by the authority of his speech to restore reason to her former dignity and by discourse which fear had interrupted in them to put down a usurping passion which had so troubled the government of the soul recalling it to the mean of true resolution which was to moderate audacity with warinesse but not to choak valour with beastly cowardice for these Oratory inducing perswasions were not the least point of their discipline considering how they framed the inward habite of the mind being the fountain and beginning of all motion to give life and force to those actions which the severity of outward discipline commanded For as laws and constitutions of men inforce obedience of the body so reason and perswasions must win the souls consent according to that saying Homines duci volunt non cogi Chap. XVI Caesar his speech to the Army concerning this fear CAesar being informed of these things called a Councell of war admitting all the Centurions of what degrees or orders soever unto the same And being thus assembled he greatly blamed them First that any should be so inquisitive as to imagine to themselves whither upon what service they were carried Concerning Ariovistus he had in the time of Caesars Consulship most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of Rome and why then should any man misdeem that he should so unadvisedly go back from his duty For his own part he was verily perswaded that if Ariovistus once knew his demands and understood the reasonable offers that he would make him he would not easily reject his friendship or the favour of the people of Rome But if he were so mad as to make war upon them why should they fear him or why should they despair either of their own prowesse or of Caesars diligence For if it came to that point the enemy that they were to encounter had been tried what he could do twice before first in the memory of their fathers when the Cambri and Teutonâ— were vanquished by Marius at what time the Army merited no lesse honour then the Generall and now of late again in Italy at the insurrection of the Bondmen who were not a little furthered through the practice and discipline they had learned of the Romans Whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute insomuch as whom for a time they feared without cause being naked and unarmed the same men afterwards although well armed and Conquerers withall they nobly overcame And to be short these were no other Germans then those whom the Helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts and not only in their own Country where the Helvetians dwelt themselves but also even at home at their own doors and yet the same Helvetians were not able to make their party good against our Armies If any man were moved at the flight and overthrow of the Galles upon inquiry he should find that being wearied with continuall wars after that Aâ—â—ovistus had for many months together kept himself within his Camp in a boggy and fenny Country and despairing of any occasion of battel he suddenly set upon them as they were dispersed and so overcame them rather by policy then by force Which although it took place against savage and unskilfull people yet was not Ariovistus so simple as to think that he could insnare our Armies with the like subtilties As for those that fained the cause of their fear to be the difficulty of provision of Corn and the dangerousnesse of the way they seemed very arrogant in their conceits in presuming to direct their Generall as if he had not known what pertained to his duty The Sequans and Lingons had undertook that charge besides that Corn was almost ripe every where in the fields and what the wayes were should shortly be seen Whereas it was given out that the souldiers would not obey his Mandates nor advance their Standards he little valued it for he was well assured that if an Army refused to be obedient to their Generall it was either because he was thought to be unfortunate in his enterprises or else for that he was notoriously convicted of Avarice but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocency and the overthrow of the Helvetians his happinesse And therefore that which he was minded to have put off for a longer time he would now put in execution out of hand for the night following at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence that without further delay he might understand whether shame and respect of their duty would prevail more with them then fear or cowardise And though he wist that no man else would follow him yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone of whom he had no doubt or suspicion and would take them as a guard to his person Caesar had chiefly favoured this legion and put much trust in them for their valour Vpon the making of this speech the minds of all men were wonderfully changed for it bred in every one a great alacrity and desire to fight neither did the tenth legion forget to give him thanks by their Tribunes for the good opinion he had of them assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the war And then likewise the rest of the legions made means by the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions of the first Orders to give Caesar satisfaction protesting they neither doubted nor feared nor gave any censure of the issue of that war but alwayes left it to the wisdome of the Generall Their satisfaction being taken and a view being made of the wayes by Divitiacus whom of all the Galles he best trusted and report being by him made that in fetching a compasse of fifty miles he might carry his Army in open and champain Countries in the fourth watch of the night according to his former saying he set forward THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the speech it self are presented many specialities both concerning their discipline and Military instructions which deserve examination amongst which I note first the extraordinary number admitted to the Councell Omnium ordinum ad id concilium adâ—ibitis Conturionibus whereas there were usually no more admitted to their councell of war but the Legates Questor Tribunes and the Centurions of the first Orders which I understand to be the first Hastate the first Priâ—â—eps and the first Piluâ—â— of every legion And this is manifestly proved out of the fiâ—th Commentary where Cicero was besieged by Ambiorix in which amongst other there were two valiant Centurions Puisio and Varenus between whom there was every year great emulation for place of preferment jam primis ordâ—â—bus 〈…〉 saith Caesar that is they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion and were very near the dignity of the first cohort wherein as in all the rest there were three maniples and in every maniple two orders THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe first motive which he useth to recall
did the rather in regard of his singular integrity and his perfectnesse in the French tongue which Ariovistus through long continuance had learned and that the Germans had no cause of offence against him And with him he sent M. Titius that was familiarly acquainted with Ariovistus with instruction to hear what was said and to make report thereof to Caesar Whom as soon as Ariovistus saw come into his Camp he cried out in the presence of his Army demanding wherefore they came thither and whether they were not sent as Spies And as they were about to make answer he cut them off and commanded them to be put in Irons The same day he removed his Camp and lodged himself under a hill six miles from Caesar The next day he brought his forces along by Caesars Camp and incamped himself two miles beyond him of purpose to cut off all such corn and convoies as should be sent to the Romans by the Heduans and Sequans From that day forward by the space of five dayes together Caesar imbattelled his men before his Camp to the intent that if Ariovistus had a mind to give battell he might do it when he would But Ariovistus all this while kept his Army within his Camp and daily sent out his horsemen to skirmish with the Romans This was the manner of fighting which the Germans had practised there were 6000 horsemen and as many strong and nimble footmen whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host every man one for his safeguard these they had alwayes at hand with them in battell and unto these they resorted for succour If the horsemen were over-charged these ever stept in to help them If any one were wounded or unhorsed they came about him and succoured him If the matter required either to adventure forward or to retire speedily back again their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise that hanging on the horse-mane by the one hand they would run as fast as the horses OBSERVATION IT may seem strange unto the souldiers of our time that the footmen should be mingled pell-mell amongst the horsemen without hurt and disadvantage to themselves so unlikely it is that they should either succour the horsemen in any danger or annoy the enemy and therefore some have imagined that these footmen in the encounter cast themselves into one body and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen But the circumstances of this place of others which I will alledge 〈◊〉 purpose plainly evince that these footmen were mingled indifferently amongst the â—orsemen to assist every particular man as his 〈◊〉 and occasion required and therefore the choise of these footmen was permitted to the horsemen in whose service they were to be imployed that every man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence When they were overcharged these stept in to help them if any man were wounded or unhorsed he had his footman ready to assist him and when they were to go upon any speedy service or suddenly to retire upon advantage they stayed themselves upon the mane of the horses with one hand and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go Which services they could not possibly have performed without confusion and disorder if the footmen had not severally attended upon them according to the affection specified in their particular election The principall use of these footmen of the Germans consisted in the aid of their own horsemen upon any necessity not so much regarding their service upon the enemy as the assistance of their horsemen But the Romans had long before practiced the same Art to a more effectuall purpose namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist but to defeat far greater troups of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them Whereof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth is recorded by Livie in the second Punick war at the siege of Capua under the regiment of Quintus Fulvius the Consul where it is said that in all their conflicts as the Roman legions returned with the better so their cavalry was alwayes put to the worst and therefore they invented this means to make that good by Art which was wanting in force Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men both for strength and agility and to them were given little round bucklers and seven darts apiece in stead of their other weapons these souldiers practiced to ride behind the horsemen and speedily to light from the horses at a watch-word given and so to charge the Enemy on foot And when by exercise they were made so expert that the novelty of the invention no whit affrighted them the Roman horsemen went forth to encounter with the enemy every man carrying his foot-souldier behind him who at the encounter suddenly alighting charged upon the enemy with such a fury that they followed them in slaughter to the gates of Capua And hence saith Livie grew the first institution of the Velites which ever after that time were inrolled with the legions The authour of this stratagem is said to be one Q. Navius a Centurion and was honourablie rewarded by Fulvius the Consul for the same Salust in the history of Jugurth saith that Marius mingled the Velites with the Cavalry of the associates ut quacunque invaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent The like practice was used by Caesar as appeareth in the third book of the Civil war saving that in stead of the Velites he mingled with his horsemen four hundred of the lustiest of his legionary souldiers to resist the cavalry of Pompey while the rest of his Army passed over the river Genusum after the overthrow he had at Dyrrachium qui tantum profecere saith the text ut equestri praelio commisso pellerent omnes complures interficerent ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent Many other places might be recited but these are sufficient to prove that the greatest Captains of ancient times strengthened their cavalry with footmen dispersed amongst them The Roman horsemen saith Polybius at the first carried but a weak limber pole or staffe and a little round buckler but afterwards they used the furniture of the Graecians which Josephus affirmeth to be a strong launce or staffe and three or four darts in a quiver with a buckler and a long sword by their right side The use of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troup pouldron to pouldron and that manner of fight afforded no means to intermingle footmen but when they used their darts every man got what advantage of ground he could as our Carbines for the most part do and so the footmen might have place among them or otherwise for so good an advantage they would easily make place for the foot-men to serve among them But howsoever it was it appeareth by this circumstance how little the Romans feared troups of horse considering that the best means to defeat their horse was by their foot companies But
by a set fight continuing the space of six houres without any likelihood of contrariety or alteration Which practise of frustrating a design intended by an indirect and contrary answer served the Romans oftentimes to great advantage as besides this present example in this commentary we shall afterward read how Titurius Sabinus defeated the Unelli with the same stratagem and overthrew them by eruption and sallying out when they expected nothing but a defensive resistance from the rampier From whence a Commander may learn to avoid two contrary inconveniences according as the quality of the warre shall offer occasion first if other things be answerable which a judicious eye will easily discover that a sally made out at divers ports of a hold will much mitigate the heat of a charge and controll the fury of an Enemy And on the other side he that besiegeth any place what advantage soever he hath of the defendant may much better assure himself of good fortune if he appoint certain troups in readinesse to receive the charge of any eruption that the rest that are busily imployed in the assault may provide to answer it without disorder or confusion Which order if the Galles had taken they had not in likelihood so often been deceived CHAP. III. Galba returneth into the Province the Vnelli give occasion of a new warre AFter this battell Galba unwilling to try fortune any further and considering that he had met with businesses which he never dreamed of when first he came thither to quarter especially finding himself in want both of corn and forrage having first burned the town the next day he returned towards the Province and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the Nantuates and from thence to the Allobroges and there he wintered After these things were dispatched Caesar supposing for many reasons that all Gallia was now in peace and that there was no further fear of any new warre the Belgae being overthrown the Germans thrust out and the Seduni amongst the Alps subdued and vanquished in the beginning of the winter was gone into Illyricum having a great desire to see those nations But there grew a suddain tumult and dissension in Gallia upon this occasion Pub. Crassus wintering with the seventh legion in Aniou near unto the Ocean and finding scarcity of corn in those parts he sent out the Prefects of the horsemen and Tribunes into the next cities to demand corn and other provisions for his legion of whom Titus Terrasidius was sent unto the Unelli Marcus Trebius to the Curiosolitae Q. Velanius and Titus Silius to the Veneti These Veneti were of greatest authority amongst all the maritime nations in that coast by reason of their great store of shipping with which they did traffick in Britanie and exceeded all their neighbour States in skill and experience of sea-faring matters having command of as many ports as lay to those seas and the most part of such as used those seas tributaries to their State These Veneti first adventured to retain Silius and Velanius hoping thereby to recover their hostages which they had given to Crassus The finitimate Cities induced by their authority and example as indeed the resolutions of the Galles are sudden and hasty for the same reason laid hold upon Trebius and Terrasidius and sending speedy ambassages one unto another conjured by their princes and chiefest magistrates to do nothing but by common consent and to attend all the same event of fortune soliciting also other cities and States rather to maintain that liberty which they had received of their Ancestours then to indure the servile bondage of a stranger THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe circumstance in this history which noteth the sudden breaking out of wars when the course of things made promise of peace sheweth first what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the nativity of After-chances which so seldome answer the judgement we give upon their beginnings that when we speak of happinesse we find nothing but misery and contrariwise it goeth often well with that part which our Art hath condemned to ill fortune And therefore I do not marvel if when almost all nations are at odds and in our best conceits threaten destruction one to another there happen a sudden motion of peace or if peace be in speech soothing the world with pleasing tranquillity and through the uncertainty of our weak probabilities promise much rest after many troubles there follow greater wars in the end then the former time can truly speak of Which being well understood may humble the spirits of our haughty politicians that think to comprehend the conclusions of future times under the premises of their weak projects and predestinate succeeding ages according to the course of the present motion when an accident so little thought of shall break the main stream of our judgement and falsify the Oracles which our understanding hath uttered And it may learn them withall how much it importeth a wise commander to prevent an evill that may crosse his designe how unlikely soever it be to happen by handling it in such manner as though it were necessarily to confront the same For then a thing is well done when it hath in it self both the causes of his being and the direct means to resist the repugnancy of a contrary nature and so hap what will it hath great possibility to continue the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis practice of the Veneti may instruct a circumspect Prince in cases of this nature to have a more watchfull eye over that Province or city which shall be found most potent and mighty amongst the rest then of any other inferiour State of the same nature and condition for as example of it self is of great authority making improbabilities seem full of reason especially when the intention shall sympathize with our will so when it shall happen to be strengthened with powerfull means and graced with the Act of superiour personages it must needs be very effectuall to stir up mens minds to approve that with a strong affection which their own single judgement did no way allow of And therefore equality bringeth this advantage to a Prince which differency cannot afford that albeit example do set on foot any rebellious motion yet no supereminency shall authorise the same CHAP. IIII. Caesar having advertisement of these new troubles hasteth into Gallia and prepareth for the warre ALL the maritime States being by this means drawn into the same conspiracy they sent an embassage unto Crassus in the name of them all that if he would have his men again he must deliver up the hostages which he had taken from them Whereof Caesar being certified by Crassus inasmuch as he was then a great way distant from his Army he commanded Gallies and ships of warre to be built upon the river Loire which runneth into the Ocean and that Gallie-men Mariners and ship-masters should be mustered in
point between their fight at sea and that at land saving that they could not be martialled in troups and bands in regard whereof the sea-service was counted more base and dishonourable and the rather inasmuch as it decided the controversy by slings and casting-weapons which kind of fight was of lesse honour then buckling at handy-blowes CHAP. VII The battel continueth and Caesar overcometh THe Romans having taken one town after another the enemies still conveyed themselves to the next so that Caesar deeming it but lost labour whilst he could neither hinder their escape nor do them any mischief resolved to wait the coming of his navy Which was no sooner arrived but the enemy descrying it presently made out 220 saile of ships wel-appointed and furnished in all respects to oppose them Neither did Brutus the Admiral nor any Tribune or Centurion in his navy know what to do or what course of fight to take for the shipping of the Galles was so strong that the beak-head of their Quinqueremes could perform no service upon them and although they should raise turrets according to their use yet these would not equall in height the poup of the Enemies shipping so that therein also the Galles had advantage For as the Romans could not much annoy them with their weapons in regard they lay so low under them so on the contrary their darts must needs fall with great advantage upon the Romans Yet one thing there was amongst their provisions which stood them in great stead for the Romans had provided great sharp hooks or sickles which they put upon great and long poles these they fastened to the tackling which held the main-yard to the mast and then haling away their ship with force of Oares they cut the said tackling and the main-yard fell down Whereby the Galles whose only hope for their navy consisted in the sailes and tackling lost at one instant both their sailes and the use of their shipping And then the controversy fell within the compasse of valour wherein the Romans exceeded the Galles and the rather inasmuch as they fought in the sight of Caesar and the whole Army no valiant act could be smothered in secret for all the hills and clifts which afforded near prospect into the sea were covered with the Roman Army Their main-yards being cut down and the Romans though every ship of theirs had two or three of the enemyes about it indeavouring with great fury to boord them failed not to take many of their ships which the Galles perceiving and finding no remedy nor hope of resistance began all to fly and turning their ships to a fore-wind were upon a sudden so becalmed that they were able to make no way at all Which fell out very fitly for the Romans who now fighting ship to ship easily took them insomuch that of so great a navy very few through the help of the evening escaped to land after they had fought the space of eight houres with which battel ended the warre with the Veneti and the rest of the maritime nations For all sort of people both young and old in whom there was either courage counsell or dignity were present at this battell and all the shipping they could possibly make was here ingaged taken and lost so that such as remained knew not whither to go nor how to defend their towns any longer and therefore yielded themselves to Caesar towards whom he used the greater severity that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations by injurying Embassadours for he slew all the Senate with the sword and sold the people for bond-slaves THE OBSERVATION IN this battel I chiefly observe the good fortune which usually attendeth upon industry for amongst other provisions which the diligence of the Romans had furnished out to the use of this war they had made ready these hookes not for this intent wherein they were imployed but at all occasions and chances that might happen as serviceable complements rather then principall instruments and yet it so fell out that they proved the only meanes to overthrow the Galles Which proveth true the saying of Caesar that industry commandeth fortune and buyeth good successe with extraordinary labour for industry in action is as importunity in speech which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason and striveth through continuall pursuit to make good the motives by often inculcations and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoever is required In like manner diligence and laboursome industry by circumspect and heedfull carriage seldome fail either by hap or cunning to make good that part whereon the main point of the matter dependeth For every action is entangled with many infinite adherents which are so interessed in the matter that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures Of these adherents some of them are by wisdome foreseen and directed to that course which may fortunate the action the rest being unknown continue without either direction or prevention and are all under the regiment of fortune forasmuch as they are beyond the compasse of our wisest reach and in the way either to assist or disadvantage Of these industry hath greatest authority inasmuch as she armeth her self for all chances whereby she is said to command fortune Chap. VIII Sabinus overthroweth the Vnelli with the manner thereof WHile these things happened in the state of Vannes L. Titurius Sabinus entreth with his forces into the confines of the Unelli Over these Viridovix ruled who was at present made commander in chief of all the revolted cities which furnished him with a great potent army Besides this the Aulerci Eburonices and Lexovii having slain their Senate because they would not countenance the warre shut their gates and joyned with Viridovix Also there came great multitudes to them out of Gallia men of broken fortunes thieves and robbers whom the hope of prey and spoil had made to preferre the warres before husbandry and day-labour Sabinus incamping himself in a convenient place kept his souldiers within the rampier But Viridovix being lodged within lesse then two miles of Sabinus his camp brought out his forces daily and putting them in battel gave him opportunity to fight if he would which Sabinus refused in such sort that he began not only to be suspected by the Enemy of cowardise but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his own souldiers The opinion of his being fearfull thus setled in the minds of the enemy he used all means to increase it and carried it so well that the Enemy durst approach the very rampier of the Camp The colour that he pretended was that he thought it not the part of a Legate in the absence of the Generall to sight with an Enemy of that strength but upon some good opportunity or in a place of advantage In this generall perswasion of fear Sabinus chose out a subtle-witted Gall an auxiliarie
works that they were of high esteem amongst the Romans whom daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to 〈…〉 the readiest means both for security and victory And if our souldiers could be brought to 〈◊〉 the commodity of these works either by perswasion or impulsion it were the best part of their warlike practices but our men had 〈◊〉 upon desperate adventures and seek victory in the jaws of death then to clear all hazard with pains and diligence CHAP. XII Caesar undertaketh the warre with the Menapii and Morini AT the same time also although the Sommer was almost at an end yet forasmuch as all Gallia was in peace and the Morini only with the Menapii stood out in Armes and had never either sent Embassadour or otherwise treated of Peace Caesar thinking that war might quickly be ended led his Army into their Countrey At his coming he found them to carry their warres farre otherwise then the rest of the Galles had done for understanding that the greatest Nations of Gallia which had waged battel with the Romans were beaten and overthrown and having whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories they conveyed both themselves and their goods into those quarters Caesar coming to the beginning of the woods began to fortify his Camp not discovering any enemy near about him but as his men were dispersed in their charges they suddenly sallyed out of the woods and assaulted the Romans but being speedily driven in again with the losse of many of them as the Romans followed them farre into the woods they had some few of their men slain The time that remained Caesar resolved to spend in cutting down the woods and least the souldiers might be taken unawares while they were busied in that work he caused them to place all the trees which they cut down on either side of the Army that they might serve for a defence against sudden assaults A great quantity of ground was thus rid within a few dayes so that their goods and cattell was taâ—en by the Romans but they themselves were fled into thicker woods At which time there happened such a continuall rain as forced them to leave off the work and the souldiers could no longer indure to ly in sents of skinnes and therefore Caesar after he had wasted and spoiled their Countrey burned their towns and their houses carryed back his Army and placed them amongst the Aulerci Lexovii in other cities to winter in which were subdued in the late wars OBSERVATION THe Irish rebels having the like commodity of woods and bogges do entertain the like course of warre as the Morini did with Caesar The meanes which he used to disappoint them of that practice was to cut down the woods which if it be thought monstrous in this age or ridiculous to our men of war let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effects of valour then can be made credible by the use of these times For besides their exquisite discipline which of it self was able to frame patterns of unexampled magnanimitie their industry was admirable in the execution thereof and carried it with such uncessant travell that the souldiers thought it great happinesse when they came to wage battel with the Enemy and could have meanes to quit their continuall travell with the hazard of their lives Neither let it seem strange that the Romans undertook to cut down the woods but rather let us admire their facility in so difficult a task for as the history witnesseth magno spacio paucis diebus confecto incredibili celeritate a great quantity of ground was rid in a few dayes with incredible speed And after the woods were cut down they took more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder any suddain assault then they did in cutting it down which deserveth as great admiration as the former part There is another place in the sixth book of these Commentaries which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres and may serve to acquaint us with that which Caesar did in these difficulties The Eburones or the men of Liege had the like commodity of woods and bogges and made use of them in the warre they had with Caesar The matter saith he required great diligence not so much in regard of the perill of the whole Army for there could no danger come from an enemy that was frighted and dispersed as the safety of every particular souldier which in part did pertain to the welfare of the whole Army For the desire of a bootie carried many of the souldiers farre from the body of the Army and the woods being full of unknown and secret passages would not suffer them to go either thick together or close imbattelled If he desired to have the warre ended and the race of those wicked men to be rooted out he must of force make many small companies and divide his men into many bodies but if he would have the Maniples to keep at their Ensignes as the discipline and custome of the Roman Army required then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemy Neither did they want courage to lay Ambushments and to circumvent such as they found alone straggling from their companies In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could do providing rather to be wanting in the offensive part although all mens minds were set on fire with revenge then to hurt the enemy with the losse of the Roman souldier Caesar sent messengers to the bordering States to come out and sack the Eburones and they should have all the prey for their labour that the life of the Galles rather then his legionary souldiers might be hazarded in those woods as also that with so great a multitude both the race and name of that people might be quite extinguished There are many particularities in this relation which concern the true motion of the Irish wars which may be better observed by such as know those warres by experience then by my self that understand them only by relation and therefore to prevent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases I will leave it to be done by themselves And thus endeth the third Commentary The fourth Commentary of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THe Usipetes and Tenchtheri are driven to seek new seats in Gallia they drive the Menapii out of their territories but in the end are overthrown by Caesar That warre being ended he maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany He taketh revenge upon the Sicambri and giveth liberty to the Ubii returneth into Gallia and carrieth his Army over into Britanie with the occurrences of that warre CHAP. I. The Vsipetes and Tenchtheri bring great multitudes of people over the Rhene into Gallia The nature of the Suevi THe winter following Pompey and Crassus being Consuls the Usipetes and Tenchtheri two German nations passed over the
I have noted in my former discourses the causes of an unpeaceable government are as well externall and forreign as internall and bred in the body which need the help of a Physician to continue the body in a perfect state of health require as great a diligence to qualify their malicious operations as any internall sicknesse whatsoever In the second Commentary I briefly touched the commodity of good discovery but because it is a matter of great consequence in the fortunate carriage of a war I will once again by this example of Caesar remember a Generall not to be negligent in this duty Suetonius in the life of our Caesar reporteth that he never undertook any expedition but he first received true intelligence of the particular site and nature of the Country as also of the manners and quality of the people and that he would not undertake the voyage into Britany untill he had made perfect discovery by himself of the magnitude and situation of the Island Which Suetonius might understand by this first voyage which Caesar would needs undertake in the later end of a Summer although it were as he himself saith but to discover It is recorded by ancient Writers that those demi-gods that governed the world in their time gave great honour to the exercise of hunting as the perfect image of war in the resemblance of all parts and namely in the discovery and knowledge of a Country without which all enterprises either of sport in hunting or earnest in wars were frivolous and of no effect And therefore Xenophon in the life of Cyrus sheweth that his expedition against the King of Armenia was nothing but a repetition of such sports as he had used in hunting Howsoever if the infinite examples registred in history how by the dexterity of some Leaders it hath gained great victories and through the negligence of others irrecoverable overthrows are not sufficient motives to perswade them to this duty let their own experience in matters of small moment manifest the weaknesse of their proceedings when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they have in hand But let this suffice in the second place to prove the necessity of good discovery and let us learn of Caesar what is principally to be inquired after in the discovery of an unknown country as first the quantity of the land secondly what Nations inhabite it thirdly their use of war fourthly their civile government and lastly what Havens they have to receive a Navy of great shipping All which circumstances are such principall Arteries in the body of a State that the discovery of any one of these demands would have given great light concerning the motion of the whole body CHAP. IX Caesar sendeth C. Volusenus to discover the coast of Britanie and prepareth himself for that voyage CAesar sent out Caius Volusenus with a Galley to discover what he could concerning these things with charge that having made perfect discovery he should return again unto him as speedily as might be he himself marching in the mean time with all his forces unto the Morini forasmuch as from thence lay the shortest cut into Britanie Thither he commanded that ships should be brought from all the maritime Cities of that quarter and namely that fleet which he had built the year before for the war at Vannes In the mean time his resolution being known and carried into Britanie by Merchants and others many private States of that Island sent Embassadours unto him promising him hostages of their loyalty and signifying their readinesse to submit themselves to the Roman Empire To these he made liberall promises exhorting them to continue in that obedience and so sent them back again And with them he sent Comius whom he had made King of Arras whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account and whom he took to be faithfull to him and of great authority in those Regions To him he gave in charge to go to as many of the States as he could and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the Roman Empire and acquaint them that Caesar himself would presently follow after Volusenus having taken what view of the Countrey he could for he durst not go on shore to commit himself to the barbarisme of the enemy after five dayes returned to Caesar and related unto him all that he had discovered Whilst Caesar stayed in those parts for the furnishing of his fleet the Morini sent messengers unto him excusing themselves for their former faults that being a rude and barbarous people and altogether unacquainted with our customes they had made war against the people of Rome and withall manifesting their readinesse to obey his commands Caesar not willing to leave any enemy behind him or to engage in a new war at this time of the year or to neglect his voyage into Britanie for such small matters willingly accepted of their submission having first received many hostages of them and having made ready eighty ships of burthen which he thought sufficient to transport two legions he divided the Gallies to the Questor the Legates and the Commanders of the horse There were also eighteen ships of burthen more which lay wind-bound at a Port eight miles off and them he appointed for the horsemen The rest of the Army he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and Luc. Aurunculcius Cotta commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapii into those parts of the Morini who had sent no Embassadours to him and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keep the Port with a sufficient garrison CHAP. X. Caesar faileth into Britanie and landeth his men THese things being thus dâ—spatched having a good wind in the third watch he put out to Sea commanding his horsemen to â—mbark themselves at the further Port and follow him which was but slowly performed He himself arrived upon the coast about the fourth hour of the day where he found all the Clifts possessed with the forces of the enemy The nature of the place was such that the hils lay so steep over the sea that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground upon the lower shore and therefore he thought it no fit landing-place notwithstanding he cast anchour untill the rest of the Navy were come up unto him In the mean time calling a Councell of the Legates and Tribunes he declared unto them what advertisements he had received by Volusenus and told them what he would have done and withall admonished them that the course of Military affairs and especially Sea matters that had so sudden and unconstant a motion required all things to be done at a beck and in due time The Councell being dismissed having both wind and tide with him he weighed anchours and sailed eight miles from that place unto a plain and open shore The Britains perceiving the Romans determinations sent their horse and chariots which they commonly use in war before the rest of their
CAesar although he had not discovered their determination yet conjecturing of the event by the losse of his shipping and by their delay of giving up hostages provided against all chances for he brought corn daily out of the fields into his Camp and took the hulls of such Ships as were most dismembred and with the timber and brasse thereof he mended the rest that were beaten with the tempest causing other necessaries to be brought out of Gallia Which being handled with the great industry and travell of the Souldiers he lost only twelve ships and made the other able to abide the Sea While these things were in action the seventh legion being sent out by course to fetch in corn and little suspecting any motion of war as part of the souldiers continued in the field and the rest went came between them and the Camp the station that watched before the gate of the Camp gave advertisement to Caesar that the same way which the legion went there appeared a greater dust then was usually seen Caesar suspecting that which indeed was true that the Britans were entred into some new resolution he took those two cohorts which were in station before the port commanding other two to take their place and the rest to arm themselves and presently to follow him and went that way where the dust was descried And when he had marched some distance from the Camp he saw his men overcharged with the Enemy and scarce able to sustain the assault the legion thronged together on a heap and weapons cast from all parts amongst them For when they had harvested all other quarters there remained one piece of corn whither the Enemy suspected the Romans would at last come and in the night time conveighed themselves secretly into the woods where they continued untill the Romans were come into the field and as they saw them disarmed dispersed and occupied in reaping they suddenly set upon them and slaying some few of them routed the rest and incompassed them about with their horsemen and Chariots Their manner of fight with Chariots was first to ride up and down and cast their weapons as they saw advantage and with the terrour of their horses and ratling of their wheels to disorder the companies and when they had wound themselves between any troups of horse they forsook their Chariots and fought on foot in the mean time the guiders of their chariots would drive a little aside and so place themselves that if their masters needed any help they might have an easy passage unto them And thus they performed in all their fights both the nimble motion of horsemen and the firm stability of footmen were so ready with daily practice that they could stay in the declivity of a steep hill turn short or moderate their going as it seemed best unto them and run along the beam of the coach rest upon the yoak or harnesse of their horses return as speedily again at their pleasure The Romans being thus troubled Caesar came to rescue them in very good time for at his coming the Enemy stood still the souldiers gathered their spirits unto them began to renew their courage that was almost spent Caesar taking it an unfit time either to provoke the Enemy or to give him battel continued a while in the same place then returned with the legions into the Camp While these things were a doing and the Romans thus busied the Britans that were in the field conveighed themselves all away THE FIRST OBSERVATION BY this we plainly find that there were usually two cohorts which according to the rate of one hundred and twenty in a maniple amounted to the number of 720. men which kept the day-watch before the gate of the Camp and were alwayes in readinesse upon any service The commodity whereof appeareth by this accident for considering that the advertisement required haste and speedy recourse it greatly furthered their rescue to have so many men ready to march forward at the first motion that they might give what help they could untill the rest of their fellowes came in THE SECOND OBSERVATION THeir manner of fight with Chariots is very particularly described by Caesar and needeth not to be stood upon any longer only I observe that neither in Gallia nor any other country of Europe the use of Chariots is ever mentioned but they have ever been attributed as a peculiar fight unto the Eastern Countries as sutable to the plain and levell situation of the place whereof we find often mention in the Scripture Which may serve for an argument of Geoffrey of Monmouth to prove the Britans descent from Troy in Asia where we likewise find mention of such Chariots THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may observe the discreet and moderate temper of his valour and the means he used to make his souldiers confident in his directions for notwithstanding the Britans had exceedingly urged him to make hazard of a present revenge yet finding it an unfit time inasmuch as his men had been somewhat troubled with the fury of the Britans he thought it best to expect some other opportunity And again to avoid the inconveniences of a fearfull retreat he continued a while in the same place to imbolden his men with the sight of the Enemy And this manner of proceeding wrought a full perswasion in his souldiers that his actions were directed with knowledge and with a carefull respect of their safety which gave his men resolution when they were carried upon service being assured that what service soever they were imployed upon was most diligently to be performed as a matter much importing the fortunate issue of that war whereas if they had perceived that headstrong fury which carrieth men on with a desire of victory and never looketh into the means whereby it may be obtained had directed the course of their proceedings they might with reason have drawn back from such imployments and valued their safety above the issue of such an enterprise And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the souldiers have of a good Generall which is a matter of great importance in the course of war CHAP. XIII The Britans make head with their forces and are beaten by Caesar his return into Gallia AFter this for many dayes together there followed such tempests and foul weather that both the Romans were constrained to keep their Camp and the Britans were kept from attempting any thing against them But in the mean time they sent messengers into all quarters publishing the small number of the Roman forces and amplifying the greatnesse of the booty and the easy means offered unto them of perpetuall liberty if they could take the Roman Camp Shortly upon this having gathered a great company both of horse foot they came to the place where the Romans were incamped Caesar although he foresaw the event by that which before had hapned that if the Enemy were beaten back he would avoid the danger by
enemy This speech was not unpleasing to the Galles and the rather that he himself was not dejected in spirit upon so great a loss nor did hide himself or flie the presence of the multitude being the more esteemed forasmuch as when the matter was in question he first thought it fit that Avaricum should be burned and afterwards he perswaded them to forsake it wherein as misfortune and adversity do impair the authority of other Commanders so contrariwise his honour daily increased by the loss which he received And withall they were in great hope upon his affirmation to winne the rest of the States unto them And that was the first time that the Galles began to fortifie their camp being so appalled in spirit that where they ever were unaccustomed to labour yet they thought it their part to suffer and undergo all that was commanded them THE FIRST OBSERVATION NExt to the knowledge and experience of warre there is nothing more requisite in a great Commander then greatness of spirit for where his employment consisteth in managing the great businesses of the world such as are the slaughter of many thousands in an hour the sacking of cities the fighting of battels the alteration of Commonweals victories triumphs and the conquest of kingdoms which like the constellations in the eighth sphere are left to succeeding ages in such characters as cannot be defaced and make an impression of the greatest measure of joy or the greatest heap of sorrow it is necessary that his courage be answerable to such a fortune neither to be crushed with the weight of adversity nor puffed up with the pride of victory but in all times to shew the same constancy of mind and to temper extremities with a setled resolution Of this metall and temper is the Philosophers homo quadratus made of such as Camillus was in Rome For never speech did better beseem a great personage then that of his having known both the favour and the disgrace of fortune Nec mihi dictatura animos fecit necexilium ademit Neither did my Dictatorship puff me up nor my banishment sink my spirits saith he Whereas weak spirits do either vanish away in the smoke of folly being drunk with the joyes of pleasing fortune or otherwise upon a change of good times do become more base and abject then the thief that is taken in the fact such as Perseus the last Macedonian king was who besides his ill fortune for losing his kingdome in the space of one hour hath ever since stood attainted of a base and abject mind unworthy the throne of Alexander the Great The wise Romans used all means to give courage and spirit to their leaders and to free their minds from such externall respects which losse or dishonour might cast upon them And therefore when Varro had fought so rashly at Cannae that he had like to have lost the Roman Empire to Annibal upon his return to Rome the whole Senate went out to meet him and although they could not thank him for the battell yet they gave him thanks that he was returned home again whereby he seemed not to despair of the State of Rome In like manner did the Galles congratulate Vercingetorix that notwithstanding so great a loss he was neither dejected in spirit nor did hide himself from the multitude but as a Commander of high resolution had found out means to heal those harms and to recompence the loss of Aâ—arâ—cum with the uniting of all the States of Gallia into one confederacie THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly we may observe how dangerous it is to be the author of a counsel touching any important or grave deliberation or to lay down any project for the service of a State for all men are blind in this point that they judge of good or ill counsell by the success and look no further then the end which it taketh which proving disasterous or unfortunate doth either bring the author to destruction or into danger both of life and state In the occurrences of this kingdome it appeareth that Henry the fifth being sollicited by the Commons touching the Abbeys in England and moved by Petition exhibited in Parliament to that which was afterwards accomplished by Henry the eighth was diverted from those thoughts by an eloquent oration made in Parliament by Henry Chicheley Archbishop of Canterburie a grave and learned Prelate perswading the King by many concluding reasons to carry a great power into France and there to make his claim for that kingdome according to the right derived unto him from his noble Progenitors Whereupon the King was perswaded to undertake that war which al◠〈◊〉 fell out most happily yet the Bishop to satisfie both the King and the people for his former counsell whereby many men were lost built a Colledge in Oxford dedicated to All Souls wherein 〈◊〉 placed â—ourty Scholars to make supplications for all souls and specially for such as had been mischieved in France in the time of that warre Vercingetorix was happy in this point for he perswaded the Galles not to keep Avaricum but to suffer it to be burned as an enemy to their safety and thereupon he did not let to put them in mind of his opinion as free from the danger which happened to a great man near unto Perseus whom I last spake of who after his overthrow by Paulus Aemilius being told by that party of many errours which he had committed in the carriage of that warre turned himself suddenly saying Traitor hast thou reserved thy counsell untill now when there is no remedie and therewithall as some report slue him with his own hand And this was it that gave Vercingetorix that happiness Ut reliquorum imperatorum res adversae authoritatem minuunt sic hujus ex contrario dâ—gnitas incommodo accepto indies augebatur As misfortune and adversity c. as before CHAP. XV. Vercingetorix laboureth to unite all Gallia into one league for the upholding of their warre NEither did Vercingetorix omit any endeavour for the accomplishment of his promise to draw the rest of the States unto him and to that purpose he dealt with their chiefest men both by rewards and promises and chose out fit men that either by subtile speeches or friendship or some other means might win them unto him He tooke order that such as had escaped from Avaricum should be both clothed and armed and withall that he might reenforce his troups which were weakned he commanded every State to furnish out certain supplies and to be brought by a day to the camp He commanded likewise all the Archers of whom there is great store in Gallia to be sought out and sent unto him And by this means he speedily repaired his losses at Avaricum In the mean time Teutomatus the son of Ollovico King of the Nitiobriges whose father had the title of a Friend from our Senate came to him with a great number of horsemen which he
REparation of honour is a chief point in the cariage of an army for he that leaveth an enemy upon a losse received when his souldiers are either awed or well beaten must look to find the same spirit and courage in them when they shall come again to confront the enemie as they had when they last left him with a disadvantage which is nothing else but an unskilfull continuance of his own losse and a preparation to a second overthrow In the warre the Romans had with Annibal in all the fights they made they continued their first losse unto the battell at Nola at what time by Marcellus good directions they gave him an overthrow which was the first time that ever Annibals souldiers began to give place to the Romans and repaired the Romans valour again after so many battels as they lost For then they were perswaded that they fought not with an enemy altogether invincible but that he was subject to losse and overthrow And in respect of this so happy a fortune restoring the Roman souldiers to their ancient valour and good fortune it is that Liviâ— saith Ingens eo die res ac nescio an maxima illâ— bello gest a sit A great piece of service was performed that day I think I may say the greatest that was done in that warre Caesar did well understand this Philosophie and therefore he laboured to repair the breach which the enemy had made in the valour of his souldiers by light and small skirmishes before he would adventure to hazzard the main drife of the businesse in any set conflict And the rather for that he had a purpose to leave the enemy for a time whereby he seemed to end the former services wherein he had a speciall care not to depart with the last blow having alwayes before that time had the better for the condition of the end doth challenge much of the former proceedings and doth draw the opinion of men to deem of all as the conclusion importeth According as Claudius Nero told his souldiers Semper quod postremo adjectum sit id rem totam videri traxisse As the end of the service is so the whole seems to have been CHAP. XXV The Hedui revolt Caesar passeth his army over the river Loire THe third day he repaired the bridge at the river Elevar and carried over his army There he understood by Viridomarus and Eporedorix that Litavicus was gone with all the enemies horse to sollicite the State of the Hedui and therefore it was requisite that Caesar should send them before to confirm the State and keep them in loyalty And although Caesar did mistrust the State of the Hedui for many causes and did think that the departure of these two Nobles would hasten their revolt yet he did not think it fit to detain them lest he should either seem to do them wrong or to give any suspicion of distrust At their departure he propounded unto them briefly how well he had deserved of their State how low and weak they were when he received them confined within their towns their lands extended all their associates taken from them a tribute laid upon them pledges extorted from them with great contumely and into what fortune and greatnesse he had brought them again that not only they had recovered their former state but did exceed the dignity and favour of all former times and with these mandates he let them go Noviodunum was a town of the Hedui situate in a convenient place upon the bank of the river Loire Thither had Caesar sent all the hostages of Gallia the corn the publick treasure and the greatest part of the baggage of the army and thither he had likewise sent great store of horse which he had bought in Spain and Italy for the service of this war Eporedorix and Viridomarus coming thither and understanding touching the affairs of their State that Liâ—avicus was received into Bibract by the Hedui which is the Metropolitan citie of their State and that Convictolitanis their chief Magistrate and a great part of the Senate were come unto him and that publick messengers were sent to Vercingetorix touching a league of peace and amitie they did not think it fit to omit so great an opportunitie And thereupon having slain the Guard at Noviodunum with such others as were there either by way of trade or travell they divided the money and the horses between them and took order that the hostages of the other States should safely be conveyed to Bibract For the town forasmuch as they thought they were not able to keep it lest the Romans might make any use of it they burned it such corn as they could carry on the sudden they conveyed away in boats the rest they either burnedor cast it into the river They began to raise forces in the countrie next adjoyning to dispose of watches and garrisons on the bank of the river Loire to shew their Cavalrie in all places to strike fear into the Romans to the end they might exclude them from provision of corn or drive them through necessity of want to forsake the Province Whereof they were the rather assured forasmuch as the Loire was much swelled by a fall of snow whereby it was unpassable at any foard These things being known Caesar thought it necessary for him to make haste especially if he must make up the bridges to the end he might give them battel before they had gathered a greater head for touching his pupose for returning into the Province he did not think it fit by any means both in respect of the shame and in famy thereof as also forasmuch as the opposition of the hill Gebenna and the difficultie of the passage did hinder him but especially for that he did exceedingly desire to joyn himself with Labienus and the Legions that were with him And therefore making great journeys both by day and night beyond all mens expectation he came to the river Loire where the horsemen having sound a convenient foard for the necessitie of the time that the souldiers might pass over with their arms and shoulders above the water to hold up their weapons disposing the horse in the river to break the force of the stream and the enemy being affrighted upon their first shew he carried over his Army in safety And having satisfied his souldiers with corn which he found in the fields and good store of cattell he determined to march towards the Senones OBSERVATIONS THe greatest difficulty that ever Caesar found in the course of these warres was at this instant upon the revolt of the Hedui For whereas that State after Caesars coming into Gallia was ever reputed the favourite of the Roman Empire having received such speciall priviledges and prerogatives above the rest as might tie them with an inviolable bond of amity to the people of Rome it was not to be expected that they should forsake so great a stay or favour any thing that might
spirit whereby the Authour becometh memorable to posterity in calling after Varus by name to make him the sacrifice for both the Hoasts Whence we may observe that when a battell is joyned pell-mell no man can be assured in his own valour nor share out his fortune by the length of his sword but is oftentimes subject to weaknesses of contempt and vanquished by such as cannot be compared unto him but in scorn I have heard it reported that at the battell of Eureux Maturine that known woman in France took prisoner disarmed a Cavalero of Spain who being brought before the King and by him demanded whose prisoner he was or whether he knew the partie that had forced him answered no but that he knew him to be a gallant man of Armes Whereat the king smiled and the Gentleman understanding what fortune he had run was as much dismaied as a man possibly could be that considered Quod ferrum aequat in bello robustioribus imbecilliores The sword equalleth the weakest to the strongest CHAP. XV. Curio leaveth Vtica to meet with King Juba His Cavalrie overthroweth the forces led by Sabura which leadeth him on to his overthrow THe next day Curio prepared to besiege Utica inclosing it about with a ditch a rampier There were in the town a multitude of people unacquainted with war through the long peace they had injoyed and the inhabitants stood very affectionate to Caesar for many benefits they had received from him The rest of the multitude consisted of divers sorts of men much terrified and affrighted by the former incounters whereupon every man spake plainly of giving up the town and dealt with Pub. Actius that their fortunes and lives might not come in danger through his pertinacie and wilfulness While these things were a doing there came messengers from King Juba signifying the King was at hand with great forces and willed them to keep and defend the town Which news did much incourage and confirm the wavering and affrighted minds of the Enemy The same was also reported to Curio whereunto for a while he gave no credit such was his confidence in the successe of things And now withall came Letters and Messengers into Africk of that which Caesar had so fortunately atchieved in Spain so that being absolutely assured with all these things he was perswaded the king durst attempt nothing against him But when he found by assured discovery that his forces were within twenty five miles of Utica leaving his works already begun he withdrew himself into Cornelius Camp and began there to fortifie his Camp to get Corn and other provisions and to furnish it with all necessaries materiall for a defence and sent presently a dispatch into Sicily that the two legions and the rest of the Cavalry might be sent unto him The Camp wherein he lay was fitly accommodated to hold out the war as well by reason of the nature of the place as the artificiall fortifying thereof the nearness of the sea and the plenty of water and salt whereof there was great quantity brought thither from the Salt-pits near adjoyning No stuffe could be wanting through the great store of wood which was about the place nor yet any Corn for the plenty that was to be found in the confining fields and thereupon by the advice and approbation of all men Curio resolved to attend his other forces and to draw out the war in length These things being thus disposed by the consent and liking of all men he heard by some that lately came out of the town that Juba was called back by occasion of a war happened upon the confines and that by reason of the controversies and dissentions of the Leptitani he was detained at home in his kingdome but that Sabura his Lieutenant was sent with some competent forces and was not far from Utica To which reports giving too light and easie credit he altered his purpose and resolved to put the matter to triall of battell whereunto his youthfull heat the greatness of his courage the successe of former time and his confidence in the managing of that war did violently lead him Being carried on with these inducements he sent the first night all the Cavalry to the River Bagrada where the Enemy lay incamped under the command of Sabura but the king followed after with all his forces and lay continually within six miles or thereabouts The horsemen sent before and making their journey in the night set upon the Enemy at unawares and not thinking of their approch for the Numidians lodge scattered here and there in a barbarous manner without any government or order And surprising them thus oppressed with sleep and scattered upon the ground they slew a great number of them the rest in great terror and amazement escaped by flight Which service being thus executed the Cavalry returned to Curio and brought the captives unto him Curio was gone out about the fourth watch of the night with all his forces having left five cohorts for a garrison to his Camp and having marched six miles he met with the Cavalry understood what was done and inquired of the captives who was Generall of the Camp at Bagrada They answered Sabura He omitted for haste of his way to inform himself of the rest but turning himself to the next Ensignes said You see souldiers that the confession of the captives doth agree with that which was reported by the fugitives For the king is not come but hath sent some small forces which cannot make their partie good with a few horsemen and therefore hasten to take the spoil with honour and renown that we may now at length begin to think of rewarding your merits OBSERVATIONS IT is observed by Marcellinus that when misfortune cometh upon a man his spirit groweth so dull and benummed as his senses seem to be dismissed of their charges Which appeared hear in Curio who having taken a provident and sure course such as was approved in every mans judgement and beseemed well the wisdome of a Commander did neverthelesse contrary to all sense and discretion forgo the same and cast himself upon the hazard of that which fugitives had vainly reported Concerning which as it is noted that Incredulity is hurtfull onely to the unbeliever so this passage proveth that for a Commander to be too light of belief is a danger to the whole Partie and bringeth many to ruine that had no part in that creed Caesar in the relation hereof noteth three speciall things in Curio that carried him headlong to this disaster and may serve as marks to avoid the like Syrtes The first was Iuvenilis ardor his youthfull courage and heat which is alwaies attended with strong affections suting the qualitie and temperature of the body being then in the prime height of strength accordingly led on with violent motions whereas age goeth slowly and coldly forward and is alwaies surer in undertaking then hot-spurre youth And albeit
followed Pompey and his brother Rascus betook himself to Caesar upon an appointment made between themselves For finding in the Countrey where they dwelt two great Factions in opposition doubting which Party to take they divided themselves as the best approved part of Neutrality and held likewise the same course in the war between Brutus and Octavius continuing unto the battell of Philippi Upon the issue whereof Rascus demanded no other reward for his service then the life of his brother which was easily granted This Pompey's high Admirall was fellow-Consul with Caesar in the year of Rome 694. but Caesar so out-stript him in the managing of things that he much suspected himself as insufficient for the place which made him keep his house all that year Whereupon came this Distich Non Bibulo quicquam nuper sed Caesare factum Nam Bibulo fieri Consule nil memini Caesar did all nought Bibulus did do Of Consul Bibulus no act I know CHAP. III. Caesar passeth over into Greece and returneth his shipping to Brundusium Octavius besiegeth Salonae CAesar upon his arrivall at Brundusium called the souldiers together and shewed them that forasmuch as they were almost come to an end of all their labours and dangers they would now be content to leave willingly behind them their servants and carriages in Italy and go aboard clear of those incumberments to the end the greater number of souldiers might be taken in and that they should expect the supply of all these things from victory and his liberality Every man cried out That he should command what he would and they would willingly obey it The second of the Nones of January he weighed Anchour having as is formerly shewed shipped seven legions The next day he came to land at the Promontory of Ceraunium having got a quiet road amongst the Rocks and places of danger For doubting how he might safely venture upon any of the known Ports of that Coast which he suspected to be kept by the Enemy he made choice of that place which is called Pharsalus and there arriving in safety with all his ships he landed his souldiers At the same time Lucretius Vespillo and Minutius Rufus by order from Laelius were at Oricum with eighteen ships of Asia and M. Bibulus was likewise at Corfu with one hundred and ten ships But neither durst those come out of the Port although Caesar had not in all above twelve ships of war to waâ—t him over amongst which he himself was imbarked neither could Bibulus come soon enough his ships being unready and his Mariners ashore for that Caesar was descried near the Continent before there was any bruit of his coming in all those Regions The souldiers being landed he sent back the same night the shipping to Brundusium that the other legions and the Cavalry might be brought over Fusius Calenus the Legat had the charge of this service and was to use all celeritie in transporting over the legions but setting out late and omitting the opportunity of the night wind they failed of their purpose in returning back For Bibulus being certified at Corsu of Caesar's arrivall and hoping to meet with some of the ships of burthen met with the empty ships going back to Brundusium and having taken thirty of them he wreaked his anger conceived through grief and omission and set them all on fire consuming therein both the Masters and the Mariners hoping by the rigour of that punishment to terrifie the rest This being done he possest all the Coast from Salonae to Oricum with ships and men of war appointing guards with more diligence then formerly had been used He himself in the depth of Winter kept watch a ship-board not refusing any labour or duty nor expecting any succour if he happened to meet with Caesar But after the departure of the Liburnian Gallies M. Octavius with such ships as he had with him came from Illyricum to Salonae and there having incited the Dalmatians and other barbarous people drew Hissa from Caesar's party And finding that he could not move them of Salonae neither with promise nor threatnings he resolved to besiege the Town The place was strong by nature through the advantage of a Hill and the Roman Citizens there inhabiting had made towers of wood to â—ortifie it within but finding themselves too weak to make resistance being wearied out and spent with wounds they fell at length to the last refuge of all which was to enfranchize all their bond-slaves above the age of fourteen years and cutting their womens hair they made Engines thereof Their resolution being known Octavius incompassed the town about with five Camps and at one instant of time began to force them by siege and by assault They being resolved to undergo all extremities were much pressed through want of Corn and thereupon sending Messengers to Caesar sought help of him Other inconveniences they indured as they might And after a long time when the continuance of the siege had made the Octavians remisse and negligent taking the opportunity of the noon time when the Enemy was retired aside and placing their children and women on the wall that nothing might seem omitted of that which was usuall they themselves together with such as they had lately infranchized brake into the next Camp unto the Town Which being taken with the same violence they set upon another and then upon the third and so upon the fourth and in the end upon the fifth driving the Enemy out of all the Camps and having slain a great number they forced Octavius and the rest remaining to betake them to their ships and so the siege ended For Octavius despairing to take the Town the Winter approaching and having received such losses retired to Pompey at Dyrrachium THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT hath been generally conceived that there is little or no use of women in times of war but that they are a burthen to such as seek honour by deeds of Armes and do better sute the licentioâ—snesse of peace then the dangers of warfare Whereof Andromache is made an instance from that which Homer reporteth of her tears sighs and praiers to withdraw Hector from those valorous exploits which he undertook for the defence of Troy And therefore they are by Ovid wished to handle the distaffe and the spindle and leave the warres as fitter for men then the weaknesse of their Sex columque I cape cum calathis stamina pollice torque Bella relinque viris Go take thy basket on thy head And at the distaff twist thy thread Leave warres to men Neverthelesse it cannot be denied that howsoever soever the tendernesse of women doth require a passive course of life under the shelter of a safe roof rather then in the bleak storms of active endeavour yet there have been some Viragoes that have over-topped the pride of men in points of war amongst whom Semiramis may lead the rest together with Tomyris Cyrus Mistresse by conquest As also
with Caesar in adversity had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the Country into the Town and shutting up the Gates dispatched Messengers to Scipio and Pompey for succour to be sent unto him in that he was not able to hold out a long siege Scipio understanding of the departure of the Armies from Dyrrachium had brought the legions to Larissa and Pompey did not as yet approach near unto Thessalia Caesar having fortified his Camp commanded Mantelets Ladders and Hurdles to be made ready for a surprize Which being fitted and prepared he exhorted the souldiers and shewed them what need there was for the relieving of their wants and supplying of all necessaries to possesse themselves of an opulent and full town as also by their example to terrifie the other Cities and what they did to do speedily before it could be succoured Whereupon by the singular industrie of the souldiers the same day he came thither giving the assault after the ninth houre notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls he took the Town before sun-setting and gave it to the souldiers to be rifled and presently removing from thence came to Metropolis in such sort as he outwent as well Messengers as news of taking the Town The Metropolitanes induced with the same respects at first shut up their gates and filled their walls with armed men but afterwards understanding by the Captives whom Caesar caused to be brought forth what had happened to them of Gomphi they presently opened their gates and by that means were all preserved in safety Which happinesse of theirs being compared with the desolation of Gomphi there was no one State of all Thessalia excepting them of Larissa which were kept in with great forces by Scipio but yielded obedience to Caesar and did what he commanded Caesar having now got a place plenteous of Corn which was now almost ripe he resolved to attend Pompey's coming and there to prosecute the residue of that war OBSERVATIONS LIvie saith that the siege of that Place which we would quickly take must be prosecuted and urged hard Which rule Caesar observed for he followed it so hard that he took the Town fortified with exceeding high walls in four houres space or thereabouts after he began to assault it Which Plutarch saith was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision that the souldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at Dyrrachium insomuch as they seemed to be new made both in body and courage by reason of the wine victuals and riches of that place which were all given unto them according to that of Xenophon Lex inter omnes homines perpetua est quando belligerantium urbs capta fuerit cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint corpora â—orum qui in urbe sunt bona It is a generall Law amongst all men that when an Enemies town is forcibly taken all that is found in it as well bodies as goods is at their disposall who have taken it Appian saith the Germans were so drunk that they made all men laugh at them and that if Pompey had surprized them in these disorders they might have paid dear for their entertainment He addeth moreover to shew the stiffenesse of the inhabitants against Caesar that there were found in a Surgeons Hall twenty two principall Personages stiffe dead upon the ground without appearance of any wound having their goblets by them and he that gave the poison sitting upright in a Chair as dead as the rest And as Phâ—lip having taken Acrolisse in the Country of the â—â—tirians drew all the rest to his obedience through the fear they conceived of their usage so the consideration of the calamity which befell Gomphi and the good intreaty which the Metropolitans found by yielding unto Caesar brought all the other Cities under his command CHAP. XXIX Pompey cometh into Thessalia his Army conceiveth assured hope of victory POmpey a few dayes after came into Thessalia and there calling all the Army together first gave great thanks to his own men and then exhorted Scipio's souldiers that the victory being already obtained they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards and taking all the legions into one Camp he made Scipio partaker both of his honour and authority commanding the Trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction and that he should use a Praetoriall Pavilion Pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great Army every man was confirmed in his former opinion and their hope of victory was increased so that the longer they delaâ—ed the matter the more they seemed to prolong their return into Italy And albeit Pompey proceeded slowly and deliberately in the business yet it was but a daies work But some there were that said he was well pleased with authority and command and to use men both of Consular dignity and of the Praetorian order as his vassals and servants And now they began to dispute openly concerning rewards and dignities of Priesthood and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen Consuls Others begged the houses and goods of such as were with Caesar Besides a great controversie that further grew between them in open councell whether L. Hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of Praetors being absent and imploied by Pompey against the Parthians And as his friends urged Pompey with his promise given at his departure requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatnesse and authority the rest running a course of as great danger and labour saw no reason by way of contradiction why one man should be respected before all others And now Domitius Scipio and Spinther Lentulus began to grow to high words in their daily meetings concerning Caesar's Priesthood Lentulus allâ—aging by way of ostentation the honour that was due to his age and authority Domitius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at Rome and Scipio trusting to Pompey's alliance Moreover Atius Rusus accused L. Afranius to Pompey for betraying the Army in Spain L. Domitius gave out in councell That after the war was ended all such as were of the rank of Senatours should be inquired upon by a triple Commission and that those which were personally in the war should be of the Commission to judge the rest as well such as were at Rome as those that did no service in this war The first Commission should be to clear such as had well-deserved from all danger The second Penall and the third Capitall And to conclude every man laboured either to have a reward or to be avenged of his Enemy Neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome as how to use the victory THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe Tale which the Emperour Frederick related to the Commissioners of Lewis the eleventh King of France concerning the parting between them of the Territories of Charles Duke of
