions in other letters 3. s. a pound of Butter 6. d. rea dy monie for a pinte of Milke 10 s. or 12. s. a day for a workman Carpenter besides meate and lodging Corteregalis made a voiage to thosâ— parts An. 1500. and another 1501. After that his brother but both lost Gomes another Portugal sought straits ther. An. 1525. The land was called Terra Corteregalis from 60. deg to S. Laurence Iesuites * I haue heard that Sir T. Dale was the Gouernor of Virginia and â—â—â—t him Iesuite killed The South Sea suspected as before in Dermers l 〈…〉 ter by Sauages relations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—at Of God and the image of God in Man Gen. 1. 1. Eph. 4. 24. Gen 1. 28. Gen. 9. 2. Gen. 2. Esay 53. 1. Cor. 3. Apoc. 21. 〈◊〉 Cor. 15. Of the right of Christians and that of Heathens to the world See these things more fully handled in To. 1. l. 1. c. 1. §. 3 4. 5. Ioh. 8. 35. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Tim. 1. 6. Christians may not spoile Heathens Gal. 3. 17. Tit. 1. Matth. 5. Iohn 19. 36. 2. Cor. 10. 4. Matth. 16. Iud. 8. 2. Pet. 2. 19. Iohn 19. 11. Rom. 13. 1. Gen. 11. Acts 17. 27. Deut. 2. 9 19. 1. Cor. 3. 1. Cor. 13. Matth. 5. 1. Pet. 3. Mans naturall right in places either wholly or in great part not inhabited Abraham Lot Iacob c. I haue heard by one which I thinke hath more searched the Countrie then any other Cap. Smith that in â—eere so much as all England they haue not aboue 5000. men able to bear armes which manured and ciuilly planted might well nourish 1500000. and many many more as appeareth by this oâ—â— câ—untrie not hauing so rich a naturall Inheritance Right of Merchandise 1. Cor 11. 21. Securitie of Ports Gen. 10. Rom. 2. 14. Right Nationall Ius gentium Lucan Right by righâ— conquest 2. Sam. 10. Deut. 2. 19. Englands ma 〈…〉 〈…〉 hts to Virginia First discouery Mercator D. d ee Ortel c. M. Thorne
aide 5000. foote and 1000. horse at her owne charge to be by them after repayed the first yeares charges in the first yeare of peace the rest in the foure following Flushing and the Ramekins and Brill to remaine â—ers in caution c. Her Maiestie set forth a Booke also for her iustification by the ancient leagues with the Belgian Prouinces for mutuall defence the Spanish crueltie on the poore Belgians and their nefarious deuises against her neither had she any intent in administring these aides but that the Low-Countries might enioy their ancient liberty she and her subiects their securitie and both Nations peaceable commerce And to the end that warre might not first be brought home to her owne doores she set forth a Fleete to finde the Spaniard worke abroad Hereupon Anâ—o 1585. Sir Francis Drake with a Fleete of fiue and twenty saile and 2300. Souldiers and Sailers was set forth from Plimmouth Sep. 12. Christopher Carlile his Lieutenent Generall Anthonie Powell Sergeant Maior Captaine Matthew Morgan and Iohn Samson Corporall of the field Land Captaines Anthonie Plat Edward Winter Iohn Goring Robert Pen George Barton Iohn Merchant William Ceuill Walter Bigs Iohn Haman Richard Stanton Captaine Martin Frobisher Viceadmirall in the Primrose Captaine Francis Knolles Rereadmirall in the Gallion Leicester Captaine Thomas Vennâ—r in the Eliz. Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Captaine Edward Winter in the Aide Christopher Carlile in the Tigre Henry White Captain of the Sea Dragon Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas Thomas Seely Captaine of the Minion Captaine Bayly of the Barke Talbot Robert Crosse of the Barke Bond George Fortescue of the Barke Boner Edward Carelesse of the Hope Iames Erizo of the White Lyon Thomas Moone of the Fancis Iohn Riuers of the Vantage Iohn Vaughan of the Drake Iohn Varney of the George Iohn Martin of the Beniamin Richard Gilman of the Scout Richard Hawkins of the Ducke Captaine Bitfield of the Swallow They tooke a Shippe of Saint Sebastians laden with fish entred the Iles of Bayon and sent to the Citie to know whether there were warres betwixt England and Spaine and why the English Merchants and their goods in Spaine were embarged or arrested The Gouernour professed his ignorance in both and that this later was the Kings pleasure After some spoiles done about Vigo they fell with Hierro but the Iland being poore departed without harme Thence they went to the Iles of Cape Verde and at Saint Iago entred betwixt the Towne called Playa or Praya and Saint Iago landed 1000. men and the men being fled entred the Towne and shot off all their Ordnance being 50. peeces answered from the Ships to honour the Queenes day the 17. of Nouember No Treasure was found but Wine Oyle Meale c. They possessed it foureteene dayes Nouember the foure and twentieth they marched to Saint Domingo twelue miles within land and found the people fled After foureteene dayes they departed hauing burned the