freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
consideration Having thus declared what corivalship implies as to equal powers we shall now see it in unequal And here Interest shews us That if we decline and become inferior in strength if they were so injurious to us that we had a just cause of War yet must we not adventure it at fighting but use policy to procure a Peace And in my opinion this Piety and Wisdom is taught us by our Saviour Christ in the Gospel for where Soldiers are alike and no advantage of ground c. what is it but tempting of God mere folly Luc. 14.31 for ten thousand to encounter twenty thousand Yea though the disparity was not so great Wars being always hazardous to the weaker side though they often be victorious it being frequently sound as Pyrrhus said of his warring with the Romans that their very Victories do undo them In such cases old mens heads are better helps than young mens hands To shew the refuges of weaker powers when threatned with Wars would be a large discourse I shall therefore only hint some few generals of many which I have observed 1. To gain all time possible 2. Therein to break down the strongers designs and weaken them at home as much as may be 3. To raise them up enemies abroad by making them jealous of their power 4. By alliance with others to ballance their might 5. To prepare for a divertive rather than a direct War 6. By proposal of Marriages c. to make up the breach 7. By procuring foreign Potentates mediation and appealing to their Arbitration 8. To make the best Peace they can when best provided with power for War For otherwise nothing is to be expected but either an unsafe or a short Peace little better than a Truce or Holy-day of War Best is that Peace whose Articles are made Vnder a Shield and written with a blade Allen. Now all these have many particulars conteined in them For example in the first to gain time by sending Embassadors and so still that as one is returning another may be sent whereby a fair pretence of ignorance of transactions may be pleaded and time spun out in further debates By conceding one thing after another by degrees still reserving the principal point of Interest entire c. And so of the rest within the bounds of honest Policy The reason of the case is so clear that were it not for mens passions inferiors in power would not be so ready to fight For let them either be beaten or beat it will redound at last to their own destruction If the former why should they spend their blood and treasure to make themselves more miserable and if the latter they do but enrage their enemies the more who being more powerful will not for two or three Battells end the War and come to a Peace to their great dishonour So that we may lay down this as a general rule for the weaker side That self defence must be first for preparation but last for execution Of all the Princes of Europe in our age the Duke of Lorraign hath been the cunningest gamester but the foulest player with stronger powers But oh how is he catched in his own craftiness Although I confess I could not see him and his Court as I have done since his disaster without great commiseration to think that one of the ancientest Families and greatliest allyed of all Europe should fall into that condition Of the former age the Verinians who being opprest by their Neighbours the Venetians that were more powerfull would notwithstanding needs War with them wherein though they were often victorious yet it proved their ruine at last for which they are stigmatized for Fools to all succeeding Generations And many other examples might be produced but I think them needless in so plain a case And thus you see what our being competitors for Trade implies as to Interest in regard of War and Peace Which I have been the larger upon because I know what work fools make wise men in both Nations I have many times been put to it for patience and sometimes into a Paroxism of passion to hear the sensless clamors of men We are Competitors for Trade It is our Interest Our Interest Down with the Dutch Down with the English Let us but consider who these are and we shall find them Men that have a pound of passion for one ounce of reason Men that never saw or at lest not well observed both Nations Men that never bestowed one calm hour to ballance their powers For wise men that knew both well was but grieved to hear or pleasantly merry with such madness I publickly decryed such folly in the first Wars and had severely chastised such fools in the second if I had not been several ways hindred Let me say it freely I think I have some reason for I believe there are few men that have better viewed both Nations with their eye to that end which I have had nor ballanced their power with greater accuracy that if either the King of Great Britain or the States or both require it I am ready to demonstrate that for these 20 or 30 years last past there was nothing of advantage rationally to be expected on either side that can countervail a War nor as both might manage their power likely to be so long as both continued in that condition for in powers about equal all the difference is in the management thereof And because I see what work is made in the world if I live to see the ballance come so even again though I think I never shall I do here engage for the publick peace of Protestants and good of both Nations to satisfie all rational men herein I hope even to curiosity And shall if God spares me life and health defend the same against all the State-tinkers of both Nations although I well know they have great store of small Tools with which they make a ratling in their Budgets Let us now proceed to such inferences as our Adversaries make from this competition in Trade Some argue thus the English minding Trade more than the French they may come and live among us and carry away our Commerce In my apprehension there 's more fear of their Souldiers coming hither than their Merchants But suppose more Merchants did come would that be any worse for us I have heard several of the greatest Merchanâ—s of both Nations say the more in a place and better though I confess it is not so for Shopkeepers But for this they may rest secure those that knovv the cheapness of living in England in comparison of these Countries will abundantly satisfie them that fear this Yea I shall shew hereafter that the English would have more reason to fear that we should come thither and deprive them of their Trades Yet to say the truth I see not that either need fear were we under the English that either Nation should suffer hereby seeing all have had
we are like to do if we come not to a compliance with England To make these apparent to any wise man would be the lighting a Torch to the Sun Although I know the quite contrary is cast out among us by the friends of France who would perswade us that the French seek only to humble us and the English to conquer us But we know the minding of men is but shooting at random and that he that means to come near the truth must have his eye upon the mark of interest which cannot lye as men do frequently for it If any be so foolish as to be enchanted with such Syrens songs as are daily sung amongst us and have more regard to publick news than the interest of Nations they may go on I cannot hinder them but let me tell them that I fear they will find at last the Poets fiction a real truth and if they stear their own course meet with the Seamens fate in the Fable be sung a sleep for a time that so they may be afterwards with greater facility drowned and devoured 3. Because there is no other way or humane means lest us so far as I can discern of the Common-wealths continuation And this is the conclusion that follows clearly from the premises For if we be unable to withstand them both or satisfie them both we must either break their confederacy and have the help of one of them or the Republick will be ruined It will here be demanded seeing it is both Englands interest and our own to accord why do we not then come to a compliance I will tell you why Because we judge our Condition better and they judge it worse than really it is and therefore stand upon greater terms than we will give them We think things will go better with us in time and they think they will grow worse We flatter our selves with vain hopes and rely upon Brandenburgs Assistance Spains breaking with our enemies the Parliament of Englands not supplying that King to carry on the War and the like when they know the quite contrary in all humane appearance â—or perhaps we are afraid to irritate France if we should make overtures to England and England will not give such an umbrage of jealousie to France as to tamper with us except they be first assured from us of satisfaction But cannot the effecting this be put into the hands of his Highness and a few others as it was lately to be privately transacted by them Here then it is that the shooe pinches We are a popular State the people still think till an enemy comes they can defend themselves and therefore our Governors dare not adventure to tender England such satisfaction as for ought I see they will have lest they either should not be able to perform it or if they do should lose themselves with the people And therefore I foresee the War will be continued till we be reduced to that condition that we shall be necessitated to give them both their demands by publick transaction or at least that way break with one of them And on this foundation I shall now proceed to guess at that which I think is most likely to befal us Sect 11 Conjectures of future affairs The motions of the ensuing summer likely to be quick and great As to this Repulick probably England may get a Bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a supernumerary girth Munster a boss of the Crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A caution for England and the Orange family The Authors fears of what will at last befal us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spain and England sound at heart and will recover ALthough I have sometimes spent almost whole nights at gazing on the Stars and could perhaps erect an Astrological Scheme as well as another yet I never used that way nor never shall for guessing at faturities because I know it is vain to think we cam spell Gods providence by their mystical hieroglyphick Yet let me say it without vanity I do believe I have made as many conjectures concerning Kingdoms States and particular places as any man of my quality in Europe not by any enthusiastick spirit of prophecy or by Astrology from the Stars but reasons of State their interest and the fundamental maxims of their Government sometimes out of curiosity only and sometimes for other ends but such as are honest I assure you for none are either better or worse by it but only my brothers and my self The reason why I adventure to do this publickly now is that I may awaken us out of our security and that we may look about us and see if possibly we can prevent those things which it is very probable are coming upon us Only I desire to do it modestly as it becomes every Christian and neither on the one hand to pretend to that certainty as if we were of Gods Council no on the other hand to fall under Christs rebuke for not discerning the signs of the times Matth. 16. which are both theological and political but I am now only treating of the latter and to that I shall confine my discourse Now that we may be quickned to defend our selves comply with England and free the Spanish Netherlands from their fears and our selves from the neighbourhood of the French there this being one Reason of State why we formerly made peace with Spain lest we should be in continual danger of annoyance from France and also render their maintaining their Conquests among us more difficult by their being kept unconnected with that Kingdom I shall now proceed to the Conjectures I have made not with an Astrological confidence but a Christian allowance of divine providence which strangely alters times and seasons puls down one and sets up another confounds the wisdom of the wise brings to nought the counsels of Achitophels and turns the great designs and preparations for War into a happy compliance and peace as he pleases and all in infinite wisdom though we cannot discern it the knowledge of Gods providence even when past or present and much more when future being to David and therfore far more to us Too Wonderfull for us Psal 139. so high that we cannot attaine unto it and so deepe in the great waters that the footsteps thereof are not to be traced and knowne So that we may well say as of old Psal 77. Dei sapientia hominum stultitia regunt mundum First then if we awake out of our security and looke up in the morning of the yeare we must needs conclude of foule weather the ensuing Summer the skie is so red that we may easily perceive it portends blood and the lowest region is so lowring that we may easily discerne that a tempestuous storme is a gathering except we be so besotted as the foolish Jewes of old with security that
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of