equall conditions which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages and a few of each side being slain Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him fortified them in the night In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house wherein he himself at his first arrivall was appointed to lodge and a Theatre joyned to the house which was in stead of a Castle and had a passage to the Port and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy and thereby need not fight against his will In the mean time the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war But presently there grew a controversy between them who should command in Chief which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills While the Enemy was busied in these things Photinus the Governour of the young King Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's party sent Messengers to Achillas exhorting him not to desist in the business or to be discouraged Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers Caesar caused him to be slain And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war OBSERVATIONS PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over against Alexandria in the midst whereof Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height all of white Marble It contained many Stages and had in the top many great Lanterns to keep light in the night for a mark to such as were at Sea The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription Sostrates Gâ—â—idius the son of Dexiphanes to the Gods Conservatours for the safety of Navigatours It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia Queen of Caria made for her Husband Mausolus whose ashes she drank The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes The fourth was the Walls of Babylon The fifth was the Pyramides of Aegypt The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis which was made by Phidias and contained threescore cubites in height and was all of Ivory and pure Gold And the seventh was this Pharus FINIS A CONTINUATION of the VVARRES in GALLIA Beginning where Caesar left and deducing the History to the time of the CIVILE WARRES Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA VVith some short Observations thereupon Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING or TACTICK PRACTISE LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA Written by AULUS HIRTIUS CHAP. I. The Galles raise new troubles in divers places Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges and after that the Carnutes AFter that all Gallia was subdued forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from warre he was desirous to refiesh his Souldiers after so great pains taken the rest of the winter season when news was brought him that many States at the self-same time did lay their heads together again about warre and make conspiracies Whereof there was reported a very likely cause in that it was known to all the Galles that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place as should be able to withstand the Romans neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient either of aid or of time or of men of warre to pursue all at once and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune if by the respite thereof the rest might set themselves at liberty The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galles Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion which he had placed not farre from the borders of the Hedui in the countrey of the Bituriges and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the Bituriges the which being a large countrey and full of towns could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies By the sudden coming of Caesar it came to passe which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad that such as were tilling the ground without fear were surprised in the fields by our horsemen before they could get them into the Towns For at that time the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses was by Caesar's commandment forborn lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey or else that their enemies for fear of the fires should convey themselves out of the way After that many thousands of men had been taken the Bituriges being sore afraid such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them by reason of resorting as guests one to another or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices fled into the next cities but all was in vain For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places that he gave not any city leasure to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves Through the which speed he both kept his friends faithfull unto him and put the wavering sort in such fear that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace The matter standing in this case when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again and that the next States had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment they themselves did in like wise Caesar because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes through most cumbersome wayes in intolerable cold weather and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece and to the Captains 2000 apiece in the name of a prey so sending his Legions again into their wintering places he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth There as he was ministring of Justice the Bituriges sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Carnutes whom they complained to make warre upon them Upon the receit of this news when he had not
misfortune be daunted or overcome never departed out of the battel nor made toward the woods neither could by the entreaty of our men be perswaded â—o yield himself but fighting most valiantly and hurting many of our men he so farre exasperated the victours that they could not forbear to throw their darts at him and dispatch him CHAP. V. The remainder of the Galles submit themselves to Caesar Comius in danger to be slain by treachery THe matter being brought to this passe Caesar pursuing his newly-got victory forasmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune would immediately upon the news thereof forsake the place where they were encamped which was said to be not above eight miles from the place where the slaughter was made although he saw it would be some trouble to him to passe the river yet passed he his army and marched toward them But the Bellovaci and the other States upon the return of a few of their men and those wounded out of the chase which had escaped the mischance by means of the woods understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery by the death of Corbeus the losse of their horsemen and the â—laughter of their stoutest footmen and mistrusting that the Romans would out of hand come upon them immediately called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet and cried all with one voice to send ambassadours and hostages to Caesar When Comius of Arras perceived that this motion would be entertained he fled to those Germans of whom he had borrowed assistance to the warre The rest sent ambassadours presently unto Caesar desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies which if he might have laid upon them without battel in their chief prosperity they were well assured that of his clemency and courtesy he would not have done it The Bellovaci said that their power was weakened by the losse of their horsemen many thousands of their choicest footmen were cut off scarce any escaping to bring tidings of the slaughter yet notwithstanding their great misfortune they had by that battel received this happinesse that Corbeus the authour of the warre and raiser of the multitudâ— was slain For as long as he was alive the Senate could never bear so great sway in the city as the rude and unskilfull commonalty As the ambassadours were speaking these things Caesar put them in mind that about the same time the last year the Bellovaci and other States of Gallia raised warre and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion and would not be reduced to obedience by the submission of the rest He told them he knew and understood it was an easie matter to lay the fault of their offence upon him that was dead But he was sure that there was no man of so great power that against the noblemens wills the Senate resisting him and all good men withstanding him could with a weak handfull of the commonalty raise a warre and go through with it Neverthelesse he was satisfied with the punishment which they had brought upon themselves The night following the ambassadours returned this answer to those that sent them and forthwith they gave hostages Then also the ambassadours of other States which waited to see what successe the Bellovaci would have came to Caesar giving hostages and performing his commands only Comius stood off who durst not for fear trust his life into any mans hands For the year before Titus Labâ—enus perceiving how while Caesar was ministring justice in the hither Gallia Comius stirred up the States and made confederacies against Caesar thought he might without being accounted a faithâ—breaker revenge his treacherous carriage And thereupon because be thought he would not at his sending for come into the camp lest he should by such a message make him more cautious he sent C. Volusenus Quadratus to murther him under pretence of communing with him and for the performance of the matter he sent with him certain selected Centurions for the purpose When they came to conference and that Volusenus as it was agreed upon had caught Comius by the right hand one of the Centurions as if he had been moved at the strangenesse of the matter gave Comius a shrewd blow on the head with his sword howbeit he could not dispatch him because his friends stept in and saved him By and by was drawing of swords on both sides and yet none of both parties were minded to fight but to fly away our men because they believed that Comius had had his deaths wound the Galles because perceiving the treachery they feared there had been more behind then they saw Upon which businesse it is reported that Comius vowed he would never come in the fight of any Roman CHAP. VI. Caesar disposeth his forces into severall parts of Gallia and himself wasteth the countrey of Ambiorix WHen Caesar had subdued the Nations that were most warlike perceiving there was now no City that prepared warre to stand against him but that many to eschew the present yoke of the Roman Empire left their towns and fled out of the fields he determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters M. Aâ—tonius the Quaestor with the eleventh legion he took to himself C. Fabius the Legate with twenty five cohorts he sendeth into the farthest part of all Gallia because he heard say that certain States were there in arms and that he thought C. Caninius Rebâ—lus the Legate had not a sufficient strength of those two legions that were with him already T. Labienus he called unto him from the place where he was and the twelfth legion which wintered under him he sent into Gallia Togatu to defend the towns that the Romans had there peopled with their own Citizens lest any such harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people as had happened the summer before to the Tergestini who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their suddain invasions He himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of Ambiâ—rix who flying before him for fear from place to place when he saw there was no hope to get him into his hands he thought it was most for his honour so to despoil his countrey of people buildings and cattel that his countreymen might so hate him if fortune reserved any countreymen for him that for the calamities he had brought upon his countrey he might never have accesse thither again After he had sent abroad his host into all parts of Ambiorâ—x his countrey and wasted all places with slaughter buâ—ning and rapiâ—e having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men he sent Labienus with two legions among the Trâ—viri whose countrey by reason of the nearnesse thereof unto Germany being daily inured to the warres is not much unlike to the Germans in rudenesse and savagenesse of life neither did they obey the commandments of Caesar at any time longer then we had an army in their countrey
OBSERVATIONS UPON CAESARS COMENTARIES By CLEMENT EDMUNDES Remembrancer of the cittie of LONDON THE COMMENTARIES OF C. JULIUS CAESAR Of his Warres in GALLIA and the Civile Warres betwixt him and POMPEY Translated into English With Many excellent and judicious OBSERVATIONS Thereupon As also The Art of our Modern Training or Tactick Practise By CLEMENT EDMONDS Esquire Remembrancer of the City of LONDON Whereunto is adjoyned The EIGHTH COMMENTARY of the Warres in GALLIA With some short Observations upon it Together with The LIFE of CAESAR and an Account of his MEDALLS Revised Corrected and Enlarged LONDON Printed by R. DANIEL and are to be sold by Henry Tvvyford in Vine-Court Middle Temple Nathaniel Ekins at the Gunne in St. Paul's Church-Yard and Iohn Place at Furnivalls Inne Gate in Holburn 1655. TO THE PRINCE SIR HAving ended this task of Observations and according to your gratious pleasure and command supplied such parts as were wanting to make up the Totall of these Commentaries it doth return again by the lowest steps of humblenesse to implore the high patronage of your Princely favour emboldened specially because it carrieth Caesar and his Fortunes as they come related from the same Author which in the deep Judgement of his most excellent Majesty is preferred above all other profane histories and so commended by his sacred Authority to your reading as a chief pattern and Master-piece of the Art of war And herein your admired wisedome may happily the rather deem it capable of freer passage in that it is not altogether unproper for these happy daies as knowing that War is never so well handled as when it is made an Argument of discourse in times of sweet and plenteous peace The blessings whereof may ever crown your years as the soveraign good of this temporarie life and the chiefest Ornaments of Princely condition The humblest of your Highness servants CLEMENT EDMONDS In CLEMENTIS EDMONDI De re militari ad JUL. CAESARIS Commentarios Observationes CUr creperos motus aperto praelia Marte Edmondus nobis pace vigente refert Cur sensus mentesque Ducum rimatur effert Diserteque Anglos bellica multa docet Scilicet ut media meditetur praelia pace Anglia belli potens nec moriatur honos Providus haec certe patriae depromit in usus Ut patriae pacem qui cupit arma parat Guil. Camdenus Cl. To my friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS WHo thus extracts with more then Chymick Art The spirit of Books shews the true way to find Th' Elixer that our leaden Parts convert Into the golden Metall of the Mind Who thus observes in such materiall kind The certain Motions of his Practises Knows on what Center th' Actions of Mankind Turn in their course and sees their fatalness And he that can make these observances Must be above his Book more then his Pen. For we may be assur'd he men can guesse That thus doth CAESAR know the Man of men Whose Work improv'd here to our greater gain Makes CAESAR more then CAESAR to contain Sam. Daniel To his worthy friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS OBserving well what Thou hast well Observ'd In CAESARS Works his Warres and Discipline Whether His Pen hath earn'd more Praise or Thine My shallow Censure doubtfully hath swerv'd If strange it were if wonder it deserv'd That what He wrought so fair He wrote so fine Me thinks it 's stranger that Thy learned Line Should our best Leaders lead not having serv'd But hereby Clement hast Thou made thee known Able to counsell aptest to record The Conquests of a CAESAR of our own HENRY thy Patron and my Princely Lord. Whom O! Heav'n prosper and protect from harms In glorious Peace and in victorious Arms. JOSUAH SILVESTER TO MY FRIEND MASTER CLEMENT EDMONDS Epigramme NOt Caesar's deeds nor all his honours wonne In these West-parts nor when that warre was done The name of Pompey for an Enemie Cato to boot Rome and her libertie All yielding to his fortune nor the while To have ingrav'd these Acts with his own stile And that so strong and deep as might be thought He wrote with the same spirit that he fought Nor that his Work liv'd in the hands of foes Un-argu'd then and yet hath fame from those Not all these Edmonds or what else put to Can so speak Caesar as thy Labours do For where his person liv'd scarce one just age And that ' midst envy ' and Parts then fell by rage His deeds too dying save in books whose good How few have read how fewer understood Thy learned hand and true Promethean Art As by a new creation part by part In every counsell stratageme designe Action or Engine worth a note of thine T' all future time not only doth restore His Life but makes that he can dye no more Ben. Johnson Another of the same WHo Edmonds reads thy book and doth not see What th' antique Souldiers were the modern be Wherein thou shew'st how much the later are Beholden to this Master of the Warre And that in Action there is nothing new More then to varie what our Elders knew Which all but ignorant Captains will confesse Not to give Caesar this makes ours the lesse Yet thou perhaps shalt meet some tongues will grutch That to the world thou shouldst reveal so much And thence deprave thee and thy Work To those Caesar stands up as from his urne late rose By thy great Art and doth proclaim by me They murder him again that envie thee Ben. Johnson CAIUS IULIUS CAESAR DICTATOR PERPETUUS AETATIS SUAE LVI CAESARIS ELOGIVM C. JULIUS CAESAR Lucii Caesaris F. Lux Caesarum Pater Romanus Alexander Terrae Mars Omnibus tam metuendus quam mitis Pretium fecit servituti Victo orbe Vrbem victricem orbis vicit Defuêre illi hostes hostem habuit Patriam Ne deesset unquam quod vinceret Ingratam Patriam patriis armis puniit Eam vicit invitus quâ vixit invitâ Qui Romae propugnator non regnavit regnavit expugnator Pro Roma triumphârat de Roma triumphavit Amavit tamen inimicam nolenti profuit Saepe à fulmine lauro servatus regiâ Quem inermem timuerunt arma armata necavit toga Cessit Civibus Caesar Caesus Sero cognitum luxit Patria Viventem hostem mortuum vocavit Patrem Parricidium confessa cum patrem dixit Disce lector Melius saepe quae non habes vides quam quae habes THE LIFE OF C. JULIUS CAESAR with certain Historicall Observations upon his Medalls THe excessive Lustre of a million of gallant atchievements successefully performed by Caesar the most illustrious and celebrated Favourite of Fortune hath through all ages so dazzled the greatest part of Mankind especially those both ancient and modern who made it their businesse to describe the great transactions either of their own or former ages that they have not onely parallell'd him with the greatest Heroes of the first ages but have ballanc'd him with Alexander the most generous and the most
grlorious of all Monarchs Nay in their account Caesar farre outweighs him since that all that may be call'd great or illustrious either as to Vertue Valour true Magnanimity or Clemency is more conspicuous in him then in all the Roman Emperours who after him sate at the helm of that Monarchy Those who made difficulty to assign him the first place among the Roman Emperours considered not certainly that the designation of a building is the Master-piece of the Architect and that superstruction may require no eminency of perfection For having consummated those innumerable Trophees he had erected among the Galls by those about Pharsalia he laid the foundation of that eternall fame the world hath deservedly honoured him with since nay to that height of adoration had he rais'd the minds of Posterity that his very Successours thought it their greatest glory to wear the livery of his Name and after him to be called Caesars To offer at a perfect anatomy of this great man's actions were to quote most Authours and writers that have been and consequently a work of too long a breath It shall therefore suffice to trace him out in those great designes whereby he laid the foundations of the Roman greatnesse The first thing worthy not onely notice but admiration is the strange judgement of Sylla of him who reflecting on the great perfections of Caesar when yet a youth and the strange vivacity and conduct of his first actions made that inhumane proposition that he might be killed as he had caus'd divers of the Kinred and party of Marius who had married Iulia an Aunt of Caesar's by the mother side Nor doth Envy want pretences since as he conjectur'd one Caesar contain'd many Marius's and should if suffer'd to live prove the Viper of the Common-wealth But this may be easily passed by since that they are indeed the greatest actions that must expect Censure But it must in the mean time denote a strange transcendency of courage and confidence to think to conquer that people who had conquer'd the Vniverse it must be the effect of an ambition more then humane for this is commonly fetter'd to probabilities The Emperour Iulian though he hath made it his businesse to satyrize against his predecessors yet having to do with Caesar he by a strange fiction discovers the greatnesse of his designations Caesar sayes he a person of a gallant and gracefull presence being entered the place where Romulus was to entertain the Gods and Roman Emperours at the Saturnalian feasts came in with such an insolent deportment that the Gods were of opinion he was not come thither unlesse it were to manage some ambitious plots against the Majesty of Heaven whereof Iupiter being very jealous he was thrust by till at last Mars and Venus made him place The ingenuity of this Satyrist amounts onely to thus much to paint ever that great Vertue that great indulgence of Nature and Fortune in the colours of an insatiable ambition which had not this Censor been excessively guilty of might have prov'd somewhat But the endowments of Nature the constant presence of Fortune and the surprizing Glory consequentiall to his Actions were the Genius's that rais'd him to such high adventures as the sudden change of the Democraticall State of Rome into a Monarchicall to pretend a title to the great acquests of a valorous people for 700. yeares and to assume to himself an Empire far greater then the Assyrian Persian or Macedonian both in extent of time greatnesse and power For not to descend to the acquisitions of the later Emperours we shall onely take a view of the Roman Empire as it stood before Caesar seiz'd the raines of Government In Europe they were Masters of all Italy and Gallia Cisalphina or Lombardy Austria and Illiricum now call'd Slavonia reaching as farre as Danubius They had reduc'd all Greece the States of Athens Lacedemonia Thebes Corinth and all Peloponesus now call'd Morea Macedon and Epire now call'd Albania and Thrace They had the Islands of Sicily Sardynia Creeta Candia Cypres Rhodes and Negrepont and divers others in the Mediterranean Sea They had taken in all Spain and which was Caesar's own work all France that part of Germany lying on the Rhine call'd Gallia Belgica and great Britain They were Masters of all Africk the third part of the world then even to pull down the pride of Carthage The best Provinces of Asia were Tributaries as Syria Phoenicia Palestina Iudaea Phrygia Caria Cilicia and Bithynia Aegypt and Cappadocia were confederates In Armenia and Colchos they had forces Albania Iberia and some other Countries paid Contributions and did homage In fine they were so great that they were unconquerable unlesse by their own strength that so they might have this satisfaction and glory in their conquest that they triumph'd over themselves It is easy to attribute to ambition and discord what is the design of Fate Greatnesse must expect a period and to be successefull presumes a happy conjuncture of men and affaires Some differences there were between Caesar and Pompey the most eminent and the most powerfull in Rome rak'd up in the embers of the civile warre between Sylla and Marius wherein the later being slain the other made himself Dictator and seiz'd Rome but quitted both before his death Pompey had sided with Sylla Caesar with Marius as being his Kinsman But to ascend a little higher in these Broiles we are to note that Sylla having dispower'd himself Pompey and Crassus came into repute The later was the more recommended by his wisdome eloquence Nobility and excessive riches the other had gain'd the popular esteem by his Victories and great actions in warre even in Sylla's time While the differences of these two encreas'd with their greatnesse Caesar returns to Rome from his Praetorship in Spain bringing that reputation with him that swell'd the greatnesse and ambition of his thoughts He had gone through most charges Civile and Military he had been Quaestor Tribune of the Souldiers Aedile High-priest and Praetor All which with other accomplishments he was furnish'd with which we shall mention elsewhere though they brought him into much esteem yet was he not yet arriv'd to near the Authority and reputation of either Crassus or Pompey Caesar though he were come to Rome yet stifled all thoughts of aspiring for a while so that both Crassus and Pompey apply'd themselves to him hoping by his accession to ruine one the other But Caesar declin'd both and carried himself with circumspection that he endeavour'd to reconcile them so hoping by his new trality to undermine them both which was as Plutarch sayes observ'd onely by Cato At length he so order'd things that he made an agreement between them and so oblig'd both which caus'd that retaining some jealousies of each other they equally courted Caesar's friendship by which means he became equall to either so that the power which before was between two became now tripartite Things being thus appeas'd Caesar demands the
Consulship which obtain'd he carried himself in it with that reputation that his Co-Consul Bibulus left all to his managery To maintain the authority he had got he himself took to wife Calpurnia the daughter of Lucius Piso who was to succeed him in the Consulate and bestowes his own Daughter Iulia on Pompey and so taking in Crassus they make a League and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the Common-wealth Caesar chuses for his Province the Galls or France Crassus Asia Pompey Spain whither they went with three puissant Armies as if the world had been to be trichotomiz'd among these three What Caesar did in his Province what Battels he fought what people he subdued what valour policy successe follow'd him every where may be seen in his own Commentaries of that war approv'd by his very enemies as modest and impartiall and attested by Cicero Plutarch Suetonius Appianus Alexandrinus Lucan Paulus Orosius Florus Eutropius too great a testimony against one censorious Asinius Pollio By this war Caesar got the reputation of the greatest Captain that ever was subduing all France from the Pyrenean hills to the Alps and so to the Rhene But to forbear particular instances as that he conquer'd the Suissers and Tigurins who were according to Plutarch 300000. men whereof 19000. were well disciplin'd this is most worth our remark that during these so great warres he omitted not both by intelligence and presents to endear his friends both at Rome and elsewhere doing many things without the Senate's leave upon the score of the League with Pompey and Crassus Nay his courting of all sorts of people both Souldier and Citizen was none of his least master-pieces by which means he had supplanted Pompey in matter of esteem before he perceiv'd it To this purpose hath Pliny observed Lib. 33. cap. 3. that in the time of his Aedility that is to say his Shrievedome he was so prodigall that all the Vtensills and armes that he made use of at publick sports and combats were all of silver which yet afterwards were bestow'd among the people and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver This it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine and that he plunder'd Temples and Cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum But this reputation of Caesar begat jealousy in Pompey which the tye of their correspondence being loos'd by the death of Iulia was easily seen to break forth into a flame especially now that Crassus the third man was together with divers stout Roman Legions buried with infamy in Parthia Thus the foundations of Friendship and Alliance in great ones being once taken away the superstructures fall down immediately Nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons as Pompey and Caesar the one defying superiority the other equality but as great a war It could not but be universall when Senate Armies Kingdomes Cities Allies all were some way or other embarqu'd in the quarrell There was on one side 11. Legions on the other 18. The seat of the warre was Italy France Epirus Thessaly Aegypt Asia and Africk through all which after it had ravag'd 5. yeares the controversy was decided in Spain That Ambition the imperfection onely of the greatest minds might have been the occasion of so inveterate a warre hath been the opinion of divers others who charge not Pompey with so great discoveries of it as Caesar to whom they assign a greater then the Empire as if their mutuall distrust and jealousy of one another should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many Countries Besides Caesar had his Enemies at Rome and among others Cato who threatned to impeach him when he was once out of command What bandying there was against him we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth Commentary to this purpose Lentulus and Marcellus both of Pompey's Faction being Consuls it is mov'd in the Senate that Caesar might be call'd home and another sent to supply his command of the Army then in Gallia since that he having written for the Consulship should according to Law have been personally in Rome Caesar demands to be continued in Commission and Government and that he might demand the Consulship absent This Pompey opposes though he himself as much contrary to Law had had the Consulship and other dignities before he was at full Age. This deny'd Caesar proposes that he would come to Rome as a private man and give over his command so that Pompey quitted his employment in Spain About this the Senate was much divided Cicero proposes a mediation but Pompey's party prevailing it was decreed that Caesar should by a certain time quit his command and should not passe his Army over the River Rubicon which bounded his Province declaring him an enemy to the Roman State in case of refusall C. Curio and M. Antonius the Tribunes of the people out of their affection to Caesar endeavouring to oppose this decree were thrust disgracefully out of the Senate which occasion'd them to repair to Caesar whereby they endear'd the affections of the Souldiery to him the office of the Tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable Caesar understanding how things stood at Rome marches with 5000. foot and 300. Horse to Ravenna having commanded the Legions to follow Coming to the fatall passage of Rubicon he entered into a deep deliberation considering the importance and miseries that might ensue that passage At last in the midst of his anxiety he was animated to a prosecution of his designes by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape sitting near unto his army piping upon a reed The Souldiers went down to the River side to heare him and approach'd so near that he caught one of their trumpets and leaping into the River began with a mighty blast to sound and so went to the bank of the other side This resolves Caesar who cry'd out Let us go whither the Gods and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us With which he set spurs to his horse and past the River the army following Who would be more particularly inform'd may be satisfi'd out of Appianus Alexandrinus Suetonius Plutarch in the lives of Caesar Cato and Cicero St. Augustine l. 3. de c. d. Caesar himself in his Commentaries Florus Livy Paulus Orosius Eutropius Lucan Pliny de viris illustribus Valerius Maximus c. Having pass'd the River and drawn the Army together the Tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from Rome Whereupon he made an excellent oration to the Souldiery opening to them his cause which was answer'd with generall acclamations and promises of duty and obedience to all commands This done he seizes Ariminum and divers other Towns and Castles as he past till he came to Corfinium where Domitius who was to succeed him in his command was garrison'd with 30. Cohorts Caesar's advance and intentions astonished Rome Senate and people nay
shore of the Aegaean Sea where meeting accidentally with a certain Merchants ship of Rome he embarques himself in her and sailes to Mitylene where his wife and family were Having taken them with him and got together what men and ships a shatter'd fortune could furnish him with he departed thence in very great doubt and perplexity not able to resolve whither to dispose of himself He was advis'd by some to march into Africa and shelter himself with Iuba whose friendship and affection towards him he had receiv'd testimony of but very lately others were of opinion his best course was to retire among the Parthians but at last by his own wilfulnesse it was voted he should go into Aegypt which he was the more inclin'd to out of a consideration of the friendship and correspondence which he had had with King Ptolemey father to him who then reign'd and so touching at Cyprus he sailes towards Aegypt and arrives at Alexandria Thus was the controversy for no lesse then the known world decided in one day Caesar being Master of the field and Victory Of Pompey's side there were slain fifteen thousand if you will take it upon Caesar's credit and of his own not two thousand Caesar having intelligence of Pompey's flight pursues him without any stay with the swiftest and lightest of his Army so to give him as little breath as he could afford that he might not meet with any means or opportunity to recover or repair himself Reducing all Cities as he passed he comes to the Sea side and taking up all the ships and gallies he could meet with and such as Cassius who was receiv'd into his favour could furnish him with he embarques such troups as he could and passed into Asia the lesse where understanding that Pompey had been at Cyprus he easily presumed that he was gone for Aegypt He thereupon resolves to take the same course and taking with him onely two Legions of his old Souldiers he safely arrives at Alexandria where he soon understood that Pompey was arrived upon a confidence as was said before there might have remain'd some sense and memory in young Ptolemey of the entertainment and favours he had done his Father But he was as much mistaken in this as he had been eluded by Fotune in the warre for he finds that the friendship of great men and Princes seldome outlives their prosperity and that adversity makes them the greatest strangers that may be Being by this King Ptolemey invited into Protection and upon that confidence coming towards the shore in a small Boat he was ere he could reach the land murdered by the same Kings commandment by Septimius and Achillas who thought by that means to purchase Caesar's favour This was done by the contrivance of Photinus an Eunuch whose authority both with King and Court was very great Caesar receives also news that Pompey's wife and his Son Sextus Pompeius were fled from that port in the same vessell wherein they came Being landed and received into the City he was soon presented with the head of the great Pompey which out of a consideration of the horridnesse of the fact he would not by any means see His Ring also and his Seal with his Coat of Armes upon it were presented to him which causing him to reflect on the great successes adventures and prosperities of that great and glorious man besides that he was to look on him as his Son in Law it drew teares from him to compare them with his unfortunate end Thus is he who had three times triumph'd been so many times Consul been the most eminent and the most concerned person that Rome had for so many yeares together one who had been acquainted with all the dignities so great a Common-wealth could conferre upon a deserving Citizen most inhumanely and perfidiously assassinated to the greatest regret of him who was look'd on as most desirous of it This in the mean time concludes that opinion erroneous that Caesar was so extremely over-joy'd at the newes of Pompey's death that he caus'd upon that very place where he had ordered his head to be interr'd a Temple to be built to the Goddesse Nemesis which some interpret a most unnaturall revengefulnesse a horrid insultation over a clamitous vertue and a prophanation of divine worship to abuse the name of a Goddesse for to immortalize the memory of his vengeance and to authorize the injustice of it But it is as easy to give the title of barbarisme and cruelty to magnanimity and height of courage as to say the contrary and therefore Caesar certainly could not be guilty of so great an Hypocrisy as to shed teares over his enemy's head when he was inwardly surpriz'd with joy Caesar upon his arrivall into Aegypt findes it embroil'd in civile warres arising from some differences between young Ptolemey and his sister Cleopatra about the division and inheritance of the Kingdome wherein Caesar as Consul of Rome thought sit to be a mediator Photinus and Achillas the plotters and practicers of Pompey's death fearing from Caesar a reward of vengeance proportion'd to so horrid a crime and perceiving his inclination to favour Cleopatra take such order by their great influence over King and Court that they brought what Army the King had near the City which consisted of about 20000. able men and this they did out of a design to entrap Caesar and act the same perfidious butchery upon him as they had done upon Pompey By this means there began between what forces Caesar had brought with him and those of the Aegyptians within and about the City as also between the ships and gallies in harbour the hotest disputes and sharpest encounters he ever met with which we shall not particularize here because it is the proper work of a compleat history One thing our observation cannot balk in these hot and occasionall engagements that Caesar himself was personally engag'd in most disputes both within the City and among the ships and that to the great hazzard of his person as may appear by that one adventure when he was forc'd to leap out of the Boat wherein he was into the Sea and by swimming to recover one of his gallies and being in this great extremity if you will believe Suetonius he carried his Commentaries in one hand above the water and his robe in his teeth that it might not fall into the enemies hands In these conflicts were there nine months spent at which time Caesar receiving his forces out of Asia made an end of the controversy with the same attendance of Fortune and Victory which had waited on him every where else Had Caesar been acquainted with no warre but this he might justly challenge the title of the greatest Captain in the world so much personall valour wisdome conduct circumspection and policy did he expresse in all passages thereof though encompassed with all the inconveniences and disadvantages imaginable Aegypt being thus quieted the murtherers of Pompey punish'd and Cleopatra by whom Caesar
had a Son call'd Caesario establish'd Queen Caesar takes his march towards Asia through Syria having receiv'd intelligence that while he was engag'd in the warres of Aegypt King Pharnaces the Son of the mighty Mithridates taking his advantage of the dissensions among the Romans entertained some hopes of recovering what his Father had lost having in order thereto overthrown Domitius whom Caesar had left Governour in those parts and taken in by force the Provinces of Bithynia and Cappadocia expelling thence Ariobarzanes a friend and subject to Rome The like he intended to have done with Armenia the lesse which King Dejotarus had made subject to the Romans But Caesar coming upon Pharnaces before he expected him they in a few dayes came to a Battell which in a few hours was dispatched to the overthrow of the King and the infinite slaughter of his people which he himself escaped by flight This Victory gave Caesar more satisfaction then any of his former because of the great desire he had to return to Rome where he was informed many scandalls were spread and insolencies committed by the encouragement of his absence He had also understood that Pompey's eldest Son had seiz'd a great part of Spain and out of those that M. Varro had left there and some gleanings of his Father's troups had gotten together some considerable force He also knew that most of the principall Romans who had escaped the Battel at Pharsalia were gathered together in Africk and headed by M. Cato surnamed Vticensis for having kill'd himself at Vtica and Pompey's Father-in-Law that they had a great part of Pompey's navy that with the assistance of Iuba King of Mauritania they had subdu'd all that Country and had a great Army in readinesse against Caesar having chosen Scipio for their General because that name had been fortunate in Africk Caesar upon intelligence of all these transactions with his wonted celerity and diligence recovers all that Pharnaces had usurped chasing him from Pontus regained all those Countries which he recommended to the government of Caelius Minucius with two Legions where having reconciled differences decided all controversies and settled all things by rewarding and gratifying those Kings and Tetrarchs who had continued firm to the Common-wealth and interest of Rome he made no longer aboad in Asia but passing with all expedition into Italy he came to Rome within a little more then a year after he had departed thence wherewith if we compare his great expeditions and adventures it would prove matter of faith and astonishment to consider how such vast Armies should passe through so many countries in so short a time Some few dayes after his coming to Rome he is created the third time Consul and as farre as time and the exigencies of his affairs permitted studied the reformation of what disorders there then were For that his Enemies before-mentioned should be Masters of Africk was a thing he could not easily digest Therefore with his ordinary expedition he marches thitherward and commands his forces to follow He took shipping in Sicily and so passed into Africk having no great force with him however such was his confidence of his Fortune that he staid not the arrivall of either his Army or navy Being landed with his small forces near unto the City of Adrumetum he marches unto another called Leptis where he was received and where he took occasion by some conflicts to keep the enemy in action so to divert them from augmenting their forces In fine his Legions being arrived he very earnestly set himself to the prosecution of the war in which though it lasted but four Months from the beginning of Ianuary to the end of Aprill there happened many encounters and Battels For having dispatched what work Petreius and Labienus found him he came to deal with Scipio and King Iuba who had brought an assistance of 8000. men whereof one half were Cavalry Africa at that time being very abundant in horse as may appear partly in that Caesar's enemies had among them raised in that Country besides eight Legions of foot 20000. horse Hirtius Plutarch Lucan and Florus have written at large of this warre and tell you that Caesar was many times in very great danger as to his own person yet at last by the assistance of his forces and the compliance of his great Fortune he put a period to that warre by one signall Battel wherein there being slain of the Enemies side 10000. they were utterly defeated Caesar remained Master of the field and shortly after of all the Country The principall Captains of the adverse party though they escaped death at the fight died most of them miserably and unfortunately King Iuba himself being for want of refuge brought to that despair that fighting with Afranius and killing him he commanded one of his own slaves to dispatch himself Marcus Cato being in Vtica hearing of Caesar's approach though confident not onely of his pardon but his particular favour yet either out of an indignation to be oblig'd by his enemy or an extravagant zeal to Liberty laid violent hands on himself Cicero wrote a book in commendation of Cato to justify that action which Caesar answer'd with another which he called Anti-Cato both which are lost The Ceremony of his death was very remarkable for upon hearing of the miscarriage of most of his partners he embraces his Son and Friends and bids them good night pretending to go to bed Resting upon his bed he took into his hand Plato's book of the immortality of the Soul wherein having satisfied himself he about the relieving of the watch with a Roman resolution drew his sword and ran himself into the Body Being not quite dispatch'd Physitians came in and apply'd something to the wound which he suffer'd while they staid with him but assoon as they were departed he pull'd all off and thrust his dying hand into the wound Scipio the Generall in this war having escaped and shipp'd himself in certain Gallies was met by Caesar's navy but to avoid being taken by them he gave himself some wounds and leapt over-board and so was drown'd Caesar being by this means absolute Victor spends some time in ordering the Provinces of Africk which done and reducing Iuba's Kingdome into a Province he comes to Vtica whence he embarqued the third of Iune for Sardinia where having staid some few dayes he arrives at Rome Iuly 25. whither as soon as he was come there were granted unto him four Triumphs The first was for his conquest and Victories in France wherein were set forth the Rivers of Rhodanus and the Rhene wrought in gold In the second which was for Aegypt and King Ptolemey were represented the River Nile and the Pharos of Alexandria burning The third was for his Victory over King Pharnaces wherein a certain writing represented the celerity he used in the prosecution of that Victory which onely contain'd three words Veni Vidi Vici I came I saw I overcame The fourth was for his
made use of a Iavelin or Pike as well as Mars but it is to be conceived this was more for the convenience of his travelling which was afoot and that many times in the winter haply over the Alpes according to the custome of most of the great Captains and Generalls of Rome as Livy and Plutarch abundantly attest The tenth Medall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cai Iulii Caesaris Imperatoris Dictatoris The effigies of Caesar crowned with a thick crown of Laurell which closed before the better to cover his baldnesse the hair being thrust forward to help it The reverse hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliensium bis Neocororum Aeneas carrying his Father and the Palladium at their quitting of Troy the little Iulus going before with his hat in his hand That which in this falls under question is First to know the situation of this Ilium wherein Strabo hath spent more sweat then all the Geographers affirming it was not the Ilium of his time a town well known nor any thing built upon the ruines of the old one so ill-entreated by the Greeks as being distant from this thirty stadia that in that place there was only a small village bearing up the name that it was built up by Alexander from a small town that it was before having a little Temple of Minerva much ruin'd and received from him divers priviledges and immunities with a promise after his Victory over Darius of a magnificent Temple and the toleration and setting up of Games and exercises This was partly executed after his death by Lysimachus who enlarged the City by a wall of forty stadia disposing thither many out of the neighbouring Cities that were ruin'd After which it was ruined and restored diverse times but lastly it received great favours from Sylla which is conceived to be the reason that it declared against Caesar in the Civile warres whence it may be inferred that those of that City knew not at that time that Caesar pretended to be of the race of Venus and Anchises which was only found out after his Victory But at length Caesar receives them into favour restores and confirmes their ancient priviledges and immunities and imitating Alexander did them many courtesies In the second place the understanding of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iliensium Neocororum The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is translated commonly Aedituorum which we cannot render properly in English but by Overseers Supervisors and those that are entrusted with the charge of the Temples and dispose of all things sacred or in some sort they were such as we call Church-wardens in our Churches But they are not those Neocori of the Temples that this Medall and divers others represent unto us but the word was analogically applyed to whole Nations as also to Cities and Bodies corporate to whom the Kings and afterwards the Emperours gave Commissions to make Panegyricks and Encomiastick Orations upon their Statues Pomps religious worships publick recreations and exercises to the honour of their Gods and Princes which was done out of the publick stock or by the contribution of the Corporations As therefore the Neocori that belonged to the Temples were disposers and guardians of the things sacred that were in their Sanctuaries nay haply entertained the people or strangers with the rarities and antiquities of their worships and mysteries so these Nationall Neocori had the superintendency over the Pomps and Solemnities panegyricall celebrations exercises sacrifices and ceremonies which were to be observed upon the more festivall dayes whereof they had the absolute disposall This I build upon the conjecture of the Great and Learned SELDEN who was the first cut this Gordian knot upon a passage of the Acts of the Apostles chap. 19. There we have Demetrius and those of his profession raising a Tumult and accusing St. Paul and others for preaching that the Statues made with the hands of men were not Gods The Town-Clark or the Church-warden having appeased the Tumult tells them that it was wellknown that the City of Ephesus was then Neocore in the English Translation worshipper of the great Goddesse Diana and of the Image fallen from Iupiter and that therefore there being no contradiction in that they ought not to do any thing rashly For these men faith he are neither sacrilegious nor blasphemous persons and therefore have done nothing against the Majesty of Diana But if they had any matter against any man the Law was open but in case it were something else relating to their Goddesse whether by Blasphemy impiety or sacriledge the cognizance whereof did of right belong to the Ephesians in body as being then Neocori they should have satisfaction in a full assembly convocated for things of that nature Now those silver shrines which Demetrius is said to make are conceived to have been Modells of that magnificent Temple which the Ephesians being Neocori caused out of magnifice to be made of that rich Metall Had this controversy between the Apostles and the Goldsmiths come to a decision they had proceeded thus They would have had some to make publick panegyricks of their Goddesse in the first place then if Paul and his companions should not rest satisfied this Neocorean people would have punished them according to their manner Now that the Neocori of the Temples were used to commend to all comers especially Travellers the greatnesse and power of their Gods and that the Neocori of Cities imitated them but did it with great Pomp employing persons eminent for Learning and Eloquence as Poets and Orators for the honour of their Gods as also their Kings Monarchs Emperours Founders and that upon dayes in stituted and ordain'd for that purpose may be learn'd from Horace who lib. 2. Ep. 1. writing to Augustus call's those Poets Aidituos who should immortalize the Vertue of that Emperour or rather those who were charg'd to chose such as should do it in these verses Sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere quale is Aedituos habeat belli spectata domique Virtus indigno non committenda Poetae But besides Selden hath well observed that there were none of these Medalls in the time of the Common-wealth for that the Cities of Greece were not yet arrived to that esteem of the Roman greatnesse by the fabrick of their monies and other signes of veneration which they have come to since it became a Monarchy This is the opinion of that great judicious man which yet is not absolutely true for there were found the marks of this magnificence under the title of Neocori abundantly among the Medalls of Alexander the Great whereof Goltzius reckons above 20. with this inscriptionâ— KOINON MAKE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whence may be observ'd that the people of Macâ—donia being generally Neocori had caused these Coins to be stamp'd in the honour of Alexander having upon the reverse the figures of statues chariots temples columns c. Nay the Maroneans in
consider the weaknesse of mans judgement in censuring things best known unto it self and the disability of his discourse in discovering the nature of unacquainted objects choosing rather to hold any sensible impression which custome hath by long practice inured then to hearken to some other more reasonable perswasion I do not marvell that such souldiers whose knowledge groweth only from experience consisteth in the rules of their own practice are hardly perswaded that history and speculative learning are of any use in perfecting of their Art being so different in nature from the principles of their cunning and of so small affinity with the life of action wherein the use of Armes and atchievements of war seem to have their chiefest being But those purer spirits embelished with learning and enriched with the knowledge of other mens fortunes wherein variety of accidents affordeth variety of instructions the mutuall conference of things happened begetteth both similitudes and differences contrary natures but yet joyntly concurring to season our judgement with discretion and to enstall wisdome in the government of the mind These men I say mounting aloft with the wings of contemplation do easily discover the ignorance of such Martialists as are only trained up in the school of practice and taught their rudiments under a few yeares experience which serveth to interpret no other authour but it self nor can approve his maxims but by his own authority and are rather moved to pity their hard fortune having learned only to be ignorant then to envy their skill in matter of war when they oppose themselves against so manifest a truth as this that a meer practicall knowledge cannot make a perfect souldier Which proposition that I may the better confirme give me leave to reason a little of the grounds of learning and dispute from the habitude of Arts and sciences which are then said to be perfectly attained when their particular parts are in such sort apprehended that from the variety of that individuality the intellectuall power frameth generall notions and maxims of rule uniting terms of the same nature in one head and distinguishing diversities by differences of properties aptly dividing the whole body into his greatest and smallest branches and fitting each part with his descriptions duties cautions and exceptions For unlesse the understanding be in this sort qualified and able by logisticall discourse to ascend by way of composition from singularity to catholike conceptions and return again the same way to the lowest order of his partitions the mind cannot be said to have the perfection of that Art nor instructed in the true use of that knowledge but guiding her self by some broken precepts feeleth more want by that she hath not then benefit by that she hath Whereby it followeth that a science divided into many branches and consisting in the multiplicity of divers members being all so interessed in the Bulk that a maime of the smallest part causeth either debility or deformity in the body cannot be said to be throughly attained nor conceived with such a profiting apprehension as steeleth the mind with true judgement and maketh the scholar master in his Art unlesse the nature of these particularities be first had and obtained And for as much as no one science or faculty whatsoever in multitude and plurality of parts may any way be comparable to the Art military wherein every small and unrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the Action and breedeth such disparity and difference that the resemblance of their equall participating properties is blemished with the dissimilitude of their disagreeing parts it cannot be denied but he that is acquainted with most of these particular occurrences and best knoweth the variety of chances in the course of war must needs be thought a more perfect souldier and deserveth a title of greater dignity in the profession of Armes then such as content themselves with a few common precepts and over-worn rules without which as they cannot be said at all to be souldiers so with them and no more they no way deserve the name of skilfull and perfect men of war Now whether meer experience or experience joyned with reading and discourse do feast the mind with more variety and choice of matter or entertain knowledge with greater plenty of novelties incident to expeditions and use of Armes I will use no other reason to determine of this question then that which Franciscus Patricius alleadgeth in his parallels where he handleth this Argument which I intreat of He that followeth a war saith he doth see either the course of the whole or but a part only If his knowledge extend no farther then a part he hath learned lesse then he that saw the whole but admit he hath seen and learned the instructions of one whole war he hath notwithstanding learned lesse then he that hath seen the proceeding of two such wars and he again hath not seen so much as another that hath served in three severall wars and so by degrees a souldier that hath served ten yeares must needes know more then one that hath not served so long And to conclude he that hath received 22 yeares stipend which was the just time of service amongst the Romans before a souldier could be dismist hath greater meanes of experience then another that hath not so long a time followed the camp and cannot challenge a discharge by order and custome And hence it consequently followeth that if in one or more or all these wars there have happened few or no actions of service which might teach a souldier the practice of Armes that then his learning doth not countervail his labour And if the war through the negligence or ignorance of the chief commanders have been ill carried he can boast of no knowledge but that which acquainted him with the corruptions of military discipline if the part which he followed were defeated and overthrown he knoweth by experience how to loose but not how to gain And therefore it is not only experience and practice which maketh a souldier worthy of his name but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions wherein reason errour like merchants in traffick enterchange contrary events of fortune giving sometime copper for silver and balme for poyson and repaying again the like commodity as time and circumstances do answer their directions And this knowledge is onely to be learned in the registers of antiquity and in histories recording the motions of former ages Caius Julius Casar whose actions are the subject of these discourses after his famous victories in France and that he had gotten the provinces of Spain broken the strength of the Roman Empire at Pharsalia was held a souldier surmounting envy and all her exceptions and yet notwithstanding all this the battel he had with Pharnaces king of Pontus was like to have buried the glory of his former conquests in the dishonourable memory of a wilfull overthrow For having possest himself of
secret projects and these again serve as foiles to more eminent intentions being also discoloured with dissimulation and so insnared in the sleights of subtilty that when you look for war you shall find peace and expecting peace you shall fall into troubles dissentions and wars So crabbed and crooked is his argument in respect of Livies fortune and such art is required to unfold the truth of those mysteries But to answer this objection in a word and so to proceed to that which followeth I say those immortall memories of vertue which former time recordeth are more necessary to be known then any stratagems of subtler ages for equity and valour being truly apprehended so season the motions of the soul that albeit in so corrupt a course they cannot peradventure stir up imitation yet they oftentimes hinder many malicious practices and devilish devises when evil is reproved by the knowledge of good and condemned by the authority of better ages And if we will needs follow those steps which the present course of the world hath traced and play the Cretian with the Cretian this objection hindreth nothing but that history especially these of later times affordeth sufficient instructions to make a souldier perfect in that point Let not therefore any man despise the sound instructions which learning affordeth nor refuse the helps that history doth offer to perfect the weaknesse of a short experience especially when no worth can countervail the weight of so great a businesse for I take the office of a chief commander to be a subject capable of the greatest wisdome that may be apprehended by naturall meanes being to manage a multitude of disagreeing minds as a fit instrument to execute a designe of much consequence and great expectation and to qualify both their affections and apprehensions according to the accidents which rise in the course of his directions besides the true judgement which he ought to have of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end wherein our providence cannot have enough either from learning or experience to prevent disadvantages or to take hold of opportunities Neither can it be denied but as this knowledge addeth perfection to our judgement so it serveth also as a spur to glory and increaseth the desire of honour in such as behold the atchievements of vertue commended to a perpetuall posterity having themselves the like meanes to consecrate their memory to succeeding aâ—es wherein they may serve for examples of valour and reap the reward of true honour Or to conclude if we thirst after the knowledge of our own fortune and long to foresee the end of that race which we have taken which is the chiefest matter of consequence in the use of Arms what better conjecture can be made then to look into the course of former times which have proceeded from like beginnings and were continued with like meanes and therefore not unlikely to sort unto like ends And now if it be demanded whether reading or practice have the first place in this Art serveth as a foundation to the rest of the buildings let Marius answer this question who envying at the nobility of Rome saith thus Qui postquam consules facti sunt acta Majorum Graecorum militaria praecepta legere ceperint homines praeposteri nam legere quam fieri tempore posterius re usupriusest Whereas saith he reading ought to go before practice although it follow it in course of time for there is no reading but of something practised before these preposterous men after they are made Consuls and placed at the helm of government begin to read when they should practice that which they had read and so bewray their insufficiency of knowledge by using out of time that which in time is most necessary This testimony gave Marius of reading and book-learning being him 〈◊〉 an enemy to the same for as much as all his knowledge came by meer experience But howsoever his judgement was good in this point for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soul and cannot well be produced untill the Idea thereof be first imprinted in the mind according to which pattern the outward being and sensible resemblance is duely fashioned how is it possible that any action can be well expressed when the mind is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort as shall best agree with the occurrents of such natures as are necessarily interessed both in the means and in the end thereof And therefore speculative knowledge as the Tramontane to direct the course of all practice is first to be respected But that I may not seem partiall in this controversy but carry an equall hand between two so necessary yoak-fellowes give me leave to conclude in a word the benefit of practice and define the good which cometh from experience that so nothing that hath been spoken may seem to come from affection or proceed from the forge of unjust partiality And first it cannot be denied but that practice giveth boldnesse and assurance in action and maketh men expert in such things as they take in hand for no man can rest upon such certainty through the theorick of knowledge as he that hath seen his learning verified by practice and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proofe Besides there are many other accomplements gotten only by practice which grace the presence of knowledge and give credit to that which we have read as first to learn the use and advantage of the armes which we bear secondly by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers and accidents of terrour to learn to fear nothing but dishonour to make no difference between heat and cold summer and winter to sleep in all places as on a bed and at the same time to take pains and suffer penury with many other difficulties which custome maketh easy and cannot be gotten but by use and practice And thus at length I have brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end wishing with greater zeal of affection then I am able with manifest proofe of reason to demonstrate the necessity that both these parts were by our souldiers so regarded that neither practice might march in obstinate blindnesse without learned knowledge nor this again be entertained with an idle apprehension without practice but that both of them may be respected as necessary parts to make a compleat nature wherein knowledge as the intellectuall part giveth life and spirit to the action and practice as the materiall substance maketh it of a sensible being and like a skilfull workman expresseth the excellency which knowledge hath fore-conceived wishing no man to despair of effecting that by practice which the Theorick of knowledge commendeth For Cur despâ—res nunc posse fieri quod jam totieâ— factum est The summe of the first book of Caesars commentaries with observations upon the same discovering the excellency of Caesars Militia The Argument IN this first book are contained the specialities of two great wars begun
and ended both in a summer the first between Caesar and the Helvetii the second between him and Arâ—ovistus king of the Germans The history of the Helvetians may be reduced to three principall heads under the first are the reasons that moved the Helvetians to entertain so desperate an expedition and the preparation which they made for the same The second containeth their defeat by Caesar and the third their return into their Country That of Ariovistus divideth it self into two parts the first giveth the causes that induced Caesar to undertake that war the second intreateth of the war it self and particularly describeth Ariovistus overthrow CHAP. I. Gallia described the Helvetians dislike their native seat and propound to themselves larger territories in the Continent of Gallia Orgetorix seedeth this humour for his own advantage GAllia is all divided into three parts whereof the Belges do inhabite one the Aquitanes another and those which they call Celtes and we Galles a third all these do differ each from others in manners language and in laws â—he river Garun doth seperate the Galles from the Aquitans and Marne and Seine do bound them from the Belges Of these the Belges are most warlike as furthest off the civility and politure of the Province and lesse frequented with Merchants or acquainted with such things as are by them imported to effeminate mens minds as likewise being sited next to the Germans beyond the Rhene with whom they have continuall wars For which cause also the Helvetians do excell the rest of the Galles in deeds of Arms being in daily conflicts with the Germans for defence of their own territories or by invading theirs The part inhabited by the Galles beginneth at the river Rhone and is bounded with Garun the Ocean and the confines of the Belges and reaching also to the Rhene as a Limit from the Sequans and Helvetians it stretched northward The Belges take their beginning at the extreme confines of Gallia and inhabit the Country which lieth along the lower part of the Rhene trindling to the North and to the East Aquitania spreadeth it self between the river Garun and the Pyrenean hils and butteth upon the Spanish Ocean between the West and the North. Amongst the Helvetians Orgetorix did far exceed all others both for noble descent and store of treasure and when M. Messala and M. Piso were Consuls being stirred up with the desire of a kingdome he moved the Nobility to a commotion perswading the State to go out of their confines with their whole power as an easy matter for them that excelled all other in valour and prowesse to seize upon the Empire of all Gallia To which he did the rather perswade them for that the Helvetians were on every side shut up by the strength and nature of the place wherein they dwelt on the one side with the depth and breadth of the river Rhene which divideth their Country from the Germans on the other side with the high ridge of the hill Jura which runneth between them and the Sequans on the third part they were flanked with the lake â— Lemanus and the river Rhone parting their territories from our Province Hence it happened that being thus straightned they could not easily enlarge themselves or make war upon the bordering Countryes and thereupon being men wholly bent to Arms and war were much grieved as having too little elbow-room for their multitude of people and the renown they had got of their Valour their whole country containing but 240 miles in length and 180 in breadth Spurred on with these inducements and moved specially with the authority of Orgetorix they resolved to make provision of such things as were requisite for their expedition bought great numbers of Carrs horses for carriages sowed much tillage that they might have plenty of Corn in their journey made peace and amity with the confining Countryes For the perfecting and supply of which things they took two yeares to be sufficient and in the third enacted their setting forward by a solemn Law assigning Orgetorix to give order for that which remained THE FIRST OBSERVATION HE that will examine this expedition of the Helvetians by the transmigrations and flittings of other Nations shall find some unexampled particularities in the course of their proceeding for first it hath never been heard that any people uâ—terly abandoned that Country which Nature or providence had allotted them unlesse they were dâ—iven thereunto by a generall calamity as the infection of the aire the cruelty and oppression of a neighbour nation as were the Suevians who thought it great honour to suffer no man to border upon their confines or some other universall which made the place inhabitable and the people willing to undertake a voluntary exile But oftentimes we read that when the inhabitants of a Country were so multiplied that the place was over-charged with multitudes of off-spring and like a poor father had more children then it was able to sustaine the abounding surplus was sent out to seek new fortunes in forraine Countries and to possesse themselves of a resting seat which might recompense the wants of their native Country with a plenteous revenue of necessary supplements And in this sort we read that Rome sent out many Colonies into divers parts of her Empire And in this manner the antient Galles disourdened themselves of their superfluity and sent them into Asia The Gothes came from the Islands of the Baltick sea and in Sulla his time swarmed over Germany besides many other Nations whose transmigrations are particularly described by Lazius But amongst all these we find none that so forsook their Country but there remained some behind to inhabite the same from whence as from a fountain succeeding ages might derive the stream of that over-flowing multitude and by them take notice of the causes which moved them unto it For their manner was in all such expeditions and sending out of Colonies to divide themselves into two or three parts equall both in equality and number for after they had parted their common people into even companies they divided their Nobility with as great equality as they could among the former partitions and then casting lots that part which went out to seek new adventures left their lands and possessions to the rest that remained at home and so by industry they supplied that defect which continuance of time had drawn upon them And this was the meanes which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the floud to people the uninhabited places and to keep oft the inconveniences of scarcitie and famine THE SECOND OBSERVATION HE that would prognosticate by the course of these severall proceedings whether of the two betokened better successe hath greater reason to foretell happinesse to these which I last spake of then to the Helvetians unlesse their valour were the greater and quitted all difficulties which hatred and envy would cast upon them for an action which savoureth of necessity
the Helvetians had matched his sister by his Mother and others of his kâ— into other States For that affiâ—ty he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians and on the other side hated the Romans and specially Caesar of all others for that by their coming into Gallia his power was weakened and Divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignitie If any miscasualtie happened to the Romansâ—is â—is hope was to obtain the Principalitie by the favour of the Helvetians whereas the soveraigntie of the Romans made him not onely despair of the kingdom but also of the favour or what other thing soever he now injoyed And Caesar had found out by inquirie that the beginning of the slight when the Cavalrie was routed came from Dumnorix and his horsemen for he commanded those troups which the Heduans had sent to aide Caesar and out of that disorder the rest of the Cavalrie took a fright Which things being discovered forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty in that he had brought the Helvetians through the confines of the Sequans had caused hostages to be given on either side and done all those things not onely without warrant from the State but without acquainting them therewith and lastly in that he was accused by the Magistrate of the Heduans he thought it cause sufficient for him to punish him or to command the State to do justice upon him One thing there was which might seem too oppugne all this the singular affection of Divitiacus his brother to the people of Rome the great love he bare particularly to Caesar his loyaltie justice and temperance and therefore he feared least his punishment might any way alienate or offend Divitiacus sincere affection And therefore before he did any thing he called Divitiacus and putting aside â—he ordinarie Interpreters he spake to him by M. Valerius Procillus one of the principall men of the Province of Gallia his familiar friend whom he specially trusted in matters of importance and took notice what Dumnorix had uttered in his presence at a Councell of the Galles shewing also what informations he had privately received concerning him and therefore by way of advice desired that without any offence to him either he himself might call him in question or the State take some course in the same Divitiacus imbracing Caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother he knew well that all those things were true neither was there any man more grieved thereat then himself For whereas he had credit and reputation both at home and amongst other States of Gallia and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth was by his aide and assistance grown into favour and authoritie he used those meanes as an advantage not onely to weaken his authoritie but to bring him to ruine And yet neverthelesse he found himself overruled through brotherly affection and the opinion of the common people And if Caesar should take any strict account of these offences there was no man but would think it was done with his privitie considering the place he held in his favour whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf a generall alienation and distaste of all Gallia As he uttered these things with many other words accompanied with tears Caesar taking his right hand comforted him and desired him to intreat no further for such was the respect he had unto him that for his sake and at his request he forgave both the injurie done to the Commonwealth and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same And thereupon called Dumnorix before him and in the presence of his brother shewed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof told him what he had understood and what the State complained on advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future that which was past he had forgiven him at Divitiacus his brothers intreaty Howbeit he set espials upon him to observe his courses that he might be informed what he did and with whom he conversed The same day understanding by the Discoverers that the Enemy was lodged under a Hill about eight miles from his Camp he sent some to take a view of the Hill and of the ascent from about the same Which was found accordingly reported unto him to be very easie In the third watch of the night he sent away T. Labienus the Legat with two legions and those Guides that knew the way commanding him to possesse himself of the top of that Hill Himself about the fourth watch marched on after the Enemy the same way they had gone sending all his horsemen before P. Causidius that was held for a great souldier first in the Army of L. Sylla and afterwards with M. Crassus was sent before with the Discoverers At the breaking of the day when Labienus had got the top of the Hill and himself was come within a mile and a half of the Helvetian Camp without any notice to the Enemy either of his or Labienus approach as was afterwards found by the Captives Causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive and told him that the Hill which Labienus should have taken was held by the Galles which he perceived plainly by the Armes and Ensignes of the Helvetians Whereupon Caesar drew his forces to the next Hill and imbattelled the Army Labienus according to the directions he had from Caesar not to fight unlesse he saw his forces near the Enemies Camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once when he had took the Hill kept his men from battel expecting our Army At length when it was farre in the day Caesar understood by the Discoverers that the Hill was possessed by his Party as also that the enemy was dislodged and that Causidius was so astonished with fear that he reported to have seen that which he saw not The same day he followed the Enemy at the distance he had formerly used and incamped himself three miles from them The day following forasmuch as the Army was to be paid in Corn within two days next after and that he was but eighteen miles distant from Bibract a great and opulent City of the Heduans he turned aside from the Helvetians and made towards Bibract THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe getting of this hill as a place of advantage was marvellous important to the happy successe of the battel for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especiall cause of easy victory throughout this history but in all their wars from the very cradle of their Empire it cleared their Armies from all difficulties to what extremities soever they were put The first reason may be in regard of their Darts and Slings and especially their Piles which being a heavy deadly weapon could not any way be so availeable being cast countermont or in a plain levell as when the deâ—livity and downfall of a swelling
bank did naturally second their violent impression Neither can the shock at handy-blowes be any thing so furious which was a point of great respect in their battels when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the in jury of a rising Mountain as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course And to conclude if the battel succeeded not according to theâ— desire the favour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retreat in the highest part whereof they had commonly their Camps well fenced and fortified against all chaunces If it be demanded whether the upper ground be of like use in regard of our weapons I answer that in a skirmish of shot I take the advantage to ly in the lower ground rather then on the hill for the peeces being hastily charged as commonly they are after the first volley if the bullet chance to ly loose when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech it must needs flie at randome and be altogether uneffectuall but when the nose shall be raised upward to the side of a hill the bullet being rammed in with his own weight shall fly with greater certainty and fury considering the nature of the powder to be such that the more it is stopt and shut in the more it seeketh to enlarge his room and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury Concerning other weapons I take the upper ground in the shock and incounter to be advantageous as well for the sword as the pike and would deserve as great respect if the controversy were decided by these weapons as seldome times it is THE SECOND OBSERVATION BY Causidius his demeanour we see that verified which Physicians affirme That nothing will sooner carrie our judgement out of her proper seat then the passion of fear and that amongst souldiers themselves whom custome hath made familiarlie acquainted with horrour and death it is able to turn a flock of Sheep into a squadron of Corselets and a few Canes or Oliers into Pikes and Lanciers Which may serve to advise a discreet Generall not easily to credit a relation of that nature when a man of reputation in so perfect a discipline and so experienced in the service of three famous Chiefs was so surprised with fear that he could not discern his friends from his enemies But I will speak more of this passion in the war with Aâ—â—ovistus THE THIRD OBSERVATION IN every relation throughout the whole course of this historie the first words are commonly these Re frumentaria comparata as the foundation and strength of every expedition without which no man can manage a war according to the true maximes and rules of the Art Military but must be forced to relieve that inconvenience with the losse of many other advantages of great consequence Which gave occasion to Gaspar de Coligm that famous Admirall of France amongst other Oracles of truth wherewith his mind was marvellously inriched often to use this saying That he that will shape that beast meaning war must beginne with the belly And this rule was diligently observed by Caesar who best knew how to express the true pourtraiture of that beast in due proportion and lively resemblance The order of the Romans was at the day of measuring to give corn to every particular souldier for a certain time which was commonly desined by circumstances and by the measure which was given them they knew the day of the next paiment for every footman received after the rate of a bushell a week which was thought sufficient for him and his servant For if they had payed them their whole stipend in money it might have been wasted in unnecessarie expenses but by this meanes they were sure of provision for the time determined and the sequell of the war was providently cared for by the Generall The Corn being delivered out was husbanded ground with hand-milles which they carried alwayes with them and made into hasty cakes dainty enough for a souldiers mouth by no other but themselves and their servants Neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread for Salust reckoneth this up amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted that the souldiers sold away their corn which was given them by the Treasurer and bought their bread by the day And this manner of provision had many speciall commodities which are not incident to our custome of victualling for it is impossible that victuallers should follow an Armie upon a service in the Enemies Countrey twenty or thirty dayes together with sufficient provision for an Armie And by that meanes the Generall cannot attend advantages and fittest opportunities which in tract of time are often offered but is forced either to hazard the whole upon unequall termes or to found an unwilling retreat And whereas the Victuallers are for the most part voluntarie respecting nothing but their gain and the souldiers on the other side carelesse of the morrow and prodigall of the present in that turbulent marre-market where the seller hath an eye onely to his particular and the buyer respecteth neither the publick good nor his private commoditie there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion Whereas the Romans by their manner of provision imposed the generall care of the publick good upon the chief Commander whose dutie it was to provide store of Corn for his Armie and the particular care upon every private souldier whom it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the Commonweale had in plentifull manner given him for his maintenance might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit Their Provinces and the next consederate States furnished their Armies continually with Corn as it appeareth by this place that for provision of grain he depended altogether upon the Hedui and when they were in the Enemies Countrey in the time of harvest the souldiers went out to reap and gather Corn and delivered it threshed and cleansed to the Treasurer that it might be kept untill the day of paiment But to leave this fiugall and provident manner of provision as unpossible to be amitated by this age let us return to our historie and see how the Helvetians were led by a probable errour to their last overthrow Chap. VII The Helvetians follow after Caesar and overtake the Rereward He imbattaileth his legions upon the side of a hill and giveth order for the battel WHereof the Enemy being advertised by certain fugitives of the troup of horse commanded by L. Emilius presently whether it were that they thought the Romans did turn away for fear and the rather for that the day before having the advantage of the upper ground they refused to sight or whether they thought to cut them off from provision of Corn they altered their purpose and turning back again began to attack our men in the Rere Which Caesar perceiving drew his forces to the next hill and sent the Cavalrie