Towne of Playa none of the inhabitants hauing offered to intercede which seemed to happen from their guiltinesse towards old Master William Hawkins whose men perfidiously they had murthered foure or fiue yeares before against their promise putting off to the West Indies they could not put off the effects of the aire of that Iland which by a Calentura killed two or three hundred of their men The first Iland which they fell with was Dominica the next Saint Christophers and hauing there spent their Christmas they resolued for Hispaniola and hauing receiued intelligence by a Frigot which they tooke in the way they landed nine or ten miles to the Westward of Saint Domingo on New yeares day About noone they approached the Towne vnder the conduct of Master Carlile and 150. horsemen presenting themselues from the Citie being retired they diuided their forces to assault both the Westerne gates at once The Ordnance being discharged on them they ran in to preuent a second charge and entred with them pell mell into the Gates the enemy altering their fight into flight which they made by the North gate Both troopes met in the Market-place and there barricadoed themselues The Castle was abandoned the next night They held the Towne a whole moneth They burned many houses before they could bring the Spaniards to a price for the ransome of the rest for which at last they paid after much spoile 25000. Duckets The pray was not much In the Towne-house were the Kings armes and in the lower part of the scutchion was painted a globe of the Sea and Land a horse standing thereon with his hinder legges the forepart without the globe with this motto ascribed to his mouth Non sufficit Orbis From Saint Domingo they set saile for Carthagena on the Continent landing some Companies with Captaine Carlile fiue miles of which were led on by night the Generall with this Fleete presenting themselues before the chained Port and hauing gotten the Citie held the same six weekes They tooke Alonso Brauo the Gouernour After many houses burned 11000. Duckets were paid for ransome of the rest from burning The Calentura continued killing some being a pestilent spotted Feuer and spoyling others of their strength and memory for a long time The Serena or Euening ayre is said to cause it to them which are then abroad if not of that Countrey so that by holding their watch the English were thus infected This forced them to giue ouer their intended voyage to Nombre de Dios and Panama sailing therefore alongst the coast of Florida they tooke and fired two garrison Townes of the Spaniards Saint Anthonie and Saint Helena and the Fort of Saint Iohn Then passing alongst the Virginian shore they tooke home the English Colonie there remaining with Master Lane their Gouernour sent by Sir Walter Raleigh These are said by Master Camden to haue beene the first bringers in of the vse of Tobacco since so frequently abused by our Nation They arriued at Portsmouth the 28. of Iuly 1586. They got Ordnance of Brasse aboue 200. peeces and about 40. of Iron They prey was valued at 60000. li. English There dyed most of the Calentura 700. persons The industry of the Generall in all places is remakeable whose vigilance and bodily presence and labour in all businesse was much that had he beene in the meanest he had merited the highest place To this is fittest in next place to adde his Cadiz exploit Anno 1587. and the taking of the rich Caracke called Saint Philip. HEr Maiestie being informed of that inuincible Armadas preparing in Spaine which did come and was ouercome the yeare after sent a fleete of 30. saile vnder the command of Sir Francis Drake the Bonaduenture the Lyon the Dread-naught and the Rainbow were out of her Nauy Royall chosen to this seruice The 16. of Aprill two Shippes of Midleborough which came from Cadiz with whom we met in 40. degrees gaue him to vnderstand that there was great
Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned and diuers slain by the barbarous and wilde Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland Don Alonzo de Lucon Colonel of two and thirty bands commonly called a Terza of Naples together with Rodorigo de Lasso and two others of the family of Cordoua who were committed vnto the custody of Sir Horatio Palauicini that Monsieur de Teligny the son of Monsieur de la None who being taken in fight neere Antwerpe was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney might be ransomed for them by way of exchange To conclude there was no famous nor worthy family in all Spain which in this expedition lost not a son a brother or a kinsman For the perpetuall memory of this matter the Zelanders caused new coine of Siluer and Brasse to be stamped which on the one side contained the armes of Zeland with this inscription GLORY TO GOD ONELY and on the other side the pictures of certaine great