whether it be my Melancholly temper only or my fears and cowardise if you please to call it so or my fancy from my observation that the third War as this is with England hath ever proved fatal to the one side as is apparent by many examples or what ever other cause it is I must profess freely that I am of another sentiment this War having so black a visage to mine appearance that I fear we are rather in the midst of a Tempestuous Sea of Troubles then discovering of Land much less a safe Harbour of rest I am not ignorant upon how many pins men hang their hopes Some upon the advancement of his Highness the Prince of Orange hope all will be redrest and well at home and that his relation to the Crown of England and the Elector of Brandenburgh will capacitate him to remedy all abroad Others upon conjectures of his marrying with the Duke of Yorks Daughter or some nearly related to the Crown of England or France which hath been an usual way I confess especially among absolute Princes of accomodating differences Some upon our sufficient numbers of Men and Moneys to defend our selves Othersome upon the Assistance of the Emperor and the German Princes Brandenburgh especially And others upon their opinion that now the Pensionary de Wit and his party are broken so that England can confide more in our friendship that the King will break with France and afford his Nephew and these Netherlands assistance especially because they judge that it is the Interest of England and Germany as well as Spain not to see us fall into the French hands for fear they have only Polyphemus his courtesie to be last devoured But yet all these grouds and divers others which are variously discoursed of prevail not so far with me as that my hopes can ballance my fears For although I grant the strength of the remaining Provinces to be considerable both by Sea and Land and the greatest foundation to build our hopes upon next under God Almighties Protection yet if we duly consider the state and condition we are in there is not that just ground of confidence which may free us from fears as many are apt to imagine He is very short sighted that observes not 1. That there are two different parties amongst us and that a Commonwealth muchless then a Kingdom divided cannot stand 2. That we might do much more then we do or for any thing I yet see will or shall do for our own defence 3. That we are destitute of succours from abroad for the present except from Spain which we may happily pay dear enough for if we should be drawn into a League Offensive and Defensive with them in a long and tedious War And 4. that we are full of tumults and distractions at home which is to me a greater presage of approaching ruine then all our Enemies weapons of War and makes me fear that as tumults was the occasion of our rising so they will be of our ruine Hist Gal. l. 2. And that Priols observation of two only Nations that have stood firm by defection the Helvetians at the rise and the Hollanders at the fall of the Rhine those founding and defending their Liberty by the Mountains their Poverty and Equality these by the Waters their Riches and the States with a Captain General may shortly be contradicted in the latter if we be not more unanimous and perhaps ere long in the former also I grant likewise That it is very considerable to have so wise a Conductor as the Prince of Orange is for his years and one of such near Relation to two such great Potentates as his Uncles of England and Brandenburgh But yet if we rightly consider we cannot but conclude 1. That it must be Power as well as Policy that can relieve us and that in the Affairs of the World Interest is preferred above all Relations the whole World turning upon the Hinge of Self-interest and all Princes States Families and Persons eagerly pursuing that which they apprehend their Interest although often mistaking it and oftner the means to obtain it no wonder if they miss thereof 2. And that his Civil Dignities come rather to him by Popular Tumults than Regular Proceedings Which is found an easie way to rise by but a hard way to stand by yea Morally impossible if not backed by power For as it is with sick Persons so with sick States if all things be not quickly redressed that is grievous to them they presently cry Turn me again and think they have power to undo that which they themselves have formerly done It being a true Character which Livy gives the Common People Lib. 24. Plebs aut humiliter servit aut superbè dominatur 3. And that though the de Wits be dead their party lives and if things succeed not well under his Highness will have no small advantage not only from the horrid murder of those two Pillars of their party but from the declining of Affairs to cry him down with the people and make him an Insignificant Cypher of State 4. And lastly There are so many Papists and other Sects of Religion and Malecontents who watch for opportunities to Flieblow the Common People and set them upon Sedition that I much question whether that fresh gale of Affection to the Prince which hath blown so briskly through all these remaining Provinces will last long For if they see that his Highness cannot make Peace as they expected and they feel more miserable effects of a stubborn and cruel War and be forced to greater Taxes the Common People being always covetous what ever the cause or necessity be and find their Trade still obstructed and Land drowned to the impoverishing both of Cities and Countrey I fear we shall find the People so restless and unquiet that they will neither know what to do themselves nor be willing to be guided by their Governors that do but when Extremities press upon us bring all into Confusion and consequently Ruine For besides the Jealousies which many have of his Highness which Bentivoglio long since foresaw and foretold That these Jealousies betwixt the State and their Stadtholder would become the cause of our Ruine the needy multitude which are alwaies enemies to good order and Government when distressed will seek occasion to prey upon the richer whom they constantly envie And the midle sort which are the true Basis of a State whose principal aime is Liberty and Plenty when they see these indangered grow jealous of their Governours upon whom all misfortunes are constantly laid and seeke to pull them downe and set up themseves one after another to the ruine of all For the pompe of Government so dasles the eyes of those that know not the Weight of it that when there is any seeming access thereto all are apt to contend for it and every one to thinke himself as capable as his neighbor and vy with one another without end till they
that were formerly good passengers now turning Pilots in a Storm through their continuall contentions and unskilfulness shipwrack the Common-wealth whilst they sincerely desire and endeavour to save it I shall therefore conclude that although we have a good Head yet except the members be at unity and unanimously resolved to give assistance to their Head and Governours it is in vaine to thinke we can be secured from such potent enemies except any be so mad as to expect miracles or that the Princes name or waying of his Flag upon our Towers can defend us For his marrying his Highness the Duke of Yorks Daughter we may speak of it here and those in England of the King of Sweden and both be mistaken I can see little certainty thereof and therefore can say less therein but this I can say that if a Relation would effect our desires there is that which is very near already yea which many perhaps will thinke too neer if it conduce no more to the procuring our Peace For our assistance from the Emperor and Germain Princes which is so much talkt of the Brandenburgs especially if I were assured they designed to serve us and not themselves of us I should have more hopes then I have I know the Germains are a great and warlike Nation and that none almost have warred with them that have not repented it And when we see them warr with France though they directly assist us not further such a diversion to our enemie will be a considerable advantage to us But at present we see no more of their intentions than to defend themselves The Emperor is not onely continually kept waking by the Turk but at present diverted also by the distractions of Hungary And the fears of Poland will necessitate Brandenburg to have an eye to Prussia The Princes of the Empire are many and divided several of them declaring for France others wavering and waiting opportunity to close with the prevailing side which makes their Counsels slow and more subject to be discovered the raising men and bringing them together more difficult the commanding of them more lyable to discord which hath often proved fatal in their Armies and the providing for them very uncertaine And I might ad hereunto for it is well knowne that some of the Germain Princes have so run out their revenues that though they have men far more then their proportion yet have not money to pay the half of their rate So that it is well if what was said of old of the Britains prove not true of the Germans Tacitus in vita Agricolae Dum singuli pugnant omnes vincuntur As for the Interest of England which we think should incline them to hinder rather than further Frances growing greatness and consequently to Peace with us I shall only say this That as we allow all men liberty to judge of their own Interests so must we much more to Kings and Rulers And it is but reasonable to think that they understand their own Interest better then we that are strangers to their designs except we think of our selves as the Persians who say that they have two eyes and others but one I may think that the same Reason of State should prevail now that did formerly with the English in the first War To humble us but not ruine us and shall make it apparent that they cannot rationally have a thought of our ruine without thinking to follow after yet circumstances are so different and the passions of men so various that I am not certain to what extent and degree of Humiliation they measure their Interest or how far England is ingaged with France for effecting of this We may think and the English Nation may be jealous as I know they are that France will couzen them at last and serve them now as Comines tells us they have formerly l. 3. c. 8. l. 4. c. 9. Bodin de Rep. l. 5. c. 1. When usually they beat the French in their Wars but then what they had got by their Swords they lost by their Treaties even as Bodin tells us the French were serv'd by the Spaniards but if they will adventure that who can hinder them Should I speak my private apprehension 't is briefly this England hath been long jealous of the growing greatness of this State by Sea and find it an error of Policy in former Governors to suffer us to arrive at this height of contesting with them From whence they have met with several inconveniences in regard of Trade and also been put to vast expences to maintain constantly a Fleet to cope with us These things they would willingly ease themselves of which they know cannot be done but by the Sword The first War which was occasionally begun was no time to effect their designs in regard the Kingdom was harrast and exhausted by a long Civil War and Oliver the Protectors cheif design was to settle himself and therefore made Peace The second War advantaged them nothing for the French countenancing us though secretly in League with them before the War was ended they were not able to effect what they designed having lost their opportunity which they had after the first battel in their hands That being often verified of the English which was said of Hannibal by whom matters not for the Learned Historians Livie and Plutarch differ therein Vincere scis Hannibal victoria uti nescis A Peace is concluded at Breda but the War had a sting in the tale of it the work at Chattam Maâ—et alta mente repostum and makes them more eagerly wait for an opportunity both to revenge themselves and pursue their former designs And now France taking occasion to quarrel with us they take the opportunity to oppress us and bring us under that they may free themselves from those present inconveniences in Trade and Expences and will see how they can make it with France for the future They know well that if we be broken there is no Nation else is able to match them at Sea and being in an Iland fear not invasion by Land Forces I might parallel this with the Peloponnesian War the cause whereof was the Athenians growing greatness and particularly in Power at Sea Lib. 1. upon whom therefore the Lacedemonians made War as Thucydides tells us who hath accurately writ the History thereof And yet though Interest be the moving cause of most Wars Hist lib. 3. c. 6. what ever the pretext be for Polybius hath long since taught us to distinguish these two by sundry Examples yet I am far from asserting it alone a justifieable cause of any War If any desire satisfaction what is I refer them to Grotius de Jure Belli Pac. lib. 2. cap. 1. 22. seqq for my design permits me not such a digression These thoughts of the present Interest of England leads me to conclude 1. That in their League with France they have made provision for these so that
change the Water and Weather may be our Walls of Defence Difficulties Dissentions and Distractions may befal our Enemies One thing or other may fall out so far to our advantage that we may retrench our selves in safety though we should not recover our former Greatness 4. Nor can it reasonably be thought that any will give themselves over to another so as to part with their Religious and Civil Interests and be in no better a capacity then a conquered people who though they are not made absolute slaves yet are usually sore opprest by the Conqueror But onely to part with their Supremacy and the Appendixes thereunto under which they may live as free Protestant Subjects If any object this is not practicable in regard of the Treaty betwixt the two Crowns of England and France I answer 1. Who knows that except a few of their Cabinet Counsel 2. This supposes that they have divided the Lions Skin before he be slain which to me is very doubtful For although two such mighty Potentates might upon rational grounds think themselves able to master this Commonwealth before they began the War yet so many are the unexpected accidents and the events of War so doubtfull that few have bene knowne to divide the spoile before they had won the battell or the Country before they had triumphed in the War lest they being frustrated of their hoped succes should becom a scorne and contempt to the world We have sufficient reason to thinke that neither England will permit France nor France England to have these Countries entirely and can we then thinke that they should agree upon this before hand if others will ghues I have the same liberty whereby I thinke that when time which is the revealer of secrets brings the Treaty to light it will appeare that the French should hold us in by Land and the English by Sea till they had brought us to their owne termes of France keeping such places above as may be thought most conducible to the inlarging his Conquests and keeping us under and England by Sea as may secure his desired Trade and Navall expences and that neither of them should have these Maritime Provinces entirely for that was for the one to make the other his Master and absolute Soveraigne at Sea by such an accession of strength nor yet divided for that would be a continuall bone of contention betwixt them 3. Those that suppose this repertition generally say that Zeeland is to be English and if so the objection is answered For if each must conquer their part by their owne Armes as many imagine who can thinke that any will be at the expence of so much blood and treasure besides the hazard of succes for that which they can have upon honourable termes Or if they proceed joyntly with their Armes to obtaine their designes we cannot thinke the one will obstruct the other in that which is agreed upon by them both And this way I suppose they take because in a joynt War the succes is common to both and the advantage redounds to each according to their former accord and was it otherwise here England attacquing us onely by Sea might get nothing by Land and France all Which I cannot imagine to be so agreed upon whatsoever the issue may be For I cannot thinke the English such fooles to fight onely for blowes and to set up the French to their owne destruction But let their agreement be what it will for the places they conquer yet it cannot bind or determine us how to dispose of our selves before we are conquered All free States and Cities v. Grot. de Jare bel pac l. 1. c. 3. §. 