a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon a Wolf or a Sphinx as it appeareth besides the testimony of history by the Column of Trajan in Rome wherein the Ensignes are figured with such pourtraitures so that these Ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures had their fore-parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march or where they were to fight And therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the Ensignes the front of the Army was commonly noted as in this place it is said that the Ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill whither the Helvetians had made their retreat and the Ensignes of the third battel looked another way towards the Boii and Tulingi which stood on the foot of the hill By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incounter THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the time of the day we are to understand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do for they divided their artificiall which is the space between sun-rising and setting into twelve equall parts which the Astronomers called unequall or planetary houres The first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising the sixth houre was alwayes high noon and the twelfth houre was sun-setting And as the day waxed longer or shorter so these houres were either greater or lesse neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres such as are now used but only at the Aequinoctium so that by this manner of reckoning Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant the battel began about one of the clock according to our Computation and continued untill the evening The like we must understand throughout this whole history as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time Chap. X. The Helvetians continue their fight at the carriages but at length they leave the field and march towards Langres IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages untill it was far in the night the place being fortified with Carts instead of a Rampier and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground and with Darts and Javelins under the waggons and from between the wheeles did wound and gall many of our men After a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their Camp wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken There were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons who marching continually all that night and making no stay in any place came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones for by reason of the souldiers hurts and the buriall of the slain wherein there was spent three dayes there was no pursuit made after them OBSERVATION IF we consider the nature of the action and look into the true cause of their overthrow as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians but rather superlatively abounding in the Romans For that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions but it yielded this effect which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back Their manner of imbattelling had not the Romans been the enemy was unresistable For being cast into a Phâ—lanx which in the Plaines of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans famous they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts when it is divided into smaller cantons For as in a phalanx many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body so their severall vertues are gathered into one head and are as parts united into one generall force which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities into which a greater strength is equally divided The advantage of the place which they got by retreat and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the Romans both in front and flank was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive and bear armes on their side or at the least so to have stâ—â—med the swelling tide of victory which carried the Romans so violently in the chase that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day had it not followed from an Ocean of valour whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury but it brake forth into dangerous flames when it came to the place where their carriages were laid and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place for they fought with that spirit and industry as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might then it had done in the day The overthrow of the Tigâ—râ—e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good ducâ—tions which is the lesse to be marvelled at considering they had no chief Commander as we read of then from any defect of valour for the rules of Military government 〈◊〉 especiall care in passing over a water for then especially an Army is in greatest danger when it is disordered and divided And therefore the Romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy as Tully calleth it of their Commandeâ— who alwayes watched opportunitates reâ— bene gerendae as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars Chap. XI Caesar after three dayes respite followeth after the Helvetians he taketh them to mercy and sendeth them back again to the Country Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing which if they did he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians Himself after three dayes respite follwed after with all his forces The Helvetians pressed with the want of all necessary provisions sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition Who meeting him on the way cast themselves at his feet and with humble words and tears desired Peace Being commanded to attend in the place they then were they accordingly obeyed Caesar being come up unto them required hostages together with their Arms and servants as also the fugitives that were sled unto them While those things were sought out and brought in the
Stipendaries wherein Caesar offered great wrong for that his coming thither had made their tribute much lesse unto him then before Touching their Hostages his purpose was still to retain them Neither would he make any unjust warre upon any of their Associates if they observed the Articles of agreement and paid their yearly tribute but if they failed in that the fraternity of the Romans would come too late to their succour If Caesar would needs undertake their quarrell he was to let him know that no man ever contended with Ariovistus but to his own destruction Try when he would he should find what valour consisted in the Germans that for fourteen yeares space never were covered with other roof then the Heavens OBSERVATION ANd thus farre proceeded Caesar with Ariovistus in debating the wrongs and grievances of the Hedui Wherein appeareth the difference between a matter handled according to moral civility in terms of mildnesse and pleasing accent and that which is rudely delivered and dependeth rather upon the plainnesse of the project then suted with words fit for perswasion For that which Ariovistus alledged to make good his interest in Gallia was as consonant to reason as any thing to the contrary urged by Caesar But as the Lacedemonian said of one That he spake the truth otherwise then it should be spoken so it may be said of Ariovistus his answer that it wanted that sweeting humanity which giveth credit to verity it self forasmuch as it proceedeth from a well-tempered spirit wherein no turbulent passion seemeth to controul the force of reason nor hinder the sentence of true judgment but rather seasoning her conceptions with humility doth convertly complain of open Wrong and strengthen her assertions with a pleasing delivery And therefore how great soever the controversy be that party which exceedeth not the bounds of modesty but maketh mildnesse his chiefest advocate will so prevail in any auditory that albeit equity doth disallow her title yet the manner of his carriage will clear him from offering wrong in that he useth the sequels of innocency to prove his interest in that which he demandeth But to leave this circumstance as onely to be noted let us proceed to the war it self which I made the second part of this history Chap. XV. The Treviri bring news of one hundred townships of the Suevi that 〈◊〉 come to the Khene Caesar taketh in Besanson his souldiers are surprised with an extreme fear of the Germans AT the same time that this answer was returned to Caesar there came likewise Embassadours from the Heduans and Trevires The Heduans complained that the Harudes lately transported into Gallia did depopulate and waste their borders and that they could not buy their peace of Ariovistus with giving of Hostages for their alleageance The Trevires brought newes of one hundred townships of the Suevi that were come to the river Rhene to seek a passage into Gallia conducted by Nasua and Cimberius two brethren Whereat Caesar bring exceedingly moved thought his best means of prevention to consist in celerity least the difficulty of resisting should grow greater when those new forces of the Suevi were joyned with the power which was already with Ariovistus And therefore having provided Corn he made hast to seek the Germans And having gone three dayes journey on his way he had intelligence that Ariovistus with all his forces was gone to take in Besanson the greatest town of the Sequans and that he was three dayes journey on his way already Caesar knowing how much it imported him to prevent that disadvantage forasmuch as the Town abounded with all necessary provisions for warre and was so sited that he that commanded it might prolong the warre at his own pleasure being incircled with the river Alduabis excepting a small space of six hundred foot which was fortified with an exceeding high Hill the foot whereof did at each end joyn unto the river and the Hill strengthened with a wall and so joyned to the town made all the hast he could to take the town and there left a garrison And as he rested there a few dayes to make provision of Corn and other necessaries the Romans enquiring of the Galles and Merchants concerning the quality of the Germans understood that they were men of a huge stature of courage invincible and of great practice and experience in feates of Arms whereof the Galles had oftentimes made tryall For when they encountred them they were not able to endure so much as the sternenesse of their countenance or the fiercenesse of their looks The whole Army conceived such a fear thereat that all mens minds were wonderfully appalled This fear began first amongst the Tribunes and Commanders of horse and such others as for friendship sake followed Caesar from Rome and had small or no skill in matter of war These men faining some one excuse and some another of very earnest businesse which called them home desired leave to depart Some others whom shame would not suffer to forsake the Camp bewrayed the like passion in their countenances and behaviour for hiding themselves in their Tents they either bewailed their destiny secretly to themselves or otherwise with their acquaintance and familiar friends They lamented the danger they were all like to fall into so that throughout the whole Camp there was nothing but making signing of Testaments And through the tal◠and fearfulness of these men the old souldiers and Centurions and such as had great experience in the Camp began by little and little to apprehend the terrour wherewith the rest were amazed and those that would seem to be lesse fearfull said they feared not the enemy but the narrownesse of the wayes and the greatnesse of the woods that were between them and Ariovistus or otherwise they cast doubts where they might have provision of Corn. And many stuck not to tell Caesar that whensoever he should give commandment to march forward or advance the Standards the souldiers would refuse to do it OBSERVATION WHerein for that we find a strange alteration no way answerable to that courage which a late-gotten victory doth usually breed in noble spirits it shall not be amisse a little to insist upon the quality of the accident and to gather such brief instructions from their weaknesse as may best serve to qualify the amazement of horrour and mitigate the frensy of so violent a passion And albeit my ignorance in the works of Nature cannot promise any such learning as may discover the true means and secret motions whereby a fore-conceived fear doth trouble the senses and astonish the mind yet sith the history offereth it to our scanning give me leave only to note the strangenesse of the circumstance and rudely to delineate the pourtraiture of a beast oftener seen then well known using the unwieldy pile for my pencill and suting my speech to a warlike auditory I know not how it happeneth but thus it may happen that when the senses receive intelligence of
man shall apprehend the terrour of the danger and few or none conceive the true means to avoid it And albeit the presence of such things as are dearest to his soul as the piety and respect of aged parents the tender affection towards wife and children are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution yet the motives are of such weight as will rather make them dissident of their own worth as unsufficient to maintain so great a cause then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth forasmuch as the terrour and fear of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their mind then the hope of victory can afford them joy Hence therefore groweth the difference between him that seeketh to maintain that estate which he hath in possession by force of Arms and another that seeketh to increase his means by valour For the former is presented with the danger of losing all his estate which affrighteth and troubleth having no other reward propounded unto him and the other looketh upon the advantage which he gaineth by overcoming which much increaseth his valour without any losse or disadvantage if he chance to be put to the worst And therefore there is alwayes great odds between him that hath already lost his goods and is by that means become desperate having nothing further to lose and another that yet keepeth his substance but is in danger to lose it for fear will so dismay his mind that he will rather distrust his own ability then entertain a resolution of valour To prove this we need not seek other examples then those imperiall Cities in whose cause this controversy was first moved For when Hannibal was come into Italy and had defeated Sempronius the Consul at Trebia the Romans were driven into such an extasy of terrour that they believed verily that the enemy was then coming to assault the City neither had they any hope or aide in themselves to keep or defend the same On the other side Scipio was no sooner landed in Africk but there was such a tumult in Carthage as though the City had been already taken neither could the opinion of victory which Hannibal by a conquering Army in Italy had confirmed for sixteen years together prevail in the apprehension of so imminent a danger And then that which Fabius borrowed of Nature to teach the Romans that first men ought to defend their own before they seek other mens possessitons was carefully followed by the Carthaginians for with all speed they sent for Hannibal out of Italy to be their Champion against young Scipio If therefore other things be correspondent as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either Nation to be considered I take it much better for a Prince to invade an enemy in his own country then to attend him at home in his own kingdome THE FOURTH OBSERVATION THe last circumstance which I note in this speech was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion being in it self peradventure as faulty as any other wherein he shewed great Art and singular Wisdome For he that hath once offended and is both burdened with the guilt of conscience and upbraided with the reproach of men can hardly be perswaded that his fault can be purged with any satisfaction And although the punishment be remitted yet the memory of the fact will never be blotted out with any vertuous action but still remaineth to cast dishonour upon the offender and to accuse him of disloyalty And therefore it oftentimes happeneth that an errour being once rashly committed through despair of remission admitteth no true penitency but either draweth on more grievous crimes confirming that of the Poet Scelere scelus â—uendum est or maintaineth his errour by wilfull obstinacy as it is said of the Lion that being found by Hunters in a Cave he will rather dy in the place then quit it for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge and therefore his property is thus expressed ingrediendo caecus exeundo protervus This did Caesar wisely prevent by clearing the tenth legion of that of which he accused the rest of the Army which made them the more earnest to answer his expectation inasmuch as they were witnesse to themselves of a common errour and the other legious envying at their fortune resolved to shew as great alacrity in the sequele of the war and to deserve more then the judgement of the Emperour had imputed to their fellows Chap. XVII The treaty between Caesar and Ariovistus THe seventh day as he continued on his march his Espials brought him word that Ariovistus with all his forces was within twenty four miles of that place who as soon as he understood of Caesars coming sent Embassadours unto him declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer and that he might do it without danger he was content to admit of a parlee Caesar refused not the offer thinking now to find him reasonable in that he offered of his own accord what he had formerly denied at Caesars request and thereby was in good hope that understanding what was required he would in the end consider of the many favours he had received from the people of Rome and desist from such wilful courses The fifth day following was appointed for the Treaty In the mean time there passed often Messages reciprocally between them Ariovistus required that Caesar would not bring any footmen to the parlee for that he feared to be circumvented by treachery and therefore thought fit that either party should come only with their Cavalrie otherwise he would not give meeting Caesar not willing to put off the Treaty for any such cause nor yet daring to put himself in trust to the French horse thought it most convenient to leave the French Riders behind him and to set the souldiers of the tenth legion whom he best trusted upon their horses that if he stood in need he might have a faithfull guard of his friends about him Whereupon one of the souldiers said prettily that Caesar had done more for them then he had promised for he had said before he would make the tenth legion as a guard to his person and now he had inrolled them all for horsemen There was a great and open Plain and in the midst thereof a rising Mount which was almost in the mid way between both the Camps and thither according to the agreement they came to parlee The legion which Caesar had brought with him on horseback he placed two hundred paces from the said Mount and likewise the horsemen of Ariovistus stood in the same distance Ariovistus requested they might talk on horseback and bring each of them ten persons to the conference At their meeting Caesar began his speech with a commemoration of the favours and benefits the Senate had done unto him in that he was by their authority intituled by the name of a King and a Friend and thereupon
had received great gifts Which favour fell but unto a few and was by the Romans given only to men of great desert whereas he without any occasion of accesse unto them or other just cause on his behalf had obtained those honours through his courtesy and the bounty of the Senate He shewed him further what ancient and reasonable causes of amity tied them so firm to the Heduans what Decrees and orders of Senate had oftentimes been made in their favour and behoof That from all antiquity the Heduanâ— had held the principality of Gallia and that long before they were in amity with the Romans The people of Rome had alwayes this 〈…〉 not only to endeavour that their Allies and confederates should not lose any thing of their proper but also that they might increase in dignity and reputation and therefore who could endure to see that forced from them which they quietly possessed when they entered league with the Romans In like manner he required the performance of such things which he had formerly given in charge to his Embassadours that he should not make war either upon the Heduans or their Associates that he should restore their hostages and if he could not return any part of the Germans back again over the Rhene yet he should forbear to bring any more into that Counâ—â—y Ariovistus made little answer to Caesars demands but spake much of his own vertues and valour That he was come over the Rhene not out of his own desire but at the mediation and intreaty of the Galles that he had not left his house and kindred but with great hope of high rewards the possessions he had in Gallia were given him by themselves their hostages were voluntarily delivered unto him he took tribute by the law of Arms which was such as Conquerours might lay upon the vanquished he made no war upon the Galles but the Galles made war upon him All the States of Gallia came to fight against him and had put themselves into the field whose forces were in one battell all dispersed and overthrown If they were desirous to make another triall he was ready to undertake them but if they would have peace it were an injury to retract that tribute which of their own accord they had paid untill that time He expected that the Amity of the people of Rome should be rather an honour and a safety then a losse unto him and that he had sought it to that end but if by their meanes the tribute due unto him should be retracted he would as willingly refuse their friendship as he had desired it In that he had brought so many Germans into Gallia it was rather for his own defence then of any purpose to subdue the Country as might appear by that he had not come thither but upon intreaty and set no warre on foot but for his own defence He was seated in Gallia before the Romans came thither neither had the people of Rome before that time carried their Army beyond the bounds of their Province and therefore he knew not what he meant to intrude himself into his possessions This was his Province of Gallia as that was ours and as it was not lawfull for him to command in our quarters so it was not fitting that they should disturb his government In that he alleadged the Heduans were by decree of Senate adopted into the amity of the people of Rome he was not so barbarous or unacquainted with the course of things as to be ignorant that in the last warre of the Allobroges they were aiding and assisting to the Romans and in the quarrell the Heduans had with the Sequans the Romans were in like manner assisting unto them Whereupon he had good occasion to suspect that Caesar under pretence of league and amity kept his Army in Gallia for his ruine and destruction and that if he did not depart and withdraw his Army out of those Countries he would no longer take him for a friend but for an enemy And if his fortune were to stay him he should perform a very acceptable service to many noble and chief men of Rome as he had well understood by Letters and Messengers he had received from them whose favour and amity he should purchase by taking away his life But if he would depart and leave him the free possession of Gallia he would gratify him with great rewards and what war soever he desired to be undertaken should be gone through withall without his perill or charge Many things were spoken by Caâ—sar to shew why he could not desist from that course for neither was it his use nor the custome of the people of Rome to forsake their wel-deserving Associates neither could he think that Gallia did rather belong to Ariovistus then the Romans The Arveâ—s and Rutenes were in due course of warre subdued by Q. Fabius Maximus whom the people of Rome had pardoned and not reduced to a Province or made them stipendiaries And if antiquitie were looked into the people of Rome had good claim to that Countrey but forasmuch as the intention and will of the Senate was they should remain a free people they were suffered to be governed by their own lawes and left unto themselves notwithstanding any former conquest by force of Armes Whilst these things were treated of in parlee it was told Caesar that Ariovistus horsemen did approach nearer to the Mount and that accosting our men they assaulted them with stones and other weapons whereupon he brake off and betook himself to his Party commanding them not to cast a weapon at the enemy For albeit he well perceived he might without peril of that elect legion give battel to his Cavalry yet he thought sit to refrain least it should be said he had intrapped them with a parlee contrary to faith made and agreement After it was reported amongst the vulgar souldiers how arrogantly Ariovistus had carried himself in the treaty forbidding the Romans to frequent any part of Gallia and that their Cavalry had assaulted our men and that thereupon the parlee brake off the Army was possessed with a greater alacrity and desire to fight then before Two dayes after Ariovistus sent Messengers to Caesar signifying that he desired to treat with him concerning those things which were left unperfect and thereupon willed him to appoint another day of meeting or if he liked not that to send some unto him with authority to conclude of such things as should be found expedient Caesar was unwilling to give any further meeting and the rather for that the day before the Germans could not be restrained from violence and force of Armes Neither did he think he might safely expose the person of any of his followers to the inhumanity of such barbarous people and therefore thought it fittest to send unto him M. Valerius Procillus the sonne of C. Valerius Caburius ae vertuous young man and well bred whose father was made free of Rome by C. Valer. Flaccus which he
to make it more plain of many examples I will only alledge two the one out of Livie to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen the other out of Hirtius to shew the same effect against strangers Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius having fortunately overthrown the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left Cornet of the Romans as they were in conflict which took such effect that the legionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat Which the Roman horsemen being in number six hundred perceiving and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsook their horses and made hast to make good the place on foot wherein they carried themselves so valiantly that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines and then betook themselves again to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point the Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that ever he met with and used the same Art as the Germans did mingling among them light-armed footmen And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a suddain the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa dejecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged upon the rereward of the Army according to the manner of the Numidian fight the history saith Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent pila viribus contortain Numidas infestos conâ—ecissent amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant So that to free himself of this inconvenience he took his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And ever as he marched he caused three hundred souldiers of every legion to be free and without burthen that they might be ready upon all occasions Quos in Equitatum Labieâ— immisit Tum Labienus conversis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis ejus occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt I alledge the very words of the history to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion If any man will look into the reason of this disparity he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile an unresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them But to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse then the Cavalrie of their own partie although they bear but the same weapons let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot either to take an advantage or to shun and avoid any danger casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty then the horsemen could do For as the force of all the engines of old time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceeded from that stability and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine so what force soever a man maketh must principally proceed from that firmnesse and stay which Nature by the earth or some other unmoveable rest giveth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth by how much the thing is heavier then his body The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their darts with greater violence and consequently with more certainty Chap. XVIII Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose by making two Camps WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himself within his Camp least peradventure he should intercept the Sequans and other of his Associates as they came with convoies of Corn to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans aboad about six hundred paces from their Camp he chose a ground meet to incamp in and marching thither in three battells commanded two of them to stand ready in Armes and the third to fortify the Camp Ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldiers and hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battells to withstand the enemy and the third to go through with the work which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his Camps marching a little from the greater Camp he put his men in array and profered battell to the enemy but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches about noon he conveighed his Army into their severall Camps Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser Camp The incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening and at sun-setting after many wounds given and taken Ariovistus conveighed his Army again into their Camp And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no and that they found by their Art the Germans could not get the victory if they fought before the new Moon THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans observed and by which they conquered so many Nations for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups it served for a hold well-fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselves or impeach the enemy by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking up his Camp besides many other advantages all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade and
for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an evil end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning it behoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy The last form is called Gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battell is advanced and the two cornets lag behind This form did Hannibal use in the battell of Cannae but with this Art that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers and placed his weakest in the midst that the Romans following the retreat of the battell which was easily repelld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets Chap. XX. The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus THe sign of the battell being thereupon given our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their piles and in that regard made hast to betake themselves to their swords But the Germans according to their manner putting themselves into a Phalanx received the force of their swords In the battell there were many legionary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it and so to wound and kill those that were underneath and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight Now while the right Cornet was thus busied the left Cornet was overcharged with an unequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner perceived having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell but he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger by means whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemy was put to flight and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought Where some few of them saved themselves by swimming others found some boats and so escaped Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore recovered the other side and so saved himself the rest were all slain by the horsemen Ariovistus had two wives one a Swevian whom he brought with him from home and the other of Norica the sister of King Vocion sent unto him by her brother into Gallia and married there both these perished in that fight His two daughters likewise being there one was slain and the other taken As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procillus as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend and a man of sort in the Province whom the barbarous enemy contrary to the law of Nations had cast into prison Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots And M. Titius was found in like manner and brought unto him The same of this battell being carried beyond the Rhene the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene returned home again whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued finding them terrified and distracted and slew a great number of them Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer brought his Army into their wintering Campes somewhat sooner then the time of the year required and leaving Labienus to command them himself returned into the hither Gallia to keep Courts and publick Diets THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to understand it to be so termed by reason of the close and compact imbattelling rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx Secondly I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his history yet he omitted not the substance which was to have primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong the first and second battell were joyned together and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio as they termed it to succour any part that should be overcharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisdome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualty of Fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf then to have a second and a third succour to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them Or if their valour were equally ballanced and victory stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour these alwayes stept in being fresh against weary and over-laboured spirits and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning use of lots it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no Nation civil or barbarous but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan the Marriners Jonas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition and put them in mind of a duty which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destiny and as the Gods would have it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that event casuall or proceeding from Fortune of which the reason of man could assign no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman was termed an effect of Fortune or chance of hab-nab For all other effects which depended upon a certainty and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subject to the inconstancy of chance And because many and sundry such chances daily happened which like terrae filii
governments lastly such as saw that it was an easy matter for those men that were powerfull and had the command of monies to seise upon kingdomes in Gallia which they could not so easily do in those parts where the Romans bare sway Caesar being moved with letters and other intelligence to this purpose levied two new legions in the hither Gallia and as soon as Summer came on sent them by Q. Pedius his Legate into the further Gallia and as soon as there was forrage in the fields he himself came to the army He had before given charge to the Senones and other of the Galles that bordered upon the Belgâ—e to learn every day what they could of their doings to give him an account thereof These presently informed him that of a certainty there was nothing in Belgia but mustering of souldiers and gathering their forces into one head He thought it not therefore safe to make any further delay but having made provision of corn he drew out his Army from their wintering camps and within fifteen dayes he came to the borders of the Belgae Assoon as he was come thither which was much sooner then was looked for the men of Rhemes being the uttermost of the Belgae next adjoyning to the Celtae thought it best to entertain a peaceable resolution and sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the chief men of their State unto Caesar to submit themselves and all that they had to the mercy of the Roman Empire affirming that they were innocent both of the counsell of the Belgae and of their conspiracy against the Romans For proof whereof they were ready to give hostages to receive them into their towns and to furnish them with corn or what other thing they stood in need of That the rest of the Belgae were all in Arms and the Germans on the other side of the Rhene had promised to send them succour yea their madnesse was so great that they themselves were not able to hold back the Suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud and using the same laws and customs as they did having both one magistrate and one form of government but they would needs support the same quarrell which the rest of the Belgae had undertaken OBSERVATION I Might here take occasion to speak somewhat of a particular revolt in a generall cause and how a confederate State may in regard of their own safety forsake a common quarrell or whatsoever the universall society hath enacted prejuciall to their common weal but that I onely intend to discover warlike practices leaving these questions of law and policy to men of greater judgement and better experience Onely I observe in the behalf of the Roman government that such cities as yielded to the Empire and became tributary to their treasury howsoever they were otherwise combined by confederacy seldome or never repented them of their fact in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that State and of the due respect observed towards them Chap. II. The power of the Belgae and their preparation for this warre CAesar inquiring of the Embassadours which came from Rhemes what the States were that had taken Armes and what they were able to do in matter of Warre found the Belgae to be descended from the Germans who passing over the Rhene time out of mind and finding it to be a fertile countrey drove away the Galles and seated themselves in their possessions and that these onely of all the Galles kept the Cimbti and Teutoni from entering into their countrey and in that regard they challenged to themselves great authority and vaunted much in their feats of Armes Concerning their number they had these advertisements The Bollovaci exceeded all the Belgae in prowesse authority and number of men being able to make 100000 fighting men and out of that number had promised 60000 towards this undertaking and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre Next to them lay the Suessones who dwelt in a large and fruitfull country and had lately Divitiacus for their king being the most powerfull man in all Gallia who had in possession a great part of these countreys and also of Britain it self Galba was their king now on whom for his singular justice and prudence generally with one consent they bestowed the management of the war They had 12 walled towns and promised to set forth 50000 men The Nervii who were the most barbarous amongst them all and dwelt furthest off promised as many the Atrebatii 15000. the Ambianâ— 10000. the Vellocassii and Veromandui as many the Morini 25000. the Menapii 9000. the Caletes 10000. the Aduatici 29000. the Eburones Condrusi and others 40000. Caesar encouraging the men of Rhemes to persist in their faithfulnesse to the Roman Empire propounded unto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence and commanded all their Senate to come before him and bring with them their Noble-mens Sons to be given up for hostages which they diligently performed by a day appointed And having received two especiall advertisements from the men of Rhemes the one concerning the multitude of the enemy and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood he provided for the first by perswading Divitiacus the Heduan that it much imported the whole course of those businesses to keep asunder the power of the enemy and to withhold their forces from making a head that so he might avoid the danger of encountering so great a power at one instant Which might easily be brought to passe if the Hedui would enter with a strong power into the Marches of the Bellovaci and sack their Territories with sword and confusion Which Divitiacus promised to perform and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country Vpon the second advertisement which presented unto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies he resolved not to be too hasty in giving them battell but first to prove by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do and what his own men durst do OBSERVATION THis rule of making tryall of the worth of an enemy hath alwayes been observed by prudent and grave commanders as the surest principle whereon the true judgement of the event may be grounded For if the doctrine of the old Philosophers which teacheth that the word non putabam I wist it not was never heard out of a wise mans mouth hath any place in the course of humane actions it ought especially to be regarded in managing these main points whereon the State of Kingdoms and Empires dependeth For unlesse was be perswaded that blind Chance directeth the course of this world with an uncertain confusion and that no foresight can sway the ballance of our hap into either part of our fortune I see no reason why we should not by all means endeavour to ground our knowledge upon true causes and levell
our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things themselves And this is the rather to be urged inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceived when they look no further then to match an enemy with equality of number referring their valour to be tried in the battell not considering that the eye of it self cannot discern the difference between two champions of like presence and outward carriage unlesse it see their strength compared together and weighed as it were in the scale of triall which Caesar omitted not diligently to observe before he would adventure the hazard of battell For besides his own satisfaction it gave great encouragement to his men when they saw themselves able to countermatch an enemy and knew their task to be subject to their strength Neither did he observe it only at this instant but throughout the whole course of his actions for we find that he never incountered any enemy but with sufficient power either in number or in valour to make head against them which equality of strength being first laid as a sure foundation he used his own industry and skill and the discipline wherein his men were trained as advantages to oversway his adversarie and so drew victory maugre fortune unto himself and seldome failed in any of his battels Chap. III. Caesar passeth his Army over the river Axona leaving Titerius Sabinus encamped on the other side with six cohorts AS soon as Caesar understood as well by his discovers as from the men of Rhemes that all the power of the Belgae was assembled together into one place and was now making towards him no great distance off he made all the haste he could to passe his Army over the River Axona which divided the men of Rhemes from the other Belgae and there encamped Whereby he brought to passe that no enemy could come on the back of him to work any disadvantage and that corn might be brought unto him from Rhemes and other cities without danger And further that he might command the passage back again as occasion should serve to his best advantage he fortified a bridge which he found on the river with a strong garrison of men and caused Titurius Sabinus a Legate to encamp himself on the other side of the river with six cohorts commanding him to fortify his camp with a rampier of 12 foot in altitude and a trench of 18 foot in breadth OBSERVATION IF it be demanded why Caesar did passe his Army over the river leaving it on his back and did not rather attend the enemy on the other side and so take the advantage of hindring him if he should attempt to passe over I will set down the reasons in the sequele of this warre as the occurrences shall fall out to make them more evident In the mean time let us enter into the particularitie of these six cohorts that we may the better judge of such troups which were employed in the services of this war But that we may the better conjecture what number of souldiers these six cohorts did contain it seemeth expedient a little to discourse of the companies and regiments which the Romans used in their Armies And first we are to understand that the greatest and chiefest regiment in a Roman Armie was termed by the name of Legio as Varro saith quod leguntur milites in delectu or as Plutarch speaketh quod lecti ex omnibus essent militares so that it taketh the name Legio of the choice and selecting of the souldiers Romulus is said to be the first authour and founder of these legions making every legion to contain 3000 souldiers but shortly after they were augmented as Festus recordeth unto 4000 and afterward again from 4000 to 4200. And that number was the common rate of a legion untill Hannibal came into Italy and then it was augmented to 5000 but that proportion continued only for that time And again when Scipio went into Africk the legions were increased to 6200 footmen and 300 horse And shortly after the Macedonian warre the legions that continued in Macedonie to keep the Province from rebellion consisted of 6000 footmen and 300 horse Out of Caesar it cannot be gathered that a legion in his time did exceed the number of 5000 men but oftentimes it was short of that number for he himself saith that in this warre in Gallia his souldiers were so wasted that he had scarce 7000 men in two legions And if we examine that place out of the 3. of the civile warre where he saith that in Pompey his Army were 110 cohorts which amounted to the number of 55000 men and it being manifest as well by this number of cohorts as by the testimony of divers authours that Pompey his Army consisted of 11 legions if we divide 55000 into 11 parts we shall find a legion to consist of 5000 men Which number or thereabout being generally known to be the usuall rate of a legion the Romans alwayes expressed the strength of their Army by the number of legions that were therein as in this warre it is said that Caesar had eight legions which by this account might arise to 40000 men besides associates and such as necessarily attended the Army Further we are to understand that every legion had his peculiar name by which it was known and distinguished from the rest and that it took either from their order of muster or enrollement as that legion which was first enrolled was called the first legion and that which was second in the choice the second legion and so consequently of the rest and so we read in this history the seventh the eighth the ninth the tenth the eleventh and twelfth legion or otherwise from the place of their warfare and so we read of legiones Germanicae Pannonica Britannicae and such others and sometime of their Generall as Augusta Claudia Vitelliana legiones and so forth or to conclude from some accident of quality as Rapax Victrix Fulminifera Plundring Victorious Lightning and such like And thus much of the name and number of a legion which I must necessarily distinguish into divers kinds of souldiers according to the first institution of the old Romans and the continuall observation thereof unto the decay of the Empire before I come to the description of these smaller parts whereof a Legion was compounded First therefore we are to understand that after the Consuls had made a generall choise and sworn the souldiers the Tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest and called them by the name of Velites Their place in regard of the other souldiers was both base and dishonourable not only because they fought afar off and were lightly armed but also in regard they were commonly exposed to the enemy as our forlorn hopes are Having chosen out a competent number for this kind they proceeded to the choice of them which they called Hastati a degree above the Velites both in age
upon another Tacitus saith that the souldiers climbed upon the wall super iteratam testudinem by one Testudo made upon another And this was the ancient form and use of a Testudo in a sudden assault or surprise Dio Cassius in the acts of Antony saith that being galled with the Parthian Archers he commanded his whole Army to put it self into a Testudo which was so strange a sight to the Parthians that they thought the Romans had sunk down for wearinesse and faintnesse and so forsaking their horses drew their swords to have made execution and then the Romans at a watch-word given rose again with such a fury that they put them all to sword and â—light Dio describeth the same Testudo after this manner They placed saith he their baggage their light-armed men and their horsemen in the midst and those heavy-armed footmen that carried long gutter-tiled Targets were in the utmost circles next unto the Enemy the rest which bare large ovall Targets were thronged together throughout the whole troup and so covered with their Targets both themselves and their fellowes that there was nothing discerned by the Enemy but a roof of Targets which were so tiled together that men might safely go upon them Further we oftentimes read that the Romans cast themselves into a Testudo to break through an Enemy or to rout and disrank a troup And this use the Romans had of a Testudo in field services and only by the benefit of their Target It was called a Testudo in regard of the strength for that it covered and sheltred as a shell covereth a fish And let this suffice concerning a Testudo THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may observe how carefully Caesar provided for the safety of such succours as he sent unto Bibrax for he commanded the same messengers that came from the town to direct them as the best and surest guides in that journey least peradventure through ignorance of the way they might fall into inconveniences or dangers A matter of no small consequence in managing a war but deserveth an extraordinary importunity to perswade the necessity of this diligence for a Generall that hath perfectly discovered the nature of the country through which he is to march and knoweth the true distances of places the quality of the wayes the compendiousnesse of turnings the nature of the hills and the course of the rivers hath all these particularities as main advantages to give means of so many severall attempts upon an enemy And in this point Hannibal had a singular dexterity and excelled all the Commanders of his time in making use of the way by which he was to passe But he that leadeth an Army by an unknown and undiscovered way and marcheth blindfold upon uncertain adventures is subject to as many casualties and disadvantages as the other hath opportunities of good fortune Let every man therefore perswade himself that good Discoverers are as the eyes of an Army and serve for lights in the darknesse of ignorance to direct the resolutions of good providence and make the path of safety so manifest that we need not stumble upon casualties Caesar in his journey to Ariovistus used the help of Divitiacus the Heduan in whom amongst all the Galles he reposed greatest confidence to discover the way and acquaint him with the passages and before he would undertake his voyage unto Britanie he well informed himself by Merchants and travailers of the quantity of the Iland the quality of the people their use of war and the opportunity of their havens Neither was he satisfied with their relations but he sent Caius Volusenus in a ship of war to see what he could further discover concerning these points Suetonius addeth moreover that he never carried his Army per insidiosa itinera through places where they were subject to be way-laid unlesse he had first well discovered the places Concerning the order which skilfull Leaders have observed in discoveries we are to know that this point consisteth of two parts the one in understanding the perfect description of the country the second in observing the motions of the enemy Touching the first we find as well by this as other histories that the Romans used the inhabitants of the country for Guides as best acquainted with their native places that they might not erre in so important a matter provided alwaies that their own scouts were ever abroad to understand what they could of themselves that they might not altogether rely upon a strangers direction The motions of the Enemy were observed by the horsemen and these for the most part were Veterani well experienced in the matter of warre and so the Generall received sound advertisements and yet they were not too forward upon any new motion unlesse they found it confirmed by divers wayes for some Espials may erre either through passion or affection as it happened in the Helâ—â—tian war If therefore the use and benefit which prudent and wise Commanders made of this â—â—igence or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought upon the ignorant have any authority to perswade a circumspect care herein this little that hath been spoken may be sufficient for this point THE FOURTH OBSERVATION THe souldiers which Caesar sent to relieve Bibrax were Archers of Creta and Numidia and Slingers of the Iles Baleares which are now called Majorica and Minorica which kind of weapon because it seemeth ridiculous to the souldiers of these times whose conceits are held up with the fury of these fiery engines I will therefore in brief discover the nature and use thereof The Latines saith Isidore called this weapon funda quod ex ea fundantur lapides because out of it stones are cast Plinie attriâ—uteth the invention thereof to the Islanderâ— called Baleares Florus in his 3 book and â— chap. saith that these Baleares used three sorts of slings and no other weapon besides and that a boy had never any meat given him before he had first struck it with a sling Strabo distinguisheth these three sorts of slings which the Baleares used and saith that they had one sling with long reines which they used when they would cast afarre off and another with short reines which they used near at hand and the third with reines of a mean sise to cast a reasonable distance Lipsius saith that in Columna Antonina at Rome he observed that the Balearean was made with one sling about his head another about his belly and the third in his hand which might be their ordinary manner of carrying them The matter whereof they were made was threefold the first was hemp or cotton the second hair and the third sinews for of either of these stuffs they commonly made them The form and fashion of a sling resembled a platted rope somewhat broad in the middest with an Ovall compasse and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or reines Their manner of slinging was to whirle it twice or thrice
to Caesar The Hedui saith he have alwayes found in the Bellovaci a faithfull and friendly disposition to their State and if they had not been betrayed by their nobility who made them believe that the Hedui were brought in bondage by the Romans and suffered all villany and despight at their hands they had never withdrawn themselves from the Hedui nor consented to conspire against the Romans The authours of this counsel perceiving into what great misery they had brought their countrey were fled into Britanie wherefore not only the Bellovaci but the Hedui also in their behalf besought him to use his clemency towards them Which thing if he did it would very much greaten the esteem authority of the Hedui amongst the Belgae who formerly in their wars had recourse to them for supplies and assistance Caesar in regard of the Hedui and Divitacus promised to receive them to mercy but for asmuch as the State was very great and more populous and powerfull then other towns of the Belgae he demanded six hundred hostages Which being delivered and their armour brought out of the town he marched from thence into the coast of the Ambiani who without further lingering gave both themselves and all that they had into his power Vpon these bordered the Nervii of whom Caesar found thus much by inquiry That there was no recourse of Merchants unto them neither did they suffer any â—â—ine or what thing else might tend to riot to be brought into their countrey for they were perswaded that by such things their courage was much abated and their vertue weakened Further he learned that these Nervii were a savage people and of great valour often accusing the rest of the Belgae for yielding their necks to the Roman yoak openly affirming that they would neither send Embassadours nor take peace upon any condition Caesar having marched three dayes journey in their country understood that the river Sabis was not past ten miles from his camp and that on the further side of this river all the Nervii were assembled together and there attended the coming of the Romans With them were joyned the Atâ—ebates and Veromandui whom they had perswaded to abide the same fortune of war with them Besides they expected a power from the Aduatici The women and such as were unmeet for the field they bestowed in a place unaccessible for any Army by reason of fens and bogs and marishes Vpon this intelligence Caesar sent his discoverers and Centurions before to chuse out a fit place to incamp in Now whereas many of the surrendred Belgae and other Galles were continually in the Roman Army certain of these as it was afterward known by the captives observing the order which the Romans used in marching came by night to the Nervii and told them that between every legion went a great sort of carriages and that it was no matter of difficulty as soon as the first legion was come into the camp and the other legions yet a great way off to set upon them upon a suddain before they were disburdened of their carriages and so to overthrow them which legion being cut off and their stuffe taken the rest would have small courage to stand against them It much furthered this advice that forasmuch as the Nervii were not able to make any power of horse but what they did they were wont to do with foot that they might the better resist the cavalry of their borderers whensoever they made any rode into their marches their manner was to cut young trees half asunder and bowing the tops down to the ground plashed the boughes in breadth and with thorns and briars planted between them they made them so thick that it was impossible to see through them so hard it was to enter or passe through them so that when by this occasion the passage of the Roman Army must needs be hindered the Nervii thought the foresaid counsell not to be neglected The place which the Romans chose to incamp in was a hill of like levell from the top to the bottome at the foot whereof ran the river Sabis and with the like levell on the other side rose another hill directly against this to the quantity of two hundred paces the bottom whereof was plain and open and the upper part so thick with wood that it could not easily be looked into Within these woods the â—ervians kept themselves close and in the open ground by the river side were only seen a few troups of horse and the river in that place was about three foot deep CAESARS march where the Enemy was neerer at hand OBSERVATION THis treacherous practice of the surrendred Belgae hath fortunately discovered the manner of Caesars march as well in safe passages as in dangerous and suspected places which is a point of no small consequence in martiall discipline being subject to so many inconveniences and capable of the greatest art that may be shewed in managing a war Concerning the discreet carriage of a march by this circumstance it may be gathered that Caesar principally respected safety and secondly conveniency If the place afforded a secure passage and gave no suspicion of hostility he was content in regard of conveniency to suffer every legion to have the oversight of their particular carriages and to insert them among the troups that every man might have at hand such necessaries as were requisite either for their private use or publick discipline But if he were in danger of any sudden attempt or stood in hazard to be impeached by an enemy he then omitted convenient disposition in regard of particular use as disadvantageous to their safety and carried his legions in that readinesse that if they chanced to be engaged by an enemy they might without any alteration of their march or incumbrance of their carriages receive the charge in that form of battell as was best approved by their military rules and the ancient practice of their fortunate progenitours The old Romans observed likewise the same respects for in unsafe and suspected places they carried their troups againe quadrato in a square march which as Livie seemeth to note was free from all carriage and impediments which might hinder them in any suddain alarme Neither doth that of Hirtius any way contradict this interpretation where he saith that Caesar so disposed his troups against the Bellovaci that three legions marched in front and after them came all the carriages to which the tenth legion served as a rereward and so they marched pene agmine quadrato almost in a square march Seneca in like manner noteth the safety of agmen quadratum where he saith that where an enemy is expected we ought to march agmine quadrato ready to fight The most materiall consequence of these places alledged is that as oft as they suspected any onset or charge their order in a march little or nothing differed from their usuall manner of imbattelling and
his due and proper composition What then is the cause that the Romans do overcome and that those that do use the phalanx are voyd of the hope of victory Even from hence that the Roman Armies have infinite commodities both of places and of times to fight in But the phalanx hath onely one time one place and one kind whereto it may profitably apply it self so that if it were of necessity that their enemy should encounter them at that instant especially with their whole forces it were questionlesse not only not without danger but in all probability likely that the phalanx should ever carry away the better But if that may be avoyded which is easily done shall not that disposition then be utterly unprofitable and free from all terrour And it is farther evident that the phalanx must necessarily have plain and champain places without any hinderances or impediments as ditches uneven places vallies little hils and rivers for all these may hinder and disjoyn it And it is almost impossible to have a Plain of the capacity of twenty stadia much lesse more where there shall be found none of these impediments But suppose there be found such places as are proper for the phalanx if the Enemy refuse to come unto them and in the mean time spoil and sack the Cities and country round about what commodity or profit shall arise by any Army so ordered for if it remain in such places as hath been before spoken of it can neither relieve their friends nor preserve themselves For the convoies which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the Enemy whiles they remain in those open places And if it happen at any time that they leave them upon any enterprise they are then exposed to the Enemy But suppose that the Roman Army should find the phalanx in such places yet would it not adventure it self in grosse at one instant but would by little and little retire it self as doth plainly appear by their usuall practice For there must not be a conjectur of these things by my words only but especially by that which they do For they do not so equally frame their battel that they do assault the Enemy altogether making as it werebut one front but part make a stand and part charge the Enemy that if at any time the Phalanx do presse them that come to assault them and be repelled the force of their order is dissolved For whether they pursue those that retire or fly from those that do assault them these do disjoyn themselves from part of their Army by which meanes there is a gap opened to their Enemies standing and attending their opportunity so that now they need not any more to charge them in the front where the force of the phalanx consisteth but to assault where the breach is made both behind and upon the sides But if at any time the Roman Army may keep his due propriety and disposition the phalanx by the disadvantage of the place being not able to do the like doth it not then manifestly demonstrate the difference to be great between the goodnesse of their disposition and the disposition of the phalanx To this may be added the necessities imposed upon an Army which is to march through places of all natures to encamp themselves to possesse places of advantage to besiege and to be besieged and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in view of the Enemy For all these occasions necessarily accompany an Army and oftentimes are the especiall causes of victory to which the Macedonian phalanx is no way fit or convenient forasmuch as neither in their generall order nor in their particular disposition without a convenient place they are able to effect any thing of moment but the Roman Army is apt for all these purposes For every souldier amongst them being once armed and ready to fight refuseth no place time nor occasion keeping alwayes the same order whether he fight together with the whole body of the Army or particularly by himself man to man And hence it happeneth that as the commodity of their disposition is advantageous so the end doth answer the expectation These things I thought to speak of at large because many of the Graecians are of an opinion that the Macedonians are not to be overcome And again many wondered how the Macedonian phalanx should be put to the worse by the Roman Army considering the nature of their weapons Thus far goeth Polybius in comparing the weapons and embattelling of the Romans with the use of Arms amonst the Macedonians wherein we see the Pike truly and exactly ordered according as the wise Gracians could best proportion it with that form of battel which might give most advantage to the use thereof so that if our squadrons of Pikes jump not with the perfect manner of a phalanx as we see they do not they fall so much short of that strength which the wisdome of the Grecians and the experience of other nations imputed unto it But suppose we could allow it that disposition in the course of our warres which the nature of the weapon doth require yet forasmuch as by the authority of Polybius the said manner of imbattelling is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time one place and one kind of fight I hold it not so profitable a weapon as the practice of our times doth seem to make it especially in woody countries such as Ireland is where the use is cut off by such inconveniences as are noted to hinder the managing thereof And doubtlesse if our Commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the Pike and Ireland they would not proportion so great a number of them in every company as there is for commonly half the company are Pikes which is as much as to say in the practice of our wars that half the Army hath neither offensive nor defensive weapons but onely against a troup of horse For they seldome or never come to the push of pike with the foot companies where they may charge and offend the enemy and for defence if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with them at hand but maketh more advantage to play upon them afarre off with shot it affordeth small safety to shake a long pike at them and stand fair in the mean time to entertain a volley of shot with the body of their battalion As I make no question but the pike in some services is profitable as behind a rampier or at a breach so I assure my self there are weapons if they were put to triall that would countervail the pike even in those services wherein it is thought most profitable Concerning the Target we see it take the hand in the judgement of Polybius of all other weapons whatsoever as well in regard of the divers and sundry sorts of imbattelling as the quality of the place wheresoever for their use was as effectuall in small bodies and centuries as in grosse troups and great
conquerour nor any hope of safety to the conquered by the consent of all that remained alive sent Embassadours to Caesar and yielded themselves to his mercy and in laying open the misery of their State affirmed that of six hundred Senatours they had now left but three and of sixty thousand fighting men there was scarce five hundred that were able to bear Armes Caesar that his clemencie might appear to a distressed people preserved them with great care granting unto them the free possession of their townes and countrey and streightly commanding their borderers not to offer them any wrong or injury at all OBSERVATION ANd thus endeth the relation of that great and dangerous battel which Ramus complaineth of as a confused narration much differing from the direct and methodicall file of his other Commentaries But if that rule hold good which learned Rhetoricians have observed in their Oratory That an unperfect thing ought not to be told in a perfect manner then by Ramus leave if any such confusion do appear it both savoureth of eloquence and well suteth the turbulent carriage of the action wherein order and skill gave place to Fortune and providence was swallowed up with peradventure For that which Hâ—rtius saith of the overthrow he gave to Pharnaces may as well be said of this that he got the victory plurimum adjuvante deorum benignitate qui cum omnibus belli casibus intersunt tum praecipue iis quibus nihil ratione potuit administrari by the very great favour and assistance of the gods who as they give aid in all cases of war so especially in those where reason and good skill are at a losse For so it fell out in this battel and the danger proceeded from the same cause that brought him to that push in the battel with Pharnaces for he well understood that the Nervii attended his coming on the other side the river Sabis Neither was he ignorant how to fortifie his Camp in the face of an enemy without fear or danger as we have seen in his warre with Ariovistus when he marched to the place where he purposed to incamp himself with three battels and caused two of them to stand ready in Armes to receive any charge which the enemy should offer to give that the third battel in the mean time might fortify the Camp Which course would easily have frustrated this stratagem of the Nervii and made the hazard lesse dangerous but he little expected any such resolution so contrary to the rules of Militarie discipline that an enemy should not stick to passe over so broad a river to climbe up such steep and high Rocks to adventure battel in a place so disadvantageous and to hazard their fortune upon such inequalities And therefore he little mistrusted any such unlikely attempt wherein the enemy had plotted his own overthrow if the legions had been ready to receive them Which may teach a Generall that which Caesar had not yet learned that a Leader cannot be too secure in his most assured courses nor too carefull in his best advised directions considering that the greatest means may easily be prevented and the safest course weakened with an unrespected circumstance so powerfull are weak occurrences in the main course of the weightiest actions and so infinite are the wayes whereby either wisdome or fortune may work Neither did this warm him to provide for that which an enemy might do how unlikely soever it might seem unto him as appeareth by that accident in the battel with Pharnaces Which practise of attempting a thing against reason and the art of warre hath found good successe in our modern warres as appeareth by the French histories notwithstanding it is to be handled sparingly as no way favouring of circumspect and good direction forasmuch as Temeritas non semper felix Rashnesse does not alwayes speed well as Fabius the great answered Scipio The chiefest helps which the Romans found were first the advantage of the place whereof I spake in the Helvetian warre Secondly the experience which the souldiers had got in the former battels which much directed them in this turbulent assault wherein they carried themselves as men acquainted with such casualties Lastly the valour and undanted judgement of the Generall which overswaied the perill of the battel and brought it to so fortunate an end Wherein we may observe that as in a temperate course when the issue of the battel rested upon his directions he wholly intented warinesse and circumspection so in the hazard and perill of good hap he confronted extremity of danger with extremity of valour and over-topt fury with a higher resolution Chap. XII The Aduatici betake themselves to a strong hold and are taken by Caesar THe Aduatici before-mentioned coming with all their power to aid the Nervii and understanding by the way of their overthrow returned home again and forsaking all the rest of their Towns and Castles conveyed themselves and their wealth into one strong and well-fortified town which was compassed about with mighty rocks and steep downfalls saving in one place of two hundred foot in breadth where there was an entry by a gentle and easy ascent which passage they had fortified with a double wall of a large altitude and had placed mighty great stones and sharp beames upon the walls ready for an assault This people descended from the Cimbri and Teutoni who in their journey into Italy left such carriages on this side of the Rhene as they could not conveniently take along with them and 6000 men to look to them who after the death of their fellowes being many yeares disquieted by their neighbours sometimes invading other States and sometimes defending themselves at length procured a peace and chose this place to settle themselves in At the first coming of the Roman Army they sallied out of the town and made many light skirmishes with them but after that Caesar had drawn a rampier about the town of twelve foot in height fifteen miles in compasse and had fortified it with Castles very thick about the town they kept themselves within the wall And as they beheld the Vines framed the Mount raised and a tower in building afarre off at first they began to laugh at it and with scoffing speeches from the wall began to aske with what hands and with what strength especially by men of that stature for the Romans were but little men in respect of the Galles a tower of that huge massie weight should be brought unto the walles But when they saw it removed and approaching near unto the town as men astonished at the strange and unaccustomed sight thereof they sent Embassadours to Caesar to intreat a peace with this message They believed that the Romans did not make war without the speciall assistance of the Gods that could with such facility transport engines of that height and bring them to incounter at hand against the strongest part of their town and therefore they submitted both themselves
and all that they had to Caesars mercy desiring one thing of him earnestly which was that if his goodnesse and clemency which they had heard so high praises of had determined to save their lives he would not take away their Arms from them forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them and envied at their valour neither were they able to defend themselves if they should deliver up their Armour so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of Rome then to be butcherly murthered by them whom in former time they had held subject to their command To this Caesar answered that he would save the City rather of his own custome then for any desert of theirs so that they yielded before the Ram touched the wall but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their Armes for he would do by them as he had done by the Nervii and give commandment to their neighbours that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome This answer being returned to the City they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them and thereupon casting a great part of their Armour over the wall into the ditch insomuch as they fill'd it almost to the top of the rampier and yet as afterward was known concealing the third part they set open the gates and for that day carried themselves peaceably Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut and the souldiers to be drawn out of the town least in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them But the Aduatici having consulted together before forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the Romans would either set no watch at all or at the least keep it very carelesly partly with such Armour as they had retained and partly with targets made of bark or wrought of wicker which upon the suddain they had covered over with Leather about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest they issued suddainly out of the town with all their power but signification thereof being presently given by fires as Caesar had commanded the Romans hasted speedily to that place The Enemy fought very desperately as men in the last hope of their welfare incountering the Romans in a place of disadvantage all their hopes now lying upon their valour at length with the slaughter of four thousand the rest were driven back into the town The next day when Caesar came to break open the gates and found no man at defence he sent in the souldiers and sold all the people and spoil of the town the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae upon Bibract I set down the manner which both the Galles and the Romans used in their sudden surprising of a town whereof if they failed the place importing any advantage in the course of war they then prepared for the siege in that manner as Caesar hath described in this place They invironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier and fortified the said rampier with many Castles and Fortresses erected in a convenient distance one from another and so they kept the town from any forreign succour or reliefe and withall secured themselves from sallies or other stratagems which the townsmen might practice against them And this manner of siege was called circumvallatio the particular description whereof I referre unto the history of Alesia where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Ram which Caesar here mentioneth was of greatest note amongst all the Roman Engines and held that place which the Canon hath in our wars Vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the Carthaginians who at the taking of Cadiz wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a Castle they took a long beam or timber-tree and bearing it upon their armes and shoulders with the one end thereof they first brake down the uppermost rank of stones and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower The Romans had two sorts of Rams the one was rude and plain the other artificiall and compound the first is that which the Carthaginians used at Cadiz and is pourtrayed in the column of Traâ—an at Rome The compound Ram is thus described by Josephus A Ram saith he is a mighty great beam like unto the mast of a ship and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a Ram and thereof it took the name This Ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam which lieth crosse a couple of pillars and hanging thus equally balanced it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoild backward and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head neither is there any tower so strong or wall so broad that is able to stand before it The length of this Ram was of a large scantling for Plutarch affirmeth that Antony in the Parthian war had a Ram fourescore foot long And Vitruvius saith that the length of a Ram was usually one hundred and six and sometimes one hundred and twenty and this length gave great strength and force to the engine It was managed at one time with a whole Century or order of souldiers and their forces being spent they were seconded with another Century and so the Ram played continually upon the wall without intermission Josephus saith that Titus at the siege of Jerusalem had a ram for every legion It was oftentimes covered with a Vine that the men that managed it might be in more safety It appeareth by this place that if a town had continued out untill the ram had touched the wall they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in perill the lives of their enemies and were subdued by force of Armes which affordeth such mercy as the Victor pleaseth THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe Aduatici as it seemeth were not ignorant of the small security which one State can give unto another that commendeth their safety to be protected by it for as Architas the Pythagorean saith A body a Family and an Army are then well governed when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety so we must not look for any security in a State when their safety dependeth upon a forreign protection For the old saying is that Neque murus neque amicus quisquam teget quem propria arma non texere Neither wals nor friends will save him whom his own weapons do not defend Although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the Roman Empire and the late victories in the continent of Gallia whereof the Hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses but amongst kingdomes that are better suted with equality of strength and