ships with these words THE SPANISH FLEET and in the circumference about the ships IT CAME WENT AND WAS. Anno 1588. That is to say the Spanish fleet came went and was vanquished this yeere for which glory be giuen to God onely Likewise they coined another kinde of mony vpon the one side whereof was represented a ship fleeing and a ship sinking on the other side foure men making prayers and giuing thankes vnto God vpon their knees with this sentence Man purposeth God disposeth 1588. Also for the lasting memory of the same matter they haue stamped in Holland diuers such coines according to the custome of the ancient Romans Also other coines were stamped with a Fleet flying with full saile and inscribed Venit Vidit Fugit It came saw fled others with the fired ships and the fleet in confusion the word DVX FOEMINAFACTI While this wonderfull and puissant Nauie was sailing along the English coasts and all men did now plainly see and heare that which before they would not be perswaded of all people thorow out England prostrated themselues with humble prayers and supplications vnto God but especially the outlandish Churches who had greatest cause to feare and against whom by name the Spaniards had threatned most grieuous torments enioyned to their people continuall fastings and supplications that they might turne away Gods wrath and fury now imminent vpon them for their sins knowing right well that prayer was the onely refuge against all enemies calamities and necessities and that it was the onely solace and reliefe for mankinde being visited with affliction and misery Likewise such solemne daies of supplication were obserued throughout the vnited Prouinces Also a while after the Spanish Fleet was departed there was in England by the commandement of her Maiesty and in the vnited Prouinces by the direction of the States a solemne festiuall day publikely appointed wherein all persons were enioyned to resort vnto the Church and there to render thankes and praises vnto God and the Preachers were commanded to exhort the people thereunto The foresaid solemnity was obserued vpon the 19. of Nouember which day was wholly spent in Preaching praying giuing thankes with the accustomed solemnities of Bonfires Singing Ringing and other wonted expressions of publike ioy Likewise the Queenes Maiesty her selfe imitating the ancient Romans rode into London in triumph in regard of her owne and her subiects glorious deliuerance For being attended vpon very solemnly by all the principall estates and officers of her Realme she was carried thorow her said Citie of London in a triumphant chariot and in robes of triumph from her Palace vnto the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul out of the which the ensignes and colours of the vanquished Spaniards hung displaied And all the Citizens of London in their Liueries stood on either side the street by their seuerall Companies with their Ensignes and Banners and the streets were hanged on both sides with Blew cloath which together with the foresaid Banners yeelded a very stately and gallant prospect Her Maiesty being entered into the Church together with her Clergy and Nobles gaue thankes vnto God and caused a publike Sermon to be preached before her at Pauls Crosse wherein none other argument was handled but that praise honour and glory might be rendered vnto God and that Gods name might be extolled by thanksgiuing And with her own Princely voyce she most Christianly exhorted the people to doe the same whereupon the people with a loud acclamation wished her a most long and happy life to the confusion of her foes The Lord Admirall had a pension assigned for his good seruice This publike ioy was increased by Sir Robert Sidney now Earle of Leicester who returning out of Scotland related to her Maiestie the King of Scots faithfull friendship and loue to her and to the Religion He had beene employed to the said King whiles the Spanish Fleet houered on the coast to gratulate with him in the Queenes name for his alacrity in the common cause and to obtaine his promise of aide if the Spaniards landed in Scotland and to put him in minde how ambitiously the Spaniard sought to swallow in all Britaine vrging the Pope to Excommunicate him so to strip him of Scotland and quit his succession in England to admonish him of the threats of Mendoza and the Popes Nuntio that therefore he should be very wary of the Papists in Scotland He answered conceitedly amongst other speeches that he hoped for no other benefit from the Spaniard then that which Polyphemus had promised Vlysses namely that when the rest were deuoured he should be swallowed last Thus the magnificent huge and mighty fleet of the Spaniards which themselues tearmed in all places inuincible such as sailed not vpon the Ocean Sea many hundreth yeeres before in the yeere 1588. vanished into