8. l. 2. c. 6. l. 3 c. 20. §. 5. may upon what conditions they please yeeld the Soverainty over them and their owne subjection to whom they please And allthough such proffers have sometimes been refused in regard of Wars and other evill consequences which might attend them yet here the acceptance is not to be doubted of seeing this is the Helena for which they fight If any shall ask how this is to be effected I answer Non est deliberandum de modo priusquam constat de re If any grant that it is to be done it is as much as I undertake If God in his all-wise and righteous Providence suffer us to be brought so low that we cannot longer withstand our enemies let those in supreme authority take care for the manner of performance as to the time in which treating whereby and conditions whereupon they will yield their Supremacy and Government It being my work only to shew that it is our Interest in such a case to make choice of England rather then France or any other Potentate whatsoever Sect. 2. Arguments to prove the Hypothesis the first whereof is from our Religious Concernments wherein is shewn how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concern us to secure our Religion HAving now truly related Matter of Fact and clearly stated the Question I shall proceed to prove the same viz. That in case of inability to defend our selves it is our Interest to be under the English rather than the French First in regard of Religion Which as it is of cheifest concernment so deserves to have the precedence of all other considerations The very Heathens accounted this their cheif Interest and therefore above all to be secured and defended The Romans saying was Pro aris focis therein giving Religion the preference of all their civil concernments And if we Christians do not the more is our sin and the greater our shame It is so well known how the Heathens of old and Turks of later times have valued their several false Religions how their first Founders Legislators and Magistrates have made Religion both the Basis upon which they founded their Kingdoms and Commonwealths and the cheif Pillars to support them and how zealous the common people have been for their Superstitions That I cannot but wonder that Christians should be such Gallices for the true Religion and Gospel of Christ and fear that Turks and Heathens will rise up in judgment against us and condemn us for our indifferency herein But if examples would either sway us or shame us I need not go so far for them our own Ancestors are abundantly sufficient I am sure if the History of former times deceive me not Religion was the cheif inducement to them to begin that hazardous War with Spain And had such an impression upon them that they freely ventured their lives and estates for this especially although I know there were many other grievances insisted on to justifie that War Had they thought that their Posterity should have made so light of Religion and Liberty which cost them so dear as many we see in those places over who have so lightly parted with both in a great measure I perswade my self they would never have commenced such a War but the sincerer
c. or marriage as Bourbon Champagne Languedock Bretaigny c. or by conquest and powerful seizure as Normandy Aquitane Poictou Anjou and whatsoever held on England by Charles the seventh and Burgundy with those that depended thereon by his son Lewis the eleventh all these being incorporated with France what ever their former immunities were and whatever lesser they still injoy are all equally subject to all Laws Governments and Impositions from the Crown without dispute and contradiction And can we then be such fools as to think that though we come under France yet we shall be free But now on the contrary we know that whatsoever accession hath been made to the Crown of England either by mariiage as Scotland or conquest as Ireland that they have all their Laws Priviledges Governments and Immunities remaining entirely as inviolable from the Crown and unalterable without their own consent Nor do they only injoy these but make Laws for supporting them according to their particular interests yea cross and opposite to the other which yet are ratified by his Majesty or at least by his Royal authority and pleasure 3. If any have neither list nor leisure to look into the Histories of former times the present age will furnish them sufficiently with examples both foreign and domestick Let them enquire of Lorraign and Flanders how they fare with their new Masters Or let them but pass into the adjacent Provinces and inform themselves of the French Government and then they may see as in a Glass the face of their own future condition And if any be resolvedly blind that they will not see except they be deaf also or stop their ears they may hear enough if the tenth part of reports be but true to warn them sufficiently to look to themselves But if they remain so incredulous that all the Beacons that are fired about them makes them not fear and that they will believe nothing which they themselves do not feel I wish that experience which wise men call the Mistress of Fools convince them not of their folly when it is too late and their condition become so miserable that its fitter to be drawn covered with a sorrowful veil by some Timanthes's Pencil than to be lively set forth in its sad colours or described by the Pen of an impartial Historian For my part I profess that none honours the worth and gallantry of the French Nation more than my self yet I would loth come under its power for the reason which the Fox gives the Lion in the Fable quia me vestigia terrent Omnia te adversum spectantia nulla retrorsum Horat. Epist l. 1. Ep. 1. 4. We think we have reason to be afraid not only for our persons and purses but even for our lives and all those things which may make us miserable not only in regard of the French but our selves For we know that a people accustomed to liberty who have had enough given them and taken much more when once they come to be restrained and strictly held in by the rains of Government are very apt to break out into mutinies and mischiefs and like wild Colts in their first managing rush desperately into ruin that they may throw their Riders Yea when Conquerors think they have so harnassed the multitude that they dare not but draw their triumphant Chariots and doubt not but they themselves sit so fast that they may drive them out of breath and so tame them at their pleasure they usually Phaëton like set all on fire and if they escape the popular fury by running away in the smoak meet with his fate to be struck wit the Thunderbolt of their Soveraigns justice Innumerable are the examples for the confirmation of this but we will confine our selves to our own Country and content ourselves with two only When Philip the fourth had beat the Flemmings united Flanders to France and set Governours over them who erected Citadels in their several Towns Garrisoned their Citics to keep them in aw Serres in Phil. 4. and arbitrarily charged them with great contributions the people that were used to Freedom would not be brought into this yoke of bondage but desperately revolt massacre the French and involve all in confusion and misery Nor is this all for though the baser sort begin yet great men usually end such quarrels a War followed which cost both France and Flanders dear in the vast expence both of blood and treasure And when Duke d' Alva attempted the like upon our Ancestors in these Provinces who were a free people and not used to such severity how did the sparks of mutiny in the beginning break out into great flames at last which set the whole Country on fire No pen is able to express the miseries of those Times nor Tragedy represent the things that were perpetrated How were most mens hearts filled with fear many with horror and some with despair to see their Country become an Aceldama and so many thousands forced through a Red Sea of blood to find their passage to the Land of Canaan I conclude therefore that if they who enjoyed less liberty than we could so little endure Servitude we shall be much less able to endure it who have enjoyed far more freedom then they So that we may easily foresee without any Prophetick Spirit what a flood of calamities is likely to break in upon us when ever any shall break down the banks of our liberty Sect. 6. The third Argument which preponderates for England is the preservation of our Estates in regard of Souldiers violence Governors Impositions Publick Debts by Obligation and Revenues of the Romish Church WE proceed now to shew that its better to be under England in regard of our Estates Both in respect of getting them as I shall shew in the following Section and the keeping those we have gotten already or by the blessing of God may get hereafter And to this I give the precedency because the enjoyment of Riches is the end for which and Trade only the means by which we labour to obtain them Now if it can be made apparent that we can neither get nor keep such Estates under France as we can under England there are none so regardless herein whatever they are of Religion and Liberty but will easily grant the truth of our Conclusion 1. Then let us consider that except we can keep that which is our own we are never the better for it but a great deal the worse Had we a grant of Midas's wish that all we touched should be turned into gold or were we insured that all our adventures should bring us returns as rich as the East India Companies what should it profit us if we could notkeep them Nay were we not a great deal worse than without them What toil and anxiety is there in getting What fears and troubles are there in keeping and what sorrow and vexation in the parting with riches Not that I think any civil
acquaint you that when we mention Trade we mean not every particular kind of negotiation wherein the several sorts of Artificers and Shop-keepers are imployed to speak of which would be both an endless an a bootless work Herein perhaps some might fare better with the French the Mercers and Tailers especially for the à la mode Monsieurs when they have money affect to change their fashion as often as the Moon doth her face and to wear as many ribbands on their breeches as ordinary Pedlers bear on their backs as if all the fortunes of France hung at their ends and all their own happiness followed their heels And happily Butchers and Cooks would fare better with the English for a piece of good Beef or a Shoulder of Mutton And we might instance in many others with merriment but we have no mind to be pleasant upon so serious a Subject In short therefore we mean Maritime Trade as our Adversaries do this being the great Diana of the Netherlands which brings them in their Silver Shrines 1. Then we shall lay down this as a fundamental and undoubted Maxim which all I think will take for granted that trade by Sea is the great secular interest of these Provinces the Maritime especially by which they most flourish and without which they cannot subsist Let Amsterdam and the other Cities be as rich or richer then they are imagined yet will they in a few years if their Trade be obstructed become as poor as their Neighbours at Gant or Antwerp For who will build at such excessive charges where the foundation sometimes is half to the superstructure or pay such rents for their habitation and live in such expensive places if there be not freedom of Trade But those that can will remove some hither and some thither as their interest and affection shall incline them Essay or Sermo fidelis 19. rather then spend their Capitalls here If ever Merchants were or are in any place of the world the vena porta as Bacon stiles them of any publick body it is certainly the Belgick If they fraight not their Ships whereby the Marriners may be imployed if they furnish not the Tradesmen shops whereby they may follow their Vocations if they lade not the poor mens backs whereby their Families may fill their bellies finally if they distribute not their Merchandise through the various Seas and Rivers of the Vniverse we may linger a while but it is as impossible we should live long as for a body deprived of food whose parts languish for want of nourishment which should be brought them in the veins by the bloods regular circulation 2. Merchandise being our chief concernment it will necessarily follow that that Nation that can most obstruct the same can do us most injury Now that England can do this more than France or any other whatsoever I think none will deny if any do there is enough said hereafter that will make it sufficiently apparent 3. Of all our neighbouring Nations England being most potent by Sea and France by Land it will clearly follow that a Peace with these two above all others is our great concernment With the former for getting and with the latter for keeping and enjoying our Estates But if we cannot have this from them both which of them is to be preferred comes next in consideration 4. This Common-wealth consisting of Maritime and Inland Provinces the former being by far the most considerable the friendship of England is more to be valued than that of France And this the wisest men that this Republick ever had formerly never doubted of Prince William the First founder of this Common-wealth laid down these three principal maximes of State which were approved by all as sound and rational beyond contradiction 1. To do justice to Strangers For great Nations may be upheld by Power but small Territories must be maintained by Justice 2. To hold a fair correspondence with France For Spain being then the grand Monarchy of Europe and our dreadful enemy the assistance of France was greatly necessary for our supportation 3. To preserve an inviolable Peace with England In regard that this is absolutely requisite for our freedom of Commerceby Sea and the English were our friends in affection as well as Interest whereas the French only upon the latter account For the greatest obstacle that stood in the way of France's greatness was the Spanish power in these Netherlands which being once broke down they well knew they could dilate their Empire at their pleasure as we see it now to our sorrow It is true of later times the Lovesteiners to free themselves from the Headship of the Orange family which sought as they imagined either an absoluteness or at least to infringe the liberty of the Common-wealth have been rather inclined to France and England but they were not so blinded with passion but that having a Peace with Spain and being sensible of France's prevalency and raising their Fortunes upon the Spanish ruines it was their Interest to comply with England rather than France Which plainly appears in that no sooner was those unhappy differences between us and England composed at Breda but immediately the Tripple Alliance was designed and concluded upon by that great States-man de Witt the Head of their party and Sr. William Temple on purpose to put boundaries to the boundless ambition of the French Nation 5. To the reason of State already mentioned together with the judgment of our greatest Politicians both in former and later times let me add that Terrestrial war hath always been accounted more eligible than a Naval yea by some our absolute interest as the Duke of Rhoan observes In so much that Zeeland never to this day consented unto l' Intrest des Prine Est discour 6. but absolutely protested against these Provinces making Peace with Spain And here it is observable how our Adversaries prevaricate in granting this Assertion and yet preferring France I foresee their evasion of conceding a Land-war with a lesser Potentate denying it with France But this is both easily obviated and outed for as I am well assured that if England had not assaulted us by Sea France had never done it by Land so I have reason to believe that if he had we should have found him sufficient work If we had the Sea free for our inferior Provinces the charges of a Land-war for the superior were easily borne And we should not want men enow for our money to fight for them with France or any other whatsoever so long as we should think them worth the fighting for Nor let any wonder that I insert such a conditional for I shall afterwards make it appear how the Common-wealth may be well secured though these Provinces should be let go or lost And as for the inferior they are so situated in the water and thereby so inaccessible that we need not fear what all the force of France can do if we be resolved to