labour And thus we find the reasons particularly delivered that moved Caesar first to undertake the Helvetian war and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with Ariovistus then followeth the necessity of that war with the Belgae and now the motives which induced him to this with the maâ—itime Cities of Bretagne and so consequently of his passage into Germany or what other enterprise he attempted which he layeth down as the grounds and occasions of those wars and could not be avoyded but with the losse and dishonour of the Roman Empire Further let us observe the means he used to prevent the inclination of the Galles and to keep them in subjection and peaceable obedience by sending his men into divers quarters of that Continent and so setling the wavering disposition of the further skirts with the weight of his Army and the presence of his legionary souldiers which he sent ready to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning that they might not break out to the prejudice and diminution of the Roman Empire and the good successe of his proceedings besides the advantage which he gained in the opinion of the Enemy whom he so little feared concerning the upshot of that quarrell that he had dispersed tâ—e greatest part of his Army upon other services the rest being sufficient to end that war CHAP. VI. The manner of their shipping and their sea-sight THe situation of almost all these Cities was such that being built in points promontories they could not at ful sea which happened alwayes twice in 12 houres be approached by foot-forces nor yet with shipping for again in an ebbe the vessels were laid on the grounâ— and so left as a prey to the enemy And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equall to the walls of the town and were at the point of entering and taking it yet the townsmen having such store of shipping would easily convey both themselves and their carriages into the next towns and there help themselves with the like advantage of place And thus they deluded Caesar the greatest part of the sommer for the Roman fleet by reason of continuall windes and foul weather durst not adventure to put out of the river Loire into so vast a sea wherein the havens and roads were few and farre distant one from another and the tides great The shipping of the Galles was thus built and rigged the keel was somewhat flatter then the Romans shipping the better to bear the ebbes and shallowes of that coast the fore-deck was altogether erect and perpendicular the poupe was made to bear the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest And in a word they were altogether built for strength for the ribs and seats were made of beams of a foot square fastned with iron pinnes of an inch thick in stead of cables they used chaines of iron and raw hides and skins for sailes either for want of linen or ignorant of the use thereof or because sailes of linen would hardly serve to carry ships of that burthen or endure the tempestuousnesse of those seas and the violence of the winds The meeting and conflict of the Roman navy with this kind of ships was such that they only excelled them in celerity and speedy nimblenesse with force of oars but in all other things either concerning the nature of the place or the dangers of the foul weather were farre inferiour unto them for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beak-heads nor cast a weapon to any purpose into them by reason of their altitude and high-built bulkes And if any gust chanced in the mean time to rise that forced them to commit themselves to the mercy of the weather their shipping would better bear the rage of the sea and with greater safety shelter it self amongst flats and shallowes without fear of rocks or any such hazard of all which chances the Roman navy stood continually in danger OBSERVATION ANd here let it not seem impertinent to the argument which we handle considering the generall use which we Islanders have of navigation briefly to set down the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea as far forth as shall seem necessary to the knowledge of a souldier which albeit they may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret yet forasmuch as they stand for true principles of regularity and well-approved rules in our Art of navigation let us take them for no lesse then they effect and give them that credit in our imagination which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heavens that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposall yet forasmuch as they serve to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancy of motion we esteem of them as they effect and not as they are Considering then the globe of the world as it maketh a right sphear for in that position the Naturalists chiefly understand celestiall influence to have operation in this liquid element of the water it is divided by the Horizon and Meridian into four quarters the first quarter is that between the east horizon and the noon meridian which they call a flowing quarter the second from the noon meridian to the west horizon which they make an ebbing quarter the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian which they likewise call a flowing quarter and again from the midnight meridian to the east horizon the second ebbing quarter And so they make two flowing quarters and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heaven The instruments of these sensible qualities and contrary effects are the sun and the moon as they are carried through these distinct distinct parts of the heaven And although experience hath noted the moon to be of greatest power in watry motions yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sun yieldeth in this miracle of nature First therefore we are to understand that when the moon or the sun begin to appear above the right horizon and enter into that part of the heaven which I termed the first flowing quarter that then the sea beginneth to swell and as they mount up to their meridian altitude so it increaseth untill it come to a high floud And again as those lights passing the meridian decline to the west and run the circuit of the ebbing quarter so the water decreaseth and returneth again from whence it came Again as they set under the west horizon and enter into the second flowing quarter so the sea beginneth again to flow and still encreaseth untill they come to the point of the night meridian and then again it refloweth according as the sun and moon are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian to the west horizon And hence it happeneth that in conjunction or new of the moon when the
in his army whom he perswaded with great rewards and further promises to fly to the Enemy and there to carry himself according to the instructions which he should give him This Gall coming as a revolter to the Enemy laid open unto them the fear of the Romans the extremity that Caesar was driven into by the Veneti and that the night following Sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his camp and to make all the haste he could to relieve Caesar Vpon which advertisement they all cryed out with one consent that this opportunity was not to be omitted but setting apart all other devises they would go and assault the Roman camp Many circumstances perswaded the Galles to this resolution as first the lingring and doubt which Sabinus had made when he was offered battel secondly the intelligence which this fugitive had brought thirdly the want of victuals wherein they had been negligent and unadvisedly carelesse fourthly the hope they conceived of the war of Vannes and lastly for that men willingly believe that which they would have come to passe The force of these motives was so strong that they would not suffer Viridovix nor the rest of the Captains to dismisse the Councell untill they had yielded that they should take Armes and go to the Roman Camp Which being granted they gathered rubbish and faggots to fill up the ditch and with cheerfull hearts as though the victory were already gotten they marched to the place where Sabinus was incamped which was the top of a hill rising gently from a levell the quantity of one thousand pases Hither the Galles hasted with all expedition and to the intent the Romans might not have so much time as to put on their Armour the Galles for haste ran themselves out of breath Sabinus incouraging his souldiers gave the sign of battel and sallying out at two severall gates of his Camp upon the enemy who were hindred with their loads of rubbish it fell out that through the opportunity of the place the wearinesse and unexperience of the Enemy the valour of the Roman souldier and their exercise informer battels that the Galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter but presently betook themselves to flight Ours being fresh and lusty pursued after and slew great numbers of them then chasing their horse suffered very few of them to save themselves by flight And so it happened that at one time Sabinus had news of the overthrow at Sea and Caesar of Sabinus victory by Land Vpon these victories all the Cities and States yielded themselves to Titurius for as the Galles are prompt to undertake a warre so are they weak in suffering and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof OBSERVATION THis practice of a counterfeit fear was often put in use by the Roman Leaders as well to disappoint the expectation of an Enemy as to draw them into an inconvenience and so to defeat them of their greatest helps in time of battel Caesar coming to succour the camp of Cicero made such use of this Art that he put to rout a great Army of the Galles with a handfull of men which I will refer unto the place where it is particularly set down by Caesar The chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their overthrow was disappointment for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of small consequence to be frustrated of a setled expectation when the mind shall dispose her self to one only intent and in the upshot meet with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained how much more then in things of such importance when we shall proceed in a course of victory and humour our conceits with that we wish and would have to happen and in the end meet either with bondage or death must our best wits be appalled having neither respite nor means to think how the evil may be best prevented Which the wise Romans wel understood and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardise by such as knew not the secrets of wisdome while they in the mean time foresaw their good fortunes shrowded under the cloak of a pretended distrust Let these examples instruct a Leader so to take the opportunity of any such fortune that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline as well for the better effecting of the design as for his own safety and the security of his Army For order is as the sinews and strength of martiall discipline uniting the particular members into the firm composition of a wel-proportioned body and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited parts how able or infinite soever I might here alledge infinite examples to confirm this truth but let the battel of Dreux serve for all wherein the Protestants overcharging the Catholick Army followed the retreat so hard that they quickly became Masters of the field and then neglecting martiall discipline fell in confusedly with the broken multitude to make the victory more glorious by slaughter and mortality The Duke of Guise all this while budged not a foot but in unexampled patience kept his regiment close together and would not suffer them to rescue their Generall that was taken untill the regiment of the Prince of Condie was likewise dispersed and broken and then perceiving no difference of order between the victor Protestant and the vanquished Catholick he dissolved that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence and so changed the fortune of the day that he took the chiefest of their Princes prisoners with little or no losse of his own men So powerfull is order in the deeds of Armes and of such consequence in obtaining victory And thus we have first seen the inconveniences which a counterfeit fear well dissembled may cast upon a credulous and unadvised enemy when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an errour which their own credulity doth afterward avouch and secondly what strength and safety consisteth in order and how powerfull it is to throw down and to set up CHAP. IX The proceedings of Crassus in Aquitanie AT the same instant of time it happened also that Pub. Crassus coming into Aquitania which both in regard of the large extension of the Countrey as also for the multitude of the inhabitants was named the third part of Gallia and considering that he was to make warre in those parts where L. Valerius Praeconius the Legate was slain and the Army overthrown and where Lucius Manlius was fain to fly with the losse of his carriages he thought that his affaires required no mean diligence and therefore having made provision of Corn and mustered many Auxiliary forces and sent for many valiant and prudent men by name from Tolouse Carcasone and Narbone cities bordering upon the province he carried his Army into the confines of the Sontiates Which was no
sooner known but they levied great forces both of horse and foot and with their horse in which their principall strength consisted charged upon the Romans in their march which being easily repelled as ours followed the retreat suddenly the infantry of the Galles shewed it self in a Valley as it lay in ambush These setting upon the Romans renewed the battel and there the fight continued hot a long time The Sontiates being animated with the former victories saw all the hope of Aquitanie rely upon their vertue and the Romans on the other side desired to shew what they were able to do of themselves without their grand Captain and under the conduct of a young souldier At length the enemy overwaged with prowesse and wearied with wounds betook themselves to flight of whom the Romans slew a great number and then marched directly to the town of the Sontiates and laid siege unto it the siege grew hot the Romans approaching the walles with vines turrets and mounts The townsmen defended themselves sometimes by sallying out sometimes by undermining the mounts and fortifications wherein the Aquitani are very skilfull But when they perceived the industry of the Romans to exceed all that they were able to do they intreated Crassus to accept their rendry Which being granted and all the Army intending the delivery of their Armes Adcantuanus their chief Magistrate fled out in the mean time at another port of the City with six hundred devoted companions whom they called Soldurii whose manner is to enjoy all good things in common with those whom they have chosen for their friends and if any misfortune befall them either to dy with them or presently kill themselves neither was it ever known in the memory of man that any of them refused to dy when his friend was slain But as they attempted to escape the souldiers that kept that part of the fortification as they signified his evasion by a clamour and shout the rest betook themselves to Armes and so after a sharp conflict repelled him again into the town where he desired to be taken in the number of the submissive multitude which was granted Crassus having taken hostages of them went into the confines of the Vocates and Tarusates THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese skilfull and experienced men which Crassus sent for out of all the Cities in Aquitaniâ— were those whom the Romans called Evocati such as were free from warfare and exempted by their laws from giving their names in musters either by reason of their yeares or the magistracy which they had born or for some other causes which gave them that priviledge and in that regard were sent for by Letters intreating their assistance in the carriage of that war as men well acquainted with the nature of such businesses Their places were nothing inferiour to the Centurions for advise and direction although they had no part in command or authority THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this fight we may further observe their manner of defence against Mounts and Cavalieros which we find chiefly to be Mines Josephus in the Jewish war saith that the Romans having raised an exceeding high mount the Jews undermined the same with such Art that as they digged underneath they supported the Mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrink and watching a time of greatest advantage they set all the timber-work which underpropped the mount on fire which taking fire with the help of Brimstone and Pitch the Mount fell upon a sudden to the great terrour amazement of the Romans At the siege of Avaricum we find how the Galles by undermining did take the earth from the Mount as fast as it was carried unto it by the Romans and so kept it from rising and made it uneffectuall But if it were for the most part made of wood or other combustible matter they sought then by all means to burn it as it happened at the siege of Massilia and oftentimes when both burning and undermining failed they confronted it with another Mount within the walles to disappoint the disadvantage by equall contesting of it and so made it unprofitable Concerning Mines thus much may I say without prejudice to that Art that the chiefest points to be respected are these First the true distance to a designed place which is best got by instrument and help of Geometry where other marks of certainty are wanting Secondly the direction of the Mine that we may not erre in our course which the Compasse affordeth Thirdly the strengthening of the Mine with timber-work if need require Lastly the countermining and crosse-meeting All which parts have very many circumstances and require a larger discourse then may be thought pertinent for this place THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe strange contract between these Soldurii and their Chieftain may well deserve a place amongst these observations especially considering the obligatory conditions which either party stood bound to oâ—serve for the Captain was to make his Soldurii partakers of all his happinesse in this life in regard whereof they were to take â—arâ— of whatsoever ill chance or disaster should happen to befall him If death which is the last end of all sensuall misery took hold of their head these devoted were tied voluntarily to follow him the self-same way neither in any memory was there saith he ever man found that refused to dy if he to whom he was devoted chanced to be slain Which bloudy league of amity as it was repugnant to the course of Nature multiplying particular destiny to a generall calamity so was it dangerous in a wel-ordered State if the Ring-leader were either ambitious or sought to practice any thing contrary to good government for he himself would presume much upon the assistance of his Soldurii and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts that were so interessed in his life and death CHAP. X. The Galles raise new forces against Crassus THe barbarous Galles were much troubled that a town of that strength both by nature and art should so soon be taken and therefore they sent Embassadours into all quarters conjured one with another confirmed their covenants with mutuall hostages and levied what power they were able to make sending for aid out of Spain and from other States that bordered upon Aquitanie At the coming of these forces they began to make warre with a great power and with many souldiers of great fame for they appointed such Leaders as had seen the experience of Sertorius his warres and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the Art Militarie These according to the custome of the people of Rome began to take places of advantage to fortifie their Camp and to intercept the Romans from free passage of convoyes and necessary intercourses Which when Crassus perceived and considering withall that his own forces were so few that he could not well dismember them upon any service or advantage and that the enemy went out
ought that may be gathered by their histories THE FIFTH OBSERVATION THe last thing which I observe is the place where Crassus bestowed the Auxiliary forces in the disposition of his troups to battel which is here said to be in mediam Aciem for as their Armies were divided into three battels so every battel was divided into three parts the two cornets and the battel wherein these Auxiliary forces were in this service bestowed of these he afterward saith that inasmuch as he durst not put any confidence in them he commanded them to serve the Romans in time of battel with stones and weapons and to carry earth and turf to the Mount The reason why suspected troups are placed in the battel rather then in either of the cornets is for that the battel hath not such scope to fling out or take advantage of place to do mischief as the cornets have for wheresoever there have been set battels fought the strength of their Army consisted alwayes in the cornets as the two principall instruments of the battel and as long as these stood sound the victory went alwayes certain on that part for the cornets both kept the enemy from incompassing about the body of their Army and had the advantage also of charging upon the open side of their adversary At the battel of Cannae Hannibal put the weakest of his forces in the battel and advancing them towards the enemy left the two cornets behind so that when the enemy came to charge upon the battel they easily beat them back and as they followed the retreat fell in between the two cornets wherein the strength of the Army consisted and being by them incompassed on each side were defeated and overthrown And thus we see the advantage which a Generall hath when his two cornets stand firm although the battel shrink in the encounter Hannibal in the battel he had with Scipio in Africk placed the Strangers in the front and in the rereward according peradventure as he found their number and the use of their Armes which are circumstances to be considered in this case and depend rather upon the judgement of a Generall then of any prescription that can be given in this matter CHAP. XI Crassus taketh the Camp of the Galles and with their overthrow endeth that warre CRassus understanding their drift and finding his men chearfull and willing to fight the whole army crying out that they would stay no longer but immediately set upon the enemies in their camp incouraged his souldiers and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged and as some began to fill up the ditch and others with casting weapons to beat the Galles from the rampier he commanded the Auxiliary forces of whom he had no great assurance to bring stones and weapons to the souldiers that fought and to carry earth and turf to the Mount that so they might make a shew of fighting And on the other side as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance to cast their weapons from the higher ground to the great hurt of the Roman souldier the horsemen in the mean time riding about the Camp of the Galles brought word to Crassus that the rampier at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places but would admit an easy entrance Crassus dealt earnestly with the Commanders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewards and instructed them what he would have done They according to their instructions took four cohorts that were left in the Camp fresh and no way tired and carrying them a further way about that they might not be discovered by the Enemy while all mens eyes and minds were intent upon the fight they speedily came to the place of the fortifications which the horsemen had found to be weak which being easily broken down they had entered the Camp before the Enemy either saw them or could tell what was done And then a great clamour and shout being heard about that place the Roman legions renewing their force as it falleth out alwayes in hope of victory began to charge them afresh with great fury The Galles being circumvented on each side and despairing of their safety casting themselves over the rampier sought by flight to escape the danger But forasmuch as the Countrey was open and champain the horsemen pursued them with that execution that of fifty thousand which came out of Aquitanie and Spain there scarce remained the fourth part Vpon the news of this fight the most part of the Aquitani yielded to Caesar and of their own accord gave him hostages amongst these were the Tarbelli Bigerriones Preciani Vocates Tarusates Elusates Garites Ausci Garumni Sibutzates and Cocasates Only some few that lived farther off trusting upon the coming on of winter held off and did not submit themselves OBSERVATION FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute how an Enemy that is strongly incamped and for some advantage will not remove may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great consequence in matter of warre and therefore deserveth due consideration Concerning which he layeth this down for a maxime that all sorts and strong holds are taken by the foot and that camps and lodgings are taken by the head By which is meant that he who purposeth to win a fortresse well manned and provided must first get the foot and take hold of the ditch and then seise himself upon the rampier and so get the place for he saith that mounts and eminent elevations are of little use against fortresses or sconses unlesse they over-top them which may be easily prevented by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front and the curtain in slank according as the enemy shall carry his mounts aloft and so they shall never come to over-top the holds But all Camps and lodgings are taken by the head that is by mounts and elevations which by the advantage of their height command the champain for he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the Camp in so short a time to contest that which the enemy shall make without This foundation being laid he proceedeth to discover a way how to raise a mount maugre the enemy which shall dislodge them by force of Artillery or murther them all within their trenches And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia The substance of the matter consisteth in a double dâ—tch running like unto the line which the 〈◊〉 call Helicall By this double ditch he maketh his approach to any place of most advantage where he may in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to play upon any quarter of the Camp The censure of this practice I referre to our judicious souldiers who may if it please them take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himself Thus much I dare affirm in the behalf of these
Rhene with great multitudes of people not farre from the place where it falleth into the sea The reason of their slitting was the ill intreaty which for many years together they had received of the Suevi the greatest and warlikest nation amongst the Germans For these Suevi had one hundred Cantons or shires which yearly furnished their warres with a thousand men apiece and kept as many at home to maintain both themselves and their Armies abroad and these the year following were in Armes and the other stayed at home and performed the like duty and so by this means they all continued their experience both of tillage and matter of warre No man had any ground proper to himself neither might they abide longer then a year in one place They lived chiefly upon cattell and milk and used much hunting which was the cause what through the quality of their diet their continuall exercise and liberty of life being never brought up to any calling or tyed to any discipline nor urged to any thing against their disposition that they were strong and of a large stature and they had used themselves so to it that they never cared for any cloathing in the coldest place they came in more then skins and hides which covered but part of their body the rest being naked and they wash their bodies usually in the rivers They have merchants that frequent their ports not so much to bring them any commodities from abroad as to buy the prey and spoil they take in warre And whereas the Galles take much delight in oxen and other beasts and stick not to give any price for them the Germans care not for the bringing of them amongst them but rather use their own mishapen ugly cattel which by daily inuring they bring to perform any service Their horsemen oftentimes in time of battel forsook their horse and fought on foot their horses being taught to stand still in one place that when they would they might return unto them Neither was there any thing accounted more base or uselesse in the course of their life then to use furniture for horses and therefore they would adventure to charge upon great troups of horse that used Equipage with a few of their own quality They admitted no wine to be brought in unto them least it might effeminate their warlike inclination or make them unapt for labour The greatest honour in their opinion was to have then bordering Territories ly waste and desolate for so it would be thought that many States together could not resist their conquering valour and it was reported that the countrey lay waste from the Suevi one way six hundred miles together THE OBSERVATION BY this practice of the Suevi it appeareth how little a naked resolution of valour availeth when it wanteth the ornaments of moral 〈◊〉 and civile discretion to make use of that greatnesse which prowesse hath obtained for notwithstanding that they were a nation both warlike and of good ability they were so vainly carried on with a conceit of manhood that it sorted to no other end then to maintain barbarisme at home and desolation abroad whereas true valour is alwayes subordinate to the preservation of Commonweals and is as the defensive Armes of civile society Which I have the rather noted inasmuch as it resembleth an humour that aboundeth in this age especially in the particular haviour of our young Gallants whose naked valour revealing it self only in the lie and in the stabb for want of other assistant vertues to temper the heat of so brittle a metall leadeth them into such inconveniences and disordered actions that it changeth the nature thereof into giddy-headed rashnesse and in lieu of vertues guerdon is repaied with irrision CHAP. II. The motives inducing the Vsipetes to come over the Rhene into Gallia NExt unto these Suevi inhabited the Ubii a very ample and potent State and through their entercourse and traffick with merchants being seasoned also with the manners of the Galles their neighbours somewhat more civil then the rest of the Germans With these the Suevi had often waged battel and albeit they could not expel them out of their countrey forasmuch as their State was very great and populous yet by continuall incursions they brought them under and much weakened their estate In the same case were the Usipetes and Tenchtheri before mentioned for having made head against the Suevi for many years together they were constrained in the end to forsake their possessions and wandering the space of three years through the Continent of Germany at last they arrived where the Menapii inhabited the banks on either side the river Rhene who being terrified with the arrivall of such a multitude forsook all their dwellings beyond the river and planted themselves on this side of the water to hinder the Germans from further passage The Usipetes with their associates having tried all means and not finding themselves able to passe over by force for want of boats nor by stealth by reason of the diligent watch of the Menapii fained a retreat to their old habitation and after three dayes journey their horsemen in one night speedily returned again and slew the Menapii both unguarded and unprovided For they upon the departure of the Germans feared not to return over the river into their towns and houses These being slain and their shipping taken they got over the river before the rest of the Menapii had any notice of their coming by which means they easily dispossessed them of their dwelling places and lived that winter upon the provision they found there Caesar understanding of these things and fearing the weaknesse of the Galles inasmuch as they are sudden and quick in their resolutions and withall desirous of novelty he durst no way trust their unconstancy for it was their practice and custome to stay travellers and passengers and inquire of them what they either heard or knew concerning any thing that had happened and the common people would flock about Merchants in faires and markets and learn of them whence they came and what news they brought from thence and by these rumours and hearsayes they directed the main course of their actions whereof they could not but soon repent themselves being grounded upon such weak intelligence as was usually coined to please the multitude Which custome being known Caesar to prevent a greater warre hasted to his Army sooner then he was wont to do OBSERVATION SUch as have spent their time in the contemplation of Nature and have made diligent search of the temperature and quality of climates and nations have all with one consent made Choler the Regent of the French complexion distinguishing the people with such attributes as the said humour usually breedeth Neither have these conditions which Caesar so long ago observed in the ancient Galles any disresemblance from that which the learned of this age have delivered concerning the nature of the said inhabitants but that irresolute constitution which breeds such
left the battel he clapp'd spurrs to his horse and rushing upon the throng to rescue him was there slain After this battel Caesar thought it not safe either to hearken to any conditions or to receive any message from them that by fraud and deceit had sought for peace and meant nothing but warre And to attend any longer untill their horsemen returned was but to give them that advantage against him especially considering the weaknesse of the Galles amongst whom the Germans by this battel had gained great reputation and therefore he durst not give them space to think upon it OBSERVATION THis cunning of the Germans offereth occasion to speak somewhat concerning that main controversie of policie which is whether the actions of Princes and great Commanders are alwayes to be attended with integrity and faithfull accomplishment thereof Wherein I will only set down such arguments and grounds of reason which vertue and morall honesty on the one part for we will make it no question to a Christian mind and the daily practice of States-men on the other side alledge to make good their contrary assertions The great Politicians of the world that commend vertue in a shew and not in esse and being and study to maintain their states only with humane reason not regarding the authority of divine ordinance set this down as a maxime in their Art That he that is to negotiate a matter and meaneth to bring it to an end sorting to his contentment must in all respects be like qualified both in judgement and disposition as the party is with whom he dealeth otherwise he cannot be sufficiently prepared to hold himself strong in the matter which he undertaketh For a wrastler that cometh with mere strength to incounter another that hath both strength and cunning may beshrew his strength that brought him thither to be cast by skill and be laught at as an unworthy Champion for serious sports in like manner in this universall confusion of infidelity wherein subtilty flyeth at so high a pitch he that thinketh with simplicity of spirit to wind through the labyrinths of falshood and avoyd the snares of deceit shall find himself too weak for so difficult a task and beshrew his honesty if he regard his commodity For it is the course that every man taketh which must bring us to the place to which every man goeth and he that opposeth himself against the current of the world may stand alone in his own conceit and never attain that which the world seeketh after Forasmuch therefore as craft and deceit are so generall it behoveth a man of publick negotiations to carry a mind apt and disposed to these qualities This was signified by that which ancient writers report of Achilles who was sent to Chiron the Centaur half a man and half a beast to be instructed in the rudiments of Princely carriage that of the brutish part he might learn to strengthen himself with force and courage and of the humane shape so to manage reason that it might be a fit instrument to answer or prevent whatsoever mans wit might forge to overthrow it Neither ought a private man to wonder at the strangenesse of these positions considering that the government of kingdoms and Empires is carried with another bias then that which concerneth particular affairs in a wel-ordered State wherein truth-breakers and faithlesse dissemblers are worthily condemned inasmuch as they necessarily enforce the ruine thereof But these that sit at the helm of government and are to shape the course of a State according to the variation of times and fortunes derive their conclusions from other principles whereof inferiour subjects are no more capable then men are able to understand the works of the Gods and therefore they are called arcana imperii secrets of State to be reverenced rather then lookt into To conclude the affairs of particular persons are of so short extension and incircled in so small a compasse that a mean capacity may easily apprehend the advantages or inconveniences which may ensue upon the contract and therefore it is requisite they should stand to the adventure and their judgement is worthily taxed with the losse but the businesses of the Commonweal are both subject to so many casualties of fortune and rely upon such unexpected accidents that it is impossible for any spirit how provident soever to foresee the issue in that variety of chances Besides that every particular subject is much interessed in the fortune of the event and may justly chalenge an alteration of the intended course rather then suffer shipwrack through the errour of their Pilot And so the safety of the State doth balance out the losse of credit in the Governour On the other side such as zealously affect true honour affirm vertue to be the same both in Prince and people neither doth condition of state or calling or the quality of publick or private businesses alter the nature and essence of goodnesse for to deprive the tongue of truth and fidelity were to break the bond of civile society which is the basis and ground-plot of all States and Commonweals They do not deny but that a wise Prince may so carry a treaty that he may seem to affect that most which he least intendeth or answer doubtfully concerning the propositions and that he may use with great honour the practices and stratagems of war when the fortune of both parties consisteth upon their own industry but to break any covenants agreed upon may well get a kingdome but never honourable reputation And thus they contend concerning the means whereby a State is continued in happy government whereof thus much I dare say by the warrant of this History that he who falâ—â—fieth his word upon advantage howsoever he regardeth his honour had need to pay them home in regard of his own safety for if they once recover the losse and get any advantage against those truth-breakers they will find as little favour as the Germans did with Caesar CHAP. V. Caesar marcheth directly to the Camp of the Germans and cutteth them all in pieces and so endeth that warre VPon these considerations Caesar manifesting his resolution to the Legates and Questor there happened a very fortunate accident For the next day very early in the morning most of the Princes and chiefest of the Germans came unto Caesar into his Camp to excuse their fraudulent practice and withall to continue their petition of truce Whereof Caesar was exceeding glad and caused them to be kept in hold and at the same instant brought his Army out of the Camp commanding his horsemen to follow the legions because they had been daunted with so late an overthrow And making a triple battel marched speedily eight miles and so came upon the Germans before they had notice what had happened Who being terrified with our sudden arrivall and the departure of their own leaders knew not whether it were their best course to bring forth their forces or defend their Camp or
other works which he might well record as the greatest designes of an heroick spirit and the wonderfull effects of magnanimous industry that succeeding ages might not boast either of Art or prowesse which his vertue had not expressed or otherwise might wonder at that worth which they themselves could not attain unto And to that purpose he entertained Vuruvius the Father of Architecture and as worthily to be imitated in that faculty as his Master Caesar is in feats of Armes By whose example a great Commander may learn how much it importeth the eternity of his fame to beautify his greatest designes with Art and to esteem of such as are able to intreat the Mathematicall Muses to shew themselves under the shape of a sensible form which albeit through the rudenesse of the matter fall far short of the truth of their intellectuall nature yet their beauty expresseth such a majesty of Art that no time will suffer the memory thereof to perish The workmanship of this bridge consisted chiefly in the oblique situation of the double posts whereof the first order bending with the stream and the lower rank against the stream when they came to be coupled together with overthwart beams which were fastened in the couplings with braces which he nameth Fibulas the more violent the stream fell upon the work the faster the joynts of the building were united as may better appear by a modell of that making then can be expressed by any circumstance of words I might hence take occasion to speak of the diversity of bridges and of the practices which antiquity hath devised to transport Armies over Rivers but inasmuch as it is a common subject for all that undertake this Military task and hath been handled by Lapsius upon the occasion of this bridge I will refer the Reader to that place and only note the singular disposition of this action inasmuch as Caesar made the means correspondent to that end which he intended For considering that the chiefest end of his passage was to let the Germans understand that the power of the Roman Empire was not bounded with the Rhene and that a river could not so separate their territories but that they were able to joyn both the Continents together and make a common road-way where it seemed most unpassable he thought it best to passe over his Army by a bridge that so the Germans might know the power of his forces and also conceit their Territoâ—ies as united unto Gallia or to be united at the pleasure of the Romans with a firm Isthmus and plain passage by foot which in times past had alwayes been separated by a mighty river Neither would a transportation by boat have wrought that effect forasmuch as the daily use thereof was so familiar to the Germans that it nothing altered their imagination of an unaccessible passage but when they saw so strange a thing attempted and so suddenly performed they would easily understand that they were not so farre off but that they might be overtaken and so direct their demeanour accordingly Let this suffice therefore to prove that a passage over a river by a bridge is more honourable safe and of greater terrour to the enemy then any other way that can be devised especially if the river carry any depth such as the Rhene is otherwise if it have either shallows or fords whereby men may wade over without any great incumbrance it were but loâ—â— labour to stand about a bridge but rather to think of it as of a place incumbred with such hindrances as men often meet with in a march CHAP. VII Caesar taketh revenge upon the Sicambri giveth liberty to the Ubii and returneth again into Gallia THe Sicambri understanding that Caesar was making a bridge over the Rhene prepared themselves to fly and at the perswasion of the Usipetes Tenchtheri forsook their country and conveyed themselves and their possessions into woods and solitary Deserts Caesar continuing a few dayes in their quarters having set on fire their villages and houses and burned up their Corn and provision came to the Ubii promising them aid against the Suevi by whom he understood that assoon as the Suevi had intelligence that he went about to make a bridge calling a Councell according to their manner they sent unto all quarters of their State that they should forsake their towns and carry their wives and children and all that they had into the woods and that all that were able to bear Armes should make head in one place which they appointed to be the midst of their Country and there they attended the coming of the Romans and were resolved in that place to give them battel Which when Caesar understood having ended all those things in regard whereof he came into Germany which was chiefly to terrify the Germans to be revenged upon the Sicambri to set the Ubii at liberty having spent in all eighteen dayes beyond the Rhene and done enough as well in regard of his own honour as the good of the commonweal he returned into Gallia and brake up the bridge CHAP. VIII Caesar thinketh of a voyage into Britanie he enquireth of Merchants concerning the nature of that people ALthough the Summer was almost spent and that in those parts the winter hastened on a pace inasmuch as all Gallia inclineth to the North notwithstanding he resolved to go over into Britanie â—orasmuch as he understood that in all the former wars of Gallia the Enemy had received most of their supply from thence And although the time of the year would not suffer him to finish that war yet he thought it would be to good purpose if he went only to view the Island to understand the quality of the inhabitants and to know their coast their ports and their landing-places whereof the Galles were altogether ignorant for seldome any man but merchants did travell unto them Neither had they discovered any thing but the sea-coast and those regions which were opposite unto Gallia And therefore calling merchants together from all quarters he neither could understand of what quantity the Island was what nations or what power they were that inhabited â—t what use or experience of war they had what laws or customes they used nor what havens they had to receive a navy of great shipping OBSERVATION AS the Germans had oftentimes stirred up motions of rebellion amongst the Galles by sending their superfluous multitudes into their kingdome so the Britans had upheld most of their wars by furnishing them with such supplies as from time to time they stood in need of So that if Caesar or the Roman people would rest secure of their quiet and peaceable government in Gallia as they had chastised the insolencie of the Germans and sent them back again with greater losse then gain so was it necessary to make the Britans know that their assistance in the war of Gallia would draw more businesses upon them then they were well able to manage For as
Imperator upon a due and full victory CHAP. XI The Britans make peace with Caesar but break it again upon the losse of the Roman shipping THe Britans being overthrown in this battel assoon as they had recovered their safety by flighâ— they presently dispatched messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace promising hostages and obedience in whatsoever he commanded And with these Ambassadours returned Comius of Arras whom Caesar had sent before into Britany and whom the Britans at his first landing with Caesars mandates had seized upon and thrown into prison but after the battel they released him and becoming now suitours for peace threw all the blame thereof upon the multitude excusing themselves as ignorant of it and so desiring to be pardoned Caesar complained that whereas they sent unto him into Gallia to desire peace notwithstanding at his coming they made war against him without any cause or reason at all but excusing it by their ignorance he commanded hostages to be delivered unto him which they presently performed in part and the rest being to be set further off they promised should likewise be rendered within a short time In the mean while they commanded their people to return to their possessions and their Rulers and Princes came out of all quarters to commend themselves and their States to Caesar The peace being thus concluded four dayes after that Caesar came into Britany the eighteen ships which were appointed for the horsemen put out to sea with a gentle wind and approching so near the coast of Britany that they were within view of the Roman Camp there arose such a sudden tempest that none of them were able to hold their course but some of them returned to the port from whence they came other some were cast upon the lower part of the Island which lieth to the West-ward and there casting anchour took in so much water that they were forced to commit themselves again to the sea and direct their course to the coast of Gallia The same night it happened that the moon being in the full the tides were very high in those seas whereof the Romans being altogether ignorant both the Gallies that transported the army which were drawn up upon the shore were filled with the tide and the ships of burthen that lay at anchour were shaken with the tempest Neither was there any help to be given unto them so that many of them were rent and split in pieces and the rest lost both their anchours cables and other tackling and by that means became altogether unserviceable Where at the whole Army was exceedingly troubled for there was no other shipping to recarry them back again neither had they any necessaries to new furnish the old and every man knew that they must needs winter in Gallia forasmuch as there was no provision of corning those places where they were Which thing being known to the Princes of Britany that were assembled to conferre of such things as Caesar had commanded them to perform when they understood that the Romans wanted both their horsemen shipping and provision of corn and conjecturing of the paucity of their forces by the small circuit of their Camp that which made it of lesse compasse then usual being that Caâ—sar had transported his souldiers without such necessary carriages as they used to take with them they thought it their best course to rebell and to keep the Romans from corn and convoyes of provision and so prolong the matter untill winter came on For they thought that if these were once overthrown and cut off from returning into Gallia never any man would afterward adventure to bring an Army into Britany Therefore they conspired again the second time and conveyed themselves by stealth out of the Camp and got their men privily out of the fields to make head in some convenient place against the Romans THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea and the causes thereof it hath already been handled in the second book to which I will add thus much as may serve to shew how the Romans became so ignorant of the spring-tides which happen in the full and new of the Moon It is observed by experience that the motion of this watery element is altogether directed by the course of the moon wherein she exerciseth her regency according as she findeth the matter qualified for her influence And forasmuch as all mediterranean seas and such gulfs as are inclosed in sinâ—es and bosomes of the earth are both abridged of the liberty of their course and through the smallnesse of their quantity are not so capable of celestiall power as the Ocean it self it consequently followeth that the Tuscan seas wherewith the Romans were chiefly acquainted were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon as the main sea whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit and through the plentious abundance of his parts better answereth the vertue of the Moon The Ocean therefore being thus obedient to the course of the celestiall bodies taking her course of slowing from the North falleth with such a current between the Orcades and the main of Norvegia that she filleth our channel between England and France with great swelling tides and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters then in any other parts of the world And hence it happeneth that our river of Thames lying with her mouth so ready to receive the tide as it cometh and having withall a plain levelled belly and a very small fresh current taketh the tide as far into the land as any other known river of Europe And for this cause the Romans were ignorant of the spring-tides in the full of the moon THE SECOND OBSERVATION SUch as either by their own experience or otherwise by observation of that which history recordeth are acquainted with the government of Commonweals are not ignorant with what difficulty a nation that either hath long lived in liberty or been governed by Commanders of their own chusing is made subject to the yoak of bondage or reduced under the obedience of a stranger For as we are apt by a naturall inclination to civile society so by the same nature we desire a free disposition of our selves and possessions as the chiefest end of the said society and therefore in the government of a subdued State what losse or disadvantage happeneth to the Victour or how indirectly soever it concerneth the bond of their thraldome the captive people behold it as a part of their adversaries overthrow and conceive thereupon such spirits as answer the greatnesse of their hope and sort with the strength of their will which alwayes maketh that seem easy to be effected which it desireth And this was the reason that the Britans altered their resolution of peace upon the losse which the Romans had received in their shipping CHAP. XII Caesar new triâ—ameth his late shaken navy the Britans set upon the Romans as they harvested but were put off by Caesar
government And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph And Livie in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate how they could deny one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected The manner of the Ceremony was that after the Magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile quod bene feliciter rempublicam administrasset that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands went to all the Temples of the gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victory in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most as appeareth by Livie in his third book where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one dayes supplication the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four dayes of supplication to which there was afterward a day added which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen and now brought to twenty dayes Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing which the Romans propounded both at home abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentary The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia he carrieth five legions into Britany where he maketh war with the Britans on both sides the river Thames At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt and first the Eburones under the conduction of Ambiorix set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumvent by subtilty and then besiege the Camp of Cicero but are put by and their Army overthrown by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters which he yearly did gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could to repair the old commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading and unlading of them and because the tides in these seas were very great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places and all of them to be made for the use of Oares to which purpose their low building served very conveniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain Caesar after an assembly of the States in Lombardy went presently into Illyricum where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers and appointed them a rendezvous Which the Pirustae hearing of they sent embassadours presently to him excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded Caesar having heard their message appointed them to give hostages and to bring them by such a day or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city Hostages were brought by the appointed time whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities and to punish as they saw cause for it These things being over he returned forthwith into Lombardy and thence to his army in Gallia THE OBSERVATION THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Callis others take it to be Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it self very low hath notwithstanding very high banks which incompasse the town about and in times past was a very large haven To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues Caesar maketh it thirty miles This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri and goeth to his navy Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain his flight and death CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri in regard they neither came to the assembly of States nor were obedient to his commands and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse having likewise a great force of foot and lying so conveniently upon the Rhene for assistance wherein there was at thâ—s time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler Cingetorix as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army came in to him assuring him of the fidelity of his party and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could resolving upon nothing else then war securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Arduenna which is a very large wood beginning at the Rhene and running through the middle of the Treviri to the borders of the people of Rheims While things were thus preparing divers of the chief of the city some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix others affrighted at the coming of our army came forth to Caesar and since they could not do it for the whole city they endeavoured to make every man his own peace Induciomarus seeing this and fearing to be left at last alone sent Embassadours to Caesar excusing what he had done in not coming to him which he saâ—d was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience for if all the nobility should have left it the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles that the city was now at his command and if Caesar would give leave he was ready to wait upon him in his camp and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet Caesar albeit he well knew
the Romans and to give them battell but being beaten back with our horsemen they conveyed themselves into a wood The place was strongly fortified both by Art and Nature and made for a defence as it seemeth in their civill wars for all the entrances were shut up with great trees layd overthwart the passages And the Britans shewed themselves out of the wood but here and there not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification But the souldiers of the seventh legion with a Testudo which they made and a mount which they raised took the place and drave them all out of the woods without any losse at all saving some few wounds which they received But Caesar forbade his men to follow after them with any long pursuit because he was both ignorant of the place and a great part of that day being spent he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his Camp OBSERVATION CAesar having taken what assurace of peace he could with the Galles both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him and by leaving three legions in the Continent to keep the vulgar people in obedience he imbarked all his men at one place that they might be all partakers of the same casualties and take the benefit of the same adventures which being neglected the year before drew him into many inconveniences for want of horse which being imbarked at another Haven met with other chances and saw other fortunes and never came to him into Britany The place of landing in this second voyage was the same where he landed the year before and by the circumstances of this history may agree with that which tradition hath delivered of Deale in Kent where it is said that Caesar landed In the first year we find that he never removed his Campe from the sea shore where he first seated himself although his men went out to bring in corne as far as they might well return again at night but now he entred further into the Iland and within twelve miles march came unto a river which must needs be that of Canterbury which falleth into the Sea at Sandwich In that hee saith that the garrison of his shipping consisted of ten Cohorts which I have said to be a legion we must understand that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garrison but he took ten cohorts out of his whole forces peradventure two out of every legion and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping CHAP. IV. Caesar returneth to his Navies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before THe next day early in the morning he divided his forces into three companies sent them out to pursue the enemy but before they had marched any far distance and came to have the rereward of the Enemy in view there came news from Q. Atrius with whom he left the ten cohorts and the charge of the shipping that the night before there was such a tempest at sea that the whole Navy was either fore beaten or cast on shore and that neither anchour nor cable could hold them nor yet the Sailers endure the force of the weather and that there was great loss in the shipping by running against one another in the violence of the tempest Upon these news Caesar caused the legions to be called back again and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further He himself returned to the navy where he found that to be true which he had heard and that about forty ships were lost and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines First therfore he chose ship-wrights and carpenters out of the legions and caused others to be sent for out of Gallia and wrote to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour yet he thought it best to hale up all the ships on shore and to inclose them within the fortification of his camp In this business he spent ten daies without intermission either of night or day until he had drawn up the ships and strongly fortified the camp leaving the same garrison which was there before to defend it THE OBSERVATION WHerein we may behold the true image of undaunted valour the horrible industry as Tully termeth it which he used to prevent Fortune of her stroke in his business and comprehend casualties and future contingents within the compasse of order and the bounds of his own power being able in ten dayes space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazard of wind weather to make his Camp the Road for his Navy that so he might rest secure of a means to return at his pleasure CHAP. V. The Britans make Cassivellaunus Generall in this war The Iland and the manners of the people described CAesar returning to the place from whence he came found far greater forces of the Britans there assembled then he left when he went to the Navy and that by publick consent of the Britans the whole government of that war was given to Cassivellaunus whose kingdom lay divided from the maritime States with the river Thames beginning at the sea and extending it self four score miles into the Iland This Cassivellaunus made continual war with his neighbour States but upon the coming of the Romans they all forgot ther home-bred quarrels and cast the whole government upon his shoulders as the fittest to direct in that war The inner part of Britany is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be born in the Iland and the maritime coast by such as came out of Belgia either to make incursions or invasions and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came The country is very populous and well inhabited with houses much like unto them in Gallia They have great store of cattel and use brass for mony or iron rings weighed at a certain rate In the mediterranean parts there is found great quantity of Tyn and in the maritime parts iron but they have but little of that their brasse is brought in by other Nations They have all sorts of trees that they have in Gallia excepting the Fig and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eat either Hare Hen or Goose notwithstanding they have of all sorts as well for novelty as variety The Country is more temperate and not so cold as Gallia The Island lyeth triangle-wise whereof one side confronteth Gallia of which side that angle wherein Kent is the usuall place of landing from Gallia pointeth to the East and the other angle to the South This side containeth about 500 mile Another side lyeth toward Spain and the West that way where Ireland lyeth being an Island half as big as England and as far distant from it as Gallia In the mid-way between England and Ireland lyeth an Iland called
as soon as he had caused to be set aflote in regard partly of the great number of prisoners he had and that some of his ships were cast away he determined to carry his Army over at twice And so it happened that of so great a fleet at so many voyages neither this year nor the year before there was not any one ship missing which carried over our souldiers onely of those which were to be sent back to him after they had landed the first half and those which Labienus caused afterwards to be made threescore in number few could make to the place the rest were all kept back Which Caesar having for some time expected in vain and fearing that the time of year would not long serve for sailing for the Equinoctiall was at hand was forced to dispose his souldiers closer and in lesse room So taking the opportunity of a calme sea he set sail about the beginning of the second watch and came to land by break of day his whole fleet arriving in safety OBSERVATION ANd thus ended the war in Britany which affordeth little matter of discourse being indeed but a scambling war as well in regard of the Britans themselves who after they had felt the strength of the Roman legions would never adventure to buckle with them in any standing battell as also in regard there were no such towns in Britany as are recorded to have been in Gallia which might have given great honour to the war if there had been any such to have been besieged and taken in by Caesar And although Tacitus saith that Britany was rather viewed then subdued by Caesar being desirous to draw that honour to his father in law Agricola yet we find here that the Trinobantes which were more then either the skirt or the heart of Britany for our Historians do understand them to have inhabited that part which lieth as far as Yorkshire and Lancashire were brought under the Roman Empire by Caesar who was the first that ever laid tribute upon Britany in the behalf of the people of Rome or cast upon them the heavy name of a subdued people THE SECOND OBSERVATION BUt least I may seem negligent in these occurrences of Britany as not deeming the alteration happening in this Iland by the power of Rome worthy due memory I will briefly set down the state thereof from this Area during the lives of the twelve Emperours Iulius Caesars next successours first Augustus and then Tiberius thought it policy to restrain the infinite desire of inlarging the Roman Empire so left this entrance into Britany unseconded Caius is said to have had a meaning to invade it but did nothing Claudius transported legions and aides and first sent Aulus Plautius Governour and after him Ostorius who overthrew king Caradocus in battell and shewed him at Rome to Claudius to Agrippina and the Lords of the Senate who affirmed the sight to be no lesse honourable then when P. Scipio shewed Sâ—phaces or L. Paulus Perses Him Didius Gallus succeeded who being old and full of honour thought it sufficient to keep that which his predecessours had gotten Next unto Didius came Veranius onely memorable in dying the first year of his Propraetorship but Suetonius Paulinus following got a great name first by invading Anglesey strong with inhabitants and a receptacle for fugitives secondly by overthrowing Boadicea Queen of the Iceni in a battell comparable to the victories of old times wherein fourscore thousand Britans were slain with the losse of foure hundred Roman souldiers But being thought to be over-severe he left his charge to Petronius Turpilianus who composing former troubles with a milder carriage was succeeded by Trebellius Maximus whose easie course of government taught the Britans good manners and made the souldiers first wanton with ease and then mutinous which by his gentle intreaty being ended without bloud-shed he left his place to Vectius Bolanus of like loosenesse of discipline but in stead of obedience got much good will The errours of these three soft Propraetors were holpen by Petilius Caerealis a great Commander and worthy his place he subdued the Brigantes and left the place to Iulius Frontinus who with no lesse happinesse vanquished the Silures The last was Agricola fortunate in divers battells against the Britans and as unhappy in his reward for Domitian maligning his honour first discharged him of his place and then as it is thought poisoned him And this was the state of Britany under the twelve Emperours CHAP. IX Caesar disposeth his legions into their wintering Camp and quieteth the Carnutes AFter he had put his ships in harbour and held a Councell of the Galles at Samarobrina forasmuch as that year by reason of the drought there was some scarcity of corn in Gallia he was constrained to garrison his Army and to disperse them into more cities then he had done the years before And first he gave one legion to Caius Fabius to be led among the Morim another to Quintus Cicero to be carried to the Nervii another to L. Roscius to be conducted to the Essui a fourth he commanded to winter amongst the men of Rhemes in the marches of the Treviri under T. Labienus three he placed in Belgium with whom he sent Mar. Crassus his Questor L. Munatius Plancus and C. Trebonius Legates he sent one legion that which he had last inrolled beyond the river Po in Italy with five cohorts unto the Eburones the greatest part of whose country lyeth between the Mase and the Rhene and was under the command of Ambiorix and Cativulcus with them he sent Q. Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta By distributing his legions in this manner he thought to remedy the scarcity of corn and yet the garrisons of all these legions excepting that which Roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part were contained within the space of one hundred miles And untill his legions were setled and their wintering camps fortified he determined to abide in Gallia There was amongst the Carnutes a man of great birth called Tasgetius whose ancestours had born the chief rule in their State This man for his singular prowesse and good will towards him for he had done him very good service in all his wars Caesar restored to the dignity of his forefathers Before he had reigned three years his enemies with the complotment of divers of his citizens kill'd him in the open streets which thing was complained of to Caesar Who fearing in regard so many men had a hand in it lest that the city should by their instigation revolt commanded L. Plancus immediately to march with his legion thither from his quarters in Belgium and there to winter and whomsoever he could learn to be the ring-leaders in the death of Tasgetius he should take hold of them and send them to him Mean while Caesar had notice from all his Legates and Quaestors to whom he had delivered his legions that they were setled in winter garrisons and
done nothing of himself but by the impulsion of the State among whom such was his condition that the people had as great authority over him as he himself had in regard of the people who were likewise inforced to this war because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the Galles whereof his smal means might be a sufficient argument For his experience was not so little to think himself able with so small a power to overthrow the people of Rome but it was a generall appointment throughout all Gallia upon this day to assault all Caesars garrisons to the end that one legion might not give relief unto another Galles could not easily deny the request of Galles especially when it concerned their publick liberty Now having satisfied that duty which he owed to his Country he had respect to Caesar his benefits in regard whereof he admonished them and prayed Titurius for the hospitality that had been between them that he would look to the safety of himself and his souldiers There was a great number of Germans that had already passed the Rhene and would be here within two days and therefore let them advâ—se themselves whether they thought it good before the next borderers percâ—ived it to depart with their souldiers out of their wintering-places either to Cicero or Labienus of whom the one was not past fifty mile off and the other a little further For his own part he promised them thus much and confirmed it by oath that they should have saâ—e passage through his territories for so he should both do a pleasure to his countrey in disburthening it of garrisons and shew himself thankfull to Caesar for his benefits This speeâ—h being ended Ambiorix departed and Carpineius and Junius made report thereof to the Legates OBSERVATION LEander his counsell to use the Foxes skin where the Lions faileth doth shew that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour then the powers of our body are overcome with force For oftentimes the mind is so disquieted with the extremity of perturbation that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions nor the judgement determine of that which is most for our good but according as any passion shall happen to reigne in our disposition so are we carried headlong to the ruine of our fortune without sense of errour or mistrust of well-succeeding whereas the body continueth firme in his own strength and is subject onely to a greater weight of power by which it may be subdued and overthrown It behoveth us therefore to take good heed that our surest hold be not unfastned by the subtilty of the Fox when it hath continued firm against the force of the Lion and that the treachery of the spirit do not disadvantage those meanes which either our own power or opportunity hath gained in our actions Wherein a Commander cannot have a better rule for his direction then to beware that violence of passion do not hinder the course of sound deliberation and withall to be jealous of whatsoever an Enemy shall either by speech or action seem to thrust upon him how colourable soever the reasons may be which are alledged to induce him thereunto For first if the mind be not confâ—â—med by the vertue of her better faculties to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions it may easily be seduced either by fear or vain imagination diffident conceptions or over-easie credulity with many other such disturbing powers from that way which a good discretion and an understanding free from passion would have taken First therefore I hold it necessary to have the consistory of our judgement well setled with a firme resolution and with the presence of the mind before we enter into deliberation of such things as are made happy unto us by good direction And then this amongst other circumstances will give some help to a good conclusion when we consider how improbable it is that an Enemy whose chiefest care is to weaken his adversary and bring him to ruine should advise him of any thing that may concern his good unlesse the profit which he himself shall thereby gather do far exceed that which the contrary part may expect I grant that in civile waâ—s where there are many friends on either party and have the adverse cause as dear unto them as their own there are oftentimes many advertisements given which proceed from a true and sincere affection and may advantage the party whom it concerneth as well in preventing any danger as in the furtherance of their cause and therefore are not altogether to be neglected but to be weighed by circumstances and accordingly to be respected whereof we have many pregnant examples in the civile wars of France particularly in Monsieur lâ— Noâ— his discourses but where there are two Armies different in nation language and humour contending for that which peculiarly belongeth unto one of them where care to keep that which is dearest unto them possesseth the one and hope of gain stirreth up the other there is commonly such an universall hatred between them that they are to look for small advantage by advertisements from the enemy Which if the Romans had well considered this subtle Gall had not dispossest them of their strength nor brought them to ruine CHAP. XI The Romans call a councell upon this advertisement and resolve to depart and joyn themselves to some other of the Leâ—ions THe Romans being troubled at the suddainnesse of the matter albeit the things were spoken by an Enemy yet they thought them no way to be neglected but especially it moved them for that it was incredible that the Eburones being base and of no reputation durst of themselves make war against the people of Rome And therefore they propounded the matter in a councell wherein there grew a great controversie among them L. Aurunculeius and most of the Tribunes and Centurions of the first orders thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashly nor to depart out of their wintering-camps without expresse commandment from Caesar forasmuch as they were able to resist never so great a power yea even of the Germans having their garririsons well fortified an argument whereof was that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the Enemy and given them many wounds Neither wanted they any victualls and before that provision which they had was spent there would come succour from other garrisons and from Caesar And to conclude what was more dishonourable or â—avoured of greater inconstancy then to consult of their weightiest affairs by the advertisement of an Enemy Titurius urged vehemently to the contrary that it then would be too late for them to seek a remedy when a greater power of the Enemy accompanied with the Germans were assembled against them or when any blow were given to any of the next wintering-camps He took Caesar to be gone into Italy for otherwise the Carnutes would not have adventured to kill Tasgetius neither durst the Eburones have
come so proudly to the camp Let them not respect the authour but the thing it self the Rhene was not far off and he knew well that the overthrow of Ariovistus and their former victories were grievous to the Germans The Galles were vexed with the contumelies they had received being brought in subâ—ection to the Roman Empire and having lost their former reputation in deeds of Arms. And to conclude who would imagine that Ambiorix should enterprise such a matter without any ground or certainty therof but howsoever things stood his counsell was sure and could bring no harm for if there were no worse thing intended they should but go safely to the next garrisons or otherwise if the Galles conspired with the Germans their onely safety consisted in celerity As for the counsell of Cotta and such as were of the contrary opinion what expectation could be had thereof wherein if here were not present danger yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege The disputation being thus continued on either part and Cotta with the Centurions of the first orders earnestly repugning it Do as please you since you wil needs have it so saith Sabinus and that he spake with a loud voice that a great part of the souldiers might well heare him for I am not he that most feareth death among you let these be wise and if any mischance happen unto them they shall ask account thereof at thy hands inasmuch as if thou wouldest let them they might joyn themselves within two daies to the next garrisons and with them sustain what chance soever their common destiny should allot them and not perish with famine and sword like a people cast off and abandoned from their fellows After these words they began to rise out of the Councell but hold was laid upon them both entreaty was made that they would not by their disâ—ension and obstinacy bring all unto a desperate hazard the matter was all one whether they went or staied so that they all agreed upon one thing whereas in disagreeing there was no liklihood of well doing The disputation was prolonged untill midnight at length Cotta yielded and the sentence of Sabinus took place And thereupon it was proclaimed that they should set forth by the break of day The rest of the night was spent in watching Every souldier sought out what he had to carry with him and what he should be constrained to leave behind him of such necessaries as he had prepared for winter All things were disposed in such sort to make the souldiers believe that they could not stay without danger and that the danger might be augmented by wearying the souldiers with watching OBSERVATION BY the resolution in this disputation it appeareth how little a grave and wise deliberation availeth when it is impugned with the violence of passion according to the truth of my former observation for the matter was well reasoned by Cotta and his positions were grounded upon things certain and well known to the whole Councell and yet the fear of Sabinus was such that it carried the conclusion by such supposed assertions as the quality of his passion had ratified for true principles being grounded altogether upon that which the Enemy had suggested and not upon any certain knowledge of the truth Neither is it often seen when a Councell disputeth upon matters of such consequence that their deliberations are altogether clear from such troublesome motions but that it will somewhat incline to the partiality of a strong affection so powerfull is passion in the government of the soul and so interessed in the other faculties And this is one cause of the uncertainty of mans judgment from whence all contrary different opinions do arise Neither is this so strange a matter that a councel of war should so much vary in case of deliberation when as many especial points of military discipline remain yet undecided having the authority of the great Commanders of all ages to ratifie the truth on either part whereof I could alledge many examples But concerning the issue and event of our deliberations what can be more truly said then that of the Poet Et male consultis pretium est prudentia fallax Nec fortuna probat causas sequiturque merentes Sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fertur Scilieeâ—â—st aliud quod nos cogatque regatque Majus et in proprias ducat mortalia leges Notwithstanding forasmuch as our wisdome is not so subject to fortune but that it may comprehend within it self the good direction of most of the occurrences which fall within the course of our businessâ— or if we must needs miscarry yet it somewhat helpeth our ill fortune to think that we went upon best probabilities it shall not be amisse to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation Wherein we are to understand that as all our knowledge ariseth from some of our senses and our senses comprehend only particularities which being carried unto the apprehension are disposed into formes and degrees according as they either concur or disagree in their severall properties from whence there arise intellectuall notions and rules of Art wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth so he that intendeth to debate a matter with sound deliberation must descend from confused conceptions and a knowledge in generall to the exact distinction of particular parts which are the occurrences to be directed and the materiall substance of every action He therefore that can give best direction either by experience or judicious discourse concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded can best advise which is the safest way to avoid the opposition of contradicting natures But to make this somewhat plainer I will alledge two examples the one modern in case of consultation the other ancient and may seeme not so pertinent to this matter in regard it is a meer Apology yet forasmuch as it freely censureth the quality of particular circumstances it may give great light to that which we seek after The modern example is taken out of Guicerardin from the wars which Lewis the French King had with the Pope and the Venetians concerning the State of Ferrara and the Dutchy of Millain wherein there arose a controversie among the French Captains whether it were better to go directly to seek the Enemy who albeit they were lodged in a strong and secure place yet there was hope that with the vertue of Arms and importunity of artillery they might be dislodged and driven to retreat or otherwise to take the way either of Modena or Bolognia that so the Enemy for fear of losing either of those towns might quit their hold and by that means Ferrara should be freed from the war Monsieur Chaumont the General of the French inclined to the former advise But Trivulce a man of great authority and experience having been an executioner in 18. battells reasoned thus in particulars to the contrary We debate saith he to