smoake to the great confusion and discouragement of the authours thereof In regard of which her Maiesties happy successe all her neighbours and friends congratulated with her and many Verses were penned to the honour of her Maiesty by learned men whereof we will here annexe those of Master Beza STrauer at innumer is Hispanus nauibus aequor Regnis iuncturus sceptra Britanna suis. Tanta huius rogitas quae motus causa superbos Impulit Ambitio vexit Auaritia Quà m bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus Et tumidos tumidae vos superastis aquae Quà m bene totius raptores orbis auaros Hausit inexhausti iusta vorago maris At tu cui venti cui totum militat aequor Regina ô mundi totius vna decus Sic regnare Deo perge ambitione remota Prodiga sic opibus perge inuare pios Vt te Angli longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris Quà m dilecta bonis tam metuenda malis The same in English THe Spanish Fleet did flote in narrow Seas And bēd her ships against the English shore With so great rage as nothing could appease And with such strength as
neuer seene before And all to ioyne the Kingdome of that land Vnto the Kingdomes that he had in hand Now if you aske what set this King on fire To practise warre when he of peace did treat It was his Pride and neuer quencht desire To spoile that IlaÌ„ds wealth by peace made great His Pride which far aboue the heauens did swel And his desire as vnsuffic'd as hell But well haue winds his proud blasts ouerblown And swelling waues alaid his swelling heart Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs vnknown Deuoured the deuourer to his smart And made his ships a pray vnto the sand That meant to pray vpon anothers land And now O Queene aboue all others blest For whom both winds waues are prest to fight So rule your owne so succour friends opprest As farre from pride as ready to doe right That England you you England long enioy No lesse your friends delight then foes annoy I haue thought good to adde here the prime reports made by the Spaniards and their friends touching the successe of their Armada as they were printed in Spaine and after published and scorâ—ed in England The true Relation of the successe of the Catholike Armie against their Enemies by the Letters of the Post-master of Logrono of the fourth of September and by Letters from Roan of the one and thirtieth of August and by Letters from Paris of the Kings Embassadour there wherein he declareth the imprisonment of Francis Drake and other great Nobles of England and how the Queene is in the Field with an Armie and of a certaine Mutinie which was amongst the Queenes Armie with the successe of the said Catholike Armie since they entred in the Groyne till they came on the Coast of England with two Ballets compounded by Christouer Brauo a blind man of Cordowa Printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano Printer THe newes of England is confirmed here by a Letter of the Gouernour of Roan Hee writeth hee hath in his power the chiefe Pilot of Captaine Drake and that he knoweth that all the English Armie remained ouerthrowne hauing sunke two and twentie Ships and taken fortie and imprisoned Francis Drake hauing giuen them chase almost as high as Abspurge and slaine many by the sword and likewise saith that there was foâ—â—d in Captaine Drakes Ship a Peece of Ordnance of fiue and twentie foot long which discharged a Shot of a hundreth weight at once made of purpose with one onely Shot to sinke our Spanish Admirall and it pleased God although shee was somewhat battered yet was shee repaired againe and ouerthrew the English Armie THe English haue lost aboue fortie Ships in one encounter where they could not flye which was in Luxaten a Hauen in Scotland to the which place since the departure of the Spanish Armies from Calleis the English Armie followed and supposing they went to take that Hauen they got before ours to defend the entrance wee seeing them so neere the English Fleet and that they could not retire as they alwaies did when they pleased to the English Hauen they set vpon them so valiantly that they sunke twentie of their Ships and they tooke twentie 〈◊〉 whole and sound and the rest seeing their destruction fled away with great losse of men and their Ships very much battered and with this they say the Spanish Armie tooke the Hauen where they are very well lodged as euery one affirmeth and so the newes is here I pray God giue them good successe Wee vnderstand by the Post come from Calleis that in England it is forbidden vpon paine of death and losse of goods that no bodie doe write newes from thence to any place which confirmeth the newes aboue I Doe not write newes of the Spanish Armie because they are diuers and would gladly write the very truth Now by the newes which runneth from diuers places as Calleis Deepe and Holland and