he had to catch at the shadow thereof in the water and so lost all I know some that have more of Mars than Mercurie's temper are all for fighting and therefore I shall desire them calmly to consider these few particulars following 1. What either we or England have gotten by our former Wars when matcht in power I partly know what it hath cost us both in treasure and blood and can demonstrate that if either hath gotten 't is England though not to countervail the cost Let 's but reckon as we must if we go rightly to work the lucrum cessens and damnum emergens or the profit that ceases and loss that accrues and vvhat vve have got vve may put in our eye and not see much the vvorse But if any one say who can reckon that or how I shall freely acknowledge that to pounds and persons we cannot nor no man alive yet in the general we may so far as to make a judgment I have done it for my own satisfaction and shall tell you how that so those that are curious may satisfy themselves therein and not take it upon my credit By the publick Customs the Number of ships the Capital wherewith Trade is driven and by the riches of the Merchants Of these the two former are more easie and certain wherein England hath increased the two latter more conjectural wherein this Republick hath the superiority But hath not gotten it by the wars but arises from several other causes which I could mention and especially from these two following which I think will satisfy any intelligent man As to the Capital ours comes to be greater in regard that as the Merchants grow rich in England they buy land and breed up their sons to be Country gentlemen whereas we especially in Holland continue the stock and our children in the Trade Land being here at 35 and 40 years purchase and in England at 15 or 20 ordinarily And that the Merchants here should be richer than there is no wonder to me who know so well the frugality of the one and the prodigality of the other 2. Let it be considered how difficult and hazardous it is for equal powers to destroy one another and therefore how litle likelihood there is of any thing to be gotten by contesting Nay there are several circumstances in our situations imployments and people that render absolute conquest almost impossible We may like Cooks fight and breath and fight again and crow over one another for some victories but far from a conquest And this we might both have seen long since in the glas of policy which clearly shows that such equal powers fighting for profit is but like Nero's fishing with a golden hook wherein more is adventured than ever is likely to be gotten We have had a Comick-tragedy and a tragick comedy of two wars and England the contrary wherein our enemies indeed have been pleasant spectators and satisfied their envious eyes but what have either of us got but blowes Passion and prejudice are so prevalent in the World and so blind the eyes of men that often they will not see the truth till dear-bought experience makes them even to feel it And this we now both see and therefore England takes this opportunity of breaking down the equality of power and bringing us lower that so we may truckle under them and they be at rest in the bed of security 3. Those that are so much for Mars might do well to consider the advantages and disadvantages of both Nations for carrying on and subsisting under long wars In some things we may happily have the advantage as in bearing the charges number of shipping Caping by Letters of Marque c. And in others England for they have a great and rich Inland Country l'Intrestdes Princes Discours 7. an Hand that cannot be easily diverted by a land-Land-war so that as the Duke of Rhoan saith right l' Angleterre est un grand animal qui ne peut jamais mourir s'il ne se tuë luimesme We subsist wholly on Trade and fetch all things from abroad they have sufficiency of necessaries from their own growth at home When Trade stands still they have cloths for the back and meat for the belly better cheap for the poorer people here not only such accommodations are far dearer than there which can well be born when Trade flourisheth but when that is stopt and it can worst be endured then are they dearest of all Our Seamen which come most from the Northern quarters about the Baltick Sea to serve us in Navigation when they see no hopes of gain but only venturing their lives for the pay of the Wars will remove and serve other Nations whereas the King of England hath three Kingdoms to press out for his assistance according to the custom of the Crown there which is not practised nor indeed practicable in this Free State And although at the first such as are prest be averse to the Wars yet we find and feel by experience that what through the Officers and Gentlemens caressing and encouraging them what through company and conversing with others before-hand this restiness is worn off by degrees and through the principles of self defence and some sparks of the honour of their Country they fight well enough whatever the cause or the quarrel be 4. I wish both Nations would well consider whether whilst we two are so eagerly contesting for Trade others may not carry it away I have reasonably considered what Nation can bid the farest for this in regard of their Situation Havens Genious c. the ad vantages of the Mediterranean and Baltick Seas and let my thoughts stretch themselves as far as both the Indies have observed the French Fleet the darling of the King and Kingdom their hopes with the grounds of them and the probable success thereof as also the communication of Spain with America and find no one Nation alone capacitated to carry away our Commerce but several to have greater shares than they have at present Yea to speak my mind freely I have had far further contemplations and of a far different kind from these upon this Subject in respect to future times And indeed such as have often made me both very sorrowful to see the Christian world so mad and quarelsom about their Commerce and very fearful that God would either blast it to us by taking it away and giving it to Turks and Heathens or not bless us with it giving us herein our hearts desire in his wrath and them the Gospel in exchange thereof As I clearly see he hath done to the Jews the generallest and greatest Merchants of the World and as I think he threatens us Christians in several places of holy Scripture if they be duly considered But because I love not dogmatizing or to be positive in things I am not so fully satisfied in I shall at present say no more of this but leave it to every good Christians
freedom that will to remove formerly and that hath made so small an alteration as to the ballance of Trade that it is inconsiderable For if I make my calculation right there is not much difference of the English here and the Dutch in England Others argue we are Corrivals for Trade that is the Mistress we both Court and therefore one must marry it But this is but a toyish Sophism when men will compare Commerce to a Mistress that one only can marry For 1. The world is wide enough and the Sea large enough for both Nations to exercise their skill and industry 2. If we think to betroth all Trade and ingross it to our selves alone other Nations will come in and forbid the banes as well as England as I shall shew hereafter 3. If we two could so happily agree and so settle Commerce as it might perhaps be setled we might bid fair for carrying it or at least for retaining it betwixt us And so far as my short sight can reach this seems to me the mark aimed at on both sides by those who have the direction of affairs which I do not despair to see effected Seeing then we are in as much danger that I say not more to lose that part of Trade we have as to gain more by our contesting I hope all rational men will grant it our Interest that England and we so compound for it that each of us may have what Gods blessing and justice and equity gives to eithers industry And this I am sure was the wisdom of former times I have shown it already in part on our side and could much more largely both for us and the English In Queen Elizabeths time we were not grown up to our present greatness In King James's time who all the world knows was no Martial man but in his temper as well as motto truly pacifick the Cautionary Towns that England possest in these Countries were A. 1616. ransomed and we grew up to that greatness of being an equal match for them in power at Sea And this the English account the great error of Political Interest although they must needs acknowledge it but fair and honest dealing King Charles the First that Prince of blessed and immortal memory seeing how he grew up not only kept a fair correspondency with us but having experience how cross Parliaments were to the Court so that no o War could be carried on did by a fair correspondence keep friendship with us and not only so but married his eldest Daughter to the Prince of Orange for this reason of State amongst others For being jealous of this Common-wealth's favouring that party in his Kingdoms which was then called by the Court Puritans and seeing the growing greatness of this State by Sea did for these two reasons of State engage the Prince and this Common-wealth by that Marriage And this was also the reason of State in Oliver's time when Peace was made that we must accord for our mutal Trade How it hath been since we all know and therefore I need not mention it And this is the first weapon our enimies use which you see if we measure rightly is too short to touch much less mortally to wound the truth of that cause that we maintain Yet we must do our Adversaries right the wiser sort of them upon the supposal of equal powers as we have formerly been and which is that I have hitherto spoke of are for peace and judge it the Interest of both Nations but they think our coming under France will render England so unequal and inferior a match for us that we cannot in all humane appearance miss of marrying our beloved Lady Trade and clearly carrying her from our Corrival And I confess ingenously if there be any thing of moment to be said for France 't is this 2. Therefore our Adversaries are for France because thereby we should be able to beat England out of their Trade and so become masters of the whole or the greatest part at least of the Sea negotiation Now because they so much triumph in this though before the victory we will examin it thorowly and see what probability there is of obtaining the greatest part of Trade by this means 1. We grant that England and this Republick being about an equal match at Sea the accession of France would clearly make us an overmatch for England if all was true which they suppose 2. But therein is their mistake that they take these two things for granted which are both false First that these Maritime Provinces should entirely become French And secondly that all other Nations will stand neutral so that we shall have no more to do but France and we entirely to deal with England alone Now how far this is from truth we shall make abundantly apparent and by ballancing of powers how little probability there is of these their designes becoming practicable and such as will effect their desires 1. Hereby they suppose a War and such a long and tedious one as perhaps we may not live to see ended For we cannot rationally imagine the English such tame animals that they will easily part with their Trade but must suppose they will set all at stake before that jewel of the Land be lost Now let us but calmly consider how destructive such a War will be to our Trade and what advantages they have above us of subsisting under a long War some of which we have before mentioned and I do believe no wise man will think this our Interest except there was a greater likelihood of a sudden subduing them then is rationally to be exspected as we shall presently make apparent Now on the contraty if we come under England there is no fear of a War with France at Sea that Kingdom being so much inferior in maritime power to either of us and much more to both And should we have a Land-war with France yet that is more eligible for us than one by Sea in the opinion of all wise men as we have formerly shown and shall have occasion hereafter more fully 2. A War with England being supposed as it must for we must either say we can and will have the Trade alone or the greatest part thereof invitis Anglis or we say nothing to the purpose the readiest way to see what probability there is for conquering them and consequently carrying the Trade will be first by ballancing of powers and then by some other Consideratitions The former of these we shall do with respect to Zeeland and then with respect to other Nations For the first it must be considered that Zeeland hath expresly decare that they will not come under France but that if they cannot defend themselves they will then submit to England It is true as I have said it is the interest of these maritime Provinces to keep their League but if their enemies Sword cuts it assunder and they will not venture the loss of their Religion and Liberty