go seek the Enemy to fight with him and I have alwayes heard great Captains hold this as a firm principle Not to attempt the fortune of a battell unless there be either an offer of an especial advantage or otherwise compulsion by necessity The rules of war give it to the enemy that is the invader and hath undertaken the conquest of Ferrara to seek to assail and charge us but to us to whom it is sufficient to defend our selves it cannot be but impertinent to undertake an action contrary to all direction and discipline of war I am of opinion which is confirmed by evident reason that there is no possibility to execute that devise but to our harms and disadvantage for we cannot go to their camp but by the side of a hill a streight and narrow way where all our forces cannot be imployed and yet they with small numbers will make resistance having the opportunity of the place favourable to their vertues We must march by the rising of a hill one horse after another neither have we any other way to draw our Artillery our baggage our carts and bridges but by the streight of the hill and who doubteth not but in a way so narrow and cumbrous every artillery every cart or every wheel that shall break will stay the Army a whole hour at the least By which impediments every contrary accident may put us to disorder The Enemy is lodged in covert provided of victuals and forrage and we must incamp all bare and naked not carrying with us that which should serve for our necessary nouriture but expect the things to come after which in reason ought to go with us To attempt new enterprises whereof the victory is lesse certain then the perill is contrary to the gravity and reputation of a Leader and in actions of the war those enterprises are put to adventure that are done by will and not by reason Many difficulties may compell us to make our abode there two or three dayes yea the snows and rains joined with the extremity of the season may suffice to detain us how shall we then do for victualls and forrages What shall we be able to do in the wars wanting the things that should give us strength and sustenance what is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seek the Enemy in a strong camp and to be driven at one time to fight against them against the discommodity of the place If we compell them not to abandon their camp we cannot but be inforced to retire a matter of great difficulty in a country so wholly against us and where every little disfavour will turn to our great disadvantage c. And thus proceeded that grave discourse in the discovery of the particular occurrences incident to that enterprise which being laied open to their confused judgements did manifestly point at the great disadvantages which were to be undergone by that attempt The other example is of more antiquity taken out of Tacitus and concerneth the arraignment of certain Senators for the friendship that had past between Sejanus and them Amongst whom M. Terentius thus answered for himself according as it hath of late been published by translation It would be peradventure less behovefull for my estate to acknowledge then to deny the crime I am charged with but hap what hap may I will confesse that I have been Sejanus friend and that I desired so to be and that after I had obtained his friendship I was glad of it I had seen him joint-officer with my father in the government of the praetorian cohort and not long after in managing the City affairs and matters of war his kinsmen and allies were advanced to honour as every man was inward with Sejanus so he was graced by Caesar and contrariwise such as were not in his favour lived in fear and distressed with poverty Neither do I alledge any man for an example of this all of us who were not privy to his last attempts with the danger of my only estate I will defend not Sejanus the Vulsiniensis but a part of the Claudian and Iulian family which by alliance he had entred into Thy son in law Caesar thy companion in the Consulship and him who took upon him thy charge of administring the Common-wealth we did reverence and honour It is not our part to judge of him whom thou dost exalt above the rest nor for what considerations to thee the highest judgement of things the gods have given and to us the glory of obedience is left We look into those things which we see before our eyes whom thou dost inrich whom thou dost advance to honours who have greatest power of hurting or helping which Sejanus to have had no man will deny The Princes hidden thoughts or if he go about any secret drift it is not lawfull to sound and dangerous neither shalt thou in the end reach unto them Think not only Lords of the Senate of Sejanus last day but of sixteen years in which we did likewise fawn upon and court Satrius and Pomponius and to be known unto his freed men and partners was reckoned for a high favour What then shall this defence be generall and not distinguished but a confusion made of times past and his later actions No but let it by just bounds and terms be divided let the treasons against the Commonwealth the intentions of murdering the Emperour be punished but as for the friendships duties pleasures and good turns the same end shall discharge and quit thee O Caesar and us The constancy of this Oration prevailed so much that his Accusers were punished with exile And thus we see how particularities decide the controversy and make the way plain to good direction CHAP. XII The Romans take their journey towards the next legion and are set upon by the Galles AS soon as the day-light appeared they set forth of their Camp like men perswaded that the counsel had been given them not by an Enemy but by Ambiorix an especiall friend with a long-tailed march and as much baggage as they were able to carry The Galles understanding of their journey by their noise and watching in the night secretly in the woods some two miles off layed an Ambuscado in two severall places of advantage and there attended the coming of the Romans and when the greatest part of the troups were entred into a valley suddenly they shewed themselves on both sides the vale pressing hard upon the rereward and hindering the foremost from going up the hill and so began to charge upon the Romans in a place of as great disadvantage for them as could be Then at length Titurius as one that had provided for nothing beforehand began to tremble ranne up and down and disposed his cohorts but so fearfully and after such a fashion as if all things had gone against him as it happeneth for the most part to such as are forced to consult in the instant of execution
OBSERVATION IT now plainly appeareth by this negligent and ill-ordered march and the unlooked for incounter which the Galles gave them that fear had ratified in the judgement of Sabinus the smooth suggestion of Ambiorix with an approbation of a certain truth and layed that for a principle which a discourse free from passion would have discerned to be but weak and of no probability which so much the more amazed Titurius by how much his apprehension had erred from the truth and betrayed good counsell to a course full of danger which as Caesar noteth must needs fall upon such as are then to seek for direction when the businesse requireth execution I have handled already the inconveniences of disappointment and therefore at this time will but bring it only into remembrance that we may take the greater care to prevent an accident of that nature wherein as the best remedy for an evil is to foresee it according to the saying Praevisa pereunt mala evils foreseen fall of themselves so the greatest mischief in an evil is when it cometh unthought of and besides our expectation for then it falleth upon us with a supernaturall weight and affrighteth the mind with a superstitious astonishment as though the divine powers had prevented our designments with an irremediable calamity and cut off our appointment with a contrary decree although peradventure the thing it self carry no such importance but might be remedied if we were but prepared with an opinion that such a thing might happen It were no ill counsell therefore what resolution soever be taken to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions as that which is likely to happen from the direction of our chiefest projects and so we shall be sure to have a present mind in the midst of our occasions and feel no further danger then that which the nature of the thing inforceth CHAP. XIII The Romans cast themselves into an Orbe and are much discouraged BUt Cotta who had before thought that these things might happen by the way and for that cause would not be the authour of the journey was not wanting in any thing that concerned their common safety for both in calling upon the souldiers and incouraging them he executed the place of a Commander and in fighting the duty of a souldier And when they found that by reason of the length of their troup they were not able in their own persons to see all things done and to give direction in every place they caused it to be proclaimed that they should all for sake their baggage and â—ast themselves into an Orbe Which direction although in such a case it be not to be reproved yet it fell out ill favouredly for it both abated the courage of the Romans gave the Enemy greater incouragement inasmuch as it seemed that that course was not taken but upon a great fear and in extremity of perill Moreover it hapened as it could not otherwise chuse that the souldiers went from their Ensignes to take from the carriages such things as were most dear unto them and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weepings But the Barbarous Galles were not to learn how to carry themselves For their Commanders caused it to be proclaimed that no man should stir out of his place for the prey was theirs and all that the Romans had laid apart was reserved for them and therefore let them suppose that all things consisted in the victory The Romans were equall to the Galles both in number of men and valour and albeit they were destitute of good Captains and of good fortune yet they reposed in their manhood all the hope of their safety and as often as any cohort issued out they failed not to make a great slaughter of the Enemy on that part THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have already handled the nature of an Orbe with such properties as are incident to a Circle wherein I shewed the conveniency of this figure in regard of safe and strong imbattelling I will now add thus much concerning the use thereof that as it is the best manner of imbattelling for a defensive strength and therefore never used but in extremity so we must be very carefull that the sudden betaking of our selves to such a refuge do not more dismay the souldiers then the advantage of that imbattelling can benefit them For unlesse a Leader be carefull to keep his men in courage that their hearts may be free from despair and amazement what profit can there arise from any disposition or body soever when the particular members shall be senselesse of that duty which belongeth unto them For order is nothing but an assistance to courage giving means to manage our valour with advantage In the war of Africk we reaâ— that Caesars legions being incircled about with great multitudes of enemies were forced to make an Orbe but he quickly turned it to a better use by advancing the two Cornets two contrary wayes and so divided the Enemy into two parts and then beat them back to their great disadvantage THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Need not stand upon this order which the Galles here took concerning pillage that no souldier should forsake his station or disrank himself in hope of spoil which is a thing that from the very infancy of wars hath often changed the fortune of the day and sold the honour of a publick victory for private lucre and petty pilfering Amongst other examples let that which Guicciardine reporteth of the battel of Taro suffice to warn a well-directed Army as well by the good which Charles the eighth of that name King of France received at that time as by the losse which the Italians felt by that disorder not to seek after pillage untill the victory be obtained THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe insufficiency of these Commanders whereof Caesar now complaineth as the only want which these Romans had to clear themselves of this danger bringeth to our consideration that which former times have made a question which is Whether is were the vertue of the Roman Leaders or the valour of their souldiers that inlarged their Empire to that greatnesse and made their people and Senate Lords of the world Polybius weighing the causes of a victory which the Carthaginians gained of the Romans by the counsell and good direction of one Zantippus a Grecian having before that time received divers overthrows during the time of those wars in Africk concludeth that it was more in the worthinesse of the Commanders then in any extraordinary vertue of the souldiers that the Romans atchieved so many conquests And besides the present example of Zantippus he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of Hannibal who from the beginning of the second Punick war still gained of the Roman Empire enlarging the territories of Carthage and streightning the jurisdiction of mighty Rome untill it had got a Leader matchable to that subtle Carthagiman and found a Scipio to confront their
of greater danger to the defendant then such as afterward are made in the sequele of the war for after the first brunt the heat of the enemy is much abated as well through the nature of a hot desire which is most violent in the beginning and afterward groweth cold and remisse as also with the harms and peril which they meet with in the incounter and on the contrary side the defendants having withstood the first fury wherein there is most terrour and distrust grow more confident and better assured of their manhood and in experience of their strength stand firm against any charge whatsoever CHAP. XIX The Nervii besiege Cicero with a ditch and a rampier and work means to set fire on their Tents THe Nervii disappointed of this hope carried a ditch and a rampier round about the camp the rampier was eleven foot high and the ditch fifteen foot deep which they had learned of the Romans partly by being conversant among them certain years before and partly by the prisoners and captives which they had taken But they had no iron tools fit for that purpose but were driven to cut up turf with their swords and gather earth with their hands and carry it away with their Mantles and Gaberdâ—nes Whereby may be gathered what a multitude of men there were at the siege for in lesse then three hours they finished the fortification of fifteen miles in circuit The dayes following the enemies built towers to the height of the rampier prepared great hooks and strong penthouses or safegards of boards and timber according as the captives had given them instruction The seventh day of the siege being a very windy day they cast hot bullets of clay out of slings burning darts upon the cabines of the Romans which after the manner of the Galles were thatâ—hed with straw These cabines were quickly set on fire which by the violence of the wind was carried over all the camp The enemy pressing forward with a great clamour as though the victory were already gotten began to bring their Turrets and Testudines to the rampier and to scale it with ladders But such was the valour of the Roman souldiers that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire and over-charged with multitude of weapons and saw all their wealth burned before their face yet no man forsook the rampier or scarce looked back at that which had happened but they all fought valiantly and with an 〈◊〉 courage â—his was the sorest day the Romans had and yet it had this issue that a very great number of the enemies were slain and wounded for they haâ— so thronged themselves under the rampier that the hindmost hindred the foremost from retiring back The flame at length abating and the enemies having brought on one of their towers to the very works the Centurions of the third cohort drew back themselves and their men from the place where they stood and with signs and voices called to the enemies to enter if they thought good but none of them durst approach Then did they by casting stones from all parts beat them from the works and set their tower on fire OBSERVATION THis one example may serve to shew the excellency of the Roman discipline and the wisedome of the first founders of that Art For they perceiving that the fortune of wars consisted chiefly in the mastering of particular occurrences trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline as might struggle with inconveniences and strong oppositions of contradicting accidents and so overwage all difficulties and hinderances with a constant perseveration and a courage invincible For the great attempting spirit of an ambitious Commander that seeketh to overtop the trophies of honour with the memory of his exploits will quickly perish by his own direction if the instruments of execution be weaker then the means which lead him to his designments For where the weight is greater then the strength the engine will sooner break then lift it up Let a discreet Leader therefore so levell his thoughts that his resolution may not exceed the ability of his particular means but first let him be well assured what his souldiers can do before he resolve what he will do or otherwise let him so inable them by discipline and instructions according to the example of the old Romans that their worth may answer the height of his desires and follow his aspiring mind with a resolution grounded upon knowledge and valour and so making their ability the ground of his designs he shall never faile of means to perform what he intendeth The want of this consideration hath within these late years repaied our Commanders in many parts of Christendome with losse and dishonour when as they have measured the humour of their poor needy and undisciplined souldier by the garb of their ambitious thoughts and so laid such projects of difficulty as were very unsutable in the particularity of occurrences to that which their souldiers were fit to execute CHAP. XX. The emulation between two Centurions Pulfio and Varenus with their fortunes in the incounter THere were in that legion two valiant men Titus Pulfio and L. Varenus Centurions coming on apace to the dignity of the first orders These â—wo wâ—re at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another and every year contended for place of preferment with much strife and emulation Pulfio at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted called to Varenus and asked him why he now stood doubtfull or what other place he did look for to make triall of his manhood This is the day saâ—th he that shall decide our controversies And when he had spoken these words he went out of the fortification and where he saw the Enemy thickest he fiercely set upon them Then could not Varenus hold himself within the rampier but for his credite sake followed after in a reasonable distance Pulfio cast his pile at the enemy and struck one of the multitude through that câ—me running out against him He being slain the enemies cover him with their shields and all cast their weapons at Pulfio giving him no respite or time of retreat Pulfio had his target struck through and the dart stuck fast in his girdle This chance turned aside his scabbard and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword in which disadvantage the enemy pressed hard upon him Varenus came and rescued him Immedâ—ately the whole multitude thinking Pulfio to be slaâ—n with the dart turned to Varenus who speediâ—y betook him to his sword and caâ—e to handy-stroaks having slain one he put the rest somewhat back But as he followed over-hastily upon them he fell down Him did Pulfio rescue being circumvented and in danger so both of them having slain many of the enemy retired to their Camp in safety to their great honour Thus Fortune carried as well the contention as the encounter of them both that being Enemies they neverthelesse gave help to save
up for a shew with a single row of turfs to the end they might appear to be made up in such manner that they could not be broken open some of them began to break down the rampier with their hands and others to fill up the ditches Which Caesar perceiving sallied out at all the Ports at once and sending out the Cavalry put the enemy so suddainly to flight that not one of them resisted by way of fighting insomuch as he slew a great number of them and put them all besides their Arms. But because he feared to follow them far in regard of the woods and bogs that lay in their passage being unwilling to hazard himself upon the least occasion of danger he returned with all his forces in safety and the self-same day came to Cicero Where he admired the towers the mantlets and works which were begun and prepared by the enemy and drawing out the legion he found that the tenth man had not escaped without wounds By all which circumstances he understood with what danger and vaâ—lour the businesse had been caried He commended Cicero and the legion according to their merit calleth out by name such Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers as by testimony of Cicero were found to have deserved extraordinarily in that service informed himself by the captives of the certainty of Sabinus Cotta's misfortune The next day he spake publickly to the souldiers opened the particulars of that matter and then seasoned them with comfort and incouragement shewing that the losse which happened through the fault and temerity of a Legate was to be born with better patience and the rather forasmuch as by the assistance of the immortall Gods and by their own vertue the losse was redeemed in such a fashion as neither the enemy did long joy it nor themselves were long afflicted with grief for the same OBSERVATION THe passages in this Chapter are of great variety and do give occasion of much discourse But that which is most remarkeable is that to exceed in forces and troups of men may be a means to bring a party to an overthrow for an extraordinary power doth alwayes beget an opinion sorting to their own desires and can hardly think of any other end then that which sâ—â—â—th with security and victorious successe which being crossed in any materiall circumstance and put besides the course of their intendments whereby they faile of what they expected doth consequently draw all the other way and changeth hope into mishap as it fared here with the Galles upon Caesars suddain sallying out of the Camp CHAP. XXII The commotions of the States of Gallia Induciomarus attempting great matters is slain and the Countrey quieted IN the mean time the report of Caesars victory was carried to Labienus with incredible speed through the countrey of those of Rheims insomuch as being fifty miles distant from that place where Cicero wintered and that the overthrow was given about three of the clock in the afternoon there was a shout at the Camp-gate before midnight whereby the men of Rheims congratulated Labienus for that victory The fame whereof being carried to the Treviri Induciomarus that purposed the next day to besiege Labienus fled in the night time and carried all his forces back to the Treviri Caesar remanded Fabius with his legion into their winter stations He himself with three legions determined to winter about Samarobrina And forasmuch as there were such commotions throughout all Gallia himself resolved to abide with the Army all the winter For upon the newes of the overthrow of Sabinus almost all the States of Gallia did enter into a consultation of war sent Messengers and Ambassadours into all parts to make overtures for future resolutions and to understand in what place the war might best be set on foot holding their conventicles by night in secret and desert places in such manner as there passed not a day during all that winter which brought not some new care or trouble to Caesar whilst he was daily advertised of new meetings and conspiracies amongst the Galles Amongst others he had intelligence from L Roscius the Leg ate whom he had set over the thirteenth legion that great forces of those States and Cities of the Galles that are called Armoricae were assembled together to fight against him and were come within eight miles of his camp but understanding of Caesars victory they fell back in such a fashion as though they meant to flye away But Caesar having called unto him the Princes and chief men of every State terrifying some as seeming to understand their complotments and perswading others kept a great part of Gallia in obedience Howbeit the Senones a strong people and of great authority amongst the Galles went about by a publick decree to kill Cavarinus whom Caesar had set to be king over them whose brother Moritasgus at Caesars coming into Gallia and whose ancestours formerly were possessed of that kingdom which he perceiving fled away and was prosecuted to the very borders and so driven as well out of his private house as of his kingdome And having sent Embassadours to Caesar to satisfie him herein whereas he commanded the whole Senate to come unto him they refused to obey his warrant So much it prevailed amongst barbarous people that there were some found that durst avouch the undertaking of a war Which made such an alteration in the minds of all men that besides the Hedâ—i and the State of Rheims whom Caesar had in great favour and respect the one for their ancient and perpetuall fidelity to the people of Rome and the other for their late services in the war of Gallia there was almost no State free from suspicion Insomuch as I know not well whether it may not be wondred at or no as well for many other reasons as specially for that they greatly grieved that they who excelled all other nations in deeds of arms had now lost their reputation so far as they were forced to bear the yoke of the people of Rome The Treviri and Induciomarus lost no time of all that winter but sent Commissioners beyond the Rhene solliciting the cities and promising moneys with confident aslurance that the greatest part of our Armie was already cut off and that which was left was but a small remainder of the same and yet for all that no people of the Germans could be perswaded to passe the Rhene For having twice made triall to their cost in the war of Ariovistus and in the passage of the * Tenchtheri they would tempt Fortune no further Induciomarus cast down from his hope did notwithstanding train and gather forces got horses from the bordering States and with great rewards drew unto him banisht and condemned men from all parts of Gallia and did thereby get such an opinion throughout all that Continent that Embassadours came flocking unto him from all quarters and sought his favour both in publâ—ck and private When he understood that men made
to him of their own accord and that on the one side the Senones and Carnutes were â—nstigated with a remembrance of their offences and on the other side the Nervii and Aduatici made provision of war against the Romans and that he should not want voluntary forces if he did but once go out of his confines he gave order to call a Councell of Arms which according to the manner of the Galles was alwayes the beginning of a war being such as constrained all the men that were of years by the common law of the land to assemble together in Arms and he that came last was in the sight of all the rest put to death with exquisite torture In that Councel he took order to proclaim Cingetorix the chief of the other faction and his son in law who as we have before declared had followed Caesar and not left him in any of those services a Traytor to the State and that his goods should be confiscated That being done he published in the Councell that he was sent for by the Senones and the Carnutes and many other States of Gallia whether he meant to go through the territories of the inhabitants of Rhemes and that he would harry and waste their country But first his purpose was to take the camp of Labienus and accordingly gave order what he would have done Labienus being in a camp exceedingly fortified as well by Nature as by Art did not fear any danger that might happen to himself or the legion but rather studied not to let passe any occasion to carry the matter handsomely and to purpose And therefore being advertised by Cingetorix and his allies what speech Induciomarus had delivered in the Councell he sent Messengers to all the confining cities and commanded horsemen to be sent unto him by a certain day In the mean time Induciomarus rid up and down almost every day with all his cavalry under his camp sometimes to view the site thereof otherwhile to parlee or else to terrifie the souldier and his horsemen for the most part would cast their weapons within the rampier Labienus kept all his men within the fortifications and did what he could to make the enemy bâ—lieve that he was sore afraid And as Induciomarus came daily with greater contempt to the camp one night having taken in the cavalry of the bordering cities which he had formerly sent for he kept all his party by good guarding within his camp with such diligence that their reception could not possibly be bruited abroad or carried to the Treviri In the mean time Induciomarus according to his wonted custome approached near the camp and there spent a great part of the day the horsemen cast their weapons and with words of high reproach called out our men to fight without any word given in answer by them And a little before the evening as they dispersed themselves and departed upon a suddain Labienus let out all the cavalry at two Ports commanding them that after the Enemy was put to slight which he saw would necessarily happen that every one should make after Induciomarus and that no man should so much as wound any other enemy before they saw him slain being very unwilling to give him time to escape while the souldiers were ingaged with the rest and propounded great rewards to them that slew him He sent out also several cohorts to assist the horse Fortune made good that direction for as all made after one induciomarus was surprised in the foord of a River and slain and his head was brought back into the camp The horsemen returning slew as many of the rest as they could take This thing being known all the forces of the Eburones and Nervii which were met together departed home and after that time Caesar had Gallia better setled in quietnesse OBSERVATION AS the misfortune which befell Sabinus and Cotta put all Gallia into troubles and commotions so the head of Induciomarus reduced all into peace According as it is said of the Spaniard that in some cases one man is worth a thousand And thus endeth the fifth Commentary The sixth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument THis Summers Commentary setteth forth the malice of an enemy that refuseth open encounter but keeping himself in the fastnesse of his holds forceth the adverse party either to leave him untouched or to seek him out upon disadvantage together with such casualties annexed to the matter as the power of fortune doth commonly intermingle with such occurrences as also the manners and fashions of life then in use amongst the Germans and Galles CHAP. I. Caesar fearing a greater commotion in Gallia mustereth more forces CAESAR for many reasons expecting greater troubles in Gallia appointed M. Silanus C. Antistius Reginus and T. Sextius Legates in his army to make a new choise and muster up more souldiers and withall he intreated Cneius Pompeius Proconsul forasmuch as he continued at the city about publick businesses that he would recall to their ensignes and send unto him such souldiers as were before discharged of the Consuls oath for he thought it very materiall for the future time to the opinion of the Galles when they should see Italy so mighty that if they had received any losse by the casualtyes of war they could not only in a short time make a supply thereof but augment their army with greater forces Which when Pompey had granted both for the good of the commonwealth and Caesars friendship the choise being speedily by his ministers performed before the winter was ended three legions were inrolled and brought unto him whereby the number of cohorts were doubled which were lost with Q. Titurius and withall he made experience both by the speed and by the forces what the wealth and discipline of the people of Rome could do THE FIRST OBSERVATION NOtwithstanding any former purpose I will begin this Commentary with the manner of the choise which the Romans used when they mustred souldiers for an intended war and will lay it first down as the basis and groundsil of all military architecture and carried by them with such a ceremonious and grave respect as might best expresse the seriousnesse of the action and make the souldiers understand what consequence the sequele imported Polybius who only remaineth of them that have written of the ancient fashion of the Roman war amongst other parts of their discipline hath left unto posterity a compendious relation of their musters and enrollments which with the help of other histories may be thus understood Upon the choise of their Consuls in the beginning of every year their custome was to enroll four legions two for either Consul At which enrollment they first chose fourteen Tribunes out of the body of their Gentlemen whom they called Equites These fourteen were such as had served five years in the wars whereby they became eligible of that dignity And again they chose ten other Tribunes out of the Commonalty being such as
to the extraordinary labour of his souldiers fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended and were carried unseasonably upon a service he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick Treasury and left the souldier to his stipendary entertainment Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts as common and usuall duties and in the judgement of a wise Commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards At the siege of Gergovia as it followeth in the seventh Commentary L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself And so for the most part it falleth out that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded do as seed sown in good ground multiply the increase of like vertuous actions And this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction he borrowed mony of the Tribunes Centurions gave it in largess to the souldiers whereby he gained as he saith two advantages quod pignore animos Centurionum devinxit largitione redemit militum voluntates for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them and by his largesse purchased the good will of the souldiers CHAP. III. Caesar summoneth a generall Councell and carrieth his army against the Senones A Generall Councellor meeting of all the States of Gallia being summoned according to his first resolution in the beginning of the Spring whereas all the rest saving the Senones Carnutes and Treviri made their appearance he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection and thereupon setting all other things aside he transferred the Councell to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them but were held clear of this confederacy This thing being published from the Tribunall the same day he carried the Legions against the Senones and by great journeys came into their country His coming being known Acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence but as they endeavoured before it could be accomplished news was brought that the Romans were already come whereby they necessarily left off their purpose and sent Ambassadours to Caesar to intreat for favour They used the mediation of the Hedui whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon and accepted their excuse forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him rather then in matter of question and judgement and having commanded an hundred pledges he delivered them to be kept by the Hedui The Carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges and by the intreaty of the men of Rhemes whose clients they were received the same answers Caesar ended the Councell and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Councell-generall wherein all the states of Gallia or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman soveraignty presented their fealty and were mutuall witnesses of each others alleageance Concerning which we are to understand that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being depending upon motion and function of parts so specially States and Commonweals as sympathizing with naturall causes have no certain continuance in one and the same being but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune and do passe the ages of a naturall life from infancy growing to better strength untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it and then decaying again by like degrees even to the period and death of that policy For remedy whereof and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body or so possesse any part thereof as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable amongst other helps these councels and meetings have been thought necessary wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present as well to open their grievances if any were and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdome of the Prince should think meet for their government For as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned so is it also as a treaty or parlee and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded do concurre in the establishing of true and perfect government And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning for the noisome and superâ—luous humours being by this means purged and abated the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies there were many necessary businesses concluded and many things agreed unto serving to the maintainance of war against parties and factions as namely the leviâ—s and supplies of horse and foot granted by this Councel as a subsidy which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries and particularly in this book But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen as the flower of their strength and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war wherein the Galles have ever chalenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations and have continued the same reputation even unto this time Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse then with any readinesse which their own strength can afford them or what other cause it hath I know not but this I am sure of that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation The last saying which I observe concerning this councel is the time wherein it was summoned which was the beginning of the Spring rather then any other part of the
be done forasmuch as neither the Legions durst go out of their wintering camps in the absence of their Generall nor the Generall come to the Legions without a convoy To conclude they held it better to die in fight then to lose their ancient honour in matter of war and the liberty left them by their predecessors OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter discovereth such sparkles of revolt rising from the discontentment of the conquered Galles as were like to break out into an universall burning and within a while proved such a fire as the like hath not been seen in the continent of Gallia For this sommers work verified the saying of the Samnites Quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset That peace is more grievous to those that are in vassalage then warre is to free men and was carried on either part with such a resolution as in respect of this service neither the Galles did before that time ingage themselves seriously in their countries cause nor did the Romans know the difficulty of their task But as Epaminondas called the fields of Boeotia Mars his scaffold where he kept his games or as Xenophon nameth the city of Ephesus the Armorers shop so might Gallia for this year be called the Theatre of war The chiefest encouragement of the Galles at this time was the trouble and dissension at Rome about the death of Clodius and the accusation of Milo for killing Clodius This Clodius as Plutarch reporteth was a young man of a noble house but wild and insolent and much condemned for profaning a secret sacrifice which the Ladies of Rome did celebrate in Caesars house by coming amongst them disguised in the habit of a young singing wench which he did for the love of Pompeia Caesars wife whereof being openly accused he was quitted by secret means which he made to the Judges and afterwards obtained the Tribuneship of the people and caused Cicero to be banished and did many outrages and insolencies in his Tribuneship which caused Milo to kill him for which he was also accused And the Senate fearing that this accusation of Milo being a bold-spirited man and of good quality would move some uproar or sedition in the city they gave commission to Pompey to see justice executed as well in this cause as for other offences that the city might be quiet and the commonwealth suffer no detriment Whereupon Pompey possest the market-place where the cause was to be heard with bands of souldiers and troups of armed men And these were the troubles in Rome upon the death of Clodius which the Galles did take as an occasion of revolt hoping thereby that Caesar being in Gallia Cisalpina which province was allotted to his government as well as that Gallia Northward the Alpes would have been detained from his army CHAP. II. The men of Chartres take upon them the beginning of 〈◊〉 under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conctodunus THese things being thus disputed the men of Chartâ—es did make themselves the chief of that war refusing no danger for the common safety of their country And forasmuch as at that present they could not give caution by hostage lest the matter should be discovered they desire to have their covenants strengthened by oath and by mutuall collation of their miâ—â—tary ensignes which was the most religious ceremony they could use to bind the rest not to forsake them having made an entrance and beginning to that war The men of Chartres being commended by the rest and the oathes of all them that were present being taken and a time appointed to begin they brake up the assembly When the day came they of Chartres under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conetodunus two desperate fellowes upon a watchword given ran speedily to Genabum and such Roman citizens as were there upon businesse namely C. Fusius Cotta a knight of Rome whom Caesar had left overseer of the provision of corn they slew and took their goods The report thereof was quickly spread over all the States of Gallia for when any such great or extraordinary matter happeneth they signify it through the country by an out-cry and shout which is taken by others and delivered to the next and so goeth from hand to hand as it happened at this time for that which was done at Genabum at Sun-rising was before the first watch of the night was ended heard in the confines of the Arverni which is above a hundred and threescore miles distant OBSERVATIONS THis manner of out-cry here mentioned to be usuall in Gallia was the same which remaineth in use at this present in Wales although not so frequent as in former times For the custome is there as often as any robbery happeneth to be committed or any man to be slain or what other outrage or riot is done the next at hand do go to some eminent place where they may be best heard and there they make an out-cry or howling which they call a Hooboub signifying the fact to the next inhabitants who take it as passionately and deliver it further and so from hand to hand it quickly spreadeth over all the country It is a very ready way to put the country in arms and was first devised as it seemeth for the stay and apprehension of robbers and outlaws who kept in strong holds and lived upon the spoil of the bordering inhabitants but otherwise it savoureth of Barbarisme rather then of any civile government CHAP. III. Vercingetorix stirreth up the Arverni to the like commotion and revoâ—t IN like manner Vercingetorix the son of Celtillus of the nation of the Arverm a young man of great power and authority whose father was the Commander of all Gallia and because he sought a kingdome was slain by those of his own State calling together his followers and clients did easily incense them to rebellion His purpose being known every man took arms and so he was driven out of the town of Gergovia by Gobanitio his unckle other Princes who thought it not safe to make triall of that fortune And yet he desisted not but enrolled needy and desperate people and with such troups whom soever he met withall of the State he did easily draw them to his party perswading them to take arms for the defence of common liberty And having at length got great forces together he expelled his adversaries out of the town by whom he was himself before thrust out He was called of his men by the title of King and sent Embassages into all parts adjuring them to continue constant and faithfull The Senones the Parisii the Pictones the Cadurci the Turones the Aulerci the Lemovicâ—s the Andes and all the rest that border upon the Occan were quickly made of his party and by all their consents the chief command was conferred upon him Which authority being offered him he commanded hostages to be brought in unto him from all those States and a certain number of
of the Bituriges and marched towards the country of the Arverni But Caesar having continued two dayes in those places forasmuch as he understood both by use and opinion what course Vercingetorix was like to take he left the army pretending some supplies of horse which he went to raise and appointed young Brutus to command those forces admonishing him to send out the horsemen into all quarters and that he himself would not be absent from the camp above three dayes These things being thus settled none of his followers knowing his determination by great journeys he came to Vienna where taking fresh horse which he had layd there many dayes before he ceased neither night nor day untill he came through the confines of the Hedui to the Lingones where two legions wintered to the end if the Hedui should undertake any thing against him he might with speed prevent it Being there he sent to the rest of the Legions and brought them all to one place before the Arverni could possibly have notice of it OBSERVATIONS CAesar upon his first entrance into Gallia was perplexed how to get to his army and the matter stood in such terms as brought either the legions or his own person into hazard For as he saith if he should send for the legions to come unto him they should doubtlesse be fought withall by the way which he was loath to adventure unlesse himself had been present or otherwise if he himself had gone unto them he doubted of the entertainment of the revolting Galles and might have overthrown his army by the losse of his own person In this extremity of choice he resolved upon his own passage to the army as lesse dangerous and more honourable rather then to call the legions out of their wintering camps where they stood as a check to bridle the insolency of the mutinous Galles and so to bring them to the hazard of battel in fetching their Generall into the field whereby he might have lost the victory before he had begun the wars And for his better safety in this passage he used this cunning Having assured the Roman Province by strong and frequent garrisons on the frontiers and removed Lucterius from those parts gathering together such supplies as he had brought with him out of Italy with other forces which he found in the Province he went speedily into the territories of the Arverni making a way over the hill Gebenna at such a time of the year as made it unpassable for any forces had they not been led by Caesar only for this purpose to have it noised abroad that whereas Vercingetorix and the Arverni had principally undertook the quarrell against the Romans and made the beginning of a new war Caesar would first deal with them and lay the weight thereof upon their shoulders by calling their fortunes first in question to the end he might possesse the world with an opinion of his presence in that country and draw Vercingetorix back again to defend his state whilst he in the mean time did slip to his army without suspition or fear of perill for staying there no longer then might serve to give a sufficient colour to that pretence and leaving those forces to execute the rest and to make good the secret of the project he conveyed himself to his army with such speed and celerity as doth verify the saying of Suetonius quod persaepe nuncios de se praevenit that he often outwent the ordinary messengers These blinds and false intendments are of speciall use in matter of war and serve as well to get advantages upon an enemy as to clear a difficulty by cleanly evasion neither is a Commander the lesse valued for fine conveyance in military projects but deserveth rather greater honour for adding art unto valour and supplanting the strength of opposition with the sleight of wit Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit Who looks at fraud or valour in a foe hath alwayes been held a principle amongst men of warre And Lisander his counsell is the same in effect that where the Lions skin will not serve the turn there take the Foxes Carbo spake it to the commendation of Sylla that he had to do both with a Lion and a Fox but he feared more his Foxes pate then his Lions skin It is reported that Anniball excelled all other of his time for abusing the enemy in matter of stratageme for he never made fight but with an addition of assistants supporting force with art and the fury of armes with the subtiltie of wit Of late time amongst other practises of this nature the treaty at Ostend is most memorable entertained onely to gain time that while speech of parlee was continued and pledges delivered to the Archduke Albertus for the safety of such as were sent into the town to capitulate with the Generall there might be time gained for the sending in of such supplies of men and munition as were wanting to make good the defence thereof which were no sooner taken in but the Treaty proved a stratageme of warre In these foiles and tricks of wit which at all times and in all ages have been highly esteemed in men of warre as speciall vertues beseeming the condition of a great Commander if it be demanded how far a Generall may proceed in abusing an enemy by deeds or words I cannot speak distinctly to the question but sure I am that Surena Lieutenant generall of the Parthian army did his master good service in abusing Crassus the Roman Generall by fair promises or as Plutarch saith by foul perjury till in the end he brought his head to be an actor in a Tragedy albeit Surena never deserved well of good report since that time Howsoever men of civill society ought not to draw this into use from the example of souldiers forasmuch as it is a part of the profession of cutting of throats and hath no prescription but in extremities of warre CHAP. V. Vercingetorix besigeth Gergovia Caesar taketh in Vellaunodunum and Genabum THis being known Vercingetorix brought back his army again into the countrey of the Bituriges and thence marched to besiege Gergovia a town held by the Boii whom Caesar had left there after the Helvetian warre and given the jurisdiction of the town to the Hedui which brought Caesar into great perplexitie whether he should keep the Legions in one place for that time of winter which remained and so suffer the stipendaries of the Hedui to be taken and spoiled whereby all Gallia might take occasion to revolt forasmuch as the Romans should seem to afford no protection or countenance to their friends or otherwise draw his army out of their wintering-camps sooner then was usuall and thereby become subject to the difficulties of provision and carriage of corn Notwithstanding it seemed better and so he resolved rather to undergo all difficulties then by taking such a scorn to loose the good wils of all his followers And therefore
a town lying in his way in the territories of the Bituriges called Noviodunum Which they of the town perceiving sent out unto him to beseech him to spare them and to give order for their safety To the end therefore that he might speed thaâ— business with as much celerity as he had accomplished former services he commanded them to bring out their arms their horse and to deliver pledges Part of the hostages being given while the rest were in delivering over divers Centurions and a few souldiers being admitted into the town to seek out their weapons and their horses the horsemen of the enemy which marched before Vercingetorix army were discovered a farre off which the townsmen had no sooner perceived and thereby conceived some hope of relief but they presently took up a shout and betook themselves to their arms shut the gates and began to make good the walls The Centurions that were in the town perceiving some new resolution of the Galles with their swords drawn possest themselves of the gates and saved both themselves and their men that were in the town Caesar commanded the horsemen to be drawn out of the camp and to begin the charge And as they began to give ground he sent four hundred German horsemen to second them whom he had resolved to keep with him from the first who charged the enemy with such fury that the Galles could no way endure the assault but were presently put to flight and many of them being slain the rest retired back to the army Upon their overthrow the townsmen were worse affrighted then they were before and having apprehended such as were thought to have stirred up the people they brought them to Caesar and yielded themselves unto him Which being ended Caesar marched towards the town of Avaricum which was the greatest and best fortified of all the towns in the territories of the Bituriges and situate in the most fertile part of the countrey for that being taken in he doubted not to bring the whole State of the Bituriges easily into his subjection OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as nothing is more changeable then the mind of man which notwithstanding the low degree of baseness wherein it often sitteth will as occasion giveth way to revenge readily amount to the height of tyranny and spare no labour to crie quittance with an enemy it hath been thought expedient in the wisedome of foregoing ages to pluck the wings of so mounting a bird and to deprive an enemy of such means as may give hope of liberty by mutinie and revolt The practise of the Romans in taking in any town was to leave them forceless that howsoever they might stand affected their nails should be surely paied for scratching and their power confined to the circuit of their mind For as it appeareth by this and many other places of Caesar no rendry of any town was accepted untill they had delivered all their arms both offensive and defensive with such engines and instruments of warre as might any way make for the defence of the same Neither that onely but such beasts also whether Horse or Elephant or any other whatsoever as might any way advantage the use of those weapons Which as it was a great dismay and weakning to the enemy so was it short of the third condition commanding the delivery of so many hostages or pledges as were thought convenient being the prime of their youth and the flower of their manhood and were as the marrow to their bones and the sinewes to that body Whereby it came to pass that the remnant was much disabled in strength concerning their number of fighting men and such as were left had neither arms nor means to make resistance The Turke observeth the same course with the Christians but in a more cruell and barbarous manner for he cometh duely at a certain time not regarding any former demeanour and leadeth away the flower of their youth to be invested in impiety and infidelity and to be made vassalls of heathenish impurity Oftentimes we reade that a conquered people were not onely interdicted armes but the matter also and the art whereby such armes were made and wrought for where the people are great and mettall and matter plenty it is a chance if artificers be wanting to repair their loss and to refurnish their armoury At the siege of Carthage the Romans having taken away their armes they notwithstanding finding store of mettall within the town caused workmen to make every day a hundred targets and three hundred swords besides arrowes and casting slings using womens hair for want of hemp and pulling down their houses for timber to build shipping Whereby we may perceive that a Generall cannot be too carefull to deprive an enemy of all such helps as may any way strengthen his hand or make way to resistance CHAP. VII Vercingetorix perswadeth the Galles to a new course of warre VErcingetorix having received so many losses one in the neck of another Vellaunodunum Genabum Noviodunum being taken he calleth his men to councel and telleth them that the war must be carried in another course then it hath been heretofore for they must endeavour by all means to keep the Romans from forrage and convoy of victuall which would easily be brought to pass forasmuch as they themselves did abound in horsemen and for that the time of the year did not yet serve to get forrage in the field the enemy must necessarily seek it in houses and barns whereby the forragers would dayly be cut off by their horsemen Moreover for their safety and defence they were to neglect their private commoditie their houses and their villages were to be burnt up round about as far as Boia wheresoever the Romans might go to fetch their forrage For themselves they thought it reason that they should make supply of victuall and provision in whose possessions they were and for whom they fought By this means the Rom. would never be able to endure that want as would befall them or at the least be constrained to fetch their provisions farre off with great danger and perill to themselves neither did it make any matter whether they killed them or put them besides their carriages for without necessary supplies they were never able to hold war And to conclude such towns were likewise to be set on fire as by the strength of their situation were not safe from danger lest they should prove receptacles to linger and detract the warre and serve the Romans for booty and supplies of provision And albeit these things might seem heavie and bitter yet they ought to esteem it more grievous to have their wives and their children led away into servitude and themselves to be slain by the sword of the enemy which doth necessarily fall upon a conquered people This opinion was generally approved by the consent of all men and more then twenty cities of the Bituriges were burnt in one day the like was done in other States
they at any time departed and left the businesse undone it would be imputed unto them as an ignominy and disgrace to leave this siege and that they had rather undergo all difficulties then not to revenge the death of the citizens of Rome that by treachery were slain at Genabum The same speeches they delivered to the Centurions and Tribunes to be told Caesar THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe worth of a Souldier consisteth in a disposition of mind and body which maketh him apt to suffer and to undergo the difficulties of war For let his resolution otherwise be never so great and his courage invincible in the day of battel yet if he faint under the burthen of such tediousnesse as usually attendeth upon warlike designments he is no way fit for any great enterprise Pindarus saith that he understandeth not the war that knoweth not that the atchieving of one piece of service is alwayes accompanied with the sufferance of another difficulty as great as that which was first intended Et facere pati fortia Romanum est It was the peculiar commendation of the Roman people patiently to endure the extremities of warfare which made the Volsci to cry out That either they must forswear arms and forget to make war and receive the yoak of thraldome and bondage aut tis quibuscum de imperio certetur nec virtute nec patientia nec disciplina rei militaris cedendum or else they must shew themselves no waies inferiour to their antagonists either in valour or sufferance or military discipline Appian forgetteth not to say that the Roman Empire was raised to such greatnesse not by fortune or good luck but by mere valour and patient enduring of hardnesse and want Which is the self-same which Crassus in his sorrow uttered to his souldiers who neither did nor spake many things well for as Plutarch rightly censureth him out of the Comicall Poet he was A good man any way else but in wars The Empire of Rome saith he came not to that greatnesse which it now possesseth by good fortune only but by patient and constant suffering of trouble and adversity never yielding or giving place to any danger Some Italian writers are of an opinion that the two chiefest parts of a souldier Valour and Sufferance are in these times divided unto two nations the French and the Spaniard the Spaniard making war rather by sufferance then by violence of assaults and the French impatient of delay and furious in assaults so that according to his opinion a Spaniard a French-man will make one good souldier Touching the Spaniard I cannot deny but that he hath the name of one of the best souldiers in Christendome and I do gladly allow all that vertue can challenge for truth will prevail against all affection yet I may say thus much on the behalf of our own people that we have seldome lost honour in confronting any nation Concerning the sufferance and patient induring of hardnesse which is said to be in the Spaniard being able to live long with a little it may peradventure not unfitly be attributed to the property of their country and the nature of their climate which will not bear nor digest such plenty of food as is required in colder countries and thereupon being born to so weak a digestion they are as well satisfied with a root or a sallet as others with better plenty of food and therein they goe beyond other Nations Of the French I say nothing but leave them to make good the opinion of the Italian Writer Suetonius witnesseth of Caesar that he himself was laboris ultra fidem patiens one that endured toil beyond belief whereby he might the better move his army to endure with patience the difficulties of the siege and yet so artificially as he seemed rather willing to leave it uneffected then to impose any burthen upon them which they themselves should be unwilling to bear the rather to draw the Legions to ingage themselves therein by denying to forsake it then to cast that upon them which their-unwillingnesse might easily have put off THE SECOND OBSERVATION VVE may further observe the means the souldiers used to acquaint Caesar with their desires which was by the Tribunes and Centurions For as these were mediate Officers between the Generall and them and delivered the mandates and directions of the Emperour to the souldier so did the souldiers use their help to make known unto him their requests as besides this place may appear in the first Commentary where they desired to give him satisfaction touching the fear they had conceived of Ariovistus and the Germans which they likewise did by the Centurions and Tribunes CHAP. IX Caesar leaveth the siege and goeth to take the enemy upon advantage but returneth again without fighting WHen the towers began to approach near unto the walls Caesar understood by the captives that Vercingetorix having consumed all his provision of forrage had removed his camp nearer to Avaricum and that he himself was gone with the cavalry and such ready footmen as were accustomed to fight among the horsemen to lye in ambush in that place where he thought our men would come a forraging the next day Which being known setting forward about midnight in silence in the morning he came to the enemies camp They having speedy advertisement by their scouts of Caesars coming did hide their carriages in the woods and imbattelled all their forces in an eminent and open place Which being told Caesar he commanded the baggage to be speedily laid together and their arms to be made ready There was a hill of a gentle rising from the bottome to the top incompassed round about with a difficult and troublesome bog of fifty foot in breadth Upon this hill the bridge being broken the Galles kept themselves trusting to the strength of the place and being distributed into companies according to their severall States they kept all the fords and passages of the bog with watches with this resolution that if the Romans did passe over the bog they might easily from the higher ground keep them under as they stuck in the mire who little reckoning of so small a distance would deem the fight to be upon equall terms whereas they themselves well knowing the inequality of the condition did make but a vain and idle ostentation The souldiers disdaining that the enemy could endure their presence so near at hand and requiring the sign of battel Caesar acquainted them with what detriment and losse of many valiant men the victory must at that time be bought who being so resolute that they refused no danger to purchase him honour he might well be condemned of great ingratitude and villany if their lives were not dearer unto him then his own safety and so comforting the souldiers he brought them back again the same day into the camp and gave order for such things as were requisite for the siege of the town OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter hath divers
speciall particulars worthy observation The first is the opportunity which Caesar took to visite the army of the Galles when Vercingetorix was absent and gone to lie in ambush for the Roman forragers which was a caveat to Vercingetorix not to be too busie with the Roman convoyes lest his absence might draw on such an inconvenience as might make him repent for going a birding The second is the inequality which the advantage of the place giveth to a party which I have already so often spoken of as I am almost weary to repeat it and the rather for that I have produced this passage in the former book to signifie the benefit of such an advantage Yet forasmuch as it is so pregnant to that effect as may well deserve a double consideration and was also produced by Caesar himself upon occasion at Gergovia give me leave to note how much it swayeth to counterpoise the want of the adverse party Wherein as it cannot be denied but that it may give such help as may make a small number equall a farre greater proportion of men so in Caesars judgement it countervaileth the absence of the Generall and maketh the body perfect without the head Neither were they weakned onely with the absence of their Generall but their cavalry wherein they so much trusted was absent likewise and yet more then that too by how much the Roman legions excelled the Galles in valour and prowess of arms which being all put together is no small advantage For doubtless if the matter had stood upon equal tearms touching the place neither the presence of Vercingetorix nor the addition of their cavalry to assist them had hindered the battell or turned the Romans back to their camp The third thing is the moderation which he shewed forbearing to fight the Galles insolently vaunting and the Roman souldiers fretting and disdaining the enemies pride whereby he settled such a confidence of his directions in the minds of his men by shunning the perill of apparent danger which might fall upon them in particular as afterwards they would make no question of his commands but take them as the onely means of their safetie being never better assured then in performing what he commanded The practice of later times hath not so well deserved of that vertue but hath often shewed it self more prodigall of bloud as though men were made onely to fill up ditches and to be the wofull executioners of other mens rashness The last thing is the making ready of their weapons arma expediri iussit Concerning which point we must understand that the Romans alwayes carried their targets in cases and did hang their helmets at their backs and fitted their piles as might be most convenient with the rest of their carriages And therefore whensoever they were to give battel they were first to put on their helmets to uncase their targets to fit their piles and to make them ready for the charge and this was called Arma expedire CHAP. X. Vercingetorix excuseth himself to the Galles for his absence VErcingetorix returning back to the army was accused of treason in that he had removed his camp near unto the Romans and further that he had gone away from it and took all the cavalry with him that he had left so great an army without any one to command it that upon his departure the Romans should come so opportunely and so speedily for all these things could not fall out by chance without counsell and direction it seemed he had rather have the kingdome of Gallia by a grant from Caesar then by their means and gift Being thus chargâ—d he answereth That he removed the camp for want of forrage they themselves desiring it He came near unto the Romans being led thereunto by the opportunity of the place which was such as might defend it self by its own strength the cavalry was of no use in a boggy place but might do good service there where it went He left no man to command the army of purpose lest by the perswasion of the multitude he should be forced to fight which he knew they all desired as not able long to endure any labour If the Romans came by chance they were to thank fortune if by any mans direction they were beholding unto him that had brought them where they might from the higher ground both see how small a number they were and contemn their valour who not daring to fight did shamefully return into their camp He desired to receive no imperiall dignity by treachery from Caesar which he might otherwise have by lawfull victory which was now most certain and sure both to himself and the rest of the Galles And for that authority which he had received from them he was ready to give it up into their hands again if they thought the honour which they gave him to be greater then the help and safety which they received from him And to the end you may understand these things to be truly delivered by me saith he hear the Roman souldiers And therewithall he brought forth servants which were taken forraging a few dayes before miserably tormented with famine and irons They being taught before-hand what to answer said they were legionary souldiers and had stole out of the camp to see if they could meet with any corn or cattel in the fields the whole army suffered the like penury and mens strength began to fail them insomuch much that they were not able to undergo any labour and therefore their Generall had resolved that if he prevailed not against the Town he would withdraw his army within three dayes These benefits saith Vercingetorix you have of me whom you accuse of treason for by my means without shedding of your bloud you see so great a conquering army almost consumed with hunger and by me it is provided that when they fly from hence no State shall receive them into their territories The whole multitude applauded his speech by shaking and striking their hands together as their manner is in such cases commending Vercingetorix for a great souldier whose loyalty as it was not to be distrusted so the war could not have been carried with better directions They agreed further to send 10000 choise men out of all their forces into the town as not thinking it fit to commit the common safety of Gallia onely to the Bituriges for they were perswaded that the summe of all the victory consisted in making good that town against the Romans OBSERVATIONS A Multitude is Bellua multorum capitum as one saith an unreasonable beast of many heads apt to receive froward and perverse incitements and hard to be drawn to better understanding jealous impatient treacherous unconstant an instrument for a wicked spirit and sooner moved to mischief by Thersites then reclaimed to vertue by the authority of Agamemnon or the eloquence of Ulysses or the wisedome of Nestor more turbulent then the raging either of the sea or of a devouring fire And
length to injoy the sweetness of victory for their manifold labours he provided a reward for such as were seen first upon the walls and gave them the signe to begin The souldiers flying suddenly out of all parts did quickly possess themselves of the walls The enemie being frighted with so sudden an accident and put from the towers and walles imbattelled themselves angle-wise in the market-place and in other spacious streets of the citie with this resolution that if they were assaulted in any part they would resist in form of battell But when they saw no man to descend on even ground but to inclose them round about upon the wall fearing lest there would be no way to escape they cast their armes away and fled all to the furthest part of the town Part of them sticking in a throng at the gate were there slain by the souldiers and part being got out of the gate were slain by the horsemen Neither was there any man that looked after pillage but being moved to anger with the slaughter of our men at Genabum and with the travell and labour of those great workes they neither spared old men women nor children In the end of all that number which was about fourty thousand scarce eight hundred that upon the first noise forsook the town came safe to Vercingetorix These he received with great silence being now farre in the night lest any sedition should have grown in the camp through the pity and commiseration of the vulgar people and sent out his familiar friends and chiefest men of each State to meet such as had escaped away and to bring them to their own people as they lay quartered in the camp THE FIRST OBSERVATION WE may see here the saying verified touching the disposition of the Galles for matter of valour which in the beginning seemed so great that it needed no further strain to countervail the worth of Caesars army and was expressed with such industry and resolution both in spoiling and disappointing the Roman works as also by ingenious fortifying and making good their own labours that a man would have deemed them virtute pares equall in valour But being a little spent in the action like a pot that hath a mouth as big as the belly and powreth out all the liquor at an instant they fell at length to that baseness as shewed less spirit then the women did who chose rather to betray their husbands purposes to the enemy then to hazard their lives by escaping to Vercingetorix And this is that which is so often noted by Historiographers Quod multa bella impetu valida per taedia moras evanuere That many warrs which are hot at the first slacken and vanish upon a tedious continuance The first thing that I observe is that which Caesar himself noteth Quod plerumque in summo periculo timor misericordiam non recipit That usually in case of extreme danger fear hath no mercy Which was true on either side For the Galles were so set upon flying to Vercingetorix that they regarded not the wofull laments of the women and children whom they were well content to hazard whilest they themselves might escape in safety And on the other side the women did forget to be pitifull to their husbands whom they would not suffer to escape and leave them in their weakness behind as a prey to appease the wrath of the bloudy souldier which would consequently follow in that escape Which sheweth that there is notice comparable to the bond of nature specially when it concerneth the preservation of life For as in other things respect and affection may easily work a communication of good things unto others as also a participation of their evils for their relief so herein we are altogether senseless and the love we owe to our lives is so great that it admitteth no respect Agesilaus to his friend was without respect a friend and yet notwithstanding being driven one day to remove upon the sudden and to leave one sick behind him whom he loved dearly the sick man calling him by his name as he was going away besought him that he would not forsake him Agesilaus turning back again answered O how hard it is both to love and to be wise according to the saying Sapere amare vix Deo conceditur To be wise and to love God himself can scarce do it THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is a principle among men of warre not to put necessity upon an enemy nor make him valiant whether he will or no as I have already noted in the former Commentaries which the Romans well observed in this particular service at Avaricum for being possest of the walls they did not suddenly assault them in the market-place where they had made head for their defence but gave them a breathing time the better to understand what they did and respite to bethink themselves of a starting hole for the safety of their lives Which as it was quickly apprehended by the Galles so it made an easie execution to the Roman souldier And as it seemeth it was the more carefully handled in respect of the condition of the enemy being revolters for such Provinces as have rebelled are harder to be recovered after their revolt then they were at first to be subdued For at the first they have no occasion to fear any hard condition but yielding to subjection do look for favour whereas rebels and revolters besides the condition of an enemy are in the nature of offenders and stand in fear of the extremities of warre which maketh them more obstinate then otherwise they would be And therefore it behoveth a Generall not to impose any further necessity upon an enemy then the quality of the warre doth lay upon him which oftentimes is more then can be well avoided CHAP. XIIII Vercingetorix doth comfort the Galles for the loss of Avaricum THe next day calling a Councell he comforted the Galles and exhorted them not to be utterly dismaied with that loss for the Romans had not overthrown them with valour nor in a set battell but with a kind of Art and skill in besieging a town whereof they themselves were ignorant He erred much that looked for all the events of warre to fall out prosperously It was never his opinion that Avaricum should be kept whereof they themselves were witnesses But it fell out by the imprudency of the Bituriges over great indulgence of the rest that this loss happened unto them which notwithstanding he would speedily heal with greater helps For by his diligence he would unite such States unto them as were not yet of the confederacy and make one purpose of all Gallia which the whole world was not able to resist and that he had almost effected it already In the mean time he thought it fit that they should yield unto one thing for their safeties sake which was to fortifie their camp to the end they might better sustain the sudden assaults of the