presumptions from England and other places it is holden for certaine that they fought with the English and broken their heads hauing sunke many of their Ships and taken others and the rest which they say were twentie seuen Ships returned very much battered to the Riuer of London which are all those that could escape There goeth with this Post another Post of Iorge Seguin of Calleis which saith that certaine Masters and Mariners of Zeland did affirme to the Gouernours of Calleis Mounsier de Gorden that our Fleet is in a Hauen or Riuer in Scotland called Trifla where they say there may ride two thousand Ships this is that which commonly is currant here BY newes from London the thirtie six of August it is knowne for most certaine from persons of credite that the Queens Admiral Generall was arriued in the Riuer of London with twentie fiue ships onely without his Admirall Ship which was taken by our Admirall Saint Iohn and it is well knowne in England that to hide the losse of their Admirall Ship they say bee put himselfe in a smaller Ship the better to follow our Armie and it is knowne for certaintie that he saued himselfe in a Boat when he lost his Ship That Drake for certaintie is taken or slaine The same is confirmed by the way of Holland by a Pinnace of theirs And from Austerland that the Queene commanded vpon paine of death that no body should speake of her Fleet and that there was great sorrow in those parts of England and that the Queene had in the field thirtie thousand raw Souldiers betwixt Douer and Margate and that the Catholikes vnderstanding that all their Fleet was dispersed moued a certaine Mutinie which forced the Queene to goe her selfe into the Field and for certaine it is knowne that there is not brought into England neither Ship nor Boat of ours more then the Ship of Don Pedro Valdez and that our Fleet was gone into Scotland and arriued in a Hauen called Trapena Euxaten AFter that I had written this here is arriued a Scottishman which saith that all the Spanish Fleet is arriued in Scotland and that Scottishmen haue taken Armes against the English THat vpon the thirtieth of Iuly without seeing any sayle of the Enemies in the Sea hee came to the Channell sixe leagues from Plimouth where vnderstanding the Enemies were hee gathered together and set in order all the Fleet and sayling the first of August there was discouered some Sayles of the Enemies the which the second day were numbred to bee three score Sayle of which the Duke tooke the wind and passed without any fight although he presented the same to them howbeit they began to shoot at the Rearward but the Duke in the Galleon S. Martin set the Prow of his Ship against the biggest of the Enemies the which being succoured by twentie others fled away of this fight and first encounter there was sunke three Galeasses and foure mightie Galeons of the Queenes there was burnt of ourâ— by negligence of a Gunner the Admirall of
reason why we resolued to master and waste all these Islands was because 〈◊〉 was determined by the Generall to attempt the Tercera it selfe which enterprise was put off because the Reare-admirall and with him twenty or thirty saile were wanting But being now contrary to all expectation and to many mens hopes arriued this resolution receiued a second life but it was first thought necessary to take from them and to helpe our selues with all the victuals and other commodities that those Islands could affoord For the performance of which with the more speede we diuided our selues into foure Companies as before written But surely the fortune of those poore wretches was lamentable that fell into the Flemmings hands for I thinke no people on the earth can vse lesse mercy or greater insolencies then they doe in all the places that they maister which are subiect to the Spanish Gouernment and yet I must say truely for them that the Spaniards againe haue vsed such tyrannie and outrage in their iurisdictions ouer that industrious people as hath well merited their irreconcileable malice and withall hath cost the Spanish King many millions of Ducates besides the life of many a proud Castilian since the Execution of the Counts Egmount and Horne And it is very admirable to see what heart and courage those Netherlanders are now growne vnto and how powerfully three or foure little Prouinees doe resist the forces of that mightie King that keepes Millaine Naples and Sicill in great bondage in despight of all the Italians who doe thinke themselues for valour and for policie the Minions of the Earth and yet bow their neckes to the Spanish yoake After this consultation for taking in of the Islands as aforesaid and leaue giuen vnto vs and our consorts to water with all the speede we could at Flores we hauing prepared our Caske and all things in a readinesse to bring our fresh water aboord about midnight