be a way of paying of debts we may happily have Portugal so to pay us 3. Having thus ballance the apparent strength of both sides we shall proceed to some other considerations concerning the same For it is not enough to consider power absolutely but also the management thereof for less powers well managed are usually prevalent above greater And herein are many things which in my judgment were we an over-match for them which you see is not so would render our ruining their Naval power and consequently their Traffick impracticable As 1. Supposing we are under France shall their whole Fleet constantly be here and leave the French Coast naked or shall they from thence come to joyn with us for our Sea expeditions If the former France is subject continually to be molested and diverted from England and if the latter to be intercepted by reason of their situation 2. Who shall have the direction of Naval Affairs is to me very considerable Whether the French alone or conjoyntly with the Dutch for that the latter only should be intrusted is not to be imagined The former way is liable to miscarry through unskilfulness the latter through jealousies and dissentions 3. Where shall Mariners be had for our Fleets shall the French press here as in their own Kingdom If so I foresee we shall soon lose our Sea-men Or shall they only use Volunteers Then their number will be small because the French pay is not great I might mention other particulars as the French and Dutch Officers discord The manner of payments and from whence c. But these are enow to shew us that which way soever we look there 's nothing but difficulty and danger stares us in the face 4. But we have yet that which is more momentous and that is the situation of Great Britain For could we knock their men in the head as easily as our Borinne's their eggs and sink their Ships as if they were shells yet we cannot possibly remove the Island Which is 1. Not only nigh unto us but over against us so that we cannot look out but we are upon them 2. So situated that should we bear them and their Associates which is not easie in equal powers they can still manage a War destructive to us And what good will it do any but the envious to ruipe others if they be ruined themselves For with a few Ships in the Chanel wherein they have Harbours all along to go in and out at pleasure they will force us continually to sail with great Convoys or we shall be forced to fall into their hands And the like may be said of the Northern passage by the Orcades where a few Ships will obstruct our Trade Now how great a prejudice this is to Traffick I leave all knowing men to judge For by this means No single Ships nor small numbers can sail Restraint will be laid upon going out but in great Fleets and with sufficient Convoys Many will be necessitated to lie idle and at great expences to wait for their Company whilst they could sometimes have performed their voyage And Merchants lose particular designs which are usually the greatest profit to such as are able rightly to manage them 3. In storms and tempests we shall be frequently forced into their Harbours and so fall as a prey into their mouths 5. Britain and Ireland being Islands are not easily invaded and so diverted by a Land War but that they may solely attend to a Maritime when they are once engaged therein Whereas France being on the Continent is subject to invasion from Spain on several sides Which was one reason why our Ancestors preferred the guardianship of England before that of France 6. Tangier in the mouth of the Streights will be no small prejudice to our Mediterranean Trade Which if the mould or harbour can be made firm will prove of great concernment to the English Crown and a strong curb to all their enemies Traffick And here I might adde Cadiz and all the Coast of Spain for if we be French no wise man I think will doubt but we shall have Spain our enemies again And these things I think are abundantly sufficient to dismount our Adversaries confidence of carrying away the Trade from England if we should come under the power of France 3. Another grand Argument against us is that we are more likely to enjoy Peace under France than England Peace I confess is an invaluable blessing How many and great miseries doth it free us from Bloodshed violence to our Persons and Estates unquietness and almost all manner of troubles How many and great mercies doth Peace bring along with it It is both the mother that bears and the nurse that brings up all our temporal blessings It gives us mercies the freedom of enjoying them and sweetens their enjoyment It contains liberty plenty equity tranquility pleasure and safety So that he was a mad man that should not chuse Peace But I fear our coming under France is neither the way to procure Peace nor the means to preserve it And that we by so doing shall but have Ixions fate in the Fable embrace a cloudy and tempestuous War instead of the fair and beloved Juno of Peace 1. Let it be considered that if we have Peace by Land we have War by Sea which is to leap out of the frying-pan into the fire It is an old and a good political axiom Ex duobus malis minus est eligendum Theological it was never for in Divinity Nullum malum est eligendum Now if we rightly measure our Interest we shall find a Land War much more eligible for us upon many accounts which I need not here to mention they being easily imagined by all wise men For should it be granted that for the present the two Crowns accord and we have Peace it will either be such a one as will ruine us or cannot be lasting to be sure but in a very few years will necessarily come to the ballance I have mentioned of Spain and England against France and Holland 2. Let us therefore examine their grounds that so we may see before us and not run our selves blindfold into destruction Which so far as I can discern are these four The power and prevalency of his Arms. His treasure to maintain them His nearness to us And his Allies First for the power and prevalency of his Arms. 1. It is true his numbers are great both in Arms and in the Kingdom of France The great advantages he hath by the largeness compactness situation and soil of his Dominions the infinite number of Nobility and Gentry for Cavalry and the populousness of his Cities and Provinces for Infantry which capcitate him above all the Princes of Europe to enlarge his Empire I well know and willingly grant But what relates to the Kingdom of France concerns not us Netherlanders in this case further than as to his Arms and power to defend us Now in my reason the greater
is to have such neighbors But otherwise England is nearer us than France and can easilier come to our assistance For the French have not only a long march but through part of the Empire which is their enemie and so liable to obstruction As to the Prince of Liege or Archbishop of Colen Duke of Newburg and others that have permitted this passage they may pay dear enough for it hereafter as their subjects are paying for it at present even to the French themselves Who are so weary of their Company that I perswade my self they will be the first that will endeavour to drive them out when they shall find an opportunity But we are not affraid of all our Adversaries weapons and therefore will enforce their Argument by supposing all they can desire That France will keep these conquered Provinces and in all probability make new acquests by subduing of the Spanish Netherlands So that if we be not subject to him we shall never be at quiet but they will continually be as Thorns in our sides 1. And why may we not as well suppose that if we be under him we shall never be at rest for others For no Potentate in Christendom hath more jealous eyes upon him nor likelier to be continually imployed in Wars Now what will changing help us if we better not our condition For we may easily foresee that if we come under France we shall have England and Spain against us by Sea as we have said and the Germans and Spanish Provinces by Land and so shall be in the same condition though not by the same enemies that we are now ground like Corn betwixt the Mil-stones Yea it is more than probable that knowing the ticklish condition and mutinous temper of the French Nation he will bring his Wars into these Countries and their consines and so we shall again become the Cock-pit of War for all Europe 2. I doubt not but he will attacque the Spanish Provinces and seek to connect them with his conquests and then incorporate all with France But it is uncertain what time this may require before they be all under his power We know not the Articles between the two Crowns nor are we sure that England and Austria will see this work Many things may fall out which no mans eye can foresee The King of France is mortal and may die and the Dauphin young and so uncapable to carry on such mighty designs Or he may meet with a check in his enterprises and be stopt in his further progress of glory France is harrast and weary of Wars may fall to their former mutinies The King of Spain may grow more potent England Sweden and the Cantons of Switzerland may think themselves concerned as well as the Empire and Spain to stop the growing greatness of France The Spanish may divert him in Catalonia and else where Sickness and mortallity may seize upon his Armies Factions in his court discontents in the Country tumults in his Kingdom and many other Accidents may happen to call him off us or at least necessitate him to give us reasonable conditions and confine him to his own Kingdom So that 't is madness to avoid a present mischief to run our selves upon certain ruine 3. If we had the friendship of England we might soon be in a capacity to defend our selves against France and need not fear the power of their Arms. I do not say that we alone are able to recover at present what we have lost without the assistance of others But that these remaining Provinces are able to defend themselves and either let go the other or in time possibly regain them as we shall shew hereafter Fourthly For his Allies they need not fright us For all friendship of the World and especially publick proves often times like winter brooks which run freely when we have least need of them but fail us in drought when we want their Water If the fortunes of France should once decline we should see those that now adore them readily renounce this their idolatry and not only confess their former fault but help to turn the Wheel about and bring them under whom they now exalt And thus we see what small grounds there are of enjoying such great Peace under France as our Adversaries flatter themselves withal and would perswade the World of which will never find credit with wise men who are used to judge by Reasons of State and not by the vain arguments of fancy 4. The fourth argument for France is their having the upper Provinces already which are of such concernment to the Nether that they affirm we cannot want them and therefore we must call in France that he may have them all that so they may be joyned under one Head We cannot want them say they 1. For our Security and 2. for our Commerce Let us therefore examine these things and having so done we shall give a release to your patience in this great Argument of our Adversaries concerning Trade First that we cannot want them for our Security is apparently false Nay upon a Politick account we had better part with them though not in point of Honour and Religion 1. They were a continual charge to those inferior Provinces which yet was willingly born in regard of their being an out Sconse to us which many supposed sufficiently strong for our defence Which yet others have always doubted of and now we find they had sufficient reason Seeing then some of them willingly deserted us and others slightly defended themselves and us consequently and thus laid us open to the invasion of our enemies if we let them go and they suffer thereby they may thank themselves and we must otherwise secure our Country 2. I wonder men should think they can secure us when we see the contrary by our experience Nay indeed this was the great mistake that had like to have ruined us all For we relying on them was unprepared for our own defence whereby the whole was greatly endangered Yea so greatly that if the French had fallen into Holland when they came to Vtrecht I tremble to think what work they might have made amongst us 3. It was apparent that the boundaries of the Common-wealth was too great and our Garrisons too many to defend against such powerful Armies Which at the same time are not only Masters of the Field but able to assault what Places they please This War being far different from our former with Spain or less Potentates wherein we had an Army to ballance theirs for relief of such Garrisons as were at any time attackt by them And this the Author of the Interest of Holland hath long since well observed and experience now shews us Wherein I dare be his second against any combatants that dare encounter him 4. Let any man but recount our Garrisons with their greatness and compute what number of men is requisite for their defence and he will soon see whether I have not clear