men use to fight with afarre off The use whereof is too much neglected by the English of these times considering the honour they have atchieved by it in former ages CHAP. XVI A controversy fell out in the state of the Hedui touching the choise of their chief Magistrate CAesar staâ—ed many dayes at Avaricum for finding there great store of corn and of other provisions he refreshed his army of their former labour and wants The winter now being almost ended and the time of the year being fit for war he determined to follow the enemy to see whether he could draw him out of the woods and bogs or besiege him in some place Being thus resolved divers of the principall men of the Hedui came unto him beseeching him that he would stand to them and assist their State in a time of great need the matter being in extreme danger forasmuch as their ancient usage was for one to be created their annuall Magistrate having regall authority for that year whereas now two had taken upon them the said office both of them affirming themselves to belawfully created the one was Convictolitanis a famous and flourishing young man the other Cotus born of an ancient family and he himself of great power and kindred whose brother Vedeliacus had born the said office the year before All their State was in arms their Senate and their people divided together with their clients and followers if the controversy continued for any time it would come to a battel the prevention whereof consisted in his diligence and authority Caesar though he knew it would be disadvantagious unto him to leave the war and to forsake the enemy yet knowing what inconveniences do usually arise of such discords and dâ—ssensions lest so great a State and so near to the people of Rome which he himself had alwayes favoured and by all means honoured should fall to war amongst themselves and that faction which distrusted their own strength should seek help of Vercingetorix he thought it most necessary to be prevented And forasmuch as such as were created chief Magistrates among the Hedui were by their laws forbidden to go out of their confines to the end he might not seem to derogate any thing from their laws he himself determined to go unto them At his coming he called before him to Decetia all the Senate and those also that were in controversy for the office And finding in an assembly almost of the whole State that one of them was chosen by a few privily called together in another place and at another time then was accustomed the brother pronouncing the brother whereas their laws did not only forbid two of one family both being alive to be created Magistrate but also to be of the Senate together he compelled Cotus to give over his interest in the magistracy and confirmed Convictolitanis being created by their Priests and according to the custome of their State This decree being ratified he adhorted the Hedui to forget their private controversies and dissensions and to give their best help to the war in hand wherein they might challenge and expect the Galles being subdued such rewards as they deserved commanding all their horse and ten thousand foot to be speedily sent unto him which he meant to dispose into garrisons for the better provision of corn And then dividing his army into two parts he sent four Legions towards the Senones the Pariâ—ians under the leading of Labienus the other four he led himself against the Arverni to the town of Gergovia along the râ—ver Elaver sending part of the horse with him and keeping part with himself OBSERVATIONS TO loose the least jot of that which a man hath in possession is more dishonourable then to fail of getting what he hath not And therefore Caesar chose rather to forgo the advantages which a speedy pursuit of the enemy might have afforded him to the ending of that war then to hazzard the losse of so great a State so well-affected to the people of Rome as were the Hedui wherein he carried so equall and indifferent a hand that he would do nothing but what the laws of that State directed him unto as most assured that such directions were without exception CHAP. XVII Caesar passeth his army over the river Elaver and incampeth himself before Gergovia WHich thing being known Vercingetorix having broken down all the bridges of that river took his journey on the other side of Elaver either army being in view each of other and incamping almost over against one another dâ—scoverers being sent out to watch lest the Romans should make a bridge in any place and carry over their forces Caesar was much troubled lest he should be hindered by the river the greatest part of that Summer forasmuch as Elaver is not passable at any foord untill towards the Autumne And therefore to prevent that he encamped himself in a woody place right over against one of those bridges which Vercingetorix had commanded to be broken The next day he kept himself there secretly with two legions and sent forward the rest of the forces with all the carriages as were accustomed taking away the fourth part of each cohort that the number of legions might appear to be the same commanding them to go on as far as they could and making conjecture by the time of the day that they were come to their camping-place upon the same piles the lower part whereof remained there whole he began to reedify the bridge and having speedily ended the work and carried over the Legions and chosen a fit place to encamp in he called back the rest of his forces Vercingetorix having notice thereof lest he should be forced to fight against his will went before by great journeys Casar with five incampings went from that place to Gergovia and after a light skirmish between the horse the same day he came having taken a view of the situation of the town which was built upon a very high hill and had very hard and difficult approaches on all sides he despaired of taking it by assault neither would he determine to besiege it untill he had made provision of corn But Vercingetorix having set his camp on a hill before the town had placed the severall forces of the States by themselves in small distances round about hâ—m and having possest himself of all the tops of that hill made a very terrible shew into all parts where he might be seen he commanded likewise the chiefmen of the States whom he had chosen out to be of the Councell of war to meet alwayes together with hâ—m at the dawning of the day to know if any thing were to be communicated unto them or what else was to be done Neither did he omit any day to skirmish with his horsemen with archers intermingled amongst them to the end he might try what courage and valour was in his people Right over against the town at the foot of the hill there was
Philosopher Ingratum si dixeris omnia dixeris Ingratitude is culpable of all sorts of wickedness and deserveth the greatest measure of revenge And the rather for that it taketh away the use of vertue and maketh men forget to do good For whereas the nature of goodness is specially seen in communicating it self to the relief of other mens wants we ought to give all diligence not to hinder this inlargement nor by a froward and crooked example to prejudice others that stand in need of the like favour I have often heard it spoken but I know not how true it is and am loath to believe it that in the exchange of a good turn the party that receiveth it hath more assurance of his benefactor touching a faithfull and friendly disposition for the future time then he that shewed the kindness can have of the receiver for men are loath to loose both the fruit and the seed and will rather bestow more cost and labour then forgoe the hope of their first endeavours expecting both in reason and nature fruit answerable to their seed whereas the badness of our nature is such of it self Ut gratia oneri ultio in quaestu habetur THE SECOND OBSERVATION THere is no means so ready to abuse a multitude as false suggestion which like a lying spirit seduceth the minds of men from the truth conceived and fashioneth their hearts to such purposes as seemeth best to the abuser and the rather when it is delivered by a man of place and authority and such a one as pretendeth carefulness for the safety of a people for then it slieth as fast as the lightning in the aire and deludeth the wisest and best experienced of the multitude A mischief that can hardly be prevented as long as there is a tongue to speak or an ear to hear But as Socrates said of pain and case that they are alwayes tied together so men must endeavour to redeem the hurts of such an evill by the benefit which thereby is consequently implyed for it were hard if wise men could not make the like use of a multitude to good purposes as these deceivers do for their own advantage Numa Pompilius to whom the Roman Empire did owe as much for lawes and civil government as to Romulus for their martiall discipline the better to establish such ordinances and decrees as he made in his kingdome feigned familiar acquaintance with a goddesse of that time called Egeria and by her he said he was assured that the Statutes which he made were both equall and just and good for the Romans to observe and the people found no hurt in believing it In like manner Lycurgus having given many lawes to the Spartans repaired to the citie of Delphos and there he got a pleasing Oracle which he sent to Sparta assuring them that his laws were very good and that city keeping them should be the most renowned of the world And Sertorius for want of other means used the service of a white Hind as a gift sent him from Diana to make the Lusitanians believe whatsoever might best advantage his business And thus a multitude lieth open to good and ill purposes and is either happy or unfortunate in the counsell of their Leader CHAP. XIX Caesar hindereth the revolt of the Hedui EPoredorix the Heduan a young man of great parentage and of great power in his countrey together with Viridomarus of like age and authority but not so nobly born who being preferred to Caesar by Divitiacus was by him advanced from mean estate to great dignity came both to Caesar with the Heduan horsemen being called out by name to that war by him Between these two there was alwayes contention who should be the chiefest and in that controversie for magistracie the one stood for Convictolitanis and the other for Cotus Of these two Eporedorix understanding the resolution of Litavicus opened the matter to Caesar almost about midnight He prayed him not to suffer their State to fall away from the friendship of the people of Rom by the wicked counsell of young men which would necessarily fall out if he suffered so many thousand men to joyn themselves to the enemy whose safety as neither their kinsfolks would neglect so the State could not lightly esteem of Caesar being much perplexed at this message forasmuch as he had alwayes cherished the State of the Hedui without any further doubt or dispute he took four expedite and unburthened Legions and all the horse out of the camp neither was there space at such a time to make the camp lesser forasmuch as the matter seemed to consist in expedition He left behind him C. Fabius a Legate with two legions for a garrison to the camp And having given order for the apprehending of Litavicus brethren he found that a little before they were fled to the enemy Thereupon adhorting the souldiers not to think much of their labour in so necessary a time every man being most willing he went five and twenty miles and then met with the forces of the Hedui The horsemen being sent to stay their march he commanded not to kill any one of them and gave order to Eporedorix and Viridomarus whom they thought to be slain to ride up and down amongst the horsemen and to call to their countrymen They being once known and the fraud of Litavicus discovered the Hedui stretched out their hands making signs of submission and casting away their weapons desired to be spared from death Litavicus with his clients and followers who by the custome of Gallia must not forsake their patrons in the extremest danger fled to Gergovia Caesar having dispatched messengers to the State of the Hedui to acquaint them that he had saved their people which by the law of arms he might have slain gave the army three hours rest that night and then returned towards Gergovia In the mid-way certain horsemen sent by Fabius made known unto Caesar in what danger the matter stood that the camp was assaulted with all the enemies forces and forasmuch as such as were wearied were still relieved with fresh men it came to passe that our men fainted with continuall labours for the camp was so great that they were alwaies to stana upon the rampier to make it good and that many were wounded with the multitude of arrowes and other sorts of weapons wherein their engines had served them to good purpose for their defence Fabius when these messengers came away had shut up two gates and left other two open and had made sheds and hovels for the better defence of the wall and prepared himself for the like fortune the next day These things being known by the exceeding travell of the souldiers Caesar came into the camp before Sun-rising OBSERVATIONS AS often as the people of Rome had occasion to make war besides the body of the army inrolled for that service in such sort and with such ceremonies as I have formerly delivered the Consul or
he propoundeth to the world as an absolute pattern both of military and civile vertue CHAP. XXIII The Romans continue the assault and are beaten off with losse THe contention was not indifferent to the Romans neither in place nor in number of combatants being wearied withall both with the long race which they had run and with the continuance of their fight whereby they did not so easily bear the enemy being whole and fresh Caesar seeing the fight to be in an unequall place and the enemy still to increase their forces fearing his people he sent to T. Sextius the legate whom he had left to command the lesser camp to bring out the cohorts speedily and to place them at the foot of the hill on the right side of the enemy to the end that if our men were forced to forsake their place yet the enemy might be terrified from following them over freely he himself removing a little out of that place where he stood with the legion attended the event of the battel And as they fought at hand very fiercely the enemy trusting in the place and in the multitude and our men in their valour the Hedui suddenly appeared on the open side of our men whom Caesar had sent up by another ascent on the right hand to keep off part of the enemy These by the likenesse of their armour did wonderfully astonish our men who although they saw their right arms shewed or put forth which was a sign of peace yet they doubted lest the enemy had used that policy to deceive them At the same instant L. Fabius the Centurion and those that climbed up upon the wall with him being slain were cast down from the wall again and M. Petreius a Centurion of the same legion as he was about to cut down the gates being oppressed with the multitude and despairing of his own life having received many wounds Forasmuch saith he to his souldiers that followed him as I cannot save my self and you too I will certainly provide for your safety whom I have brought into danger whilst I thirsted after honour You while you may shift for your selves And withall he brake through the thickest of the enemy and with the slaughter of a couple he removed the rest from the gate And as his souldiers went about to help him In vain saith he do you endeavour to save my life which bloud and strength have already forsaken and therefore get you hence while you have means and betake your selves to the legion and so fighting fell down dead but saved his men Our men being overcharge don all sides with the losse of six and fourty Centurions were beaten down from the place but the tenth legion which stood for a rescue in a more equall place hindred the Galles from following over eagerly And again the cohorts of the thirteenth legion which Sextius had brought out of the camp seconded that legion having got the advantage of the upper ground The legions assoon as they came into the plain stood still and turned head to the enemy Vercingetorix drew back his men from the foot of the hill and brought them into their camps That day few lesse then seven hundred souldiers were wanting OBSERVATIONS ANd this is the end of presumptuous rashnesse when men are become so pregnant as to take upon them more then is required But as they say of fair weather that it is pity it should do hurt so is it great pity that valour and resolution should prove disadvantageous For this over-doing of a service is but the spirit of valiant carriage and the very motion of prowesse and courage memorable in the offenders themselves as we may see by this particular report of Fabius and Petreius and much to be pitied that vertue should at any time be overquelled with a greater strength At this service the Romans stood in these terms they were overmatched in number they had spent their strength in speedy running to the place which in it self was not favourable unto them but almost as great an enemy as the Galls only they trusted in their valour and thought by vertue to clear all difficulties The Galles had the favour of the place a far greater number of fighting men they came fresh to the battel and were alwaies seconded with fresh supplies Caesar seeing the two armies ingaged one with another could neither part them nor recall his souldiers but set such forces as were free in such convenient places as might rescue his people in the retreat and keep the Galles from following the chase or making any great slaughter of the Roman souldier Whereby it happened that in so great an inequality where there were so many swords drawn to make way to death there were not seven hundred men lost of the Roman army And yet it happened to be the greatest losse that ever he received in those wars in his own presence when the issue of the conflict gave the enemy the better of the day CHAP. XXIIII Caesar rebuketh the rashnesse of his souldiers and maketh light but successfull skirmishes upon the enemy CAesar the next day calling the army before him rebuked the temerity and cupidity of the souldiers forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge how far they were to go or what they were to do neither would they stay upon the sounding of a retreat nor hearken to the Tribunes nor the Legates that would have kept them back He laid open unto them how avaiâ—eable the inequality of the place was and what he himself thought of it when at Avaricum he took the enemy without a Generall and without cavalry yet did forgo a most assured victory lest in the buckling he might have received a small losse through the inequitie of the place How admirable was the greatnesse of their spirit whom neither the fortifications of the camps the height of the hill nor the wall of the town could stop or hinder Wherein he blamed their licentious arrogancy the more forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge better of the victory and the successe of that service then the Generall himself neither did he so much desire to find courage and vertue in his souldiers as modesty and sobriety This speech being delivered and in the end confirming their minds that they might not be discouraged at the matter nor attribute that to the worth of the enemy which indeed was in the nature of the place keeping his former purpose of departure he brought the legions out of the camp imbattelled them in a convenient place and finding that Vercingetorix would not be drawn into an indifferent place after a light skirmish of horse wherein the Romans had the better he caried his armie back again into the camp and doing the like the next day thinking it sufficient to abate the pride of the Galles and to strengthen the courage of his souldiers he removed his camp into the State of the Hedui the enemy refusing to make after him OBSERVATIONS
tend to the weakning of that authority which preferred them in dignity before all other States of that Continent and was as a Remora to divers other Nations of Gallia from shewing that defection by plain and open revolt which they had so long before conceived in their minds But when it appeared notwithstanding any precedent benefit or the merit of imperiall favours that the Hedui did affect the common cause of their Countries liberty and were content to ingage themselves therein as far as their lives or fortunes could any way be valued it was not to be doubted but that such other Commonweals as before that time had remained neutrall and had less cause then the Hedui to keep back their hands from a work of that piety would apprehend the matter as a business importing the safety of their Countrey whereunto Caesar and the Legions were common enemies The consideration whereof made Caesar to think of returning back into the Province had not the dishonour of such a retreat and the desire he had to joyn with Labienus hindred that purpose CHAP. XXVI Labienus cometh to Lutetia with four Legions WHile these things were done by Caesar Labienus having left those supplies which came last out of Italy at Agendicum for the safetie of the carriages went himself with four Legions towards Lutetia a town of the Parisians built in an Island in the river Sequana The enemy understanding of his coming great forces were speedily brought together out of the countries near about The chiefest command was given to Camulogenus of the nation of the Aulerci who notwithstanding his great age was called to that honour for his singular knowlege in matter of warre He finding it to be a continued bog that ran into Sequana and much hindered all that place did stay there with his army and purposed to hinder the passage of the Romans Labienus did first endeavour to drive the vines to fill up the bog with hurdles and earth and so to make the passage firm but after that he perceived it to be very hard to effect in the third watch of the night he went out of the camp with silence and the same way that he came he went to Melodunum a town of the Senones situate in an Island of Sequana as Lutetia is and having surprised some fiftie shippes and boats and manned them with souldiers the townsmen being affrighted with the noveltie of the matter of whom a great part were called out to that warre he possest himself of the town without any resistance The bridge being repaired which the enemie had cut down a few dayes before he transported over the armie and went down along the river towards Lutetia The enemy having notice thereof by such us escaped from Melodunum commanded Lutetia to be burned and the bridges of the town to be broken they themselves for saking the bog sate down upon the banks of Sequana right over against the camp of Labienus By this time Caesars departure from Gergovia was known abroad with the revolt of the Hedui and rumours were brought of a secondrising and motion in Gallia It was certainly confirmed that the Galles were in consultation that Caesar was kept back both by the difficulties of the passage and the river Loire and for want of corn was constrained to return into the Province The Bellovaci also understanding of the revolt of the Hedui whereas they were before treacherous and disloyall of themselves did now begin to raise forces and prepare for open warre Labienus upon so great a change of things understood that it was necessary for him to take another manner of course then was before intended For now he thought not of making any conquest or urging the enemy to battell but to bring he army back in safety to Agendicum For on the one side the Bellovaci stood ready to charge him being a people that had the name for deeds of arms of all the nations in Gallia the other side was kept by Camulogenus with an army ready in the field and last of all the Legions were kept from their garrison and their carriages with a great river that ran between them and it OBSERVATIONS THe great alteration which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia caused Labienus to let fall his former resolutions and to shape such a course as might best answer the extremitie of the tempest For he that will attain the end of his desires or make peace with the affections of his mind must not think at all times to carry away contentment with the strength of his means or subdue resistance with force of arms but must be well pleased to be driven with the stream untill he meet with a tide of better opportunitie for oftentimes it falleth out that the opposition of resisting power is more available then ten Legions commanded by Caesar or what the Roman Empire could adde besides to so great an army For there is no quantitie so great but there may be found a greater nor none so little but there may be a less which may teach a man neither to conceit himself in a matchless singularity nor to despair of a weak condition And this is that which is so often recommended to the consideration of discreet Governours whether they be Magistrates in peace or Commanders in warre to put them in mind of the condition of times and to carry themselves answerable thereunto forasmuch as fortunate and happy success riseth for the most part from such means as have respect to the occurrences of the time not running alwayes upon one biass nor failing at all times with a fore-wind but sometimes to press forward and sometimes to give back according as the circumstances of the time shall make way to good fortune Fabius the great Roman thought it no scorn to be called coward or to undergo the displeasure of the people of Rome while he gave place to the fury of the Carthaginian and refused to receive a third overthrow And thus he altered the course of the Roman warfare according to the time and overthrew that enemy by shunning to encounter him which in a battell would have hazarded the conquest of Rome In like manner Cn. Sulpitius the Dictator did imitate this wisedome of Fabius against the Galles by lingring out the warre Nolens se fortunae committere adversus hostem as Livy saith quem tempus deteriorem indies locus alienus fuceret Not willing to put the triall to Fortune when as he dealt with an enemy which time and ignorance of the place rendred every day weaker and weaker And to conclude this point Caesar upon the loss which he received at Dyrrachium Omnem sibi commutandam belli rationem existimavit thought it his best way to alter the whole course of the warre as the Story saith which was nothing else but varying with the time and helping a bad Fortune with new directions CHAP. XXVII Labienus passeth the river Sequana and fighteth with the Galles FOr the avoiding
bereave the judgement of her prerogative and give it no respite to censure them whereby it cometh to pass that young men are for the most part heedless inconsiderate rash and resolute putting more upon hazard then upon good advice On the otherside old age is cold in blood and not so quick of spirit but being beaten with the rod of long experience it learneth to be slow and lingring full of doubts and consideration inclining rather to a feminine fear then to a forward resolution Neither of these attributes are simply in themselves the best attendants of noble enterprises for a hot-spur gallant may run apace but not go sure and what young man soever is advanced to command had need of an old mans wit to discharge it And if authority did at any time fall into the hands of youth in the Roman government which was very seldom it was Praemium virtutis non aetatis for his vertues sake not his age Pompey was extraordinary happy in that behalf for he attained the surname of great because he had deserved the honour of triumph before his beard was grown And yet Sertorius took such advantage at Pompeys youth coming against him in Spain that he said he would have whipped the young boy to Rome again with rods had not that old woman meaning Metellus come to help him Again where old age heapeth doubt upon doubt and falleth into the danger of unprofitable lingring Nec ausus est satis nec providit it wanteth boldness to steel the enterprise falleth also short of good providence as Tacitus speaketh of F. Valens Augustus Caesar purposing to commend Tiberius his successour with an extraordinary praise said he was a man that never put one thing to be twice consulted of And it is said of Marius that being come to the age of threescore and five years or thereabouts he shewed himself very cold and slow in all his enterprises forasmuch as age had mortified his active heat and killed that ready disposition of body that was wont to be in him The Romans finding Fabius Maximus to be full of doubts and delay good to defend but not to offend and Marcellus of a stirring spirit neither quiet with good nor ill fortune as Annibal truly said of him they thought to joyn Marcellus youthfull courage with Fabius fear and wisedome and so make a temperature fit for a Generall whereupon they called Marcellus the sword and Fabius the buckler wherein Caesar of himself was excellent of whom Suetonius reporteth Dubium cautior an audentior It is uncertain whether he was more wary or daring The best state of years then for this business is that which tempereth the heat of youth with the coldness of age and quickneth the slow and dull proceedings of double advice with the rashness of youthfull resolution and falleth out between the years of five and thirty and five and fifty Scipio Africanus commanded the Roman army in Spain at four and twenty years of age and died at four and fifty Annibal was chosen Generall to Asdrubal at six and twenty years and poisoned himself at threescore and ten Pompey was slain at nine and fifty and Caesar at sixe and fifty Marcellus kept his youthfull resolution to his old dayes forbeing threescore years of age he never longed for any thing more then to fight with Annibal hand to hand CHAP. XXVIII The Galles consult of the carriage of that war THe revolt of the Hedui being known the warre waxed greater Ambassadours were sent out into all parts and they laboured to draw the rest of the States to their party as farre as either favour authority or money could prevail having got the pledges into their hands which Caesar had left with them they terrified such as stood doubtfull by threatning to kill them The Hedui do desire Vercingetorix to come unto them and to acquaint them with the course of that war which being yielded unto they labour to have the chief command transferred upon them The matter growing unto a controversie a generall Councell of all Gallia was summoned at Bibract Thither they repaired in great multitudes and the matter being put to voices they all with one consent made allowance of Vercingetorix for their Generall The men of Rhemes with the Lingones and Treviri were absent from this Councell the two first continuing their affection to the Roman party the Trâ—viri were farre off and were annoyed by the Germans in respect they were absent from that warre and remained neutrall The Hedui were much grieved that they were put by the principalitie they complain of the change of their fortune and wished for Caesars former indulgence neither yet durst they disjoyn themselves again from the rest the warre being already undertaken but Eporedorix and Viridomarus two young men of great hope were constrained though unwilling to obey Vercingetorix He commanded pledges to be delivered by the rest of the States and appointed a day for that businesse He commanded fifteen thousand horse to be speedily brought together touching foot forces he would content himself with those which he had for his purpose was not to wage battell but whereas he was very strong in horse he made no doubt to keep the Romans from corn and forrage only thâ—y must patiently endure to have their corn spoiled and their houses burnt which particular losse would quickly be recompensed with libertie and perpetuall sovereignty These things being ordered he commanded ten thousand foot to be raised by the Hedui and Segusiani bordering upon the Province and to them he added eight hundred horse and sent them under the command of Eporedorix his brother to make warre against the Allobroges And on the other side he caused the Gabali and the nearest villages of the Arverni to set upon the Helvii the Rutheni and the Cadurci and to depopulate their countrey Notwithstanding by secret messages he dealt with the Allobroges whose minds he thought to be scarce settled from the former warre the promised money to their chiefest men and to give the government of all the Roman Province to their State To answer all these chances there were provided but two and twenty cohorts which being raised out of the Province were disposed by L. Caesar a Legate to prevent these mischiefs The Hedui of their own accord giving battell to their borderers were beaten out of the field and were driven into their towns with the slaughter of C. Valerius Donotaurus the sonne of Caburus the chief man of their State and of many other The Allobroges having set many watches and garrisons upon the river Rhene did with great care and diligence defend their borders Caesar understanding the enemy to be stronger in horse then he himself was and the passages being shut that he could not send either into the Province or into Italy for any supplies he sent over the Rhene into Germany and got horse from such States as he had quieted the year before with such light-armed footmen as were accustomed
to sight amongst the horse At their arrivall forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse he took the horses from the Tribunes the Roman Knights and the Evocati and distributed them amongst the Germans OBSERVATIONS THere are three principall means to draw a State into a partie which of it self standeth neutrall or to win the minds of men when they carrie equall or indifferent affections The first is by favour or friendship the second by authoritie and the third by money Friendship relieth upon former respects and the exchange of precedent courtesies Authority concludeth from future dangers and the inconveniences which may follow the refusall Money doth govern the present occasion and is more generall then either favour or authoritie The Galles were not wanting to make their partie good in any of these three perswading motives but as Caesar saith Quantum gratia authoritate pecunia valent ad sollicitandas civitates nâ—tuntur they sollicited the neighbour States as farre as friendship authority and money would go Wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it so they left themselves but one triall for the right of their cause and joyned issue for all upon the fortune of that action for when they should see their best possibilities too weak and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy the greater their hopes were which they had in the means the greater would be their despair when such means were spent for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means and not to drive a hope before them It is usuall upon such main occasions to imploy the chiefest man in a State in whom the souldiers may have most assurance and to accompany him with such means as the strength of the Commonweal may afford him but if their greatest hopes die in his ill successe or wax faint through cold fortune the kingdome receiveth losse and the enemy getteth advantage as may appear by the sequele of this great preparation CHAP. XXIX The Cavalrie of the Galles do set upon the Roman army and are beaten WHile these things were a doing the enemies forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all Gallia met together and came out of the territories of the Arverni A great number of these being gathered together as Caesar marched against the Sequani by the borders of the Lingones to the end he might the easier relieve the Province Vercingetorix sate down about ten miles from the Romans in three severall camps and calling the Captains and Colonels of horse to counsell he told them that the time of victory was now come for the Romans left Gallia and fled into the Province which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present libertie but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time forasmuch as the Romans did not purpose to make an end of the warre but to return again with greater forces And therefore it was necessary to set upon them in their march ladâ—â— with carriages If the foot did assist their horse then they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey But if which he hoped would rather happen forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour for they need not doubt of the enemies horse of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces And to the end they might be the better incouraged he would draw all the forces in a readinesse out of the camp and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy The horsemen cried out all together that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath Let him never be received under any roof or have accesse to his wife children or parents that did not twice runne through the army of the enemy The thing being well likâ—d of and every man forced to take that oath the next day he divided his cavalrie into three parts two armies shewed themselves on each side and the third began to make stay of the vauward Which being known Caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts and sent them to make head against the enemy At the same time they fought in all parts the army stood still the carriages were received within the Legions if our men were overcharged any where Caesar bent the Legions that way which did both hinder the enemy from following them and assure our men of hope of rescue At length the Germans having possest themselves of a hill on the right side did put the enemy from their place and followed them as they fled even to the river where Vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies and slew many of them Whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about betook themselves to flight execution was done in all places Three of the Nobilitie of the Hedui were taken and brought to Caesar Cotus the Generall of the horse who at the last election of Magistrates stood in controversie with Convictolitanis and Cavarillus who after the revolt of Litavicus commanded the foot troups and Eporedorix under whose command before Caesars coming into Gallia the Hedui made warre with the Sequani All the cavalrie being put to flight Vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp and immediately after began to march towards Alesia a town of the Mandubii commanding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him Caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill under the custody of two Legions he followed the enemy as long as the day would give him leave and having slain some three thousand of the rereward the next day following he encamped at Alesia OBSERVATIONS THe Galles were much stronger then the Romans in Cavalry both according to quantitie and qualitie but the Roman Infanterie was greater in vertue and worth then any foot forces of the Galles notwithstanding their inequalitie in number Which sheweth that the Romans did more rely upon their legionary souldiers then upon their Equites and may serve for an argument in the handling of that question which is so much debated amongst men of warre whether the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a warre Which indeed is a question à male dâ—visis being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martiall purposes as they cannot well be disjoyned And if we look particularly in the nature of their severall services we shall easily discern the differences and be able to judge of the validitie of their parts Wherein first it cannot be denied but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes then troups of horse for the horsemen are of no use but in open and champain places whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden couâ—treys but are necessary also in mountainous or woodie places in valleys in ditches
took the citie and made their succours of no effect The States army of the united Provinces under the leading of Grave Maurice did the like at the town of Grave in the year 1602. But of this at Alesia may well be said that which Livy speaketh of the battell at Nola Ingens eo die res ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit A great piece of service was done that day and I think I may call it the greatest in that whole warre THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is here delivered that the outward circuit of the works contained fourteen miles and the circuit of the inward works eleven miles upon which ground Justus Lipsius maketh an unjust conjecture of the space between the outward and the inward works where the Romans day incamped For according to the proportion between the circumference and the diameter he maketh the diameter of the greater circle four and of the lesser three miles and then he taketh the lesser diameter out of the greater and concludeth the space to be almost a mile between the inner and the outward rampier where the Romans lay incamped between the works and least the matter might be mistaken in ciphers he doth expresse it at large in significant words whereby he maketh the space twice as much as indeed it was For the two circles having one and the same center the semidiameter of the one was to be taken out of the semidiameter of the other and the remainder would amount almost to half a mile which according to the ground here delivered was the true distance between the works if the nature of the place whereunto they had a respect would suffer them to keep the same distance in all parts But aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus Homer himself is out sometimes and no disgrace neither to the excellency of his learning deserving all honour for the great light which he hath brought to the knowledge of Histories and for redeeming the truth from blots and Barbarisme CHAP. XXXII The Galles raise an army of 248000 to raise the siege at Alesia WHile these things were a doing at Alesia the Galles having summoned a Councell of the Princes and chiefest men of each State they thought it not convenient to take all that were able to bear arms according to Vercingetorix direction but to proportion out a certain number for every State lest that of such a confused multitude there would be no government being not able to know their souldiers or to martiall them in any good order or to make provision of victuall for so great a bodie The Hedui and their clients the Segusiani Ambivareti Aulerci Brannovices and Brannovii were commanded to send out five and thirty thousand the Arverni with their clients the Heleuteri Cadurci Gaballi Velauni as many the Senones Sequani Bituriges Santones Rutheni Carnutes twelve thousand the Bellovaci ten thousand the Lemovices as many the Pictones Turones Parisii Heleuteri Suessiones 8000 the Ambiani Mediomatrices Petrocorii Nervii Morini Nitiobriges 5000 the Aulerci Cenomani as many the Atrebates 4000. the Bellocassi Lexovii Aulerci Eburones 3000 the Rauraci and Boii 30000 the States bordering upon the Ocean whom by the custome of Gallia they call Aremoricae such as are the Curiosolites Rhedones Ambibarri Cadetes Osismii Lemovices Veneti Unelli six thousand Of these the Bellovaci refused to give their number saying that they would make warre with the Romans in their own name and according to their own directions neither would they serve under any mans command Notwithstanding being intreated by Comius for his sake they sent two thousand Caesar as we have heretofore delivered had used the help of this Comius the years before in Britain being both faithfull and serviceable in recompense of which service he had freed his State of all duties to the Roman Empire and restored unto them their ancient lawes and customes and to himself he had given the Morâ—â—i Notwithstandâ—ng such was the universall consent of all Gallia to redeem their liberty and their ancient honour in matter of warre as neither friendship nor the memory of former benefits could any way move them every man intending that warre as farre as either the power of his mind or the possibilitie of his means would reach unto and having drawn together eight thousand horse and two hundred and fourty thousand foot they mustered their forces in the confines of the Hedui where they appointed captains and the chief command was given to Comius of Arras and to Viridomarus and Eporedorix Hedui and to Vergasilaunus of the Arverni cousin-germaâ—n to Vercingetorix To these there were certain chosen out of every State to give assistance in councell of warre and all of them went jocundly and full of hope to Alesia Neither was there any man that did think that the very sight of such a multitude was able to be endured especially when the fight would grew doubtfuâ—l by sallies made out of the town and so great forces of horse and foot should be seen without OBSERVATIONS VErcingetorix desire was to have had as many of the Galles sent to his rescue as were able to bear arms grounding himself upon that maxime Where the whole State is in question there the whole forces of that State are to be employed But the other Princes of Gallia thought it not expedient to raise so great a number for they would have accrewed to such a multitude of people as could not have been contained within the rules of government which may bring to our consideration that which the course of these times doth not often bring into dispute What number of men well martialled and with good discipline are a competent proportion for any service Xerxes army which he carried into Greece was famous for two respects First in regard of the multitude which was so great that when he himself returned back into Asia he left behind him three hundred thousand of the best souldiers chosen out of the whole army under the conduct of one Mardonius Secondly that of so many fighting men there were two hundred and threescore thousand slain in one battell with the losse of one thousand and three hundred Grecians Whereby it appeareth that the conquest of a kingdome doth not necessarily follow the multitude of souldiers in an army for either Xerxes army was too few in number to conquer Greece or too many to be well martialled Marius with fifty thousand men defeated the Cimbri that were so many in number as they made a battell of thirtie furlong square and of them he slue a hundred and twenty thousand and took threescore thousand prisoners And for that I do remember of that which I have read the greatest conquests that ever were made were atchieved with armies under fifty thousand fighting men The great Alexander subdued all Asia and fet the Monarchy from the Persian into Greece with thirty thousand men The Romans had very seldome ten legions in an army which was about that rate but
of Arms which Caesar had atchieved by his valour and impatient of any partner in point of Lordship found means first to draw two legions from him under colour of the Parthian war and afterwards got a Decree of Senate to send him a successour before his time was expired and withall to return as a private person to Rome to render an account of his Actions during his imployment Which Caesar taking as an assurance of his downfall gave huge sums of mony to gain Paulus Aemilius one of the Consuls and C. Curio a Tribune of the people to resist this Decree Howbeit the succeeding Consuls being both his enemies having no farther hope of repealing the same he intreated in the end that he might hold only Gallia Cisalpina and Illyricum with two legions untill he should obtain the Consulship which was the effect of these Letters delivered by Fabius And being denied by Pompey's faction in these partiall and tumultuous assemblies of the Senate caused him to forfeit his loyalty to the State verifying the old saying That oftentimes an injury maketh way to a greater fortune THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the opposition of the Tribunes it is to be understood that the people eaten up with usurie and other grievous exactions forsook both the City and the Camp when the State had war with the Volsci and the Aequi and taking themselves to a Mountain near unto Rome would not return from thence untill the Senate had given order for their grievances In which transaction it was agreed that there should be Magistrates chosen out of the body of the people to counterpoise the power of the Senate and to restrain the boundlesse authority of the Consuls which office was reckoned in the number of their holiest things never to be violated either in word or deed but the offender should redeem it with the losse of his life Their whole power consisted in letting and hindering As when either the Senate or any one Senatour went about a matter which might be prejudiciall to the people in generall or to any one of the commonalty in particular then did the Tribunes interpose their authority to frustrate and avert the same which was availeable albeit the matter was gain-said but by one Tribune only By which intervention they kept the Senate in awfull moderation and were alwayes profitable to the State but when they happened upon factious and turbulent persons howbeit their power was bounded with the walls of Rome and extended no further then the gates of the City Their doors were never shut but stood open night and day for a refuge to such as should fly to them for succour neither was it lawfull for them to be absent from Rome a whole day together The robes of their Magistracy were of Purple as Cicero intimateth in his oration Pro Cluentio This Tribunitian power began about the year of Rome 260 was supprest by Sylla restored by Pompey and utterly taken away by the Emperour Constantine If it be demanded what kind of Common-wealth this Roman government was it is to be understood that upon the expulsion of their Kings the sovereignty rested in their Consuls For as Livie saith there was nothing diminished of kingly government save only for the better establishing of liberty that the Consular dignity was made Annuall But that held not long for Publicola imparted this sovereignty to the Communalty making it lawfull to appeale from the Consuls to the people Whereby the Consular sovereignty was dissolved and the people took occasion to oppose themselves against the Fathers Hence grew the reciprocall invectives between the Senate and the Tribunes and when the Consul sent a Serjeant to the Tribune the Tribune would send a Pursevant to the Consul And so the Commonwealth halted between an Aristocracy and a Democracy untill at length the vogue of the Communalty drew it to a perfect Democracy and made their Acts of Senate of no value unlesse they were ratified by the people Howbeit the Senate afforded alwayes many famous and eminent men such as having inlarged the bounds of their Empire and kept on foot their ancient valour and were the flower of that people which Cyneas called a town of kings were consequently so engaged in the businesses of the State that matters were for the most part carried as they stood affected as appeareth by this passage of Caesar THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may observe that violence and partiality are the bane of all consultations especially when the common good is shadowed with private respects And albeit the gravity of the Roman Senate far exceeded all that can be spoken of other Councels of State rectifying the inordinate affections of any Catiline that would lift up his head higher then his fellowes yet here it suffered equity and indifferency to be suppressed with faction giving way to violence which governeth all things untowardly and with cords of private hate oftentimes draweth the Common-wealth into utter desolation For prevention whereof the Athenians swore their Senatours to make the common good the chiefest scope of all their counsels Implying thereby that private respects are alwayes offensive to publick ends and the State ever suffereth when favour prevaileth against the common profit Tully going about to direct a Councellour in this behalf only wisheth a man to deliver sincerely what he thinketh of any matter although he happen to stand alone in his own conceit for the issue of a businesse doth not so much concern a Councellour as to speak truely his opinion thereof And to that end the custome of the Roman Senate was that the youngest and such as came last in place should declare themselves first that they might not be forestalled in their opinions nor put besides that they would have spoken together with the equality which it made of their voices for things first spoken do alwayes stick fastest in our apprehensions And for that cause Theodorus a Greek Tragedian would never shew himself on the stage after any other Actour as holding the first passages to affect most the Spectatours Notwithstanding which custome it is reported that Caesar in favour of Pompey after their new-made alliance would take his voice first thereby to anticipate the opinion of others that should follow The Emperours as it seemeth took what place they pleased for Tiberius in Marcellus cause said that he would sentence openly and upon oath that other men might do the like Whereunto Cn Piso replied What place wilt thou take to declare thy self Caesar for if thou speak first I know how to follow if last I am affraid I shall dissent from thy opinion But that which is most blameable in matter of counsell is when they come to the Senate house as to a prize of flattery Wherein L. Piso is deservedly commended for that he never willingly shewed himself of a servile opinion but when necessity forced him he tempered it with wisdome
better understanding of this noble History to say somewhat of the Persons here mentioned And first of Fabius as descended of the noblest and most ancient Family of the Patrician Order being able of themselves to maintain warre a long time against the Veij a strong and warlike town untill at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment which Ovid mentioneth where he saith Haec fuit illa dies in qua Veientibus arvis Tercentum Fabâ—iter cecidere duo This was that black day when in Veian field Three hundred and six Fabiâ— were kill'd Onely there remained of that house a child then kept at Rome which in tract of time multiplied into six great Families all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the Commonweal amongst whom he that supplanted Hannibal by temporizing and got thereby the surname of Maximus was most famous as Ennius witnesseth Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret One man by wise delay hath sav'd our State Who rumours after publick safety set For which his fame grows every day more great But C. Fabius here mentioned never attained to any place of Magistracy other then such commands as he held in the warres under Caesar Lentulus the Consul was of the house of the Cornelii from whom are said to come sixteen Consuls He was from the begiâ—ning a mortall enemy to Caesar and so continued to his death which fell unto him in Egypt by commandement of King Ptolemy after Pompey was slain Scipio was father in law to Pompey after the death of Caesar's daughter and by that means obtained the government of Asia In the beginning of the Civile warre he brought good succours to assist his sonne in law as it follows in the third Commentary and upon the overthrow at Pharsalia he fled into Africk where he renewed the warre and became chief Commander of the remaining party against Caesar but being in the end defeated he made towards Spain and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemies hands he slew himself Marcellus was of the ancient Family of the Claudii which came originally from the Sabines On his behalf there is an Oration extant of Tullies intituled Pro Marcello He was afterwards slain by one Chilo M. Antonius is famous in all the Roman histories for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government For in all the warres of Gallia he was but a Treasurer under Caesar which was the least of all publick places of charge In the beginning of the civile warâ—es he was made Tribune of the people and within lesse then eight yeares after came to be fellow-partner with Octavius Caesar in the government of the Empire And if Cleopatra's beautie had not blinded him he might have easily through the favour of the souldiers supplanted his Competitor and seized upon the Monarchie The name of Cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of Rome and their ends were as unfortunate This L. Cassius for his part after the great troubles he had stirred up in Spain was drowned in the mouth of the River Eber. Piso was made Censor in the Consulship of L. Paulus and Claudius Marcellus having himself been Consul eight yeares before in the year of Rome 695 succeeding Caesar and Bibulus and was the man against whom Tullie penned that Oration which is extant in Pisonem Touching the office of Censor it is to be understood that about the year of Rome 310 the Consuls being distracted with multiplicity of forreign businesse omitted the Censure or assessment of the City for some years together whereupon it was afterwards thought fit that there should be a peculiar officer appointed for that service and to be called Censor forasmuch as every man was to be taxed rankt and valued according to his opinion and censure The first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the number age order dignity and possession of the Roman citizens for it was very material for the State to know the number of their people to the end they might be informed of their own strength and so shape their course accordingly either in undertaking warres transplanting Colonies or in making provision of victuals in time of peace It was also as requisite to know every mans age whereby they grew capable of honour and offices according to that of Ovid finitaque certis Legibus est aetas unde petatur honos In certain laws Age is defin'd and thence is honour had M. Antonius commanded that the names of the Roman children should be brought into the Treasury within thirty dayes after they were born according to which custome Francis the French king published an Edict Anno 1539 that every parish should keep a Register of Burials and Christenings which since that time is used in England The distinction of conditions and states ranging every man in his proper order is as necessary in the Commonweal and as worthy of the Censors notice as any thing besides Neither may the assessment of mens abilities be omitted which was ordained that every man might bear a part in the service of the State In which respect Servius Tullus is commended for rating men according to their wealth whereas before that time every man paid alike for men are taken to be interessed in the Commonweal according to their means The last and basest sort of Citizens were named Capitecensi and were set in the Subsidie at three hundred seventy five pieces of money Such as were not assessed had no voice in the Commonweal The second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners as the ground-plot and foundation of every Commonwealth to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life If any one had plaid the ill husband and neglected his Farm or left his Vine untrimmed the Censors took notice of it If a Roman knight kept his horse lean it was a matter for them to look into They deposed or brought in new Senators They reviewed all degrees and conditions of men advanced this man from a mean Tribe to a more honourable and pulled another down They had the care of buildings repairing of high wayes with other publick works and were reputed of the best rank of Magistrates in Rome L. Roscius had formerly been one of Caesar's Legates in Gallia as appeareth in the fifth Commentary Tertiam in Essuos L. Roscio the third legion amongst the Essui under L. Roscius The Prator was Judge in causes of controversy and differences between party and party and was as the Caddy amongst the Turks CHAP. III. The Senate prepareth for warre THe next day after the Senate assembled out of the City where Pompey according to such instructions as he had formerly given to Scipio extolled
occasion to use them in their shews either at their triumphall entries into the City upon their victories or at the funerall solemnity of some personage of memory or otherwise at their feasts and jollities Quinetiam exhilarare viris convivia caede Mos olim miscere epulis spectacula dira The death of men made mirth at feasts of old And banquets then were grac'd with fencers bold They fought commonly man to man at all advantage and were seldome excused untill one of the two lay dead upon the place Neither was he then quitted that had slain his companion but stood liable to undertake another and so a third untill he had foiled six or seven Combatants And if his hap were to prevail so often he was then honoured with a Garland wound about with ribands of wool which they called Lemnisci and received of the Praetor a great knotted staffe called Rudis which he afterward carried about with him as an ensign of liberty These bloudy spectacles continued unto the time of Constantine the great and were by him prohibited as likewise also by Arcadius and Honorius and utterly abolished after the reign of Theodorick king of the Gothes Let him that would look further into the fashion of these shews read what Lipsius hath written concerning the same That which I observe herein is the use which the State made hereof for howsoever these sights and solemnities were set forth for the compassing of private ends yet neverthelesse the Commonweal drew benefit from the same For a multitude being of a fickle and mutable nature are no way so well settled with contentment of the time or kept from novelties and innovations as with publick shews and entertainments which are as staies to their affections that they swerve not from the government by which they live in civile consociation So we read how the Grecians instituted as popular entertainments their Olympian Nemean Isthmian and Pythian Games The Romans their Apollinary Secular Gladiatory and Hunting shews with Tragedâ—es and Comedies and all for the satisfaction of the people Wherein howsoever the Grecians seem more judicious for inventing such Games as might both exercise and entertain the people yet the Romans sailed not of the end aimed at in these spectacles which was to inure them to bloud and slaughter and to make them dreadlesse in cases of horrour But to leave all shews of this nature as either too little for earnest or too much for pass-time it shall suffice to note that these publick entertainments are so far expedient as they consist of pleasure and comelinesse for as their chiefest end is to pleasure and content the people so their manner must be directed by lawfulnesse and honesty In which respect a Tragedy is more commendable then a Comedy forasmuch as few comicall arguments do sympathize with honesty THE THIRD OBSERVATION TO be great and of a large proportion doth not take away casualties of inconvenience nor can it give a priviledge to free things from distemperature Tall men are as subject to Fevers as others of lesser stature and great Empires as easily disturbed as the States of petty Princes O faciles dare summa Deos eademque tueri Difficiles O Gods easy to grant but to preserve Your gifts as hard It is easier to attain the end of high desires then to keep it being got and better is the assurance of seeking then of possessing The Roman people that had over-awed the world with Armes and left no kingdome unfoiled with the fear of then legions were as much dismaied at a subjects disloyalty as was possible for a mean State to be amuzed upon an alarme of any danger And that City which suffered no enemy to approach near her confines but in the condition of a Captive was not trusted as able to give her own people safety sic turba per Urbem Praecipiti lymphata gradu velut unicarebus Spes foret afflâ—ctis patrios excedere muros Inconsultaruâ—â— So through the streets With headlong madnesse ran the multitude As if their case no other hope had left Of safety then to quit their native walls The advantage is that kingdoms of great command have great helps in cases of disturbance but are otherwise as subject to apprehensions of distrust as those of lesser power to resist CHAP. VIII Câ—sar goeth on with the siege of Corfinium and taketh it DOmitius being thus ingaged sent out skilfull men of the Country with promise of great reward to carry Letters to Pompey intreating and praying that he would come and relieve him for Caesar by reason of the streightnesse of the passages might with two Armies be easily shut up which opportunity if he neglected himself with above 30 cohorts of souldiers besides a great number of Senatours and Roman Knights were in danger of running a hard fortune In the mean time he exhorted his men to courage and resolution placed his Artillery on the walls assigned every man his quarter to be made good promised in publick assembly of the souldiers four acres apiece to each man out of his own lands and possessions and the like rateable parts to the Centurions and Evocati Mean-while it was told Câ—sar that the inhabâ—tants of Sulmo a town distant seven miles from Corfinium were desirous to receive his commands but that they were restrained by Q. Lucretius a Senatour and Actius Pelignus that kept the town with a garrison of seven cohorts Whereupon he sent thither M. Antonius with sive cohorts of the seventh legion whose Ensigns were no sooner discovered by those of the town but the gates were opened and the inhabitants and souldiers came all out to gratulate and welcome Antonius Lucretius and Actius conveighed themselves over the wall Actius being taken and brought to Antony desired to be sent to Caesar Antonius returning the same day brought Actius and the souldiers that were found in Sulmo to Caesar whom he took to his Army and sent Actius away in safety Caesar the three first daies made great works to fortify his Camp caused store of corn to be brought from the towns next about him and there determined to stay the coming of the rest of his forces Within the space of those three daies the eighth legion came unto him with 22 cohorts newly enrolled in Gallia together with three hundred horse which the King of Noricum had sent unto him Upon the arrâ—vall of which forces he made a second Camp on the other side of the town and appointed Curio to command it The rest of the time was spent in compassing the town with a Rampâ—er and with Castles The greatest part of which work being finished it chanced at the same time that such as were sent to Pompey returned The Letters being read Domitius dissembling the truth gave out in the councell of war that Pompey would come speedily to succour them and therefore wished that no man should be dismaâ—ed but to prepare such things
assembled when they consulted of warre against the Romans for their right of Burgeship or freedome of the City which was then denied them which warre was called Bellum sociale Marsicum and Italicum There is now nothing remaining of that town but the ruines as a mark of the place where it anciently stood upon a Plain commonly called Pentina or Sant Peligno CHAP. IX Pompey goeth to Brundusium Caesar maketh means to treat with hâ—m POmpey understanding of these things which had past at Corfinium departed from Luceria and went to Canusium and from thence to Brundusium causing all the power he could to be raised by new musters and inrollments arming shepheards and slaves and mounting them on horseback of whom he made some three hundred horse In the mean time L. Manlius the Praetor fled from Alba with six cohorts and Rutilius Lupus Praetor fled from Tarracina with three cohorts who descrying afarre off the Cavalry of Caesar commanded by Bivius Curius forsaking the Praetor turned their Ensignes towards Curius and joyned with him In like manner the dayes following divers other cohorts came in as they marched some to the foot troups and some to the horse Cn. Magius of Cremona master of the works and of the munition in Pompey's Army was taken on the way and brought back to Caesar whom he sent back again to Pompey with commission to treat with him to this effect Forasmuch as there had yet happened no opportunity of meeting or conference he was now determined to seek him at Brundusium for it much imported the Commonweal and every mans safety in particular that they two might conferre together Neither could things be so well handled upon so great a distance of way where the articles of treaty must be carried to and fro by a third party as when they met face to face to conclude of the conditions This message being first given he came to Brundusium with six legions four legions of old souldiers and the other raised by new inrollments or made up as he came along the Countrey for he had presently dispatched Domitius his cohorts from Corfinium into Sicily At his coming he found the Consuls gone over to Dyrrachium with the greatest part of the Army and Pompey remaining at Brundusium with twenty cohorts Neither could he certainly be informed whether he remained at Brundusium to make good the town whereby he might the easier be master of the Adriatick sea and command both the utter parts of Italy and the Regions of Greece and so to keep the warre on foot on the one side and on the other or whether he staied there for want of shipping Howsoever he would not endure that Pompey should think he could not be forced to quit Italy and therefore resolved to stop up the mouth of the Haven and to take away the use thereof which he went about in this manner Where the mouth of the Haven was narrowest he raised great mounts of earth on either side near unto the shore for there the Sea was shallow but going further into the deep where no such mounts could be raised he placed double slottes of wood right against the same mounts of thirty foot square and at the corners cast out four Anchors to fasten them that they might not be tossed up and down by the waves These flottes being thus placed he then added other flottes of the same scantling and covered them with bavin and earth to the end men might come readily upon them to defend them He armed them in front and on each side with hurdies and gabions and on every fourth flotte made a tower of two stories high the better to defend them from violence of shipping and from burning Against this work Pompey sent out great ships of burthen which he found in the Haven armed with towers of three stories high full of munition and all sort of weapons to hinder and disturb the same So that every day they fought afarre off each with other with slings arrows and other casting weapons Which businesse Caesar so carried as being willing not to let fall the conditions of peace if happily it might be effected And albeit he greatly wondered that Magius whom he had sent to Pompey did not return again and that this Treatie so often attempted did hinder much his designes yet he thought it fit by all means to persevere therein and therefore sent Caninius Rebilus one of his Legates an inward friend of and near allied to Scribonius Libo to speak with him commanding him to perswade Libo to mediate a reconciliation and that Caesar himself might speak with Pompey It might be that thereupon both of them would yield to lay down their Arms upon equall conditions the greatest part of which honour would redound to Libo if by his intercession the warre might take an end Libo having heard Caninius went streight to Pompey and within a while returning told him That forasmuch as the Consuls were absent there could be nothing done touching an agreement Whereupon Caesar resolved to let fall the matter of Treaty which he had so often attempted and to prepare for warre THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis accident of taking Cn. Magius hath made known an officer of great place and use in the Roman Army of whom otherwise their Histories make little mention For howsoever there is found in these Commentaries many particular descriptions of admirable and incredible works such as may seem to be made rather by Giants and Cyclopes then any labour of man yet there is no mention of any Praefectus fabrûm or Master of the works in any of Caesar's Armies Howbeit Vegetius expressing their singular care to have in abundance all manner of provisions requisite for an Army saith That to every legion did belong Carpenters Bricklayers Smiths Painters and other Artizans skilfull and fit to build lodgings for their wintering Camps to make Engines and devices for warre such as were their portative or ambulatory towers targets morions corslets bows arrows darts and piles or whatsoever else might serve either for offence or defence Which Artificers were all known by the name of Fabri and he that was Chief and had the command of them was called Praefectus Fabrûm And in like manner Plutarch sheweth that there was such an officer as also that the place was given by the Generall where he saith that Vibius a Sicilian refused to lodge Cicero as he passed to exile through Lucania although that in his Consulship he had bestowed upon him the place of Praefectus Fabrûm And albeit Caesar maketh no mention of any such officer yet Catullus doth it for him in such biting Trimetres as will not be forgotten Quis hoc potest videre quis potest pati Nisi impudicus vorax Helluo Mamurram habere quod Comata Gallia Habebat ultima Britannia Who can this endure to see But must a wanton glutton be That Mamurra should have all Fetch'd from Britan and from Gall Of
Caesar's souldiers with Ladders got upon the wall but being admonished by them of Brundusium to take heed of the blind dâ—tch they stood still At last they were brought a great compasse about and so came to the Haven and with skiffes and boates seized two ships with souldiers which stuck by chance upon the Mounts which Caesar had made OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as this manner of Pompey's departure from Brundusium and the sleight he used to imbark himself and his Armie without danger of Caesar's entering the town is commended for one of the best stratagems of warre that ever he used let us a little consider the parts thereof which present themselves of two sorts the one consisting of the works he made to hinder and retard Caesar's entrance if happily he should have knowledge of his departure and the other in the cleanly conveighance of his men aboard without noise or tumult and the semblance he made of keeping the town by continuing watch upon the walls to the end there might be no knowledge taken thereof The works were of three sorts For first he â—ured and stopped up the ends and entrances of streets and lanes which might give accesse to a pursuing enemy And to that end also he sunk ditches or trenches crosse the waies and passages which he stuck full of sharp stakes and galthrops and covered them with light and thin hurdles that the Enemie might not espy them And thirdly hedged in the waies leading to the Port with a strong Palisado of huge sharp piles And so used both the Lions and the Foxes skin to avoid the danger which might have fallen upon him if Caesar happily had found means to attach them as they were incumbered in getting to their ships and disposing themselves to flie away Which being an occasion that might have given him great advantage was in this manner carefully prevented by Pompey Howbeit this his quitting Brundusium is censured but for a faultie resolution handsomely carried for Cicero doth much blame him for abandoning Italie calling it a Themistoclean policie to perswade his partie to forsake their Countrey and to leave the best of their pleasures and the weakest of each sexe to such miserie and desolation as moved pittie in those that considered but the condition of the dogges and brute beasts as it fell out at Athens when Themistocles perswaded the Athenians to leave their town and Countrey and betake themselves wholly to sea to fight against Xerxes CHAP. XI Caesar dispatcheth forces into Sardinia and Sicilie Cato's endeavour to keep Sicily for Pompey ALbeit Caesar well knew that it much imported a speedy end of the business to get ships and passe the Seas after Pompey before he could joyn himself with the forces of the transmarine parts yet doubting the lets and the long time before it could be effected for that Pompey had taken with him all the shipping he could get and thereby left him for the present no means to follow after it remained that he attended shipping to be brought from remote parts as out of Gallia from Ancona and the Streights which at that time of the year would require a long and troublesome passage In the mean time he thought it no way fit that Pompey's old Army and the two Provinces of Spain should be settled and assured one of them being deeply ingaged to Pompey for many great and ample benefits or that they should have time to raise new troups especially of horse or that Gallia or Italie should be solicited or wrought from him in his absence And therefore for the present he resolved to desist from making any further pursute after Pompey and to go into Spain giving order to the Duumviri of all the Municipall towns to provide shipping and send it to Brundusium He sent Valerius a Legate into Sardinia with one legion and Curio the Propraetor into Sicily with three legions commanding him after he had possessed Sicily to transport his Army into Africa Marcus Cotta governed Sardinia and M. Cato Sicily Tubero should by lot have held Africa The Caralitani understanding that Valerius was to be sent unto them before he had left Italy of their own accord thrust Cotta out of the town Cotta amused thereat and perceiving withall that the whole Province gave consent unto it fled presently out of Sardinia into Africa Cato prepared and new trimmed the Gallies in Sicily giving order to the towns to build new and prosecuted his direction with great diligence Moreover by his Legats he mustered and inrolled Citizens of Rome in Lucania and Brutia requiring rateable numbers of horse and foot from the towns in Sicilie Which things being almost accomplished understanding of Curio his coming he complained in publick how he was abandoned and betraied by Pompey who without any providence or preparation had ingaged himself in an unnecessary warre and yet being demanded by himself and the rest in the Senate answered confidently that he was provided of all necessaries fit for warre And after he had thus publickly complained he fled out of the Province By which means Valerius found Sardinia and Curio Sicily void of government and thither brought their Armies Tubero arriving in Africa found Actius Varus commanding the Province who as we have formerly shewed having lost his cohorts at Auximum fled forthwith into Africa and of his own authority possessed himself of the Province which he found without a Governour He got together by new inrolements two compleat legions which he raised by his knowledge and experience of the people of that Country by reason he had governed that Province as Praetor some few years before Tubero arriving with his fleet at Utica was by Varus kept out of the town and the Haven neither would he suffer him to set his son ashore which was sick but compelled him to weigh Anchour and depart THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Chapter maketh the first period of this Warre as it is taken from the beginning of these Civill Broiles unto Pompey's forsaking Italie which was begun and ended in the space of 60 daies and also openeth the gate to second resolutions which are prosecuted as the sequele of the Historie will manifest Containing likewise the reasons why Caesar made not present pursute after Pompey as the hinges of the succeeding War and the true causes of the consequents of the same In the consideration whereof albeit Caesar understood the advantage of him that prosecuteth a receding enemie and the hopes which might be thereby conceived of a speedy end of that warre yet having no ready means to accomplish his desire he thought it better to prevent such inconveniences as might happily have fallen out upon the same and so to keep his partie in a progresse of their active thoughts by clearing and assuring that Western part of the Empire which Pompey had left unto him by his departure rather then to leave an enemie on his back or to admit a cooling and languishment of their resolutions through
are carried with the violence of exorbitant passions especially considering the means they have either to misimploy the power of the State or to give way to such inconveniences as may necessarily pervert all things but the ends they aim at besides the aptness of a high spirit not to doubt the truth of that saying which is attributed to Caesar Si violandum est jus regnandi gratia violandum est If a man would violate all right and law he would do it for a kingdome CHAP. XIV Caesar hasteth into Spain WHilest these things were prepared and put in order he sent C. Fabius one of hâ—s Legates with three legions that had wintered about Narbone before him into Spain commanding him with all speed and diligence to take the passage of the Pyrenean hills which were kept at that time with the forces of L. Afranius and gave order for the other legions which wintered further off to follow after Fabius according to his directions made haste put the Garrison from the passage and by great journeys marched towards Afranius Armie Upon the arrivall of Vibullius Rufus who as it is formerly related was sent by Pompey into Spain Afranius Petreius and Pompey's Legates of whom the one governed the nearest Province of Spain with three legions the other held the Country from the forrest of Castile to the river Ana with two legions and the third commanded the Vectones and Lusitania with the like number of legions did so dispose and divide their charges that Petreius was appointed to bring his legions out of Lusitania through the territories of the Vectones and joyn himself with Afranius and that Varro with his power should keep the further Province of Spain Which being so resolved and determined Petreius having commanded the Lusitanians to levie horsemen and other Auxiliarie forces and Afranius likewise having made the like levie in the territories of the Celtiberi Cantabri and the rest of the barbarous Nations bordering upon the Ocean Petreius came speedily through the Vectones to Afranius and induced by the opportunitie of the place by mutuall consent they resolved to keep the war on foot near about Ilerda THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe first observation may be taken from this designe of Caesar's upon Spain being at that time under the government and command of Pompey the standing or falling whereof did much import the successe of that war for which respect it was that when Caesar could not buckle with the person of his enemy he used all means to beat down his authoritie as the next in degree to his essence and being and most concerning his honour and reputation For if he took from him those Provinces which the State had commended to his charge and left him no interest in the obedience of such whom he might in a sort challenge for his own people what assurance could the other parts of the Empire have in his protection or what could he elsewhere expect of that which these refused him The excellency of a Generall is that perfection of judgement commended by Aristotle inabling him to discern quid primum or what is most materiall in that varietie of undertaking which falleth out in following a war And if that cannot with any conveniencie be attained then to know the next point of importance and so consequently to distinguish the degrees of difference as they stand ranked in the order of judicious proceeding For the effectuall prosecuting of which designe let us take a short view of their forces on each side according as we find them mustered in this chapter that by the inequalitie of their troups we may judge of the want or sufficiency of their directions Afranius as it is said in the story had three legions and Petreius two legions together with 80 cohorts of Auxiliarie forces supplied unto them by the two Provinces of Spain which cohorts equalled the number of eight legions and so in all made thirteen legions and according to the usuall rate at that time of 5000 in a legion amounted to 65000 men together with 5000 horse which came to seventie thousand men or thereabouts To confront so great an enemy Caesar had five legions 12000 Auxiliary troupers from the Galles and peradventure 1000 Evocati which according to the former rate of a legion did rise to 35000 or 40000 men at the most Whereby the one exceeding the other well-near in a double proportion of strength and yet failing in correspondencie of successe calleth the verity of that proverb in question Ne Hercules contra duos Hercules himself cannot deal with two Besides the inequalitie of the place where the triall was to be made being wholly devoted to the greater partie was a matter of no small consequence For he that maketh war in a Countrey absolutely favouring the enemie and confronting his purposes had need of more forces then the adverse partie or better fortune in his proceedings And therefore Fabius to prevent such mischiefs as might grow by that advantage sought all means to draw some of the towns to his faction and to make himself friends for his better support and securitie according to that which was said of old That war cannot be made without some peace THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondy we may observe the means he used to secure himself of the loyaltie of his Armie and wholly to ingage the souldier in his fortune For the money he borrowed of the Tribunes and Centurions was a speciall Tie of their affections to his service forasmuch as no man wisheth ill to him by whose welfare and prosperitie he hopeth to thrive for so wounding himself through another mans bodie the hurt would fall upon his own head but rather desireth such an accomplishment of his hopes as may make himself partaker thereof And on the other side the largess he made unto the souldiers did so oblige their indeavour to his purposes that they were thereby ready to perform as much as warlike Laelius had promised in his own person on the behalf of the rest Pectore si fratris gladium juguloque Parentis Condere me jubeas plenaeque in viscera partu Conjugis invita peragam tamen omnia dextra Bid me to stab my brother cut My father's throat or rip the gut Of my big-bellied wife though loath I 'le doo 't THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly let us consider the effects of diligence and provident foresight which do oftentimes redeem an Armie from a dishonourable overthrow as may be learned from two circumstances in Fabius directions First in that he trusted not to one passage over the river Sicoris but made two severall bridges as well for the conveniencie as the better securitie of his people Secondly upon the occasion which the enemie might take by the breaking of the bridge to distresse the legions on the other side of the water he presently sent out succours to prevent such a casualtie which albeit it might seem to have proceeded