being the sixteenth of September there came vnto vs from our Generall Captaine Arthur Champernowne with this message That my Lord Generall was borne vp for Fyall and ment presently to take it in and therefore willed vs with all speede to follow him instantly and though wee could not ouertake him yet at least to finde him there so soone as we could and the same word was likewise deliuered to Sir William Brooke and the rest that lay there to water And further our Generall sent vs word that we should supply all our wants of water and fresh victuals at Fayall And this night as we rode at ancor â—â—fore Flores we saw another Rainebow by the Moone light as before and after the samo manner which contrary to Plinies report of Aristotels opinion was seene though not at a full Moone for the other was so seene some seuen dayes before in the which space there could not be two full Moones Vpon this Message brought by Captaine Champernowne we forbare watering and hasted all we could to weigh our anchors and to follow our Generall And therefore gaue a warning peece or two to our Consorts before wee departed and afterwards pack'd on all the sailes we could make to follow our Generall whom we could not ouertake nor finde The next morning we made Fayall and entred the roade and there missed of him also contrary to our hopes and to our great discontent Whereat we could not but greatly maruell because when he sent for vs he was six leagues neerer it then we were and besides set saile towards it sixe or eight houres before vs. Being arriued in the roade wee beheld before our eyes a very fine Towne pleasantly seated alongst the shoare side from whence presently vpon the sight of our entrance into the roade they began to packe away with bag and baggage all they could with carriages of Horses and Carts Women Children Friers and Nunnes and so continued in transporting all vp into the Countrey for two dayes together There was besides a strong Fort at one end of the Town and another on the top of a very high Mountain neere adioyning by nature very vnaccessible and steepe and artificially fenced with Flanckers Rampiers and Ditch and in it six Peeces of great Artillerie mounted vpon carriages and two hundred Spaniards in garrison beside others of the Island These made certaine shot at our Ships as they anchored in the roade but did not much harme and set vp a great red Auncient for vs to gaze at Besides there were presently sent six Companies with their Colours to intrench themselues vpon the shoare side to impeach our landing Hereupon our Reare Admirall in his Barge accompanied with my selfe onely and Captaine Morgan rowed close aboord the high Fort and all alongst the shoare side to wards the Towne to see what fit place there was to make a discent against our Generals comming From whence we were saluted with diuers musket shot that missed vs but narrowly by good fortune for we vndiscreetly had with vs neitheir Targets nor Armors but wished for them when it was to late And therefore as well by that experience as also by others in the same iourney that I saw at our landing vpon a fortified trench I saw it to be but an idle and vnseruiceable brauery for men that are to doe seruice to expose their vnarmed bodies and limbs to the mercy of a Musket or the push of a Pike whereby they can neither with that abilitie nor resolution prosecute that they haue in hand nor yet so well preserue themselues as they ought to doe for the bettering of their attempts Besides out of a Christian regard they should not desperately cast away themselues or carelesly spill their owne bloud and the liues of many others by such brauing and foolish examples This night as we roade in the Harbour there swomme aboord vs from the Towne two Portugals that discouered vnto vs many things greatly encouraging vs to this exploit And of this we may bouldly take knowledge that the Portugals and Inhabitants of those Islands doe infinitely hate and malice the Spaniards and their Gouernment and would no doubt free themselues thereof gladly if they were sure to fall vnder any other Gouernment that were able to protect them from the Spaniards And therefore if any powerfull Monarch or State did attempt it they should not be troubled as with a Conquest for all the Inhabitants would soone be perswaded to reuolt and take part with the inuaders for the aduancing of that businesse While we thus expected our Generall in vaine to our no little maruell that thought he had bin there before vs according to Captaine Champernownes report the winde being as good then for him as for vs our Reare Admirall called a counsell of many Captaines and Officers that were come thither by order to consult of the taking of the Towne if our Generall came not thinking it a great shame and pittie to let slip so faire a pray so neere at hand without attempting it in