Colick in our bowels and Convulsions in the whole body our disease must needs become mortal and our wounds incurable Let us suppose that which is likeliest both by the best intelligence inclination of the people as we have said formerly and interest as we shall shew hereaster that Zeeland become English and Holland should chuse France and consider the situation of Zeeland neer the Sea and allmost right over the River of Thames and both between France and Holland and betwixt Holland and the Chanel the Harbours of Vlissing and Ter Vere into which the latter especially all Winter long no withstanding the Ice is safe arrival their genious as well as commodiousness to Cape and then judge in what a perilous condition the Trade of Holland will be under France and what miserable work will be made amongst us Or let it be supposed that there is frendship between France and England in the enjoying their several shares for we will grant all possibilities and much more probabilities our Adversaries can reasonably desire and how will our mutual traffick be spoiled by the impositions of both Crowns upon commodities if we should pay to the one in Holland and the other in Zeeland as undoubtedly we must For it is a certain truth that multiplicity of impositions especially when great spoils merchandise And will it not be in Englands power to open the River and make it tree for Antwerp c. as we have said and in that case where will the vast Commerce of Holland then be Whereas on the contrary were we either of these ways under England we exclude France and Flanders and preserve our Trade to our selves If we be entirely under England we may save the Spanish Netherlands whose Governors are contented with what Commerce they have rather than lose all we may preserve our selves from the French neighbourhood and thereby also our Trade from them both Or if we be but in part so we preserve the friendship of these Provinces the Trade betwixt us secure our interest both at home and abroad and command the Commerce of Europe at our pleasure 3. If we come under France we have not only Spain our Enemy by Sea and Land as we have shewn but the loss of our Spanish Trade and the hazarding of our whole Levant Traffick And if we rightly calculate that amounts to no small part of our Commerce The Spanish Netherlands Spain and their Dominions in Italy taking off much of our East India and Western-wares For as Muscovy and the other Nothern Nations consume much of our Pepper and some hotter Spices so the Southern and Eastern in the Mediterranean much of our other Commodities Now with what security can we either carry them through the Sea or bring our Silks Camels-hair and other of the richest Commodities we have from Aleppo Egypt and our other Factories for the Turkie Trade and maintain our Traffick with Venice Leghorne and other places in Italy Seeing the Spaniards besides the ports of Spain have so many Havens and some Islands in the Adriatick Sicilia Sardinia Majorca and Minorea in the Midland Sea and Cadiz so commodiously situated at the mouth of the Straits some of which have been famous in all Ages for the Archest Pirates in the whole World Betwixt these therefore and the Turks we are certain of nothing but of bad Trading and they good Caping So that I may conclude with the Poetical Proverb that he that desires to flie from England and fall under France for Traffick Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim Whereas on the contrary if we come under England we certainly secure our Commerce with Spain and all the Territories belonging to that Crown And not only so but against the Turkish Pyrates which infest those Seas which would be of no small advantage to us For besides that England is at peace with some of those places on the African Coast and is in friendship with the Turkish Empire how easie a thing was it for us joyntly to bring the rest to our own terms Yea so to subdue them all and keep them under that they should never be able to disturb us no nor Christendom more by their Caping And how generous a design this is and how destructive to that great and common Enemy of all Christians I leave all wise men and well-wishers to Christianity to consider and judge 4. Our East India Trade the richest jewel of this Republick which hath occasioned us so much envy and caused so many quarrels and contests if we come under France will run a great Risks to be ruined Hath not this been their great design of late years Have they not for this end erected a Company And now got footing there and follow it further even in this last year as we hear with their greatest endeavours Nay is not this the principal motive which induces them to make this War I know we need not fear them there nor all Europe if we have peace here and can send them supplies We are so far advanced in that Negotiation so strong in Forts Shipping and Souldiers our men so accustomed to the heat of those Countries our Mariners to those Coasts and Merchants to the Languages and Trade of those parts But if we come under France will not England and Spain seek continually to intercep our supplies thither and our Returns from thence Will not this put us to vast Charges of Convoys to defend our Ships going and coming in security Will not some through storms and other accidents when separated unavoidably fall into their hands as we have often experienced And will they not always be in one hazard or other from them for safety Yea let us suppose that all stands well there and none of our Ships miscarry through our Enemies but safely Arrive both there and here where shall we vent those Commodities from thence at the prices they now yield us when we have such Enemies at home and such dangers in carrying them abroad as we have formerly shown Nay can we rationally think otherwise than that the Kingdom of France will have share with us there and the Crown the greatest profit here So that our East India Actions as high as they are now may in a little time come as low as those of the West India Company which was once thought equal with the other and are now next to nothing and then many of us who have most of our estates adventured in the East-Indies Trade may lose that we have lest as we have formerly lost by the West-Indies and no remedy but patience for we must sit down in a sorrowful filence Herein I have reason to speak feelingly of my fears being so concern'd according to the proportion of my small estate how much matters none but my self but were it ten times more I must tell you that though the Actions at this present are considerably above three hundred I shall the first day I see we come under France sell mine willingly for
two rather than keep them and render many thanks to the buyer into the bargain Whereas on the other hand if we come under England they have formerly had and still have a considerable share in the East India Trade Their Company and ours accord well and frequently accommodate each others correspondence His Majesty in the former War in his Declaration and the Papers past between the States General A.D. 1664 1665 and his Envoy Sir George Dawning infists upon Poleron one of the Banda Islands satisfaction for injuries past with deduction of what we had suffered and regulation of Trade for the future A.D. 1671 2 and his Majesty in his Declaration of this present War only mentions the last The Regulation of Trade in the East-Indies Now I perswade my self that neither the States nor East-India Company will stick upon these For Polleron if they have it it can now neither be any great profit to them nor prejudice us For a just accompting with them what just man can be against it Or against a due and equal Regulation of Trade that so all occasions of contests between the two Nations may be cut off and wholly prevented for the future It is true that reaches not the supposal of our being under them but only standing upon equal terms with them for Trade and therefore we will come close up to the supposition in hand And herein we shall proceed with such franckness that we shall grant more than our adversaries can reasonably be jealous of and that is that the English should have half of that Trade with us and yet shew that it is better for us then to take in France For 1. The English have a considerable part already and France but an inconsiderable so that we must in all probability part with much more to the latter and need part with less to the former Our first capital of the East-India Company is 64 Tun of Gold and the English 40. It is true we have Traded both longer and more and so have a greater improvement suppose 70 Tun of Gold there which ordinarily is reckoned about three times in the value when returned hither and suppose as much or more here in goods or money which vastly exceeds the English yet it must be considered that we are at greater expences there several ways than they that we have money at interest though inconsiderable to what formerly having pay'd off the last year above 50 some say 60 Tun of Gold I must here ingenuously confess that I have but the forementioned calculations from the curâ—osity of discourse and the credit of others not upon the authentick authority of the books of both Companies which I have not leisure now nor indeed pleasure to enquire into and yet I think I am near the truth having had these things from very good hands I will therefore proceed and here we are certain that besides a great sum of money our Company hath lent the States to carry on this War which I reckon as an honourable gift we are like to part with a far greater to purchase our peace And though our Actions be far more worth than theirs for example a capital Action that gives right to a suffrage in the election of the Directors of that Trade being originally 100 l Vlamish or 1800 g and in times of peace 400 l Vl. or 2400 g and sometimes 500 l Vl. or 3000 g and with them not worth two or twelve yet this arises not so much from the great emolument that the Participants here receive more than there as from the plenty of money here which several have and know not how otherwise to improve the small Interest usually under 4 per Cento to those of good credit and the dearness of Land all which are contrary in England So that I leave it to any competent and impartial man to judge should it be so which yet I think none need to fear whether it is better for us to supply the English with a less part or the French with a greater of that our Trade For I dare say that if England hath a fourth of ours France hath not an eighth part thereof 2. How easie is it for us and England to beat France out of the East-India Trassek if we have Wars or if the French seek to incroach upon us 3. Under England we keep our own Chambers of Trade whereby thousands of Families subsist in our Cities All manner of Trades for Shipping and navigation Carpenters Smithes Sail-makers c. All manner of Tradesmen for victuals Bakers Brewers Butchers c. by their labours at least All manner of Shopkeepers for selling them Provisions that are sent and buy commodities that return Besides the poorer sort as Boatsfolk Labourers c. which are exceeding many that wholly depend on the Company for their livelihood Whereas if we come under France and the Spanish Provinces also as we may reasonably suppose a great share will be removed to Antwerp there being so large and magnificent an East-India house and that being nearer France by far Whereby our Trade being taken from us our Cities will be impoverished beyond imagination 4. The impositions of the Crown of England is with consent of the people in Parliament the rates both inward and outward being set by law and so would be here with consent of the States Those of France arbitrary and inhansible at pleasure And how great an alteration Customs make in Commerce I leave all knowing Merchants to judge I foresee it will be said that were we under France we should beat England out of the East India Trade and so have it wholly to our selves If they would make either the â—ntecedent or Consequent good the Argument deserved consideration bue I know they cannot for they are both impracticable First We cannot beat them out there till we have conquered them here for how shall we in Wars with them spare Ships Souldiers c. to do that Now what probability there is of conquering them is formerly declared The English are reasonably fortified and provided and will doubtless be better if they see danger approaching And not only so but being in good amity as I have heard with those Nations where they reside they would never suffer our enmity to prevail so far against them Nor those Nations with whom we both Trade for knowing how low one chapman makes the market they will assist the weaker rather than lose their advantage by them Nor if we should conquer them there will all the spoils fall to our selves as some may possibly think whose hopes are postilion to the Sun and therefore fancy things beyond the Moon and bring such booties from East to West upon the wings of their windy imaginations For instead of hoping to have half we have reason to fear should it be so that France will have all the parts of the Prey 5. If we be under France what shall become of our Fishery upon the Coast of England and those
Treasuries are exhausted in several places it is no wonder Yet if we consider the Riches of particular persons we have enough to hold out the War to weary our enemies out at the last as must as they do us at the present I will not now stand to shew the calculation of this though if necessary I think I can do it satisfactorily comprehending the disadvantages our enemies are under But the late Project printed so often of the Capitals of this Country for raising and maintaining so numerous an Army though the manner prescribed prove not practicable hath in part spared my pains herein And for food our Cities are generally so well furnished that if our enemies steal not supplies from us it is well we need neither seek to them nor fight with them for supplying our selves We have Bread Corn Fish and Oyl Butter and Cheese in abundance And if our liquorish Dames want their delicacies a while no great matter they will value peace and pay their Souldiers the better Now what can be added for the sufficient defence of any Nation to the particulars mentioned I cannot imagin and if my enumeration be insufficient I wish any wise man would shew wherein and then I shall thank them And therefore let us take courage to our selves and not be frighted with vain fears or scared with any vanting bravadoes like that great Rhodomontadoe of the grand Turk who when he heard of the long War such a great Prince as Spain made about this small Country said that before he would have kept such a pottering about a few petty Provinces he would have taken them and hurled them into the Sea at once though his successor kept no small pottering about the single City of Candia many years together to which some of our Cities all things considered seem not much inferior for strength although I well know what a difference there is betwixt the defence of one City alone without a Country and many at once contained therein But though this internal strength be so considerable and with us of greatest consequence yet this is not all we have also an external and accidental strength by the Interest of our Neighbours For this end it must be well considered that some Countries and Cities of small strength comparatively in themselves are yet very strong by their situation among and well secured by the Interest of other circumjacent Princes and States who will not suffer if they can possibly prevent it accession of strength to one another lest their own scale in the ballance of powers should become light and soon born down What is it but this under the shadow of the Almighties Protection that secures the smaller Republicks in Italy and the Empire What Geneva Stratsburg Colen Hamburg and the rest of the free Cities and Hans Towns but this God governing the World usually as both Comines and Cardan well observe by the passions of men in the ballancing of Powers that when any one will break out into rage and Wars others will oppose them with the like fury and so keep the World a little quiet otherwise the great Nimrods and hunters after Dominion would soon if let alone destroy and devour all before them Now if we look about us and see amongst whom our Land lies and well consider their interest this will be very apparent in our selves notwithstanding this War that is made against us that we are not devoted by any to destruction but only the French as I shall shew hereafter For Spain our next Neighbours on one hand in the rest of the Provinces they know this so well and are so sensible of their interest herein that they not only assist us what they can but I dare say were it not for England would rather break with France than see us endangered But those two Crowns as I have