side barbarous and rude Nations that live under generall and slight lawes are as slight and rude in their actions as amongst other things may appear in that the Spaniards thought it no scorn to use the help of bladders in passing over a River as a device coming next to hand which the people of a wise and potent State would not have done but by a sure and substantiall bridge The use of which bladders as it hath been ancient amongst people of that nature so it is continued in the same manner by the Savages inhabiting Groenland and the North parts of America as appeareth by discoveries made of late by the Moscovy Merchants about the North-west passage from whence such as are imployed in those voiages have brought great and large bladders or bagges made of Seal-skins ingeniously devised to be filled and blowed with wind and tied behind at their girdle and at their coller to help themselves in swimming And after the same easy fashion the Indians of Peru as Josephus Acosta writeth instead of wood and stone made their bridges over great Rivers of plaited Reeds which they fastened to the banks on each side with stakes or otherwise of bundles of straw and weeds by which men and beasts if there be any credit in his story passe over with ease Howbeit as when the ancient Greeks would note a man of extreme insufficiency they would say he could neither read nor swim so Caesar seemed of the same opinion by commending the skill of swimming as a thing of much consequence in the use of Armes Whereof he made good experience in Egypt where he cast himself into a small boat for his better safety and finding it over-charged and ready to sink he leapt into the sea and swam to his Fleet which was two hundred paces off holding certain papers in his left hand above the water and trailing his coat of Armes in his teeth that it might not be left to the enemy CHAP. XVIII Afranius marcheth with three legions to cut off a party The scarcitie of victuall in Caesar's Army IT was told Afranius of great troups and convoies that were coming to Caesar but were hindered by the waters and aboad there by the Rivers side for thither were come Archers out of Ruthenia and horsemen out of Gallia with many carres and carriages according to the custome of the Galles There were besides of all sorts about six thousand men with their servants and attendants but without order or any known command for every man was at his own liberty travelling the Countrey without fear according to the former freedome and safety of the wayes There were likewise many young men of good rank Senators sons and knights of Rome besides Embassadours from sundry States and divers of Caesar's Legates All these were kept back by the River Afâ—anius went out in the night time with three legions and all his horse to cut off this party and sending his Cavalry before set upon them unawares Howbeit the Cavalry of the Galles put themselves speedily in order and buckled with them And as long as it stood upon indifferent termes they being but a few did withstand a great number of the enemy but as soon as they discovered the Ensignes of the legions coming towards them some few of them being slain the rest betook themselves to the next hills This small time of encounter was of great consequence for the safety of our men for by this means they had opportunity to take the upper ground There were lost that day two hundred Archers a few horsemen and no great number of the souldiers boyes together with the baggage Victuals by reason of all these things waxed very dear as well in regard of the present want as also for fear of future penury as commonly it happeneth in such cases insomuch as a bushell of Corn was worth fifty pence Whereby the souldiers grew weak for want of sustenance and the inconveniences thereof daily more and more increased For so great was the alteration which hapned in a few dayes that our men were much afflicted with the extreme want of all necessary provisions whereas they on the other side having all things in abundance were held for victors Caesar sent unto those States which were of his party and instead of Corn gave them order to furnish him with Cattell dismissed souldiers boyes and sent them to towns farther off relieving the present scarcity by all the means he could Afranius and Petreius together with their friends inlarged these things in their letters to Rome rumour and report added much hereunto as that the warre was even almost at an end These Messengers and Letters being come to Rome there was great concourse from all parts to Afranius house much congratulation and rejoycing for these things and thereupon many went out of Italy to Pompey some to be the first messengers of the news others that they might not seem to expect the event of the war and so prove the last that came to that party When the matter was brought to these difficulties and extremities and all the wayes were kept by Afranius souldiers and horsemen and no bridges could be made Caesar gave order to the souldiers to make such Boats and Barks as he had in former years taught them the use of in the warre of Britain the keels whereof were built of light stuffe and small timber and the upper parts made with wicker and covered with hides Which being finished he laded them upon Carres and carried them in the night some twenty two miles from the Camp And in those Barks transporting his souldiers over the river upon a suddain he possest himself of a little hill which lay near unto the water side which hill he speedily fortified before the enemy had notice thereof Afterwards he brought over a legion to that place and made a bridge from side to side in two dayes space and so the convoies which had gone forth for provisions and forrage returned back in safety whereby he began to settle a course for provision of Corn. The same day he passed over the the river a great part of his Cavalry who falling unlooked for upon the forragers scattered here and there without fear or suspicion cut off a great number of men and cattell Whereupon the Enemy sending certain Spanish troups bearing little round bucklers to second and relieve the forragers they divided themselves of purpose into two parts the one to keep and defend the booty which they had got and the other to resist and beat back the forces sent to charge them One of our cohorts which had easily run out before the Army was intercepted and cut off the rest returned by the bridge into the Camp in safety with a great booty THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese Rutheni inhabited that part of Provence where Rhodes now standeth amongst whom Caesar had ordinarily a legion or two in Garrison for the better keeping of the Countrey in obedience
being a stout and warlike people and using archery as appeareth in this place Which howsoever the course of time hath brought into utter contempt yet let us not scorn to take notice that anciently it hath been used by such as performed the greatest feats of Arms For Hercules had but two sorts of weapons to atchieve labours of so much variety a Club for such monsters as would contest with his valour and Bow and Arrows for others that kept farther off And in the old warre of Troy if Homer may be believed Pindarus Duke of Lycia having a stable of gallant Coursers left them all at home lest he should not find means at Troy to give them their ordinary keeping and came on foot with his bow and arrows with such reputation of his deeds of Arms that Aeneas sought him out in a conflict to resist the rage and extreme pressures of Diomedes And on the contrary part Teucer relieved the distressed Grecians from a hot and desperate pursuit by slaying with his bow eight valiant Trojans before he stirred his foot Concerning the use of which weapon howsoever it may seem ridiculous to such as understand nothing but the course of the present age to recall the long bow to the service of a battel yet they may remember that the Gray-goose wing gave our forefathers such advantage that they wrought wonders amongst all Nations for deeds of Armes which we should imitate with as much hope of successe if we could handle our bowes in any measure as they did Of this I have already formerly treated THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is a saying as true as it is old that An ill hap cometh not alone but is alwaies attended with such consequents as will inforce other inconveniences as may be observed by this extremity here mentioned For the mischief was not bounded with the affliction which Caesar suffered for want of needfull provision notwithstanding the weight was such as could not be born by ordinary patience but the enemy inlarged it to his further advantage vaunting of it as a helplesse remedy and making out dispatches to send victory to Rome Which gave him yet further prejudice in the opinion of the world and made those his enemies that formerly shewed no dislike of his proceedings And thus every ill chance hath a tail of many other misfortunes which if either providence or endeavour may prevent it shall much import a Commander to avoid them THE THIRD OBSERVATION AS Necessity maketh men constant in their sufferings so Custome giveth easinesse and means of deliverance according as may appear by this direction of Caesar which was wholly drawn from former experience For first the Boats here prescribed were such as he used in the warre of Britany and as farre as may be gathered out of the former Commentaries were those he commanded to be built for his second journey which he would now imitate in regard of the flatnesse of their bottomes and not otherwise For it is not to be supposed that those Barks were covered with skinnes unless peradventure he used some such as these upon occasion in that war not expressed in the story Herodotus in his Clio describeth the like The boats saith he which come from Babylon down the River Euphrates are made by the Heardsmen of Armenia of light Timber in a round fashion without beak or poup are covered with skinne the hiry side inward and in these they take their passage Such as fish for Salmon in the River of Severâ—â— use the like boats in all respects which they call Corracles of Corium being all covered with horse-skins tanned Secondly the means he used to passe over without impeachment from the Enemy by carrying those boats in the night-time up the River to a place of security was such the like whereof he had formerly practised in Gallia to passe the River Loire being then guard don the other side by the Enemy Whereby we see how much use and continuance doth inable men beyond others of smaller experience according to that Dies Diem docet One day teacheth another or Older and wiser CHAP. XIX The Massilians encounter with Brutus at Sea and are beaten WHile these things were done at Ilerda the Massilians by the direction of L. Domitius rigged and set out 17 Gallies whereof eleven were covered besides many lesser vessels which went along with them to make the Navy seem the greater for the astonishment of the Enemy In these they put a great number of Archers and many Albicks of whom we have formerly made mention encouraging them both by rewards and promises Domitius required certain ships for himself and them he filled with Shepheards and Countrymen which he had brought thither with him The Navy being thus furnished set forward with great confidence towards our shipping whereof D. Brutus was Admirall and lay at Anchour at an Island right over against Marseilles Brutus was far inferiour to the enemy in shipping but Caesar having pick't the chiefest valâ—antest men out of all the legions as well of the Antesignani as Centurions put them aboard the Fleet they themselves requiring to be imploied in that service These men had prepared hooks and grapples of Iron and had likewise furnished themselves with many Piles and Darts and other sorts of weapons and understanding of the Enemies coming put to sea and encountred with the Massilians They fought on either side very valiantly fiercely neither were the Albicks much inferiour to our men in prowesse being rough mountainous people exercised in Arms and having a little before fallen off from the Massilians did now remember the late contract and league they had made with them The Shepheards in like manner a rude and untamed kind of people stirred up with hope of liberty did strive to shew their valour in the presence of their Master The Massilians trusting to the nimblenesse of their shipping and in the skill and dexterity of their Pilots did frustrate in a deluding manner the shock of our ships when they came violently to stemme them And forasmuch as they had sea-room enough they drew out their Navy at length to compasse and inclose our men about and sometimes they would single out one of our ships and set upon them with divers of theâ—rs together or wipe off a side of their oars in their passage along by them When they came to deal at hand leaving aside the art skill of the Pâ—lots they took themselves to the stoutnesse and valour of the Highlanders Our men were fain to use worse oar-men and more unskilfull Pilots who being lately taken out of ships of burden did not well know the true names of the tackling and were much troubled with the heavinesse and sluggishnesse of the shipping which being made in haste of unseasoned timber was not so nimbie or ready for use But as the matter came to handy-blows every single ship did willingly undertake two at once and having grapled with either
of them fought on each side entring valiantly the enemies ships killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shepheards Part of the ships they sunk some they took with the men and the rest they beat back into the Haven That day the Massilians lost nine ships with those that were taken This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight consisting of three parts The first was their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships either forcibly to assault or to lavire and bear off as might fall for their best advantage wherein the Massilians by reason of the skilfulnesse of their Pilots had great confidence The second was their fight before they came to grappling as well with great engines such as were their Balistae and Catapultae casting stones and logs of wood one against another as also with slings arrows and daâ—ts resembling our great artillery and small shot for which purpose their ships were built with fore-caâ—â—les and turrets and other advantages of height for their casting weapons The third was their grappling and forcible entry wherein forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour the legionary souldier carried the cause Whence we may observe that their legioâ—s were the 〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men as well for the sea as the land being â—itted by the discipline of their Military exercises to undertake any service subject to humane industry whereof they gâ—ve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed Neither is 〈◊〉 at any time but that such kingdomes as 〈…〉 to train up their men in Academies of vertuous Actualâ—y do alwaies keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉 affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage both for designment and performance THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Have a little before shewed out of Livie that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati which being the easiest sort of souldiers according to the generall division of a legion doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chapter Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros Antesignanos Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat But Caesar having pickt the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legions put them into this Fleet as Centurions For the better clearing whereof we are to note that as the Hastati or first battel of a legion were generally taken for the Antesignani as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensignes which were alwaies amongst the Principes or second battell so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup the souldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani and were the best souldiers in the Company for the Centurion standing alwaiâ—s in the head of the troup was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men the rest filling up the rere consorted with the Lieutenant who thereupon was called Tergi-ductor Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army being first generally divided into three battels whereof the meanest were in the vantguard to make triall of their strength and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy The Veterani or old souldiers being left in the rereward to repair any losse which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders And again to counterpoise themselves in such a manner as the weakest might not alwaâ—â—s go to the wall their private Companies were so ordered that the best men were alwayes in front Whereby they made such an exquisite temper as kept every part of the Army in their full strength CHAP. XX. Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda the Enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into Celtiberia VPon Caesar's making of his Bridge Fortune suddenly changed The enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do sometimes seeking forrage within a small distance of the Camp to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required sometimes fetching a great compasse about to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen And if they had received but the least check or had but descried the Cavalry afarre off they would have cast down their burdens and fled away At last they omitted forraging for many dayes together and which was never used by any Nation sent out to seek it in the night In the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris being in league together sent Embassadours to Caesar with offer of their service in such sort as he should please to command it Within a few dayes the Tarraconenses Lacetani and Ausetani together with the Illurgavonenses which border upon the River Ebrus followed after Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision which they promised to furnish and accordingly got horses from all quarters and brought grain into the Camp In like manner the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses understanding the resolution of their State left the Enemy and came unto him with their Colours and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared The bridge being perfected five great Cities and States being come in unto him a course settled for provision of Corn and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions which Pompey was said to come withall by the way of Mauritania many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius and clave to Caesar's party The enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things Caesar to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge having got a convenient place resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris and make it passable by a foord These trenches being almost made Afâ—anius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse and therefore they determined to leave that place and transferre the warre into Celtiberia being the rather thereunto induced for that of those two contrary Factions which in the former warre had stood for L. Sertorius such Cities as were subdued by Pompey did yet stand in aw of his Name and Authority and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him did intirely love him for the great benefits they had received from him amongst whom Caesar's name was not known There they expected great succours both of horse and foot and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter This advice being agreed upon they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus and to bring them to Octogesa a town sited upon Iberus twenty miles from the Camp There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made and transporting two legions over Sicoris fortified their Camp with a rampier of twelve foot
of shipping and Corn to keep the Iland THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties bearing no affection but to their own ends to declare themselves upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war for if their judgement fail as Varro's did they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality then can afterwards be excused and so run into a further degree ofenmitie then the party for whom they suffer And certainly whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side or whether it favoureth of an ill nature to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them or for what other cause I know not but sure it is that Neutrals attending nothing but their own advantage are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth which when the King of Birds demanded tribute would alwaies rank himself amongst the Fish and when the King of Fishes required his service would alwaies be with the Birds or then the Weather-cock whereof there is no other use then indicare regnantem to shew what wind rules THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Iland of Gades was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius Here Gades stands of old Tartessus call'd The Town of Gades was indowed as Dion witnesseth by Julius Caesar with the liberties and priviledges of Rome To which effect Plinie writeth Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana It was a town of great fame as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania who made ambitious sute to have the title of Duumviri or Two-men of the town as Festus noteth in his Description of the Sea-coast At vis in illis tanta vel tantum decus Aetate prisca sub fide rerum fuit Rex ut superbus omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia Octaviano principi acceptissimus Et literarum semper in studio Iuba Interfluoque separatus aequore Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet Such was their power such their grace Of old while faith was yet in place King Iuba the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since In favour with Octavian And every way a learned man Divided from this place by Sâ—n Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town In this Iland stood Hercules Temple to which as well Romans as other noble Adventurers of all Nations made often repair to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes which solemnitie was not omitted by Hannibal before his expedition into Italie Amongst other Altars in this Temple there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art signifying that Art driveth away Penurie as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters Those of Asia and the Mediterrane parts took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness And therefore Pindarus saith that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people twenty five pence per Pole together with Junius Brutus Columella that writ so excellently De re Rustica Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar It is now called Cales and was sacked by our English An. 1596. Hispalis surnamed Romulensis from the Roman Colony that was planted there is seated upon the River Baetis in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey and especially for oiles The town is now the Staple for the West Indies and a very Nursery of Merchants Arias Montanus that great Theologian was born in this City THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof For if we take them in the Neuter for seven pound ten shillings apiece it amounteth to 1492000 pound which is thought too much if in the Masculine it will rise not to above 1400 pound which is deemed too little And therefore the Criticks do mend the place and read H-S centies nonagies a hundred times ninety H-S which bringeth out 142500 pound and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Authour CHAP. VIII The Province and the legions revolt from Varro Caesar settleth Spain and returneth to Marseilles ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy for many great and important causes yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain under the conduct of Q. Cassius Tribune of the people he himself made forward by great journeys with six hundred horse sending an Edict before him to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns to appear before him by a day at Corduba Upon publication of which Edict there was no City in all that Province that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba neither was there any Roman Citizen of note that presented not himself there at that time The Princes and States being assembled of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers and retained with them two cohorts called by the name of Colonicae which came thither by chance for the safe keeping of the town At the self-same time the Inhabitants of Carmona which is the strongest town of all the Province cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Cittadell and shut them out of their town Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions lest he should be hindered and cut off either in the way or in his passage over from the Continent such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar And being somewhat advanced on his journey he received Letters from Gades That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison to expell Gallonius out of the town and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar Which being resolved upon they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord while he might do it without danger and if he refused they would then take such
no man in cold bloud could better advise then Curio or fore-see with better providence yet his youthfull boldnesse over-swaied his discourse and drew all to a mischief in despight of his wisedome The second was Superioris temporis proventus the happy issue of former proceedings which of all other conditions is to be suspected and needeth Gods assistance more then any other fortune for that no man sooner erreth or is more uncapable of order then such as are in prosperity And therefore Plato refused to make lawes for them of Cyrene as a matter of great difficulty to give ordinances to men that were in happinesse And doubtless such is the exorbitancie of our nature that nothing better informeth it then crosses which are as instructions and warnings for the preventing of ruining calamities Wherein Curio was not beholding to Fortune at all that dandled him in her lap for a while to cast him out at length headlong to his ruine It had been much better she had exchanged a frown with a favour rather then to have given him much good together and reserve an irrecoverable disgrace for the upshot The third was Fiducia rei bene gerendae which savoureth more of folly then any of the former it being alwaies an argument of an imprudent man to assure himself of good fortune For Presumption being ever accompanied with Negligence is subject to as many casualties as those that go unarmed upon extremity of danger And these were the three things that miscarried Curio Out of which we may observe with Xenophon that Ingens arduum opus est recte imperare it is a weighty and difficult matter to command well CHAP. XVI Curio pursueth the Enemy with more haste then good successe THat which the Cavalry had exploited was certainly a matter of great service especially the small number of them being compared with the great multitude of the Numidians and yet notwithstanding they spake of these things with greater ostentation then the truth would bear as men are willing to divulge their own praises Besides they shewed much spoil which they had taken Captives and Horses were brought out that whatsoever time was omitted seemed to be a let and hinderance to the victory by which means the desires and endeavours of the Souldiers were no way short of the hope which Curio had conceived Who commanding the Cavalry to follow him marched forward with as much haste as he could to the end he might find the Enemy distracted and astonished at the flight and overthrow of their fellows But the horsemen having travelled all night could by no means follow after Whereby it happened that some staied in one place some in another yet this did not hinder or discourage Curio in his hopes Juba being advertised by Sabura of the conflict in the night sent instantly two thousand Spanish and French horse which he kept about him for the safety of his Person and such of the foot-troups as he most trusted to succour and relieve him he himself with the rest of the forces and forty Elephants followed softly after Sabura suspecting by the horsemen coming before that Curio himself was at hand imbattelled all his forces commanding them that under a pretence of counterfeit fear they should retreat by little and little himself when occasion served would give them the signe of battell with such other directions as should be expedient Curio was strengthened in his former hope with the opinion of the present occasion For supposing the Enemy had fled he drew his forces from the upper ground into the Plain wherein after he had marched a good space the Army having travailed sixteen mile he made a stand Sabura gave the signe to his men of beginning the battell led on his Army went about his troups to exhort and encourage his souldiers Howbeit he used his foot-men onely for a shew a farre off and sent the Cavalry to give the charge Curio was not wanting to his men but wished them to set all their confidence in their valour The souldiers howsoever harried and wearied and the horsemen although but a very few and those spent with travell yet wanted no courage or desire to fight But these being but two hundred in number for the rest staied by the way what part of the Army soever they charged they forced the Enemy to give way but they could neither follow them far as they fled nor put their horses to any round or long career At length the Cavalry of the Enemy began from both the wings to circumvent our Army and to mall them down behind and as our Cohorts issued out from the battell towards them the Numidians through their nimblenesse did easily avoid the shock and again as they turned back to their ranks inclosed them about and cut them off from the battell so that it neither seemed safe to keep their order and place nor to advance themselves out and undergo the hazard of adventure OBSERVATIONS THe Principles and Maximes of War are alwaies to be held firm when they are taken with their due circumstances for every Rule hath a qualified state and consisteth more in cautions and exceptions then in authority of precept It is true that nothing doth more advantage a victorie then the counsell of Lamachus the third Duke of the Athenians which was to set upon an Enemy when he is affrighted and distracted for so there is nothing to be expected on is behalf but despair and confusion But either to be mistaken therein or otherwise to make such haste to observe this rule of war as Curio did that the best part of the Army shall he by the way and the rest that go on shall be so spent with labour as they are altogether unfit for service and yet to make the matter worse to bring them into a place of disadvantage to incounter a strong and fresh Enemy is to make the circumstances oversway the Rule and by a Maxime of Warre to be directed to an overthrow neglecting altogether that which is observed by Sextus Aurelius Victor Satis celeriter fit quicquid commode geritur that which is well done is done soon enough CHAP. XVII Curio defeated and slain Some few of the Army get passage to Sâ—cily the rest yield themselves to Varus THe Enemy was oftentimes renforced by succours from the King our men had spent their strength and fainted through weariness such as were wounded could neither leave the battell nor be conveighed into a place of safety The whole Army being incompassed about with the Cavalry of the Enemy whereby despairing of their safety as men commonly do when their life draws towards an end they either lamented their own death or recommended their friends to good fortune if it were possible that any might escape out of that danger all parts were filled with fear and lamentation Curio when he perceived the souldiers to be so affrighted that they gave care neither to
their treaty Whereupon he sent P. Vatinius a Legate to the River bank to utter such things as did chiefly concern a Peace and to ask oftentimes with a loud voice whether it were not lawfull for Citizens to send to Citizens touching a treaty of peace being a thing permitted to the Thieves of the Pyreneian Mountains or at least to move that Citizens should not in Arms contend with Citizens And having spoken much very respectfully as well concerning his own wellfare as the safety of all the rest he was heard with silence by the Souldiers on both sides At length it was answered from the other Party that A. Varro did offer himself for a conference the next day so that the Commissioners on both sides might come and go in safety and deliver freely their opinions for which a certain time was then appointed The next day great multitudes of either side presented themselves at the place assigned and great was the expectation thereof every man seeming to incline to peace Out of which troup stept forth T. Labienus and spake softly touching the peace and at last entered into altercation with Vatinius In the middle of their speech were weapons suddainly cast from all parts which he avoided being covered and defended with weapons Notwithstanding many were wounded and amongst others Cornelius Balbus M. Plotius L. Tiburtius Centurions besides many other souldiers Then said Labienus Leave off therefore to speak of any composition for unlesse Caesar's head be brought there can be no peace OBSERVATIONS THis small piece of the Story containeth divers notable passages of extremity in the carriage of Pompey and others of his Party As first to take them as they lie that of wilfulnesse in Bibulus whom neither sicknesse nor despair of help could move to intermit the task he had undertaken but chose rather to suffer unto death in approving his zeal to the Cause then to give himself a breathing time for the saving of his life and may serve to admonish any other Bibulus to value his life above that which a stiffe and wilfull opinion may lead him unto beyond the measure of honourable endeavour or what else may any way be justly expected least in striving to do much he happen to do nothing For that cannot be understood to be well done in another mans behalf that is not well done in his own The second is Pompey's resolution being so extreme as no composition or other thing whatsoever could give him satisfaction but only a victorious end of that warre Our proverb saith Better a lean agreement then a fat remedy And the casualties of warre may move an experienced Commander to imbrace a safe and quiet peace as knowing that he that goeth about to vex another shall have his turn of suffering the like miseases and as war beginneth when one party listeth so it endeth when the other side pleaseth facilis descensus Averni Sed revocare gradum superasque evadere ad auras Hoc opus hic labor est The way to hell is easy But to come back and to recover life This is a task indeed And therefore let no Commander how great soever refuse all peace but that which is bought by extremity of war least the event whereof there can be no assurance fall out as it happened to Pompey but rather with the use let him learn the end of Arms which is to make straight that which is crooked and out of discord and dissension to draw means of a happy peace To which may be added that other of Labienus as far in extremity as either of the former whom nothing would satisfie but Caesar's head It cannot be denied but that he strook at the root for his head was the head of that war But to say it rather then to do it was no argument of Labienus worthinesse For as Polybius noteth It is common to most men to magnify themselves with words full of wind yea and more then that to follow their designes with impetuous violence but to direct their undertakings to a successfull issue and to remove by industry or providence such hinderances as happen to traverse their hopes is granted but to a few and now denied to Labienus notwithstanding this Bravado And therefore let such Commanders as are in good opinion and esteem with their Generall be well wary of imbarking their party in any cause farther then may beseem the wisdome and experience of judicious Leaders as believing in that of Metellus to king Bocchus Omne bellum sumi facile caeterum acerrime desinere non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus finem esse incipere cuivis etiam ignavo licere deponi cum victores velint Every warre is easily begun but hardly so soon ended the beginning and the end of it are not in the same man's power any poor-spirited fellow may begin a warre but it shall end when the Conquerour pleaseth and not before CHAP. VII Coelius Rufus moveth sedition in Italy and it slain AT the same time M. Coelius Rufus the Praetor at Rome undertaking the businesse of debts in the beginning of his Magistracy placed his seat by the chair of C. Trebonius Praetor of the town promising to be assisting to any man that would appeal unto him concerning valuation and paiment to be performed by Arbitratours according as Caesar had ordained But it came to passe as well through the equity and indifferency of the Decree as through the lenity of Trebonius who was of opinion that those times required an easy and mild execution of justice that none were found from whom the beginning of the Appeal might grow for to pretend poverty or to complain of particular misfortune and of the calamity of those times or otherwise to propound the difficulties of selling their goods by an outrope was every mans practise but for any man to acknowledge himself to be in debt and yet to keep his possessions whole and untouched was held to be a very strange impudency so that there was no man found that would require it Moreover Coelius carried a very hard hand to such as should have received benefit thereby And having made this entrance to the end he might not seem to have undertook a shamefull or dishonest cause he published a law That there should be no Interest paid for any Monies let out upon consideration for thirty six dayes of the time agreed on But when he perceived that Servilius the Consul and the rest of the Magistrates did oppose themselves against him therein and finding it not to sort with his expectation to the end he might incite and stirre up the humours and spirits of men he abrogated that law and instead thereof made two others The one which cut off the yearly rents that Tenants were accustomed to pay their Land-lords for the houses they dwelt in and the other touching new assurances and the abolishing of old debts Whereupon the multitude ran violently upon C. Trebonius and having hurt divers
the same time also came Domitius into Macedonia and as Embassadours began to come thick unto him from divers States of that Province it was told him that Scipio was at hand with the legions and came with great fame and opinion of all men which is oftentimes a fore-runner of novelties He making no stay in any part of Macedonia marched directly with great fury towards Domitius and when he came within twenty miles of him turned his course suddenly to Cassius Longinus in Thessalia which he did so speedily that newes came together of his coming and of his arrivall For to the end he might march with greater expedition he left M. Favonius at the River Haliacmon which divideth Macedonia from Thessalia with eight cohorts to keep the carriages of the legions where he commanded them to build a Fort. At the same time the Cavalry of King Cottus which was wont to keep in the Confines of Thessalia came flying suddenly to Cassius Campe. Whereat he being astonished understanding of Scipio's coming and seeing the horsemen whom he thought to be his made towards the hills which inclose Thessalia and from thence marched towards Ambracia And as Scipio made hast to follow after Letters overtook him sent from Favonius that Domitius was at hand with the legions and that he could not hold the place wherein he was left without Scipio's help Upon the receipt of which letters Scipio altered both his purpose and his journey leaving Cassius made hast to help Favonius so that continuing his journey night and day he came unto him in very good time For as the dust of Domitius Army approaching was seen to rise the fore-runners of Scipio his Army were likewise discovered Whereby it happened that as Domitius industry did help Cassius so did Scipio his speed save Favonius OBSERVATIONS CAesar being now ready with his forces to proceed against Pompey the first thing he did was to make triall of the provinces of Greece and to get their favour and assistance for his better furtherance in contesting his Adversary For as an Army standeth firm by two speciall means first in themselves as they are able to resist any opposing force and secondly through the favour of the Countrey wherein they are ingaged so on the other side their overthrow either proceedeth from their own weaknesse or otherwise when the Provinces adjoyning do refuse such mutuall respects as may relieve the wants of a consuming multitude And therefore having got all the forces together which he looked for or could any way expect he sent out to try the affection of the Countrey and to alter that in a moment which Pompey had been settling for a year together and then resolved to attack him nearer And doubtlesse if Scipio had not by chance interrupted their course upon his coming out of Asia to aide Pompey they had as easily got all Thessalia and Macedonia as they did Aetolia and were neverthelesse so ordered and disposed as they got more honour of Scipio then he could win of them CHAP. XIII The Passages between Domitius and Scipio SCipio aboad two daies in his standing Camp upon the River Haliacmon which ran between him and Domitius Camp The third day as soon as it began to be light he passed his Army over the River by a Foord and incamped himself The next day in the morning he imbattelled his forces before the front of his Camp Domitius in like manner made no difficulty of bringing out his legions resolving to fight And whereas there lay a field of six miles between both the Camps he led his troups imbattelled under Scipio's Camp who neverthelesse refused to move any jot from his standing yet for all that Domitius souldiers were hardly kept from giving battell but specially a River lying under Scipio's Camp with broken and uneasie banks did hinder them at that time Scipio understanding of their alacrity and desire to fight suspecting it might happen that the next day he should be forced to fight against his will or with great dishonour keep himself within his Camp having with great expectation in the beginning gone on rashly and unadvisedly was now dishonoured with a reproachfull end For in the night-time he rose without any noise or warning for the trussing up of the baggage and passing the River returned the same way he came and in an eminent place near unto the River he pitched his Camp A few daies after he laid an ambushment of horsemen in a place where our men had formerly accustomed to forrage And as Q. Varus Generall of the horse in Domitius Army came out according to his ordinary use they set upon him at a suddain But our men did valiantly sustain the onset and every man betaking himself speedily to his rank they all together of their own accord charged the Enemy and having slain fourscore they put the rest to flight with the losse onely of two of their men OBSERVATIONS IT appeareth here that to shew a readiness and resolution to fight upon such grounds as are justifiable by the rules of War is no small advantage to the prosperous carriage of the same For albeit Scipio was great in his own strength and as great in the opinion and expectation of men yet when he found such an alacrity in the Enemy to give and take blows and a desire to entertain seriously all occasions of giving battell he was so far from prosecuting what he had pretended as he rather chose the fortune of a safe retreat and consequently to turn the advantage which the world in opinion had given to his Army to his own reproach and disadvantage Whereas on the other side to be found for the most part unwilling to hazard the triall of a Field or indisposed to fight upon any occasion doth invite an Enemy to attempt that which otherwise he would not and giveth them courage to beat him from all his purposes as knowing the resolution of their Adversary and the means they have either to take or leave at their pleasure CHAP. XIV Domitius draweth Scipio to a losse by an Ambushment Young Pompey's attempt upon Oricum AFter these things Domitius hoping that Scipio might he drawn to fight he made as though he were in great want and scarcity of Corn and thereupon rising from the place wherein he was incamped with the usuall cry of removing according to the custome of War and having marched three miles he lodged all his Army with the Cavalry in a convenient and secret place Scipio being ready to follow after sent his horsemen and a great part of his light-armed souldiers to discover what way Domitius took who marching forward as the first troups came within the Ambushment suspecting somewhat by the neighing of the horses they fell back again Those that followed after seeing the former troups so suddainly to retire stood still Our men finding themselves discovered and thinking it in vain to attend the rest having got two troups of horse within their reach they contented
themselves with them amongst whom was M. Opimius the Generall of the horse The rest of those two troups they either put to the sword or took alive and brought them to Domitius Caesar as is before shewed having withdrawn the Garrisons from along all the Sea-coast left onely three Cohorts at Oricum for the defence of the Town and to them he committed the custodic and safe keeping of the Gallies which he had brought out of Italy whereof Acilius the Legate had the charge being left Governour of the town He for the better security of the shipping had drawn all the fleet into a back angle behind the town and there fastened them to the shore and in the mouth of the Haven had sunk a great ship and set another by her upon which he built a tower to keep the entrance of the Port and filled the same with souldiers to defend the Haven from any suddain attempt Upon notice whereof Pompey's son being Admirall of the Egyptian fleet came to Oricum and with many haulsers and hooks weighed up the sunk ship and assaulted the other ship set by Acilius for the defence of the Haven with ships wherein he had made towers which stood by counterpoize that he might sight with advantage of height supplying continually fresh men and attempting also from the Land side to take the town by scaling Ladders as by Sea with his Navy to the end he might distract and dismember the forces within In the end with extreme labour and multitude of weapons he overcame our Partie and took the ship having cast out such as had the guard who fled all away with Skiffs and Boats At the same time being likewise seized of a small height on the other side of the town in the nature of a Peninsula he conveyed over four small Gallies with Rollers and Levers into the inner part of the Harbor lying behind the town insomuch as setting on each side upon the Gallies tied unto the shore empty and unfurnished he carried four of them away and burned the rest This being done he left D. Laelius whom he had taken from the Egyptian fleet to keep the passage that no victualls or other provisions might be brought into the town either from Bullis or Amantia and he himself going to Lissus found thirty ships of burthen which Antonius had left within that Haven and set them all on fire And as he went about to take Lissus the souldiers which Caesar had put there for a garrison to the Town together with the Roman Citizens and the townsmen thereof did so well defend the same that after he had continued there three daies and lost a few men in the siege he left the place without effecting any thing OBSERVATIONS AN Ambushment is easily at all times laid but to do it so that it may not be suspected and in such manner that the Enemy may fall into the danger thereof is that which is to be armed at therein And therefore to give the better colour to such designes the trick hath been to pretend fear and so slight or want of Corn or somewhat else to draw the Enemy to follow after with more boldnesse and resolution And so to have it well done there must be two deceits to assist each other as in this of Domitius to make shew of removing through scarcity and want and then to lie in wait for an advantage According to that of the Spaniard A un Traydor dos Alevosos For the prevention of such snares of deceit the rule is generally given by Onosander That the departure or falling away of an Enemy is alwaies to be suspected And for the more security therein experienced Commanders have been carefull before they stirred their Army to make exact discovery even to the place where they intended to lodge For as in Physick it is the greatest part of the cure to know the disease so in matter of war the danger is almost over when it is perceived whence it may grow The manner observed in discoveries hath usually been to send the Parties out in three Companies or troups The first consisting of a small number to beat the way at ease and to range about from place to place as shall be found convenient the second Companie being somewhat stronger to second and relieve the first if there be occasion and the third able to ingage a good number of the Enemy And after this manner Cyrus disposed of his fore-runners as appeareth in Xenophon But this being subject to the consideration of time and place and other circumstances may varie as shall seem expedient to the wisedome of the Generall CHAP. XV. Caesar marcheth towards Pompey offereth him battel and cutteth him off from Dyrrachium AFter Caesar understood that Pompey was at Asparagus he marched thitherward with his Army and taking by the way the town of the Parthinians wherein Pompey had put a Garrison the third day he came to Pompey in Macedonia and lodged himself fast by him The next day he drew out his forces and putting them in order presented him battel But when he found that he would not accept thereof he drew back his Army into the Camp and bethought himself of some other course For the next day taking a difficult and narrow way he set forward with all his forces towards Dyrrachium hoping either to draw Pompey to fight or to force the town or at least â—o cut him off from all Convoys and Munition which was there stored up for the whole provision of the war as afterwards it came to passe For Pompey being ignorant at first of his purpose inasmuch as he took a contrary way thought he had been driven thence through scarcity and want of Corn. But being afterwards advertised by the discoverers what course he took he rose the next day in hope to meet him a nearer way Which Caesar suspecting exhorted the souldiers to endure a little labour with patience And resting a small part of the night in the morning he came before Dyrrachium even as the first troup of Pompey's Army was discovered afar off and there incamped himself Pompey being cut off from Dyrrachium when he could not accomplish his purposes fell to a second resolution and fortified his Camp in an eminent place called Petra from whence there was an indifferent passage to the ships and sheltered likewise the Haven from certain winds Thither he commanded part of the ships to be brought together with Corn and provision of victuall from Asia and such other Countries as were in his obedience Caesar doubting that the war would prove long and tedious and despairing of any succour of victualls from the Coast of Italy for that all the shore was with great diligence kept by Pompey's partie and that the shipping which in Wâ—nter he had made in Sicilia Gallia and Italia were staied and came not to him he dispatched L. Canuleius a Legate into Epirus to make provision of Corn. And forasmuch as those Regions
were far off he appointed storehouses and Magazines in certain places and imposed carriage of Corn upon the Countrey bordering about them In like manner he commanded what grain soever should be found at Lissus Parthenia or any other place to be brought unto him which was very little forasmuch as the Countrey thereabout was rough and mountainous and afforded no Corn but that which was brought in from other places as also that Pompey had taken order in that behalf and a little before had ransacked the Parthinians and caused his horsemen to carry away all the Grain which was found amongst them OBSERVATIONS THe first thing that Caesar did after their approch near one unto another was to offer battel as the best Arbitrator of the Cause in question and most fitting the usance of the ancient Romans But forasmuch as the endeavours of such as are in action are alwaies ordered by him that is the Sufferer and that Pompey refused to accept thereof knowing himself to be much stronger in forces better accommodated having a far greater party in the Countrey and the Sea wholly at his command which advantages were like to end the business without hazard of a battel Caesar bethought himself of some other project which might take away the scorn of that refusall by undertaking such things as much imported the state of his Adversarie For in such cases when an Enemy will not fight somewhat must be done to cast dishonour or greater inconveniences upon him or at least to make overtures of new opportunities And therefore he took a course either to draw Pompey to fight or to force the Town wherein all his provisions of war were stored up or otherwise to cut him off from the same The least of which was a sufficient acquittance of any disgrace which the neglect of this offer might seem to inferre having thereby occasion to use that of the Poet Jam sumus ergo pares now we are even CHAP. XVI Caesar goeth about to besiege Pompey CAesar being informed of these things entered into a deliberation which he first took from the very nature of the place wherein they were for whereas Pompey's Camp was inclosed about with many high and steep Hills he first took those Hills and built Forts upon them and then as the condition of each place would bear he made works of fortification from one Fort to another and determined to inclose Pompey about with a Ditch and a Rampier And especially upon these considerations for that he was greatly straightened through want of Corn and that Pompey being strong in horse he might with lesse danger supply his Army from all parts with provision as also to the end he might keep Pompey from forraging and so make his Cavalry unserviceable in that kind and further that he might abate and weaken the exceeding great reputation which Pompey had attained unto amongst forreign Nations when it should be noised throughout the world that he was besieged by Caesar and durst not fight Pompey would by no means be drawn to leave the commodity of the Sea and the town of Dyrrachium having there laid up all his provision of war Arms Weapons Engines of what sort soever besides Corn which was brought from thence to his Army by shipping Neither could he hinder Caesar's fortifications unlesse he would accept of battel which for that time he was resolved not to do Only it remained as the last thing he could think of to possesse himself of as many Hills as he might and to keep as much of the Country as he could with good and strong guard and by that means to distract as much as possibly he might Caesar's forces as accordingly it fell out For having made twenty four Castles and Forts he took in twenty five miles of the Country in circuit and did forrage within that space and there caused many things to be set and planted by hand which in the interim served as food for horses And as our men perceived their fortifications to be carried and continued from one Castle to another without intermission they began to fear least they had left some places to sally out and so would come upon them behind before they were aware And the reason they made their works thus perfect throughout the whole inward circuit was that our men might not enter in upon them nor circumvent them behind But they abounding in number of Men exceeded in their works having also on the inside a lesse compasse to fortifie And as Caesar went about to take any place albeit Pompey was resolved not to fight or interrupt him with all his forces neverthelesse he sent out his Archers and Slingers of which he had great numbers by whom many of our men were wounded and stood in great fear of the arrowes and almost all the souldiers made them coats either of quilt or stiffening or of leather to keep them from danger To conclude either Party used all force and means to take places and make fortifications Caesar to shut up and streighten Pompey what he could and Pompey to inlarge himself and possesse as many hills as conveniently he might which gave occasion of many skirmishes and encounters OBSERVATIONS VVE may here take notice of the strangest enterprize that ever was undertaken by a judicious souldier For where else may it be read or understood that a weaker Party went about to besiege a strong adversary and to inclose a whole Country by Castles and Towers and perpetuall fortifications from hill to hill to the end he might shut him up as he lay incamped in the field But herein appear the infinite and restlesse endeavours of a Roman spirit and the works they wrought to atchieve their own ends and yet not besides the limits of reason For if that of Seneca have any affinity with truth That a man is but a common or rather contemptible thing unlesse he raise himself above ordinary courses it is more specially verified in a Souldier whose honour depending upon the superlative degree must seek out projects beyond all equality and the rather upon such inducements as are here alledged which shew good reason he had to be so mad CHAP. XVII A Passage that happened between both Parties about the taking of a Place AMongst these fights and encounters it happened as Caesar's ninth Legion had taken a certain Place and there began to fortify Pompey had posâ—est himself of the Hill next adjoining thereunto and began to hinder our men from their work And having from one side an easy access unto it first with Archers and Slingers afterwards with great troups of light-armed men and engines of Battery he began to disturb them in their businesse Neither were our men able at one and the same time to defend themselves and go on with their fortifications Caesar seeing his souldiers wounded and hurt from all parts commanded them to fall off and leave the Place But forasmuch as they were to make their retreat
down the Hill they dâ—d the more urge and presse upon them and would not suffer them to fall back for that they seemed to forsake the Place for fear It is reported that Pompey should then in a vain-glory say to those that were about him That he would be content to be taken for a Generall of no worthâ— if Caesar's men could make any retreat from thence where they were so rashly ingaged without great losse Caesar fearing the retreat of his souldiers caused Hurdles to be brought and sâ—t against the Enemy in the brimme of the Hill and behind them sunk a trench of an indifferent latitude and incumbered the place as much as possibly he could He lodged also Slingers in convenient places to defend his men in their retreat These things being perfected he caused the legions to be drawn back But Pompey's party began with greater boldness and insolency to presse our people and putting by the Hurdles which were set there as a Barricado they passed over the ditch Which when Caesar perceived fearing least they should rather seem to be beaten off then be brought back whereby a greater scandall might consequently ensue having almost from the mid-way incouraged his men by Antonius who commanded that legion he willed that the signe of charging the Enemy should be given by a Tâ—umpet and gave order to assault them The souldiers of the ninth legion putting themselves suddenly into order threw their Pâ—les and running furiously from the lower ground up the steep of the Hill drave the Enemy headlong from them who found the Hurdles the long poles and the ditches to be a great hinderance unto them in their retreat It contented our men to leave the place without losse so that having slain many of them they came away very quietly with the losse of sive of their fellows And having staied about that place a while they took other hills and perfected the fortifications upon them OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter sheweth that advantage of place and some such industrious courses as may be fitted to the occasion are of great consequence in extremities of war but above all there is nothing more availeable to clear a danger then valour Valour is the Hercules that overcometh so many Monsters and verifieth that saying which cannot be too often repeated Virtute faciendum est quâ—cquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum What a man does in matter of war must be done with valour But of this I have already treated CHAP. XVIII The scarcity which either Partiâ— endured in this siege THe carriage of that war was in a strange and unusuall manner as well in respect of the great number of Forts and Castles containing such a circuit of ground within one continued fortification as also in regard of the whole siege and of other consequents depending thereupon For whosoever goeth about to besiege another doth either take occasion from the weakness of the Enemy daunted or stricken with fear or overcome in battail or otherwise being moved thereunto by some injurie offered whereas now it happened that they were far the stronger both in horse and foot And generally the cause of almost all sieges is to keep an enemy from provision of Corn but Caesar being then far inferiour in number of souldiers did neverthelesse besiege an Army of intire and untouched forces especially at a time when they abounded with all necessary provisions for every day came great store of shipping from all parts bringing plenty of all things needfull neither could there any wind blow which was not good from some part or other On the other side Caesar having spent all the Corn he could get far or near was in great want and scarcity and yet notwithstanding the souldiers did bear it with singular patience for they remembred how they had suffered the like the year before in Spain and yet with patience and labour had ended a great and dangerous war They remembred likewise the exceeding great want they indured at Alesia and much greater at Avaricum and yet for all that they went away Conquerers of many great Nations They refused neither Barlie nor Pease when it was given them in stead of Wheat And of Cattell whereof they were furnished with great store out of Epirus they made great account There was also a kind of root found out by them that were with Valerius called Chara which eaten with Milk did much relieve their want and made withall a kind of bread whereof they had plenty And when Pompey's Party happened in their Colloquies to cast in their teeth their scarcity and misery they would commonly throw this kind of bread at them and scatter it in divers places to discourage them in their hopes And now Corn began to be ripe and hope it self did relieve their want for that they trusted to have plenty within a short time And oftentimes the souldiers in their watches and conferences were heard to let fall speeches that they would rather eat the bark of trees then suffer Pompey to escape out of their hands Besides they understood by such as ran away from the Enemy that their horse of service could scarce be kept alive and that the rest of their Cattell were all dead and that the souldiers themselves were in no good health as well through the narrowness of the place wherein they were pent as also by means of the ill savour and multitude of dead bodies together with continuall labour being unaccustomed to travel and pains but especially through the extreme want of water for all the Rivers and Brooks of that quarter Caesar had either turned another way or dammed up with great works And as the places were mountainous with some intermission and distinction of Valleys in the form and fashion of a Cave or Den so he stopped the same with great piles beaten into the ground and interlated with fagots and hurdles and then strengthened with earth to keep back the water insomuch as they were constrained to seek low grounds and Marish places and there to sink Wells Which labour they were glad to undertake besides their daily works albeit these Wells stood far distant from their Garrisons and were quickly dried up with heat But Caesar's Army was in exceeding good health and had plenty of water together with all kind of provisions excepting Wheat which the season of the year daily brought on and gave them hope of store Harvest being so near at hand In this new course of war new policies and devices of warfare were invented and put in practice by either Partie They perceiving by the fires that our Cohorts in the night time kept watch at the works came stealing out and discharged all their Arrows upon them and then presently retreated Wherewith our men being warned found out this remedy that they made their fires in one place and kept their watch in another THE FIRST OBSERVATION FOrasmuch as all matter of attempt doth much import the fortune of a war we may not omit to take notice
Dâ—ctator Caesar Caius Princeps Domitius Nero infausto ut omnium patuit exâ—tu incepto King Demetrius Caesar the Dictator Caiâ—s the Prince and Domitius Nero all of them attempted to draw through this neck of land with a navigable chanell without any successe as appears by the issue In the time of King Sâ—sostris and since in the Empire of the Ottomans they went about to bring the Red Sea into Nile but fearing it would be a means to drown the Land one Sea being lower then another they gave over the enterprize And it may be upon like consideration or otherwise fearing to correct the works of Nature they forbare to make a passage between Nombre ac Dios and Panama and so to join one sea to the other as was said to be intended CHAP. XXI An accident which fell out by two Brethren of Savoy in Caesar's Army THere were in Caesar's Camp two brethren of Savoy Roscillus and Aegus the sons of Adbucillus who for many years together was accounted the principall and chief man of that State these were men of singular worth and had done Caesar very great service in all the wars of Gallia and in that respect Caesar had advanced them to great honourable Charges in their Country and caused them extraordinarily to be taken in the number of the Senators and bestowed much of the Enemies lands upon them besides great summs of ready mony and of poor had made them rich These men were not only well respected by Caesar but were in good account throughout all the Army Howbeit relying too much on Caesaâ—'s favour and puffed up with foolish and barbarous arrogancy they disdained their own men deceiving the horsemen of their pay and averting all pillage from publick distribution to their own particular The horsemen provoked with these injuries came all to Caesar and complained openly thereof adding farther that their troups were not full nor answerable to the List or Muster-role by which they required paiment Caesar thinking it no fit time of punishment and withall attributing much to the worth of the men put off the whole matter and chid them privately for making a gain of their troups of horse willing them to expect a supply of all their wants from his favour according as their service had well deserved Neverthelesse the matter brought them into great scandall and contempt with all men which they plainly perceived both by the speeches of other men as also by that they might judge themselves their own consciences accusing them With which reproach and shame they were so moved and thinking peradventure that they were not quit thereof but deferred untill some other time that they resolved to leave the Army to seek new fortunes and make proof of other acquaintance And having imparted the matter to a few of their followers to whom they durst communicate so great a disloialty first they went about to kill C. Volusenus Generall of the horse as after the war was ended was discovered that they might come to Pompey upon some deserved service but after they found it hard to accomplish they took up as much mony as they could borrow as though they meant to have paid their troups what they formerly had defrauded them of and having brought many horses they went to Pompey together with such as were acquainted with their purposes Pompey finding them Gentlemen of sort liberally brought up attended with a great retinue and many horses and both of them very valiant and in good account with Caesar and withall for that it was an unusuall and strange accident he led them about the works and shewed them all the fortifications for before that time no man either souldier or horseman had fled from Caesar to Pompey whereas daily they came from Pompey to Caesar especially such as were enrolled in Epirus and Aetolia which countries were at Caesar's devotion These two Brethren exactly understanding all things in Caesar's Camp as well concerning such works as were perfect as such others wherein men skilfull in war might find defect together with the opportunity of time and distances of places as also the diligence of the Guards with the nature and endeavour of every man that had a charge related all particularly to Pompey OBSERVATIONS VVE may here observe the sincerity and direct carriage of inferiour Commanders in the Roman Army by the scandall these two Sâ—voâ—ens ran into for making false Musters and defrauding the souldiers of their due A matter so ordinary in these our times as custome seemeth to justify the Abuse For what more common in the course of our modern wars then to make gain of Companies by mustering more then they have in pay and by turning that which is due to the souldier to their own benefit The first whereof if it be duly weighed is an offence of a high nature against the State and the second such an injury to the souldier as can hardly be answered It is merrily as I take it aid by Columella That in foro concessunâ— latrocinium Robbery is lawfull in courses at Law But for those to whom is committed the safety of a kingdom to betray the trust reposed in them by raising their means with dead paies and consequently steading the Cause with dead service as also by disabling their Companions and fellow-souldiers from doing those duties which are requisite for want of due entertainment is a thing deserving a heavy censure and will doubtlesse fall out unto them as it did to these two Brethren The sequele whereof will appear by the story and confirme that of Xenophon Dii haud impunita relinquunt impâ—a nefaria hominum facta The Gods do not suffer the impieties and wickednesses of men to escape unpunished CHAP. XXII Pompey attempting to break out putteth Caesar's Party to great losse POmpey being informed of these things having formerly resolved to break out as is already declared gave order to the souldiers to make them coverings for their Morions of Osiers and to get some store of Bavins and Fagots Which being prepared he shipped a great number of the light-armed souldiers and Archers together with those fagots in Skiffs and Gallies And about mid-night he drew threescore Cohorts out of the greater Camp and the places of Garrison and sent them to that part of the â—ortification which was next unto the Sea and farthest off from Caesar's greatest Camp Thither also he sent the ships before-mentioned filled with light-armed men and fagots together with as many other Gallies as were at Dyrrachium and gave directions how every man should imploy himself Caesar had left Lentulus Marcellinus the Treasurer with the Legion newly enrolled to keep that fortification who for that he was sickly and of an ill disposition of body had substituted Fulvius Posthumus as his coadâ—utor There was in that place a â—rench of fifteen foot deep and a Rampier against the Enemy of ten foot in 〈◊〉 and as much in breadth And about six hundred
legion that had lost many Centurions and was very weak in souldiers towards Pompey's legion and the lesser camp in a double battel Neither did his opinion deceive him for he came thither before Pompey could perceive it And albeit the fortifications of the Camp were great yet assaulting it speedily with the left Cornet wherein he himself was he drave Pompey's souldiers from the Rampier There stood a Turn-pike in the Gate which gave occasion of resistance for a while and as our men would have entered they valiantly defended the Camp T. Pulcio by whose means C. Antonius Army was betraied as we have formerly declared fighting there most valiantly Yet neverthelesse our men overcame them by valour and cutting up the Turn-pike entered first into the greater Camp and afterwards into the Castle and slew many that resisted of the legion that was forced thither But Fortune that can do much in all things and specially in warre doth in a small moment of time bring great alterations as it then happened For the Cohorts of Caesar's right Cornet ignorant of the place followed the Rampier which went along from the Camp to the River seeking after the Gate and taking it to be the Rampier of the Camp but when they perceived that it joyned to the River they presently got over it no man resisting them and all the cavalry followed after those cohorts OBSERVATIONS POmpey having cleared his Army of that siege it booted not Caesar to prosecute his purpose any longer for when the end is missed for which any course is undertaken it were folly to seek it by that means We must rather chuse new wayes that may lead us to the end of our hopes then follow the old track which sorted to no effect And yet neverthelesse the sufficiency of the Generall is no way disabled for albeit a wise man doth not alwayes keep one pase yet still he holdeth one and the same way Secondly that of Xerxes appeareth to be true that great attempts are alwaies made with great difficulty and danger Wherein the wisdome of the heathen world ascribed all to Fortune as the sole cause of all remarkable events and that which filled up both the pages of all the Books wherein men noted the course of things Clades in bello acceptae non semper ignaviae sed aliquando Fortunae temeritati sunt imputandae Losses received in war are not alwayes to be imputed to slothfull carriage but oftentimes to the temerity of Fortune saith Archidamus and is that which is aimed at by Caesar CHAP. XXIIII The â—ight continueth and Caesar loseth IN the mean while Pompey after so long a respite of time having notice thereof took the first Legion from their works and brought them to succour their fellows and at the same time his Cavalry did approch near our horsemen and our men that possessed the Camp did discover an Army imbattelled coming against them and all things were suddenly changed For Pompey's legion assured with a speedy hope of succour began to make resistance at the Decumane gate and voluntarily charged our men Caesar's Cavalry being got over the rampier into a narrow passage fearing how they might retreat in safety began to fly away The right Cornet secluded and cut off from the left perceiving the terrour of the horsemen least they might be indangered within the fortifications betook themselves to the other side from whence they came and most of them least they should be surprised in the straights cast themselves over works of ten foot high into the ditches and such as first got over being troden under foot by such as followed after the rest saved themselves in passing over their bodies The souldiers of the left Cornet perceiving from the Rampier that Pompey was at hand and that their own side fled away fearing lest they should be shut up in those straights having the Enemy both without and within them thought it their best course to return back the same way they came Whereby there happened nothing but tumult fear and flight insomuch as when Caesar caught hold with his hand of the Ensignes of them that sled and commanded them to stand some for fear left their Ensigns behind them others forsaking their horses kept on their course neither was there any one of them that would stand Notwithstanding in this so great a calamity and mishap these helps fell out to relieve us when the whole army was in danger to be cut off that Pompey fearing some treachery for that as I think it happened beyond his expectation who a little before saw his men flie out of his camp durst not for a good while approach near the fortifications and our men possessing the narrow passages and the Ports did hinder the horsemen from following after And so a small matter fell out to be of great moment in the carriage of that accident on either side For the Rampier which was carried from the Camp to the River Pompey's Camp being already taken was the only hinderance of Caesar's expedite and easy victory and the same thing hindering the speedy following of their horsemen was the onely safety and help of our men In those two fights there were wanting of Caesar's men nine hundred and threescore and horsemen of note R. Felginas Tuticanus Gallus a Senatours sonne C. Felginas of Placentia Agravius of Puteolis Sacrativirus of Capua ten Tribunes of the souldiers and thirty Centurions But the greatest part of these perished in the Trenches in the fortifications and on the River banks prest to death with the fear and â—light of their fellows without any blow or wound given them There were lost at that time thirty two military Ensignes Pompey upon that sight was saluted by the name of Imperator which title he then obtained and so suffered himself to be stiled afterward howbeit he used it not in any of his Missives nor yet wore any Laurell in the bundle of Rods carried before him Labienus having begged all the Captives caused them for greater ostentation to be brought out in publick and to give the more assurance to such as were fled thither from Caesar's party calling them by the name of fellow-souldiers in great derision asked them whether old souldiers were wont to flie and so caused them all to be slain Pompey's party took such an assurance and spirit upon these things that they thought no farther of the course of war but carried themselves as though they were already Victors not respecting as the cause of all this the paucity of our men nor the disadvantage of the place and the streightnesse thereof the Camp being possessed and the doubtfull terrour both within and without the works not yet the Army divided into two parts in such sort as neither of them were able to help or succour the other Neither yet did they adde to this that the fight was not made by any valiant incounter or in form of battell but that they received more hurt from the
often intended not to deceive the opinion which other men had of their prowesse and valour Labienus seconding this speech as contemning Caesar's forces extolled Pompey's resolution to the skies Do not think Pompey saith he that this is the Army wherewith he conquered Gallia or Germania I was present my self at all those battells and do not speak rashly what I am â—gnorant of There is a very small piece of that Army remaining a great part of them are dead as it cannot otherwise be in so many battells The Pâ—stilence the last Autumn in Italy consumed many of them many are gone home and many are left in the Continent Have ye not heard that the Cohorts which are now at Brundusium are made and raised of such as remained behind there to recover their healths These forces that ye see were the last year gathered of the Musters made in the hither Gallia and most of them of the Colonies beyond the Po and yet all the flower and strength of them was taken away in the last two overthrows at Dyrrachium When he had spoken these things he took a solemn oath not to return into the Camp but with victory exhorting the rest to do the like Pompey commending him took the same oath neither was there any man that refused it These things being thus carried in the councell they rose up and departed with great hope and joy of all men as having already conceived victory in their minds and the rather because they thought that nothing could be spoken vainly by so skilfull a Commander in so weighty and important a Cause OBSERVATIONS COncerning the fashion of the Cavalry in which either Party reposed so much confidence we are to note that the Romans had two sorts of horsemen the one compleatly armed according to their manner and incorporated in the body of their Legions whose entertainment was thrice as much as the footmen Aeque impotens postulatum fuit saith Livie ut de stipendio equitum merebant autem triplex ea tempestate aera demerentur It seemed as unreasonable a motion that the horsemens pay which at that time was triple should be lessened And the other were as light-horsemen which they called Alarii The first sort were thus armed as Josephus witnesseth They wore a sword on their right side somewhat longer then that of the footmen and carried a long staffe or spear in their hand a Target at their horse side and three or more Darts in a quiver with broad heads and not much less then their staves having such head pieces and corselets as the foot-men had The light-armed men had either light Darts or Bow and Arrows And doubtlesse their chiefest service was with their casting weapons And accordingly Tully putteth his son in mind of the praise he had got in Pompey's Army where he commanded a wing of horse Equitando jaculando omni militari labore tolerando in riding casting darts and undergoing all military duty And as their service consisted in breaking their Staves upon an Enemy and in casting their Darts so we exercise the practice of the former in our triumphs at Tilt and the Spaniards the later in their Iocuo di cane The Pistolier that will do somewhat to purpose doth come up close to the other discharge his Pistoll in his enemies neck or under the corselet about the flank or seat of a man and commonly misseth not I have seen a device to use a Musket on horse-back which if it prove as serviceable as is by some conceived will be of great advantage CHAP. XXXI The manner of imbattelling their Armies AS Caesar approached near unto Pompey's Camp he observed his Army to be imbattelled in this manner There were in the left Cornet two legions which in the beginning of these broils were by order and decree of Senate taken from Caesar whereof one was called the first and the other the third and with them stood Pompey Scipio had the middle squadron with the legions he brought out of Syria The Legion of Cilicia joyned with the Spanish Cohorts which Afranius brought with him made the right Cornet These Pompey held to be very strong The rest of the troups were interlaced between the middle Squadron and the Cornets All made one hundred and ten Cohorts which amounted to fifty five thousand men besides two thousand old souldiers and men of note whom he had called out to that war and dispersed them over all the Army The rest of the Cohorts which were seven he had left in the Camp or disposed about the forts near adjoyning The right Cornâ—t was flanked with a River that had high and cumbersome banks and thereupon he put all his Cavalry together with the Archers Slingers in the left Cornet Caesar observing his former custome placed the tenth legion in the right Cornet and the ninth in the left albeit they were very much weakened in the fights at Dyrrachium but to this he so joyned the eighth that he seemed almost to make one of two and commanded them to succour each other He had in all about eighty cohorts which made twenty two thousand men two cohorts he left to keep the Camp He gave the left Cornet to Antonius the right to Pub. Sylla and the middle Squadron to Cn. Domitius and put him self opposite to Pompey And withall having well observed these things according as I have formerly declared fearing least the right Cornet should be inclosed about with the multitude of the Cavalry he speedily drew six cohorts out of the third battell and of them he made a fourth to incounter the horsemen and shewed them what he would have done admonishing withall that the victory of that day consisted in the valour of those cohorts commanding the third battell and likewise the whole Army not to joyn battell without order from him which when he thought fit he would give them notice of by an Ensigne And going about to incourage them to fight according to the use of war he put them in mind of his favours and his carriage towards them from time to time and specially that they themselves were witnesses with what labour and means he had sought for peace as well by treaty with Vatinius as also by employing A. Clodius to Scipio and likewise how he had endeavoured at Oricum with Libo that Embassadours might be sent to treat of these things Neither was he willing at any time to misspend the souldiers blood or to deprive the Common-wealth of either of those Armies This speech being delivered the souldiers both requiring and longing with an ardent desire to fight he commanded the signe of battell to be given by a Trumpet OBSERVATIONS COncerning the order used in disposing these Armies for the triall of this Cause it appeareth by the storie that Pompey set two Legions in his left Cornet which are here named the first and the third Howbeit Lucan saith that those Legions were the first and the fourth Cornus tibi
other at Rhodes For as many as fled thither after Pompey and came unto the Iland were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them to depart from thence and forced to weigh anchour against their will And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities Whereupon Pompey leaving off his purpose of going into Syria having taken what money he found in Bank besides what he could borrow of his private friends and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war with two thousand Armed men which he had raised partly out of the towns and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business he came to Pelusium There by chance was king Ptolemy a child within years with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra whom a few Months before by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his Pompey sent unto him that in regard of ancient hospitality and the amity he had with his Father he might be received into Alexandria and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means being now fallen into misery and calamity But they that were sent having done their message began to speak liberally to the Kings souldâ—ers and to exhort them that they would stand to Pompey not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's souldiers which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria and had brought them to Alexandria and upon the ending of the war had left them with Ptolemy the father of this child These things being known such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army as afterwards they confessed whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt or whether despising his fortune as for the most part in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent and willed him to come unto the King but secretly plotting amongst themselves sent Achillas a chief Commander and a man of singular audacity together with L. Septimius Tribune of the souldiers to kill Pompey They giving him good words and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the Pâ—rats went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King and killed in prison THE FIRST OBSERVATION IF it be now demanded Where was Caesar's desire of Peace and Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition at this time when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished the answer is already made in the beginning of this Commentary That there was but one time of making peace that was when both Parties were equall which was now past and Caesar too far gone to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement The one was crept so high and the other cast down so low that they seemed not compatible in any Medium although it were to the saving of the Empire Howbeit it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars For Seneca saith He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe that it could not longer stand but by the benefit of servitude And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion shall find all those Causae corrumpentes or ruining causes which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy For having nothing in a Mean he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium and was overgrown first with too much honour secondly with too much wealth thirdly with too much power whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens and soblemished the beauty of that State whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality And adding to these the convulsions of fear he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war as having no other hope but in the confusion of Arms. It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene he had much conference with Cratippus whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices wherein amongst other remonstrances the Philosopher made it plain that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth to the condition of a just Monarchy And such it sell to Caesars fortune if there were any errous committed in the seizure he may take the benefit of the generall pardon exemplified by Trebellius Pollio That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the State of Aegypt we are to note that Alexander the Great being cut off by death his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus a Macedonian seized upon Aegypt where he reigned 40 years and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy This first Ptolemy possest himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640 which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters which are called the Septuagint and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars The Father of this young Ptolemy was the ninth in succession from the first and at his death made the people of Rome Tutors to his children His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years but in the end fell to strife and wars and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head who held it peaceably untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony which being ended the kingdome was then reduced to a Province under the obedience of the Roman Empire Concerning this miserable end of Pompey it is truly said of Seneca that Death is alike to all for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth yet they all meet in the same end And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army making war against his sister he went thither and sent a Messenger before unto the king to advertise him of his arrivall and to intreat him to receive him King Ptolemy was then but a young man insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him He assembled a
first So he asked him What is he that is dead and buried there But straight fetching a great sigh Alas said he perhaps it is Pompey the Great Then he landed a little and was straight taken and slain This was the end of Pompey the Great Not long after Caesar also came into Aegypt that was in great wars where Pompey's head was presented unto him but he turned his head aside and would not see it and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer Then taking his Ring wherewith he sealed his Letters whereupon was graven a Lyon holding a sword he burst out a weeping Achillas and Photinus he put to death King Ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battell by the River of Nilus vanished away and was never heard of after Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands and wandered up and down Aegypt in great misery despised of every man Afterwards Marcus Brutus who slew Caesar conquering Asia met with him by chance and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise at the length slew him The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Cornelia who buried them in a town of hers by the City of Alba. And having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of Nature doth exact the law of the Twelve Tables did free his Sepulchre from any further disturbance Ubi corpus demortui hominis condas sacer esto Let that place be sacred where the body of a dead man is buried Onely this may be added That as Fabius was called Maximus Scipio Magnus and Pompey Magnus which titles they carried as marks of speciall Nobleness to raise them above the common worth of men so their ends made them even with the lowest of the State According to that of Seneca Intervallis distinguimur exitu aquamur Here we are distinguished by distances but death makes us all equall CHAP. XXXVII Prodigious Accidents happening upon the Battell in Pharsalia Caesar cometh into Egypt CAesar coming into Asia found T. Ampius going about to take the money out of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus and for that cause to have called together all the Senatours that were in the Province that he might use them as witnesses in the matter But being interrupted by Caesar's arrivall he fled away So that two severall times the money was saved at Ephesus by Caesar's means It was further found very certain that in the Temple of Minerva at Elis a just calculation of the time being taken the same day that Caesar overthrew Pompey the Image of Victory which stood before Minerva and looked towards her pourtraiture did turn it self towards the Portall and the Temple-gate And the same day likewise there was such a noise of an Army twice heard at Antioch in Syria and such sounding of Trumpets that the City ran in Armes to keep the walls The like happened at Ptolemais And likewise at Pergamus in the remote and hidden places of the Temple which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into which it is not lawfull for any man to enter but the Priests were bells heard to ring Besides at Tralles in the Temple of Victory where they had set up a Statue to Caesar there was shewed a Palm-tree which in those daies was grown from between the joynts of the stones out of the pavement Caesar staying a few daies in Asia hearing that Pompey was seen at Cyprus and conjecturing he went into Aegypt for the amitie and correspondency he had with that Kingdome besides other opportunities of the place he came to Alexandria with two legions one that he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly and another which he had called out of Achaia from Fusius a Legate together with eight hundred horse ten Gallies of Rhodes and a few ships of Asia In these Legions were not above three thousand two hundred men the rest were either wounded in the sights or spent with travell and the length of the journey But Caesar trusting to the fame of his great exploits did not doubt to go with these weak forces thinking every place would entertain him with safety At Alexandria he understood of Pompey's death and as he was going out of the ship he heard a clamour of the souldâ—ers which the King had left to keep the town and saw a concourse of people gathered about him because the bundle of Rods was carried before him all the multitude crying out that the Kings authority was diminished This tumult being appeased there were often uproares and commotions of the people for every day after and many souldiers were slain in divers parts of the City Whereupon Caesar gave order for other Legions to be brought him out of Asia which he raised and inrolled of Pompey's souldiers He himself was staâ—ed by the winds called Etesiae which are against them that sail from Alexandria In the mean time forasmuch as he conceived that if the controversie between the King and his sister did appertain to the people of Rome then consequently to him as Consul and so much the rather it concerned his office for that in his former Consulship there was a league made by the decree of Senate with Ptolemey the Father in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was that both the king and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their Armies and rather plead their Cause before him then to decide it by Armes There was at that time one Photinus an Eunuch that had the administration of the kingdome during the minority of the Child He first began to complain among his friends to take it in scorn that the King should be called out to plead his Cause and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the Kings friends he drew the Army secretly from Pelusium to Alexandria and made Achillas formerly mentioned Generall of all the forces inciting him forward as well by his own promises as from the King and instructing him by Letters and Messengers what he would have done Ptolemey the Father by his last Wâ—ll and Testament had left for heirs the eldest of two sons and likewise the eldest of two daughters and for the confirmation thereof had in the same Will charged and required the people of Rome by all the gods by the league he made at Rome to see this accomplished For which purpose he sent a copy of his Will to Rome to be kept in the Treasury which by reason of the publick occasions that admitted no such business for the present were left with Pompey and the Originall signed and sealed up was brought to Alexandria While Caesar was handling these things being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement it was told him on a suddain that the Kings Army and all the Cavalry were come to Caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them to hazard battell without the town onely it remained that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within
the town and to learn what Achillas intended Howsoever he commanded all the souldiers to arme and exhorted the King that of those which were nearest unto him and of greatest authority he would send some to Achillas to know his meaning Dioscorides Serapion being deputed thereunto having been both Embassadours at Rome and in great place about Ptolemey the Father they came to Achillas whom as soon as they were come into his presence and before he would hear or understand what they would have he commanded to be taken away and slain Of whom one having received a wound was carried away by his own people for dead the other was slain out-right Whereupon Caesar wrought to get the King into his own hands thinking that his Name and Title would prevail much amongst his people as also to make it appear that this war was rather moved by the private practice of some seditious thieves then by order and commandment from the King OBSERVATIONS THe multiplicity of occasions and troubles which happen to such as have the ordering of any businesses of import doth make that of Plinie often remembred Veteribus negotâ—â—s nova accrâ—scunt nec tamen priora peraguntur tot nexibus tot quasi catenis majus indies occupationum agmen extenditur New businesses come in the neck of old and yet the first are not dispatched with so many tyes and chains as it were is the troup of businesses every day made longer and longer For albeit Pompey had now spent his malice and was no more to appear in Armes against Caesar yet his hap was by slying to draw him as it were by way of revenge into a place where he was necessarily to be intangled in a dangerous war To thâ—se prodigies here mentioned may be added that of Aulus Gellius that The same day the battell happened there fell out a strange wonder at 〈◊〉 where a certain Priest called Cornelius of Noble race and Holy life suddainly fell into an extasie and said he saw a great battell afarâ—e off Darts and Piles she thick in the aire some slying and some pursuing great slaughter accompanied with many lamentable groans and cries and in the end cried out that Caesar had got the victory For which he was mâ—â—ked for the present but afterwards held in great admiration Plinie maketh the small increase of Nilus to be a fore-teller of Pompey's death Minimumque Pharsalico bello veluti necem Magni prodâ—gâ—â— quodam slumine aversante The least increase of Nilus was at the time of the Pharsaliaâ—â— battell the very river prodigiously shewing as it were a detestation of the murther of the Great Pompey CHAP. XXXVIII Caesar landeth his forces taketh Pharus and causeth Photinus to be slain THe forces that were with Achillas were neither for their number or fashion of men or use and experience in war to be contemned For he had twenty two thousand men in Armes These troups consisted of the Gabinian souldiers which were now grown into a custome of life and liberty of the Aegyptians and having forgot the name and discipline of the people of Rome had there married wives and most of them had children To these were added such as were gathered from the thieves and robbers of Syria the Province of Cilicia and other finitimate Regions besides many banished men and others condemned to die that fled thither And for all our fugitives there was ever a sure and certain receipt at Alexandria and a certain condition of life for upon giving up of his name he was presently inrolled a souldier And if one chanced to be taken and apprehended by his Master he was presently rescued by the concourse of souldiers who being all in the same condition did strive for him as for themselves These required the Kings friends to be slain these were accustomed to rob rich men of their goods to better their pay to besiege the Kings house to expell some out of the kingdome and to send for others home according to an old custome and priviledge of the Alexandrian Army There were besides two thousand horse that had been of ancient continuance in many of the wars held at Alexandria and had brought back Ptolemy the father and restored him to his kingdome had slain Bibulus two sons and had made war with the Aegyptians and this use and knowledge they had of war Achillas trusting to these forces and contemning the small number of Caesar's troups did take and possesse Alexandria and further assaulting that part of the town which Caesar held with his men did first of all endeavour to break into his house But Caesar having disposed the cohorts in the streets and waies did bear out the assault At the same time they sought likewise at the Port and it came at length to a very forcible incounter for having drawn out their troups the fight began to be â—ot in divers streets and lanes and the Enemy in great troups went about to possesse themselves of the Gallies of which there were 50. found there that were sent to serve Pompey and returned home again after the battell in Thessalia These were all Triremes and Quinqueremes rigged and ready to go to sea Besides these there were twenty two which were alwaies accustomed to be the best for the defence of Alexandria and were all furnished with decks which if they had taken together with Caesar's shipping they would have had the Haven and the Sea at their command and by that means hindered Caesar from succours and provision of victuall In regard whereof they fought hard on both sides Achillas expecting victory and our men for their safety But Caesar obtained his purpose and because he was not able to keep so many severall things with so small forces he set them all on fire together with those that were in the Road and presently landed some souldiers at Pharus which is a tower in an Iland of a great height built with strange workmanship taking that name from the Iland This Iland lieth over against Alexandria and so maketh it a Haven But former Kings had inlarged it nine hundred paces in length by raising great mounts in the Sea and by that means had brought it so near to the town that they joyned them both together with a bridge In this Iland dwelt divers Aegyptians and made a Village of the bignesse of a Town and what ships soever had fallen off their course either by tempest or errour were there robbed by those Aegyptians For by reason of the narrow entrance no ships can come into the Haven but by the favour and leave of them that hold Pharus Caesar being afraid of this while the Enemy was busie in fight landed his souldiers took the place and there put a garrison Whereby he brought it to passe that both corn and succours might safely come by sea to supply him for he had sent to all the confining Regions for aide In other places of the town they so fought that they gave over at length upon
among the rude people as one that was ever a beginner of new designes took with his own and Drapes his forces a town called Uxellodunum which had been formerly in his tuition a place excellently well fortified by the naturall situation thereof and caused the townsmen to joyn with him To this town Caninius forthwith came and perceiving that all parts of the same were fortified with craggy cliffes insomuch that though no man were there to defend it yet were it a haâ—d matter for men in their armour to get up knowing also that the moveables of the townsmen were great which if they should go about to carry privily away they could not escape either our horsemen or footmen he divided his Cohorts into three parts and made three Camps upon a very high ground from which by degrees as his army was able he determined to draw a Rampier and trench round about the town The townsmen perceiving that and remembring the miserable condition of Alexia feared the like siege Luterius especially who had tasted the smart of that misfortune advised them to lay for corn beforehand whereupon they determined by generall consent that leaving a part of the army for the defence of the town Luterius and Drapes with the best-provided should go forth to fetch in corn This counsell being approved of the next night Drapes and Luterius leaving two thousand armed men behind them drew the rest out of the town After a few dayes being abroad they brought in a great quantity of grain out of the countrey of the Cadurci who partly were willing to help them therewith and partly durst not withstand their taking it as not being able to make their part good against them Oftentimes also they would fly out in the night and assault the castles of our camp Upon which consideration C. Caninius stayed the making of fortifications round about the town lest he should not be able to defend the circumvallation when it was finished or else should be forced to set but weak watches in so many places at once When they had gotten together a great quantity of grain Drapes and Luterius took up their standings not above ten miles from the town the better at times to convey it in and they parted the charge between them Drapes tarried behind with part of the army to keep the Camp Luterius drave the beasts with their carriages toward the town and setting guards there for his defence about ten of the clock in the night purposed by narrow wayes through the woods to convey the corn into the town The watchmen of our Camp hearing the noise of their feet and the scouts which were sent out reporting what was a doing Caninius caused his Cohorts to arm themselves quickly and about break of day made attempt out of the next castles upon the forragers Who being frighted with the suddennesse of the mischief fled to their guards Which as soon as our men perceived they flew more fiercely upon them and suffered none to be taken alive Luterius fled from thence with a few but returned not to his Camp After this good successe Caninius understood by his prisoners that part of the army was behind in the Camp with Drapes not above twelve miles off Which when he had learned by many to be truth believing that one of the Generals already put to flight the remnant of the army being terrified might easily be overthrown he thought it a great piece of happinesse that none escaped from the slaughter into the Camp to carry tidings of the mishap to Drapes And forasmuch as he saw there was no danger in putting the matter to triall he sent all his horsemen and the German footmen swift and nimble fellows before to the Camp of his enemies One of his legions he left in his Camp and the other eased of all carriages he took with him When he came near his enemies his scouts that he had sent before brought word that as the custome of the barbarous nations commonly is they had abandoned the higher ground encamped themselves by the River side that our horse and the Germans had flown upon them suddenly ere they were aware and charged them Upon the receit of this news he hasted forward with his legion well armed and well appointed and so the sign being given suddenly on all sides the higher places were taken by our men At the doing whereof the Germans and our Cavalry seeing the Ensigns of our Legion fought very stoutly and by and by all our Cohorts charged upon them round so that in the conclusion they were all either slain or prisoners and a great booty taken Drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict Caninius having done his work successfully without almost any hurt at all to his souldiers returned to besiege the town and having now destroyed his enemy without for fear of whom he could not before divide his garrisons nor environ the town with fortifications he commandeth the works to be carried on round about the town The next day came thither C. Fabius with his forces and took another part of the town to besiege CHAP. IX Caesar having punished Guturvatus for the revolt of the Carnutes joyneth with Caninius and Fabius before Vxellodunum Upon his depriving them of water the town yieldeth Caesar cutteth off their right hands IN the mean time Caesar left M. Antonius the Quaestor with fifteen Cohorts among the Bellovaci to prevent any new confederacies among them for the future and he himself visited the other States charging them with mo hostages and with comfortable words raising the fearfull hearts of them all When he came amongst the Carnutes in whose countrey as Caesar hath declared in his former Commentary the warre first of all began inasmuch as he perceived them to be chiefly afraid as being conscious to themselves of their fault to the intent he might the more speedily deliver the rest of the State from fear he demanded Guturvatus the ring-leader of that mischief and raiser of the rebellion to be delivered unto him to be punished who albeit he trusted not himself with his own countreymen yet all men made so diligent search for him that he was soon found out and brought to the Camp Caesar contrary to his own nature was compelled to punish him whether he would or no by the importunity of his souldiers who imputed all the dangers and losses that they had sustained by this warre unto Guturvatus insomuch that his body after it was in a manner whipped to death was beheaded While Caesarâ—arried â—arried here he was advertised by severall letters from Caninius what was done to Drapes and Luterius and how the townsmen persevered in their resolution the small number of whom although he despised yet he deemed their wilfulnesse worthy of severe punishment lest they might give occasion to all Gallia to think that they wanted not strength but constancy and resolution to withstand the Romans or leâ—â— by their example other cities of Gallia
of his successfull designs having been founded thereupon there being great advantage in the attempting them for that he which assâ—ileth hath more courage then he which is assailed and alwayes believeth the assailant to be the stronger not knowing what part he will assail and ever jealous that he hath some secret intelligence Briefly all that a well-exercised and well-disciplined army is able to do in such a case is to defend it self but where are new-levied souldiers fall out great disorders which was the reason he took so much care to fortify his camp very strongly to the end he might defend it and all his baggage with a few men and might without danger execute many brave designes being alwayes assured of his retreat Let us farther take view of the siege of Uxellodunum which Caesar judging to be impregnable by â—orce and knowing it to be well provided of corn undertaketh by a great dangerous labour to keep them from water which was from a fountain without the town from whence they were only supplied which the besieged perceiving having set fire on Caesar's works by a sally they hindred him from quenching it Caesar not being able to repulse them by reason of the advantage of the place resolveth to make an assault upon the town which apprehension caused them to retreat THE MANNER OF OUR MODERN TRAINING Or TACTICK PRACTISE By CLEMENT EDMONDS Remembrancer of the City of LONDON FOrasmuch as my purpose was to make this task of Observations as a parallel to our modern Discipline I did not think it fit to mingle the Tactick Practise of these times with the use of foregoing ages but rather to shut up these Discourses therewith as the second line of this warlike parallel which is thus drawn in the best fashion of modern Art In the knowledge of marshalling an Army there is nothing more especially to be regarded then that from a confused company of men having chosen the fittest for the wars we should so place and digest a convenient number of them that in marches in incamping in battels we may be able with a few well ordered to incounter a farre greater army in confusion and to overthrow them From hence Aeneas did define the Art of war to be the knowledge of warlike motions Before this unexpert army shall be able to be moved in such fashion it shall not be amisse to acquaint it with the most usuall terms wherewith they shall be often commanded into diverse postures as occasion shall be offered For as in the art of Fencing no man shall be able to turn and wind his body for his best advantage to offend his enemy or defend himself unlesse first his master shall instruct him in the severall parts and postures thereof so every souldier or the whole troup as one body or one souldier shall never be readily instructed to transform or turn it self by divers motions into different forms unlesse they first understand what is meant by Fronts and Flanks by Files and Ranks what by Leaders and Followers by Middlemen and Bringers up By this means each souldier understanding what the terme doth signifie shall readily both apprehend and execute such commandments as the Captain or Officer shall direct him A File is a certain number of men following singly one Leader unto the depth of 8 or 10 as they shall be commanded The ancients have called this File Seriem ordinationem or decuriam It consisteth of Leaders and Followers placed according to their worth and valour and especially there ought to be regarded the Leader or Decurio the fifth sixth or Middlemen and the tenth and last called the Bringer up or Tergiductor First therefore every souldier being aptly fitted unto his severall armes according to his worth age and stature they are to be disposed into severall files wherein every one is especially to acknowledge his leader or foremost man to be the authour of all his motions therefore duely attending what directions shall be commanded each follower shall according to the motions of his leader or foremost man order his own and is to be excused if he attend the motions of his leader before he move himself When many files are thus disposed together all the leaders making one and the same front and their followers observing likewise one and the same proportion of distance before and after and on each side these Files thus joyned make one Battallion the front whereof is called a Rank and so likewise the second and third in depth according to the number of men in each file The first second and third and so forward in each file are called Sidemen in respect of the same numbers in the next file Neither must every souldier onely regard the motions of his Leader but he must also diligently respect his sidemen and such as shall be placed on his right and left hand called his ranks so that both in files and ranks he may alwaies be found in the same distance wherein he is commanded It should be impertinent to the purpose to prescribe a certain number of souldiers unto these Battallions onely thus much for the proportion that it ought never to exceed so much but that it may easily upon any occasion be changed into such a form or fashion to fight as may be thought fittest for the present The length of this Battallion is diversly tearmed amongst the Latines as Frons Facâ—â—s Adstructio Jugum c. but in our modern practise most familiarly the Front or Rank The breadth of the Battallion which is from the leader to the bringer-up with the distance between all the followers is said to be the length or depth of one file or flank In the disposing of souldiers into files and ranks besides their observing a right line in their places and standing we must likewise especially respect the different worth and quality of the souldiers that every one according to his worth may be suted unto his proper place and accordingly receive advancement as the death of his Leaders and true value of his desert by his Commander shall give occasion First therefore there must be especiall choice made of the leaders of each file or first front or ranks of the Battallion of the most expert ablest and best-armed men because that as from them the rest are to receive directions of their after-motions so in them the greatest hope of the day doth consist Next unto the first it must be provided that the bringers up or last rank called Tergiductores be little inferiour well experienced wise and valiant that they may both know when to reprehend their former Ranks and urge them forward if they see them declining or yielding upon false occasions as also to be able upon any sudden alarm given in the rere to turn faces about and make themselves a Front for the best resistance Neither must it be neglected concerning the second and ninth ranks that they also
answer to the third reason Of the name Imperator 3. Annâ—l Phil. 14. Lib. 2 epist 9. Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Lib. 15. â—aâ— Cicero Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Lib. â— Plin. lib. 10 Caesar Caesar Tacit. 12. Annal. Caesar * Either Cambray Amienâ— or S. Quintin Caesar Caesar Lib. 9. Annal. ◠〈◊〉 Câ—â—sar Lib. 20 Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Cambray Caesar Britany Franckfort Caesar Polyb. Lib. 6. Thirteen pounds sterling or thereabouts Horace Reinforcing of troups decayed Caesar * Part of the Diocese of Colen a To â—rmy b 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 Exemplarie justice Upon extraordinary service the souldier extraordinarily rewarded Lib. 1. civil bell Caesar The benefite and use of â—ouncelâ— and Parliaments The French are better horsemen then footman Not to mis-spend the time in unnecessary services Caesar Caesars opinion of allies and associates Chap. 10. Caesar Com. 3. cap. 8. The duty of a Generall 〈◊〉 battel Lib. 1. cap. 6. Battel of Newport In the life of Caesar The use and benefit of a shoâ—t took up in a charge or assault Lib. 1. Lib. 2. Lib. 3. Civil Lib. 1. Lib. 3. cap. 18. In Marius life Caesar Bridges Brancatio lib. 5. Whether mens wits be sharper and readier thâ—n in former times Polyhymi Herodot Hist â— Caesar Factions and parties Lib. 2. Caesar Potestas vitae necis England Druides England By reason of the curious and artificiall works Oxford Cambridge Caesar The begining of the day diversly observed Plutarch Caesar Their respect to matter of State Tibi summam rerum du dedeâ—â— nobis obsequii gloria relata est Tacitus Caesar Whether a civill life do weaken a warlike disposition Caesar Fortune Plutarch in the life of Sylla In the life of Alexander Plutarch in the life of Sylla Celerity expedition Plutarch in the life of Pompey Veni Vidi Vici Lib. 2. bell civil Lib. 1. bell civil Caesar Plutarch in the life of Sertorius Caesar The benefit of open encounter Plutarch in the life of Sertorius Caesar Haâ—nibal Caesar Caesar Câ—nâ—us A Cuneus described Caesar Nothing ought to be left to the hazard of fortune Caesar 〈◊〉 Livie lib 3. Plutarch in the life of Marcellus Plutarch in the life of Cicero Ne quid resp detrimenti capiat Gallia Cisalpina Transâ—lpina Caesar * Orleans The 〈◊〉 Hooboub Caesar There ought to be a Proportion of quality between a Commander and his souldiers Muâ—â— Mariani Such a master such a servant Liâ—ie Caesar To abuse an enemy by way of stratageme commendable in a Commander * Aveâ—gâ—e * La montagne de Geneve Vitâ— Caesaris Plut. Crassus Caesar Clermont in Auvergne Caesar went alwayes provided of four things Plutarch in the life of 〈◊〉 Comment 3. Comment â— Caesar The means which the Romans used to weaken an enemy Caesar * Ville 〈◊〉 en la Franche conte * Orâ—â—â—ns * Noyon It is a hard 〈…〉 following a business to hit that course which may most advantage it Lib. 4. Plutarch in the life of Fabius Servus a 〈◊〉 Polit. 1. Iliâ—d 10. Caesar Patience in a souldier excelleth valour Liv. lib. 6. Plut. Crassus Boteras di Principe Caesar The advantage of the place doth countervail the absence of the Generall Caesar Horace Whether severitie oâ— clemency do more avail in governing a multitude Caesar The use and practice of ancient time in besieging and defending towns The manner of fortification in use in these dayes Fortification defined Circular forts Triangular forts Quadrangle forts Five-sided and six-sided fortresses Forts in a plain level Advantages Disadvantages Forts upon a hill Advantages Disadvantages The hands of all forts Caesar Whether there need not as many men to defend a town as to besiege it The defence of a town consisteth in four points The eye of the master feedeth the horse Caesar The Galles in the beginning are more then men and in the end less then women A Generall must not put necessitie upon an enemy Revolters are in the condition both of an enemy and of an offendor Caesar A great Commander must have a great courage Homo quadratus Plutarch Paulus Aemilia Plutarch It is dangerous to be the author of a counsel in a State Holinshead Ut felicitas rerum gestarum exercitus benevolentiam imperatoribus ita res adversae odia conciliant Lib. 3. bel civ Caesar Archery * Things considerable touching Archery In the time of Henry the fiften the English bow-men did commonly shoot an arrow of a yard long besides the head It is not so profitable to intermingle bow-men with other sorts of weapons as to put them all into one body * At the battell of Cressie the black Prince leading the vauward had the archers standing in the manner of a hearse Holinshed The Archerie worketh two effects 1. Galling the enemy Plut. Crassus 2. Disorder The battell of Cressie The battell of Agincourt Harquebuse and musket How far a wing of shot prevaileth How farre a sleeve of Archers is available against an enemy Genesis 27. 3. Caesar Non minor est virtus quam quaeâ—â—re pâ—â—ta tuerâ— Caesar The means which Caesar used to passe over the river Elaver Demptis quartis quibusque cohortibus Caesar Gratia oneri ultio in quaestu habetur Seneca A multitude is easily abused by false suggestions Phaedo Platonis Caesar Evocati who they were Caesar Ore ill act begetteth another The poorer sort of people do embrace all means of innovation Salust in the conspiracy of Catiline Caesar It is an easier matter to begin a work then to quit it again with râ—edit Livie Some services are Res occasionis non praelii Caesar It is honourable for souldiers to keep their directions Institution of Cyrus â—â—â—sar Caesar Reparation of honour what it is Plutarch in the life of Marcellus Lib. 3. bel civil post pugnaâ— Dyrrachianam Caesar neque satis militibus perterritis confidebat spatiumque interponendum ad recrcandos animos putabat Caesar The change which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia Caesar He that will do things well must vary with the time Plutarch in the life of Fabius Caesar Necessary for a Generall to understand the purposes of the enem Holinshetd Henry 〈◊〉 The fittest age of life for a Generall Plutarch in the life of Sectorius Hist 3. Plutarch in the life of Marius Caesar Three chief meanes to win men to favour a matter 1. Favour or friendship 2. Authoritie 3. Money Caesar Whether the cavalrie or infanterie be of greater importance and use in a warre Footmen fitter â—o more services then horsemen The main stroke in a day of battell is given by the footmen The use of horsemen The Dictator forbidden the use of a horse in the warres and why Caesar One event is not so certain for the approving of a cause as when it is seconded with another of like condition Caesar Justus Lipsius mistaken 〈◊〉 Lib. 2. Dial. 2. Caesar What number of men are a competent proportion for any service Plutarch in the
Philip's time though but the people of a particular City were honour'd with the charge of Neocori there being a Medall which hath on the one side the effigies of Bacchus crown'd with Vine-branches inscrib'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the reverse that of Philip thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In fine the inhabitants of Ilium obtained leave of Caesar to make some magnificence under the title of Neocori to honour him and the Iulian Family having erected in memory of his extraction from Anchises Aeneas and Iulus some Colossus representing the posture of Aeneas when he left Troy doing a signall act of Piety both toward the Gods and men having the Palladium in his hand and carrying the old man his Father in his right arme as women carry children the little Iulus marching before having his hat in one hand and asking his father the way with the other The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies that this was the second time they had been honour'd with the quality and commission of being Neocori and that they had celebrated the solemn dayes with Panegyricks Pomps exercises and other magnificences befitting the grandeur of Caesar The Wives of Caesar HIs first wife was COSSUTIA whom he married in his youth but divorc'd her at the seventeenth year of his Age before he had lived with her though she was rich and descended of a family of the Roman Knights The second was CORNELIA the daughter of Cornelius Cinna one who had been four times Consul by whom he had onely one daughter named Iulia afterwards first wife to Pompey He took her death very heavily and publickly commended her in a most elegant funerall Oration The third was POMPEIA the daughter of Q. Pompeius who had gotten that evill report as if Publius Claudius had been somewhat too familiar with her which was the reason that Caesar divorc'd her The fourth and last was CALPHURNIA who out-lived him and was the daughter of Lucius Piso a woman of a generous spirit and well spoken and had that honour and affection for Caesar that after his death she her self made a most elegant funerall Oration to his honour and afterward retir'd to Mark Antony The Medall of the TRIUMVIRI THis Medall is of Copper small of the Greek fashion It represents the three effigies of Caesar Antonius and Lepidus done sidewayes one upon another on the same side without Inscription On the reverse it represents an Hermathena before which image there is an altar out of which issues a serpent that lifts it self above it behind there is a Legionary eagle time hath worn out the inscription to this half word APXIEP This figure represents Mercury and Minerva join'd in one statue that is to say the upper part is of that Goddesse arm'd with a Helmet Buckler and Iaveline the Lower part is a Terminus or Hermes For the interpretation of this devise This Hermathena comprehending in it the God Terminus with Minerva and Mercury denotes an excellent union as to affection interest and good understanding among the Triumviri aswell for the management and conduct of civile affairs as military Which being so the invention must needs be ingenious denoting that though their employments were severall yet there was such a concurrence between their Counsels and intentions as that they jump'd into the same resolution for to carry on the interest of the Common-wealth As for the Altar and Serpent they signifie certain sacrifices performed by that people for the welfare union and concord of those three powers as also either to obtain some Victory or to give thanks to the Gods for one received For a Serpent issuing from under a table was taken by Sylla to presage Victory as the Historian Sisenna observes upon Cicero lib. 1. de Divinatione See also Val. Maximus lib. 1. ch 6. and Plutarch in his Life 'T is therefore the Symbole of Health Victory and Felicity Of which opinion is also Theophrastus who giving the marks of a Superstitious man sayes that if he surprize a Serpent in any place he presently raises a chappell or an altar in that place as it were to thank the Gods for so good an adventure There may this further reason be given of this juncture in the Hermathena that as Minerva hath a dominion over wrastling as well as Mercury so were they also both equally patrons of Traffick and Merchandise We shall divert a little to speak of another kind of statues called Hermheracles consisting the lower part of Hermes the upper of Hercules Both these and the Hermathenas were placed in the places of publick exercises Mercury and Hercules implying strength and sleight The reason why Mercury was so often joyn'd with the other Gods was that he could conform to any and was one with all as Iamblichus affirmes Isque sayes he de Diis verae scientiae praesidium ac tutelam tenens unus extat idem in universis for which reason the Ancients dedicated all their works under his onely name Hercules was held in such veneration for the God and Genius of all Gymnick engagements that they came to be called angustiori vocabulo Herculea certamina He was the institutour of the Olympick Games wherein having had the honour to wrastle with Iupiter he was thought fit to be the patron of them whence Lycophron call's him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wrastler The second Medall M. ANTONIUS IMP. AUG IIIVIR R. P. C. Marcus Antonius Imperator Augur Triumvir Reipublicae constituendae A sacrificing vessel called praefericulum and the augurall stick called Lituus On the reverse there is L. PLANCUS IMP. COS. An urne between a thunderbolt and a Caduceus It is to be noted first that there is a vessell on either side of this Medall and therefore it is not enough to say that that on one side with the Lituus is the mark of an augurall dignity which Antonius obtained from his favourite L. Plancus being Consul but something must be said of this urne so honourably plac'd between a thunderbolt and a Caduceus on the other Appianus Alexandrinus in his book of the warres against the Parthians speaking of the design which Mark Antony had being at Athens to undertake the warre against them and to partake of the glory might follow the ruining of so great and powerfull a nation sayes that to satisfy the admonition of a certain Oracle he carried with him a vessell full of water taken out of the sacred fountain which was in that City called Clepsydra Et ut oraculo cuidam satisfaceret etiam è Clepsydra fonte vas repletum aqua secum asportavit This fountain Hesychius sayes was within the Cittadell of Athens Now this is the representation of that vessell and a monument of the transportation of that water by Mark Antony which must needs be of great concernment to him since he was advised to do it by the Oracle and specified the fountain As for the thunderbolt and Caduceus they signify that Mark Antony should in that expedition make a thundring and
dismall warre against the Parthians with a great number of old experienced Legions who should tread underfoot the Parthian greatnesse elevated against the Romans by the miscarriage of Câ—assus and his flourishing Legions or those Barbarians should buy their peace very deare which the Heralds of Mark Antony should offer them with the Caduceus in their hands that being the embleme of an assured reconciliation ATILIVS CIMBER WE should have no more to say of this Cimber then we have of Brutus Cassius and the other Massacrers of Caesar were it not that his Medall serves to correct divers passages in History which it hath been the main designe of these our observations to clear up wherein his name is corrupted All who have mentioned this man have been mistaken in his name except Appianus Alexandrinus and that in one place only for in some others he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Others call him Tillius others Tullius or Annius Seneca Epist s 3. Cai Caesaris caede illius dico qui superato Pompeio Rempublicam tenuit tam creditum est Tillio Cimbro quam Cassio Cassius tota vita aquam bibit Tâ—llius Cimber nimius erat in vino scordalus In hanc rem jocatus est ipse Ego inquit quenquam feram qui vinum ferre non possum Upon which passage which gives a strange intimation of the vicious qualities of this man Pintianus sayes it ought to be read Tullius Cimber as the same Seneca elsewhere calls him and as he is called in Plutarch and Suetonius But it is doubtlesse he should be called Atilius Cimber and that Suetonius Quintilian and the other later Authours should be corrected as having trusted the corrupt Manuscripts and not seen this Medall But to come to the Devise on the reverse first The Cap signifies as is obvious to any one the Liberty obtained by the means of the ponyard wherewith Caesar who oppressed the Commonwealth was dispatched The wings or Talaries of Mercury with the serpents and the rod which was ceremonious at the manumission of slaves or rather the wand which Mercury made use of to conduct the souls delivered out of the miseries of this life to their expected rest signify that the diligence dexterity and prudence which Atilius Cimber had used in this execution had restored the Universe to its Liberty the Romans from the Tyranny of Caesar and had established peace and tranquillity in all families The conduct and assistance of Mercury to the departed souls with this wand is expressed by Statius in these Verses Summa pedum propere plantaribus illigat alis Obnubitque comas temperat astra galero Tum dextrae virgam inseruit qua pellere dulces Aut suadere iterum somnos qua nigra subire Tartara exsangues animare adsueverat umbras There is yet another thing whence it may be inferred that Mercury was a God very anciently esteemed well-affected to Liberty which is that in the Isle of Creet now Candia they celebrated an anniversary with they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the honour of this God wherein after the manner of the Saturnalls at Rome Slaves and servants had all manner of Liberty and were magnificently waited on at table by their Masters as Athenaeus affirmes l. 14. On the other side we have this inscription ATILIVS CIMBER a man beyond middle-aged with a great beard and a rustick countenance with a long poniard before him That which may be more particularly deduced hence is that he was more then ordinarily desirous that the conspiracy should prosper though before he had been a great creature of Caesar's as Seneca affirmes in his Book de Ira. Nay under pretence of presenting a Petition to him he was so importunate with him and held him in discourse with such eagernesse till he came into the Senate that he had not the time to read a note which was presented to him wherein the whole conspiracy was discovered This poniard therefore stands to signifie the great Zeal he had to this execution wherein he thought the Liberty of his Country was concerned to vindicate which as it was his ambition to appear the most eager and the most resolute of all the gang so he thought it his glory to give Caesar the first wound Which consideration leads us by the hand to what we had designed for the last part of this discourse namely the tragicall Catastrophe of this miraculous person For motives to the conspiracy we may lay down partly the irreconcileable hatred that some bare in others the aversion they had from Tyranny in others a kind of zeal to publick Liberty the encouragements Caesar's own carelesseness of himself according to that Apophthegme of his when advised to take a guard about his person That it was better to dy once then live in continuall fear his not humouring that people who if courted with Majesty as they had been wont in the time of the Commonwealth had suffered any thing his derisory expressions of the Commonwealth saying that it was a shadow and an imaginary notion Antonius his profering him a Crown which though seeing the acclamations of the people backward he accepted not yet was his designe easily discovered the report that he was to be declared King and would translate the Seat of the Empire to Troy whence he pretended to descend or to Alexandria to spend his dayes with Cleopatra the Tribunes shewing a certain law to a friend of his in writing whereby it was lawfull to take as many wives as one would the better to people the Commonwealth These and such like passages gave occasion to Libels and placards which were set up at every Corner whereof divers particularly addressed to Brutus who by his influence over the chiefest Citizens got together above 60. who under the conduct of Brutus whose very name they thought to be fatall to Tyrants would preferre the Liberty of their Country before Lives Fortunes or Relations Some time before his death so many signes and prodigies happened that it was become the generall belief that Caesar's death was near at hand Among other things his soothsayer Spurina bid him beware of the Ides of March All which put together somewhat startled him insomuch that he was once resolved to deferre the Senate for that day had not Brutus advised him in no case to betray so much fear whereupon he went Going therefore in his litter towards the Senate the fifteenth day of March it could not be but diverse would be presenting petitions and discoursing with him but the Conspiratours kept some of them so close to him that he had not the leasure to peruse any thing he had taken which if he had he had in an epistle given him by Artemidorus or some other discovered the whole plot Meeting by the way with Spurina he told him the Ides of March were come to which he answered 't is true but they are not past Being come to the Temple where the Senate was to sit that day and sacrifice done
the Province which being speedily dispatched as soon as the time of the year would permit him he came into Gallia The Veneti and the rest of the confederacy understanding of Caesars arrivall and considering how hainous a fact they had committed in detaining the Ambassadours and casting them into irons whose name is held sacred and inviolable amongst all nations prepared accordingly to answer so eminent a danger and especially such necessaries as pertained to shipping and sea-fights THE OBSERVATION FRom hence I may take occasion briefly to touch the reverent opinion which all nations how barbarous soever have generally conceived of the quality and condition of Embassadours and what the grounds are of this universally received custome which in all ages and times hath held authenticall And first we are to understand that all mankind as indued with the same nature and properties are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society that albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions which in themselves are unnaturall as proceeding from corruption and defect drive them into extream discord and disunion of spirit and break the bonds of civile conversation which otherwise we do naturally affect yet without a necessary entercourse and traffick of society we are not able to keep on foot the very discord it self in terms of reason and orderly proceeding but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion and go to wrack for want of these mutuall offices performed by messengers so streight are the bonds of Nature and so powerfull are the laws which she enacteth And therefore if it were for no other end which might sort to the benefit of either party as there are many good uses thereof yet to hold up the quarrell and keep it from falling making war according to the grounds of reason the entercourse of messengers is not to be interrupted nor their persons to be touched with hatefull violence but that which the common reason of nations hath madâ— a law ought as religiously to be observed as an Oracle of our own belief Secondly forasmuch as the end of war is or at the least should be peace which by treaty of mutuall messengeâ—s is principally to be confirmed to the end that no people may seem so barbarous as to maintain a war which onely intendeth bloud and proposeth as the chiefest object the death and mortality of mankind no way respecting peace and civile government such as refuse the entercourse of messengers as the means of amity and concord are justly condemned in the judgement of all nations as unworthy of humane society Last of all it is an injury of great dishonour and deserveth the reward of extream infamy to revenge the master his quarrell upon a servant and punish Embassadours for the faults of their State considering that their chiefest duty consisteth in the faithfull relation of such mandates as they have received which may as well tend to the advancement and honour of that City to which they are sent as to the dishonour and ruine of the same whereof the messengers take no notice And therefore whether we desire war or peace the free liberty holy order of Embassadours is reverently to be respected and defended from brutish and unnaturall violence CHAP. V. The proceedings of either party in the enterance of this warre THe Veneti conceived great hope of their enterprise by reason of the strength of their situation forasmuch as all the passages by land were broken and cut off with armes and creeks of the sea and on the other side navigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dangerous in that the Romans were altogether unacquainted with the channels and shelves of the coast and there were so few ports Neither did they think that the Roman Army could long continue there without corn which was not to be had in those quarters And if it happened that the course of things were carried contrary to this probable expectation yet they themselves were strong in shipping whereas the Romans had none at all Neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallows Ports and Islands of that coast where they were to fight And to conclude they should find the use of Navigation in that narrow sea to be far different from that which they were accustomed unto in the vast and open Ocean In this resolution they fortified their townes stored them with provision and brought all their shipping to Vannes against whom Caesar as it was reported would begin to make war taking the Osismi Lexovii Nannetes Ambialites Morini Menapii Diablintres as consorts and partakers in this quarrell Notwithstanding these difficulties many motives stirred up Caesar to undertake this war as namely the violent detaining of the Roman knights their rebellion after they had yielded themselves by rendry and given hostages of their loyalty the conspiracy of so many Cities which being now neglected might afterward incite other nations and States to the like insolency And therefore understanding that almost all the Galles were inclining to novelty and alteration and of their own nature were quick and ready to undertake a war and further considering that all men by nature desired liberty and hated the servile condition of bondage he prevented all further insurrections of the other States with the presence of the Roman forces in severall places at once and sent Titus Labienus with the Cavalry unto the Treviri that bordered upon the Rhene to him he gave in charge to visit the men of Rhemes and the rest of the Belgae to keep them in obedience and to hinder such forces as might peradventure be transported over the river by the Germans to further this rebellious humour of the Galles He commanded likewise Pub. Crassus with twelve legionary cohorts and a great part of the horse to go into Aquitane least there might come any aid from those nations such considerable forces joyn together He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions unto the Lexovii Curiosolitae and Unelli to disappoint any practice which rebellioks minds might intend And making D. Brutus chief Admirall of the navy of those French ships which he had got together from the Pictones Santones other provinces which continued quiet obedient he gave him in charge to make towards Vannes with what speed he could and he himself marched thitherward with the foot forces THE OBSERVATION IN the first book I observed the authority which the Roman Leaders had to undertake a war without further acquainting the Senate with the consequence thereof in this place let us observe the care and circumspection which the Generals had who did not undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon a humour or any other flender motion but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof and measuring the perill and hazard of the war with the good and consequence of the effect informed their judgements of the importance of that action and so tried whether the benefit would answer their
his timorousnesse flieth alwayes to extremities making him rash in consultation peremptory in opinion and base in case of perill all which are enemies to good direction and the onely instruments of mischieving fortune CHAP. XVI Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero and stirreth up the Aduatici the Nervii and so raiseth a great power AMbiorix took such spirits unto him upon this victory that with his horsemen he went immediately unto the Aduatici being the next borderers upon his kingdom without intermission of night or day commanding his footmen to follow him The Aduatici upon his opening the matter being stirred up to commotion the next day after he came to the Nervii exhorting them not to let slip this occasion of recovering to themselves perpetuall liberty and revenging them of the Romans for the wrongs they had received He told them that two Legates were already slain and a great part of the Army overthrown it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero to the performance whereof the offered himself to be their assistant These remonstrances easily perswaded the Nervii and therefore they dispatched speedy messengers to the Centrones Grudii Leuaci Pleumosii and Gorduni who were all under their dominion and raised very great forces and â—ith them they hasted to the camp where Cicero wintered before any inkling of the death of Titurius was brought unto him OBSERVATION THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambiorix that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble State to so high a point of resolution that they durst adventure upon the Roman legions being setled in the strength of their Empire by the memory of so many victories in Gallia wanted now no means to make an overture to a universall commotion propounding liberty and revenge to the Galles two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people if they would but stretch out their hands to take it and follow that course which his example had proved sure and easie Which may serve to shew that he that will attempt upon doubtfull and unsafe Principles will take great advantage from a probable entrance and make a small beginning a sufficient means for his greatest designs CHAP. XVII Cicero defendeth his Camp from the surprise of the Nervii and prepareth himself against a Siege IT happened to Cicero also as it could not otherwise chuse that many of the souldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition were cut off by the sudden approach of the Enemies horsemen These beâ—ng câ—rcumvented the Eburones Nervii and Aduatici with all their confederates and clieâ—â—s began to assault the Camp The Romans betook them speedily to their weapons and got upon the rampâ—er With much adoe they held out that day for the Galles trusted much upon celerity hoping if they sped well in that action to be victors ever after Cicero dispatched letters with all speed to Caesar promising great rewards to him that â—â—ould carry them but all the wayes were so fore-laied that the Messengers were taken In one night there was built in tâ—e camp one hundred and twenty towers of such timber as was brought in for fortification and whatsoever wanted of the rest of the work was perfected The enemy the next day with a far greater power assaulted the Camp and filled up the dâ—tch â—he Romans made the like defence as they had done the day before the like was continued divers dayes after The Romans made no intermission of their work at any part of the night nor gave any rest either to the sick or the woundâ—d Whatsoever was needfull for the next dayes assault was provided in readiness the night before a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared and many murall piles were made the towers were 〈◊〉 in their stories Pinacles and Parapâ—ts â—ere set up of hurdles and Cicero himself being sickly and of a weak constitution took not so much leasure as to rest himself in the night time so that the souldiers of their own accord compelled him by intreaty to spare himsâ—â—f OBSERVATION THis Q. Cicero is said to be the brother of Marcus 〈◊〉 the famous Oratour and to him were the letters sent which are found in his â—pistles directed Quinto fratri In this action 〈◊〉 carriage deserved as great reputation in the true censure of honour as ever his brother did for his elâ—quence pro Rostris And if it had been the 〈◊〉 fortune to hâ—ve performed the like service 〈…〉 â—ave made it the greatest exploit that ever◠〈◊〉 had atchieved by arms Wherein particâ—â—â—â—ly may be commended the diligence and industry which was used in raising so many 〈◊〉 in so small a time for providing the 〈◊〉 before such things as were necessary for the next dayes defence for making so many stakes hâ—rdened in the end with fire for the defence of the rampier and for the store of these murall pâ—les which resembled the form of the ordinary pile but were far greater and weightier in regard they were to be cast from the rampier which gave them such advantage by reason of the height that being cast by a strong and well practised arm they were very effectuall and of great terrour CHAP. XVIII The Nervii propound the same things to Cicero which Ambiorix had done to Sabinus but are reject THen the Princes and chief Commanders of the Nervii which had any entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with Cicero signified their desire to speak with him Which being granted they propounded the same things which Ambiorix had used to deceive Sabinus all Gallia were in Arms the Germans were come over the Rhene Caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering-camps Sabinus and his men were cut in pieces and for the more credit to it they shew him Ambiorix They said they were much deceived if they expected any help from those who were at present scarce able to help themselves Notwithstanding they carried this mind to Cicero and the people of Rome that they refused nothing but their wintering among them which they would not suffer to be made a common practise They might depart in safety whither they would without disturbance or fear of danger Cicero onely made this answer That it was not the custome of the people of Rome to take any article or condition from an armed Enemy but if they would lay their Arms aside let them use his furtherance in the matter and send some to negotiate it with Caesar there was great hope in regard of his justice and equity that they should not return unsatisfied OBSERVATION THe first attempt which Ambiorix made upon the Camp of Sabâ—nus and Cotta was but short but here what with the pride of the former victory and the great multitude of the assailants they continued it longer in hope to carry it by assault For the first assault of a place especially when it cometh by way of surprise is of greater hope to the assailant and
any respect or honour that doth belong unto them Over all the Druides there is one Primat that hath authority of the rest At his decease if any one do excell the rest in dignity he succeedeth if many equals are found they go to election and sometimes they contend about the primacy with force and arms They meet at a certain time of the year in the confines of the Carnutes which is the middle part of all Gallia and there they sit in a sacred place thither they resort from all parts that have controversies and do obey their orders and judgements The art and learning of the Druides was first found out in Britany and from thence is thought to be brought into Gallia and at this time such as will attain to the perfect knowledge of that discipline do for the most part travell thither to learn it The Druides are exempt from warfare and payments and have an immunitie from all other duties whereby it falleth out that many do be take themselves to that profession of their own free will and divers others are sent to that school by their parents and friends They are said to learn many verses and that some do study therein twenty years Neither is it lawfull for them to commit any thing to writing beside that in other publick and private businesses they onely use the Greek tongue and that as I take it for two causes first for that their learning may not become common and vulgar secondly that scholars might not trust so much to their writings as to their memory as it happeneth for the most part that men rely upon the trust of books and papers and in the mean time omit the benefit of good remembrance They endeavour chiefly to teach men that their souls do not die but that they do remove out of one body into another after death and this they think to be very important to stir men up to vertue neglecting the fear of death They dispute further and give many traditions to the youth touching the stars and their motion the magnitude of the earth and the world the nature of things and the might and power of the Gods OBSERVATIONS THe quality and condition of the Druides is in this place very particularly described by Caesar and may be reduced to these heads First their Office extending both to things Divine and things temporall whereby they executed the place both of Priests and of Judges And for that purpose there was one known place appointed where they sate in judgement and as I understand it there was but one Terme in the year which both began and ended their suits in law The second thing is their Authority having power to reward vertue and to punish vice Thirdly their priviledges and immunities being free from contribution from warfare and all other burthens of the State Fourthly their doctrine and learning which was partly Theologicall concerning the might and power of the gods the immortality of the Soul and partly philosophicall touching the stars and their motion the earth and the magnitude thereof And lastly their manner of learning which was altogether Pythagoricall refusing the help of letters and books and committing their doctrine to the tradition of their Elders But that which is specially to be observed is that this learning was not onely found out here in Brittanie but such as would perfectly attain to the knowledge thereof came into England to study the same contrary to the experience which heretofore hath been observed of the Northern and Southern parts of the world for as the South giveth a temper to the body fit for the science and contemplation of Arts whereby the mind being enlarged and purified in her faculties doth dive into the secret depth of all learning and censure the hidden mysteries thereof so the Northern climats do bind in the powers of the soul and restrain all her vertues to the use of the body whereby they are said to have animam in digitis their soul in their fingers not affording her that delight and contentment which is usually received by speculation And thence it happeneth that all speculative arts and sciences and what else soever concerneth the inward contemplation of the mind was found out and perfected by such as border upon the South and from them it was brought by litle and litle into the Northern regions and such as would be masters in the Arts they professed went alwayes Southward for the attaining thereof But here the South was beholding to the North as well for their principles of Divinity as for their Philosophie and morall learning being as pure as that which any heathen people ever drank of Which proveth an ancient singularity in the inhabitants of this Iland touching the studie of Arts and matter of learning and may with like evidence be proved from age to age even to this time In witness whereof I appeal to the two Universities of this land as a demonstration of the love which our Nation hath ever born to learning being two such Magazins of arts and sciences so beautified with curious buildings and supplied with indowments for the liberall maintenance of the Muses inriched with Libraries of learned Works adorned with pleasant places for the refreshing of wearied spirits gardens groves walks rivers and arborets as the like such Athens are not to be found in any part of the world CHAP. IX The second sort of men in Gallia called the Equites in Caesar's time THe other sort of people are Equites or Gentlemen These when there is occasion or when any war happeneth as before Caesar his coming was usuall every year that either they did offer injuries or resist injuries are alwaies parties therein and as every man excelleth other in birth or wealth so is he attended with clients and followers and this they take to be the onely note of Nobilitie and greatness The whole nation of the Galles are much addicted to religions and for that cause such as are either grievously diseased or conversant continually in the dangers of warre do either sacrifice men for an oblation or vow the oblation of themselves using in such sacrifices the ministery of the Druides forasmuch as they are perswaded that the immortall Deity cannot be pleased but by gâ—ving the life of one man for the life of another and to that purpose they have publick sacrifices appointed Others have Images of a monstrous magnitude whose limbs and parts being made of Osiers are filled with living men and being set one fire the men are burned to death The execution of such as are taken in theft or robbery or any other crime they think to be best pleasing to the gods but wanting such they spare not the innocent They worship chiefly the god Mercurie and have many of his images amongst them him they adore as the inventor of all Arts the conductor and guide in all voyages and journeys and they think him to have great power in all
merchandize and gain of moneys Next unto him they prefer Apollo Mars Jove and Minerva and of these they carrie the same opinion as other nations do Apollo to be powerfull in healing diseases Minerva in finding out artificiall works Jove ruling the celestiall Empire and Mars for Warre When they are to encounter with an enemy they vow all the spoil unto him and such beasts as are taken they sacrifice other things they lay up in some one place and many such heaps of things so taken are to be seen in the holy places of diverse of their cities Neither doth it often happen that any man neglecting his religion in that point dare either keep back any thing so taken or take away ought laid up in their Repositories for they incur a heavie punishment and torture for that offence The Galles do all boast themselves in the stock from whence they are descended understanding by the Druides that they come of the god Dis. And therefore they end the space of all their times by the number of nights rather then by the number of dayes observing the dayes of their nativity the beginings of their moneths and their years in such sort as the day doth alwayes follow the night And herein they differ from other nations that they suffer not their children to come openly unto them but when they are grown fit for war thinking it shamefull and dishonest that a son in his childhood should in publike places stand in the sight of his father To the portions which they have with their wives they add as much more of their own goods and the use of this money thus added together is kept apart and the longer liver hath both the principall and the interest for all the former time The men have power of life and death both over their wives and their children And when a man of great place and parentage shall happen to decease his kinsfolks assemble themselves together to enquire of his death if there be any occasion of suspition they put his wife to torture after the manner of a servant and if it be found she dies tormented with fire and all other tortures as may be imagined Their funerals according to the rest of their life are magnificall and sumptuous burying with the dead corps all that he took delight in while he lived not sparing living creatures and not long out of memory the custome was to bury with the body such clients and servants as were favoured by him in his lifetime Such States as are carefull in the government of their common-weals do prohibite by a speciall law that no man shall communicate a rumour or report touching the State to any man saving a Magistrate forasmuch as it had been often found that rash and unskilfull men were so terrified with false reports and moved to such desperate attempts that they entered into resolutions touching the main points of State The Magistrates do keep secret such things as they think fit and that which they think expedient they publish but it is not lawfull to speak of matter of State but in assemblies of State THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the beginning of dayes and times which Caesar noteth in this place to be observed by the Galles after Sun-setting whereby it happened that in the naturall day of four and twenty houres the night alwayes preceded the day time contrary to the use of Italy where the day began at Sun-rising and the night followed the artificiall day as the second part of the day naturall we are to understand that as all time and the distinction of the parts thereof dependeth upon the two motions of the Sunne the one as it moveth in its own orb from West to East begetting the revolution of years and the seasons of Sommer and Winter the Spring and the Autumne with the measure of moneths as it passeth through the signes of the Zodiack and the other as it is carried from East to West by the first moving sphear making the distinction of nights and dayes houres and minutes so the beginnings of these times and seasons are diversly taken amongst diverse people and nations of the earth The Iewes had the same computation touching the beginning of the day as the Galles had but upon other grounds and reasons then could be alledged for this custome in Gallia for they began their day in the evening at Sunne-setting as appeareth by many places of the Scripture and Moses in the repetition of the first seven dayes work upon the accomplishment of a day saith The evening and the morning were one day giving the evening precedency before the morning as though the day had begun in the evening The Bohemians in like manner do observe the beginning of their day in the evening and do herein follow the use of the Iews Other nations do begin at Sun-rising and take the computation of their day naturall from the first appearing of the Sun in the East The Greeks begin and end their day at midnight observing the certainty of that time and the correspondence between the equall and planetary houres in the meridian Circle whereas otherwise by reason of the inequality of the dayes and the nights out of a right sphare there is alwayes some difference between the said houres And this use also is observed by us in England This god Dis whom he nameth for the father of that nation is the same whom the heathen called Pluto the god of hell and darkness and for that cause they put darkness before light touching the beginning of their naturall day But forasmuch as this circumstance giveth occasion to speak of dayes and times give me leave to insert the reformation of the year which Caesar so happily established that succeeding times have had no cause to alter the same And although it neither concerneth the art of war nor happened within the compass of these seven sommers yet forasmuch as it was done by Caesar and deserveth as often memory as any other of his noble acts it shall not seem impertinent to the reader to take thus much by the way concerning that matter There is no nation of any civill government but observeth a course or revolution differenced with times and seasons in such manner as may be answerable to the motion of the Sun in the circuit which it maketh through the signes and degrees of the Zodiack But forasmuch as the government of a civill year doth not well admit any other composition of parts to make it absolute and complete then by naturall dayes and on the other side the Sun requireth odde houres and minutes to finish his race and return again to the goal from whence it came there hath alwayes been found a difference between the civill and the Solar year Before Caesars time the Romans using the ancient computation of the year had not onely such uncertainty and alteration in moneths and times that the sacrifices and yearly feasts came by litle and litle to seasons contrary