already hinted and shall more fully shew heareafter must not and therefore will not break For the Empire above us they also are frighted with our fears and if the Princes thereof had money to their might would willingly I doubt not assist the Emperor lest the Lillies of France should mount above the Roman Eagle In the year 15â—4 when the States upon the death of Prince William were a looking towards France for Protection the Princes of the Empire sent Malroy to admonish them ut à consilio Gallici patrocinii implorandi desisterent alioqui fore ut Germani Principes tantam domui Austriacae origine foedere arctis adeo cum Imperio vinculis conjunctae factam injuriam non negligant as Thuanus tells us l. 80. And if they were then jealous of France what shall we think they are now And if then zealous for the concernments of Spain shall we think they will now be wholly negligent both of theirs and their own And France to be sure will never see us entirely English for so he knows he should never be able to ballance Englands power at Sea which he doubtless both hopes and aims at by the accession of strength from these Netherlands Nor England suffer us if they can hinder it to be wholly French for this they know would clearly tend in a little time to their destruction This very Reason of State moved Q. Elizabeth at first to support us against Spain rather than to have us fall into the Arms of France by their becoming our Protectors Which that wise Historian Thuanus faithfully relates in several places A. 1575. she told Campaniach ne molestè ferat Philippus si ipsa securitatis suae causa Hollandiae Zelandiae patrocinium suscipiat antequam Galli perpetui Anglorum hostes cis potiantur L. 60. A. 1576. Elisabeth a verita ne aliorum ope destituti Belgae ex desperatione foedus nobiscum jecerent sique res suas Francis committerent eos pecunia adjuvit c. L. 26. A. 1577. she excuses her defence of us to Philip the 2. with this very Reason ne Belgae ex desperatione pernicio sum non solum sibi sid vicinis consilium caperent externi Principis patrocinio salute commissa Meaning the French L. 64. And A. 1584. shews the emulation between the French and English herein Ipsi sibi invicem suspecti erant Nam Rex veterem hostem Belgii accessione Galliae imminentem reformidabat Angli nostros Belgi-potentes minus aequos foederi quod Angliae cum Burgundica domo intercedit atque adeo commercio futuros verebantur L. 80. And is angry with the Ministers of State in France for neglecting this singular occasion of enlarging their Empire by taking these Provinces into the French protection And to say the truth this was the greatest error in Policy by way of omission and that of Charles the 8. concerning the Kingdom of Naples of commission that I think the Crown of France was ever guilty of And indeed there were many of the English Nation that judged it one of the greatest oversights that that wise Princess ever made not to take
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
both We have strength enough through Gods blessing to withstand them as I have already manifested if we have but courage and unanimity and the former of these will be got by degrees as I have said and our own interest and preservation should perswade us into the latter But truly let me say it freely I see such a weariness in many of the War such an unwillingness to lay out our selves as our Ancestors did formerly for the good of the publick such a selfish temper every one seeking to preserve his particular interest and neglecting the good of the Community and such a lothness to adventure our lives and estates in a War that I see little probability of preserving our selves and much less of prevalency against our Enemies So that if this War continue I fear these Provinces will become a prey to them both For though neither France will suffer England nor England France to have them all as I have shewn yet they will part and share them betwixt them except we prevent it by a compliance And what a miserable condition we shall then be in even worse than if we were under either of them I have formerly declared Seeing then we are so degenerate and become like Issachar which his Father stiles a Strong Ass and says of him that He saw that rest was good Gen. 49.14 15. and the land that it was pleasant and bowed his shoulder to bear and became a servant unto tribute we must either take courage and be unanimous valiantly fighting it out with our enemies or for the present be contented with this character and condition Will we then fight for our Religion Liberty Country Families Estates Trade or will we not If the former let me encourage all in the words of Joab that great General and brave Souldier wherewith he encouraged the Israelites when he had his enemies before and behind him Be of good courage and let us play the men for our people and for the Cities of our God and the Lord do that which seemeth him good 2 Sam. 10.12 But if the rest be so good and the Land so pleasant to us that we will rather how our shoulders and become servants than shew our faces in the field to fight with our enemies let us see what Master we should chuse and agree with him upon the best terms we can 2. Therefore shall we comply with both our enemies surely if reason and what we can give will satisfie them every wise man will say Yes that we may enjoy the many blessings God hath given us in peace But if they will have such Cities such vast sums of money and such Conditions as we cannot give them except we be ruined thereby who will not say No. We must therefore consider if there be no other way practicable to save our selves from the devouring Sword of our Enemies 3. There is no way therefore left us but to comply with one of our Enemies if we can possibly that so we may ballance the others power and either compel him to a peace or be enabled to continue the War If any one know any other way I heartily wish he would shew it as I think he is bound to do one way or other for every one ought to contribute his best assistance even by the principles of self-preservation Eccles 9.15 16. And Solomon tells us There was a poor wise man who by his wisdom delivered the City though no man remembred him and infers thence that wisdom is better than strength though the poor mans wisdom is despised and his words are not heard Yet surely notwithstanding that poor man did but do his duty though he was but poorly requited for his pains But I believe most will grant the way is good but impracticable in regard of the League betwixt the two Crowns and that they will not treat asunder c. Well then let us proceed to consider these things a little and see whether we cannot level these mountains of difficulties that are before us and make our way become plain and passable 1. With which of these our Enemies we should chuse to comply I think I have made sufficiently apparent in shewing it our Interest rather to be under England than France and to have peace and correspondent friendship for our Sea-traffick with the former rather than with the latter if we cannot have it from them both And I am sure this was the wisdom of our Ancestors who in their low condition A.D. 1575. deliberating into whose Protection they should give themselves over first declared the Empire and the competition coming between the Crowns of England and France prefer'd the former upon many and weighty considerations Cambden Annales Elisabethae A. 1575. Thuanus l. 60. Casus 20. relared by their Historians and very many of our own which are so well known I need not mention them and Boxhornius the Author of the Disquisitiones Politicae The civil Wars of France the inveterate fend betwixt French and Dutch those especially that live upon the Confines of both Countries the hard yoke of the French Government the levity of that Nation its liablness to be invaded by the Spanish the incommodiousness of their Ports for our Ships and Navigation made them averse to France And on the contrary The reformed Religion of the English their greater likeness with us in genious and language the nearness of the Country the multitude of their Ports their commodiousness for our Commerce the multiplicity of the English Manifactures and Commodities the Country not easily invaded strong and potent by Sea and Land not frequently imbroyled in civil Wars a free People the Government temperate and not burthensom with exactions and the Interest of the English Nation which if these Countries were conquered would searce be able to resist the Conqueror clearly enclined them for England You see then that reasons of State direct us to the same choice which our Ancestors heretofore wisely made 2. Seeing then we must chuse England not only for the Common Interest of the Protestant Religion but for our own greatest both religious and civil concernments We shall now remove those obstructions that seem to block up our way to Compliance It is objected that the two Crowns are in a League that neither will treat without the other and how can we then comply with England alone I confess if all Statesmen were Aristides's Plutarch in vita Aristid the Argument might be strong For he having heard by command of the Athenian Senate Themistocles's design of burning their enimies Fleet made report that it was very profitable but no ways honest upon which it was rejected Or if they were all Stoicks and held that honesty equity and utility were all one and with good old Socrates cursed those that first separated these as learned men tell us But we see it is far otherwise now in the World Plutarch l. 4. Sympos Cicer. 3. Offic. 1. de Leg. and that the
the last And rightly because who knows what God may doe and whether he may not recover him though the disease be desperate Having spoke our thoughts concerning these united we shall now speak of the Spanish Provinces I have as much smattering skill in Physick I confess as would serve me to make Charon a fraight of old Wives yet am I far from being arrived at the confidence which I have observed in Vrinal-Doctors And yet for once I will adventure to try the little skill I have with those State-Mountebanks that are so secure concerning the Spanish Netherlands For my part I have shak't their Water again and again and can find nothing but symptoms of death I shall onely premise that I shall not with an Emperical confidence tell you the time Kingdoms and States as well as private persons sometimes languish out rather then live their last But that they are so sick that I see no hopes of their recovery if this War continues And I will tell you my feares for the ensuing Summer 1. The incredible preparations that France makes this Winter both of Men and Money as if they would set all at stake for carrying on the following Summers Wars 2. The Empire 's Army is overmatcht with Turens They know that we are not in a capacity to recover the Cities we have lost and that they cannot conquer those that remaine so that their Armies cannot be designed either for strengthning their owne Garrisons or forcing of ours Except they will spend a Summers Expedition upon some inconsiderable out Garrisons which I cannot imagin 3. I have looked round about in Europe where this storme should fall and can see no place it hovers over except those Provinces and our selves 4. I consider the eminent advantage France hath at present by their friendship with England which I feare he will take 5. Allthough I doe not thinke France will prevaile by all his endeavors with England to breake with Spaine yet I thinke England will either be employed in doing their owne worke or not so quickly breake with France to stop his carriere in over-running those Netherlands 6 We shall either have the Wars continue or a Peace If the former as they are though England helps not therein for they profes in their Declaration to maintaine the Treaty at Aken yea though they would hinder it yet I doe not see how they can practically if they have not prevented it before-hand by their Treaty nor we to be sure the Wars continuing If a Peace be concluded we shall be forced to forsake them this being the main ground of the quarrel For if we would have helped France to have ruind them we might have been quiet for some time at least but because we had rather quench then set our neighbors house on fire lest ours follow in the flames France hath fallen upon us and shall we not then thinke that he will cudgell us into such conditions It is true indeed if England and we come to understand one another and our joynt intrest better we may succor them for some time but that 's not my supposal of the Wars continuing as they are which in that case implies a strange complication of diseases which to me who knows not their Treaty seems incurable 7. And where else they should have assistance to save them if France will fall upon them I see not For the Empire cannot it is well if they can save themselves Spaine is at a great distance May make perhaps some diversion in Catalonia or some small from Millan c. But what 's that to save those Provinces 8. We must therefore consider if they can stand on their owne legs so as to withstand their enimies power and not to be throwne downe thereby And here we shall find the number of Spanish inconsiderable the Dutch very wavering and uncertaine Some Popish Zealots thinking France can best carry on their designes others betwixt hopes and feares wishing they might see an issue and others plainely despairing of resistance desiring they were over Their Cities great and untenable severall of them requiring allmost as many to man them well as they have Spanish in the Countrey If they can make good Bruxels Antwerp Namur and Oostend for some time to see if the affaires of Europe may not alter it is all I expect But what shall become of the whole Countrey and the rest of the Cities Descriptio Lovani Bruges Mechlin Gant Lovaine c. Some of them as large as most Cities in Europe Three Noblemen An. 1427. as Guicciardine tells us with great charges had five of the greatest Cities on this side the Alpes measured and found but 18 Rods or Perches difference Of which Lovaine and Gant the greatest Paris within the Walls and Liege alike Colen the least But neglecting to mention the just measure Guicciardine tells us they are 6 Italian miles within and above 8 without the walls And though this be enough yet I must needs thinke them more For having had the curiosity to measure one of them for all I found it upon a warme walking within the Walls three full hours by my watch And besides this Paris and Liege are most populous Colen next but these of the Netherlands least so that I leave any rationall man to judge what number of men they require to maintaine them for I will not now stand to make that calculation Now if he takes these two great Cities he is in the heart of Brabant and Flanders so that all the rest will fall of themselves I conclude therfore that except the treaty between France and England secure them which is unknowne to me or that God in his all-wise Providence make some wonderfull chang in the scene of affairs in Europe the Spanish Netherlands are lost Having therefore thus tolled their passing bell we will leave them to Gods mercy and the King of France's clemency and hast us out of them to France and England And here many perhaps will thinke me litle better than madd to cross the current opinion of Christendom when I say that the Friendship of France and England is sick at heart and cannot live long and the contrary of that betwene England and Spaine But I matter not that other men have their way of making their measures and I have mine And indeed I thought to have communicated it but this worke having allready exceeded my intentions and that would be a great digression I would onely tell you my grounds or reasons for the present why I thinke so and may happily make a particular discourse of the other hereafter How France and England came to be so great friends as to agree to commence and carry on a War thus far against us is not now mine enquiry but to shew there is no such ground to dispaire of complianee with England notwithstanding their present league with France is my designe And for this end I shall first shew that though this friendship is faire
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at
London had to fomer those jealousies that that Common-wealth had of this that it was the Kings cause which this Republick by meanes of the Orange Family had espouses and what assistance Spaine which first publickly acknowledged that Common-weath would afford them c. And when we were both engaged how the Spanish drew their Forces towards our Frontiers as if they also would fall upon us and when we declined withdrew them againe to encourage us both to continue the War And in our second War if France had not a great hand both in contriving and continuing it wisemen are much deceived and the French misrepresented to the World By what inducements they perswaded both sides to a willingnes to that War I list not mention nor is there much necessity thereof they being so well knowne to severall of both Nations What a hand they had in its continuation we may easily perceive if we recollect but what passed therein When the English in the first Battel had bearen us France being onely a Spectator to ballance England becomes our Second and Monsieur the Kings onely Brother and his Lady Englands onely Sister were not permitted to use any publick expressions of joy by Bonefires or otherwise for their Brother the Duke of Yorks Victory over Opdam Their Fleet under de Duke of Bauford shall come to our assistance which occasiond the dividing of the Englishe's by which meanes and Monks precipitancy who would needs fight contrary to the advice of the cheif and best Commanders in the Fleet as Ascough told us in the Hague the English are beaten by us And to boye up England againe a private League is made betweene the two Crownes as I have formerly declared from an honourable Author So that these tricks of State are usuall though not discerned by every eye nor dare I censure them allwayes for sinfull except I see manifestly foule play because I know not the Reasons of State which are the Grounds of their proceedings Having thus shewne and I thinke sufficiently that the friendship of England and France is sick at heart I shall now proceed to shew that it cannot live long but if France goes on will and must die quickly 1. Englands intrest will perswade them to this which they cannot but discerne clearly prompts them to put a stop to France's progres If any think that they are so blinded with Passion That to be revenged of us they will ruin themselves I am not of their opinion for many Reasons which I think I am cleare in allthough I shall not mention them now but onely appeale to the issue whether they or I be in the darke and deceived 2. The many tricks that France playes them some whereof I have hinted and severall others might be mentioned That I know they have attempted but been disappointed in cannot but alienate the English from them 3. A Treaty being the game as I have said we shall play at which the sooner and better for us I foresee plainly that such Cards will be played as will make it apparent that the Pack was neither fairly shuffled nor delt and that the French meane to play at la bete with us both and if we continue to play shall come to losâ—ing loadam at last So that though the French have more of Clubs and Spades in their hands by which they hope to win the Diamonds we shall have more of the Hearts between us and so perhaps save some of our stock at the stake 4. If England come to receive satisfaction the spirit of the Nation will turne the scales For suppose that should be now Lib. 6. c. 2. that Comines tells us was heretofore which yet is sooner said than proved yet we must needs thinke that if France deales unfairely with them they will not onely have a faire occasion to desert them but the King and his Court the Parliament and People will be more irritated against them then they are now against us as is usuall in such cases and be readier to joyne with us and fall upon them then they were to joyne with them against us for the conservation both of their Religious and Civil Concernements 5. The Necessity of keeping up the ballance between France and Spaine will necessitate England to breake with France or at least hold them to keepe more within their bounds as we shall more fully shew hereafter 6. Nay the very defence of these Countries which we thinke they seeke to ruine will cause them either to bring France to a peace with us or themselves to help to defend us against them For they will never suffer France to have them all no nor the greatest part of these maritime Provinces nor the strongest as Holland if they can possibly hinder it though they may permit them some part of the Superior for having themselves a share of the Inferior as I have formerly shewne So that our intrest is so far Englands and is the greatest security we have next to Gods protection and our owne strength that we shall not be wholly overrun and brought under the French Yea this is so highly their concernement that I perswade my selfe if all the strength of the 3 Kingdoms under the Crowne of England and all the power of Spaine with them can hinder it France shall never gaine them or if he doe never quietly posses them And these things I thinke are sufficient to free us from our foolish feares of England and to perswade us to a compliance with them seeing we are both so greatly concerned to comply We shall now proceed to shew the quite contrary of the friendship between Spaine and England that it is sound at heart and will recover Wherein we need not be so large because that which shews that the friendship of France and England must die proves that of England and Spaine will live That this friendship is sound on the side of Spaine none questions this being the great motive though not the onely I confess that hath kept them from breaking with France And that it is allso so on the side of England I thinke is as cleare to those that considers 1. Their declared intention of maintaining the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle or Aken in their Declaration of this War 2. Allthough a provisionall clause unles provoked to the contrary in the close thereof gives them a latitude of breaking with Spaine yet notwithstanding they have been provoked severall wayes by them as all know that have observed the War yet they will not breake with them we see which is a cleare demonstration their friendship is firmer then we imagine 3. The importunities of France which we know have been great that England would engage with them against Spaine allso hitherto we see have prevailed nothing therein 4. The assurance we know England hath given the Court of Spaine both there and at Bruxels concerning the Spanish Netherlands makes us not doubt of their intentions allthough we doe of France's by reason both of
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords
shall be able to pursue them And indeed such is the growing greatnes of that Kingdome that it is become formidable to all Europe I need not insist on this the World is sufficiently sensible of it but it may be worth our pains to enquire into the causes thereof France formerly had severall boundaries to their Ambition which by degrees they have broken downe Severall Dukes on the one side that of Normandie Comines 1 6. c. 3. and the English after who for 400 years together latè dominati sunt in Gallia till Charles the 7. his time and that of Bretagnie till Charles the 8 gained it to the Crowne of France by the marriage of Anne Daughter of Francis the 2. the last Duke thereof and on the other side the Dukes of Bungundie till Lewis the 11. who after the death of Charles the last Duke slaine at the Battell of Nancey seized thereon and united it to the Crowne of France These three Potentates kept the French Kings continually under by their Confederations and Wars against that Kingdome Which Bands they having once broke they became at liberty to get more elbow-room in the World and become the largest compactest and strongest Kingdom of Europe were it not that their owne intestine Divisions and frequent Civil Wars hath often weakned them After France had arrived at this greatnes the following Kings Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. and Francis the first fruitlesly spent the Kingdoms strength in their Wars in Italy till Francis and Charles the 5. became competitors for the Empire and Spaine and France a fit match for each other in power Since which time such mighty contests have been betwixt those two Kingdoms as have filled all Europe with terror and amazement and all Historians with their Actions But how France hath so far prevailed as we see at present is partly by our owne and partly by the English fault we by Commission and they by Omission as we shall with what brevity we can make apparent in regard it may be usefull to us both During the reigne of Charles the 5. and Francis aforesaid the Reformation of Religion begun which occasioned great alterations to the Kingdom of France and to the Kings of Spaine in these Low Countries Wherein the Crowne of Spaine continued to prosecute their intrest in breaking downe the power of France by all means possible and especially by joyning with the Guisian faction which stiled themselves the Holy-League under pretense of opposing the Protestants Those great contests which the severall factions in France clothed with the glorious mantle of Religion are well knowne to those that are conversant in their Histories and are particularly declared by many but best in my judgement on the Protestants side by Beza the Author though not named of those 15 Bookes he stiles Commentariorum de Statu Religionis Reip. in Regno Galliae sub Henrico 2. Franciso 2. Carolo 9. Henrico 3. And on the Papists by Davila in his excellent Historie of the Civil Wars of France In which Contests in the Reigns of the four forementioned Kings the Successors of Francis the 1 and in the times of Henry the 4. who succeded them the Protestants called there Hugonots got into their Possession above 300 Garrisons and Forts in that Kingdome On the otherhand France was not asleep or awanting to prosecute their intrest in fomenting promoting and carrying on those divisions in these Low Countries to breake downe the power of Spaine into whose hands they had fallen by marriage as we have said and to remove the obstacle which these Provinces constantly were to their advancing their designes For which end they continually assisted us and whilst they pretended to fight our Battells at our charges they really fought their owne And lest the House of Austria so nearly allied to Spaine should afford them further assistance they ingage Sweden to invade the Empire and give the Emperor worke at home allowing A. D. 1631. Gustavus Adolphus 300000. Franks for levying an Army and a Million yearly for paying them every Frank being two Shillings sterling as in the years 1625. and 1635. they fathering all the Empire did on Spaine engaged us allso in more firme and constant Leagues against them This being the true State of those times between those two Crownes we therein thus doubly miscarried and erred both in our Civil and Religious Intrest First in that we thought we could never bring Spaine low enough nor assist France sufficiently against them In this blind zeale we went a great deale too far though nothing the length that France desired For had we listned to their suggestions we had to this day continued our Wars with Spaine and so have done their worke for them What arts France used to disswade us from peace with Spaine may be seen in their Historian Priol De Rebus Gallicis L. 10. as well as our owne concerning the Treaty of Munster But the States seeing the successes of France of whose greatnes they now at last and indeed too late became jealous to which they were the more awakened by the French approaches towards us in Flanders and taking of Dunkirke it being their owne proverb Aye le Francois pour ton Amy non pas pour ton voisin they resolve to take the opportunity which was put into their hands by Spaine who despairing of peace with France sought nothing more then to take off their confederates the Swede and these united Provinces especially by concluding a peace with us and procuring one allso between the Empire and Sweden For knowing their owne weaknes and great worke on their hands by the revolt of Portugall Rebellion in Catalonia the doubtfull condition of Naples the frequent losses they had received and their want of men and money to war every where they offerd us equall conditiors and we privately without the knowledge either of the French Plenipotentiaries or the Mediators Chigie from the Pope and Contaren from the State of Venice except them at last and a peace is made betwixt us at Munster January 30. 1648. and quickly after between the Empire and Sueden at Osnaburg August the 6. in the same yeare By which meanes Spaine was freed from our Wars had opportunity of Prosecuting theirs against Portugall and of creating France trouble at home by joyning with the Condean fact on in the greatnes of Mazarine and the minoritie of his present Majesty This peace so stuck on the Cardinals stomack that neither He nor that Kingdome have ever digested it but because we would not war for them any longer resolved they would war against us at last though if we had not done that too long they had never done this so succesfully Secondly we help forward France's greatnes and our owne destruction by helping to destroy the Protestant Intrest in that Kingdome For as France had the power of Spaine to keep them in on every side so they had allso a curb of the Protestants at home to check them
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere