warre describeth the forme of the oth of the Romane souldiers in these wordes Cum delectus fieret milites scriberentur in iusiurandum eos tribunus militaris adigebat hoc modo in magistratu C. Laelij C. F. Cos L. Cornelij C. F. Cos in exercitu decemque millia prope furtum noÌ„ facies dolo malo solus neque cum pluribus pluris nuÌ„mi argentei in dies singulos extra hastam hastile ligna pabulum vtrem follem faculam si quid ibi inueneris sustuleris quod tuum non erit quod pluris nummi argentei erit vti tu ad C. Laelium C. F. Cos L. Cornelium P. F. Cos siue ad quem eorum alter iusserit proferas aut profitebere in triduo proximo quicquid inueneris sustulerÃsue dolo malo aut domino suo cuium id censebis esse vti quòd rectè factum esse voles c. The summe and effect of which oth is that no souldier should steale or take any thing from any other souldier that whatsoeuer they found except it were for the vse of warres as weapons or prouision for themselues or their horses or such like they should bring it to the Generall or to the officer thereto deputed if it were more worth a Nummus argenteus Rom. was a piece of coyne somewhat more then our vi pence theÌ„ 6. d. Finally they swore that they should come at the day appointed vnlesse lawfull causes did stay them not depart without licence Liuy also mentioneth a forme of oth which the Romans at first did voluntarily sweare afterward they were driuen to do it of duety The effect of it was b Vbi ad decuâ—iatum aut centuriatum conuenissent sua voluntate ipsi inter se equites decuriau centuriati pedites iurabaÌ„t sese fugae aut formidinis ergô non abituros neque ex ordine recessuros nisi teli sumendi aut petendi aut hostis feriendi aut ciuis seruandi causa Liu. 22. that they should not fly away for feare nor go out of their aray vnles it were to take vp a weapon or to strike the enemy or to saue their companion Beside this othe which coÌ„monly they took when they were first enrolled they sometimes swore that they would not returne to their tents without victory This othe Marc. Flauolenus took as the Romanes were to ioyne battel with the c Liu. 2. Hetruscians And d Caes de bel ciu 3. Labienus Pompeys souldiers in the encounter betwixt Pompey and Caesar in the fields of Pharsalia swore likewise but al did not performe it Some fearing the reuolt of their souldiers haue vsed to binde them by speciall othe not to abandon their leaders which as Caesar reporteth was practised by Petreius Afranius e Caes de bel ciu 3. in Spaine f Samnitium milites adigebantur iuramento diro carmine in execrationem capitis familiae stirpis composito nisi issent in praelium quo imperatores duxissent si aut ipse ex acie fugisset aut si quem fugientem vi disset non extemplo occidisset Liu. lib. 10. The Samnites being oftentimes foyled by the Romanes did sweare that they would folow wheresoeuer their captains did leade them and that neyther themselues would flie out of the field nor suffer others to flie but would kill them presently if otherwise they did they cursed themselues their family and linage The Romans placed such religion in the oth of a souldier that some of theÌ„ thought it not lawful for others to fight with the enemy then such as had taken the solemne othe of a souldier Cato desired Aemilius Paulus General of the Romane army in Macedonia that eyther he would send away his son which together with the regiment wherein he serued was cassed or else woulde minister a new othe vnto him g Negabat ius esse qui miles noÌ„ sit pugnare cum hoste Cic offic 〈◊〉 For that he thought it not lawful for him that was no sworne souldier to fight with the enemy The effect of this othe howsoeuer men make now accompt of othes yet to them must needes be great that esteemed h Famae ac sidei maiora sunt damna quà m quae aestimari possunt the breach of promise and losse of their good name irreparable When the Duke of i Sancho de Lond Alua went about to reforme diuers disorders in the Spanish souldiers among other points it was ordained that euery souldier should at their entrance take a solemne oth to serue the king faithfully to be obedient to their captains and officers and not to depart the army nor from their colours without licence in writing The words of the ordonance are these Que todos los soldados despues de ser elegidos por sus capitanes con las circuÌ„stantias que en tal'election se requiere al tiempo de ser admitidos por los officiales del sueldo con iuramento solenne se obliguen a seruir bien y fielmente a su mag d y a sus capitanes generales a obedescer a todos sus superiores a no partir se del'exercito ni de sus compannias sin licencia en escrito de quien se la pudiere dar This othe is now also most necessary when all bondes of military orders are litle enough But vnles the souldier haue his pay and things be gouerned according to the due practise of warre to minister an othe to euerie poore souldier were nothing else but among other miseries to bind poore mens consciences with plaine periury CHAP. IIII. Part. 8. Wherein is proued that souldiers chosen of our owne nation are farre to be preferred before strangers and hired men THe great dangers that haue befallen diuers Princes and states by forraine forces that haue come in their aide haue giuen me occasion as before I haue shewed what other qualities I thought requisite in souldiers so now to declare of what natioÌ„ I would haue them chosen least vsing forraine forces wee might incurre like danger The souldiers therefore that are to be employed in defence of this realme I would haue chosen out of the naturall subiectts of this realme Be they English or Welch or Irish so they be subiects it skilleth not When I compare the people of this land with other nations I see no reason why I shoulde preferre any before them And although my testimony may seeme partiall yet the steppes of our ancestors prowesse as yet remaining in France Flanders Spaine Portugal Scotland and other countries cannot lie If then those orders by which our ancestors obtained such glory or els the rules of warre were restored who seeth not that this nation would match any other neither ought any man to esteeme the forces of this countrey by that which hath passed of late in France Portugal or the Low countries where our souldiers haue beene for the most part on the weakest side destitute of horse vnprouided of
councill and auctoritie to make warres should rest in Princes That warres are to be denounced on the assaylants side diuers reasons perswade vs. g Nullum bellum est iustum nisi quod aut rebus repetitis geritur aut antè denunciarum est indictum Cic. offic 1. There is a iustice in warres to be obserued sayth Tully which iustice requireth that warres be eyther denounced or made after deniall of things demaunded that haue beene vniustly taken from vs. He speaketh of warres made by those that inuade others For to defend our selues without more wordes is lawfull by the lawes both of nature and nations and very ridiculous it were to threaten those that haue begun to strike vs already Those therefore that thinke we haue no warres with the Spaniard because they haue not heard them proclaimed are like to those that will not ward or strike an enemie that commeth vpon them without saying beware Caesar minding to assayle Ariouistus sent a h Caesar perlegatos bellum indixit Ariouisto de bel gal L. 1. defiance to him before hand When Annibal came with an huge army into Italy the Romanes defended themselues without spending time about denouncing or threatning of warres Otherwise those that first begin warres doe vse first to speake before they strike which was not only the course of antiquitie but also of later times Onely the king of Spaine hath thought it lawfull vnder colour of treatie of peace without any defiance to cut our throtes if he could It may be he taketh the Popes excōmunicatiō against that Prince people of this land for a sufficient denuntiation or warrant to inuade vs without other circumstance This he learned of Alphonsus a Castro that determineth warres a Li. 2. de iust haeret puniend against heretikes to be lawfull which he taketh to be defied by auctoritie of the Canon And in his determination b Aial de iur bel lib. 1. Baltazar Aiala a great man among the Spaniards resteth no maruell if they obserue no solemnities in warres against vs whō they hold for heretikes hauing already determined that faith c Concil constant and promise is not to be performed vnto heretikes I neede not to describe the forme wordes vsed in defiances He that will reade the forme in time past vsed by the Romanes let him peruse d Lib. 16. c. 4. Aulus Gellius Later formes are reported in later histories much talked of by Heralds that claime that to be part of their office But litle seemeth it materiall to know that formes of defiances seeing in these times neither forme nor substance is strictly in this behalfe obserued Onely thus much Princes messengers that goe vpon this arrand of defiance are to take heede first that they passe not the words of their cōmission secondly that they vse no words of reproch or scorne It is reported that Frācis the 1. king of France would not heare the Herald sent him from Charles the 5. with defiance before he had caused a gibet to be erected to put him in mind what he should haue if he kept not himselfe within compasse In executing of wars this precept must diligently be had in remembrance that there be no crueltie vsed There is moderation euen in the executiō of iustice not onely in other actions of warre And Caesar in his victory against Pompei cōmanded his souldiers to spare the Romanes to delight in blood is signe of a sauage nature e Con. Faust The desire of doing hurt and crueltie in execution a mind also implacable and sauage is iustly blamed in warres saith S. Augustine those that yeeld themselues are not to be slaine Galba for that he slewe the Lusitanians after that he had taken them vpon composition was iustly therefore accused by Cato It is no victory to kil an enemie disarmed nor iustice to kill our prisoners in colde blood The execution done in the Generals chamber vpon the prisoners after the battel of Cognac an 1569. did greatly blemish his honor Who doth not detest the f Histoire de troubl de Fr. executions that haue bin done vpon men disarmed after cōpositiō at Mailè Mucidan diuers other places during these late troubles of Frāce yet may not prisoners vpon this libertie presume to abuse or attempt any matter against those that haue taken them for then they deserue no fauour Caesars souldiers at a Hirt de bel Hisp Munda in Spaine vnderstanding that if the Townesmen sallyed out vpō them their prisoners would charge them vpon their backes were forced to massacre them likewise were the English forced to kill their prisoners after the battell of Poytiers fearing least they should vse some trechecie when the enemie made shewe to assayle them b Que ningun soldado mate muger ninno vieio ni person inhabil aunque sea en la furia del vincer so pena de la vida ni ponga la mano in tales personas Sancho de Londono Women children and old folkes by the orders of warre obserued nowe in the Spanish campe are exempted from the souldiers furie in the sacke of Townes The present French king deserueth great prayse for suffering the poore and impotent people of Paris to passe through his armie although it were much to his preiudice practice of armes required percase other rigour as appeareth by the crueltie executed by Caesars souldiers at Auaricum and the Sea townes of France on such kind of people thereby to make the besieged eyther sooner to yeelde or to spend their victuals but this best beseemed a Christian king The Turkes saue such for slaues Christians therefore ought to doe that for conscience which Turkes doe for gaine Of this discourse this is the summe that those c What warres are lawfull warres are iust and lawfull which are made by the soueraigne Magistrate for lawfull and iust causes being both orderly denounced in cas◠requisite moderatly prosecuted to the end that iustice may be done and an assured peace obteined In which case it is lawfull for any man with good conscience to serue in warres but if the warres be notoriously vniust let euery man take heede howe hee embrewe his handes in innocent blood The Christian souldiers that serued Iulian the Apostat would not drawe their swordes against Christians although they willingly serued him against all others Yet doe I not make priuate men iudges of Princes factes but what neede any iudgment where the facte is euident and who shall answere for men that execute Princes wicked commaundements before Christes tribunall seate if the iniustice of warres be not notorious the subiect is bound to pay and serue and the guilt shall be laide to his charge that commaundeth him to serue A good man may serue sayth d August lib. 22. con Faust Man c. 7. Saint Augustine vnder a sacrilegious Prince where the iniustice of the commandement shall bind the Prince as the duetie of obedience doth make the souldier innocent
Iust warres hath these effectes whatsoeuer a § Item ea instiaâ—de reruÌ„ diuision we take or winne from the enemie that is iustly ours and the same by the lawes of nations is accompted lawfull purchase b Sunt auteÌ„ priuata nulla natura sed aut veteri occupatione aut victoria Cic. off 3 nothing is proper by nature but either by ancient possession and seisine or victorie sayth Tully Whatsoeuer Citie therfore or Territorie is by vs taken in iust warres the same is ours likewise whatsoeuer moueable goods commeth to our handes Yet is there great difference in this case betwixt landes and goodes the landes come to the Prince or State that beareth the charge to dispose at their pleasures eyther among c Dion Halic an t lib. 2. those souldiers by whose blood they were wonne or els after they be rewarded among others for the benefite of the State Alexander d Lamprid. in vit Alexand. Seuer Seuerus the Emperour diuided the Countrey bordering on the enemie on the souldiers that best deserued and their children also so long as they should continue in seruice there The spoiles of the enemie are sometime giuen to the souldiers certeine things onely excepted e Liui. lib. 7. 9. Valerius Coruinus making a roade into Samnium gaue all the praye to his souldiers likewise did C. Iunius at the taking of Bouian The whole Senate of Rome gaue the sacke of Veij to the souldiers The Spanish souldiers vse seldome to march to an assalt but they will couenant to haue the spoyle But if it might be obteined the best course is that all the spoyle brought to one place the Generall should deuide it all or most part among his souldiers hauing regard to the most valiant and hurt men which cannot be partakers of the spoyle which they procured with their blood and this was the most common practise of the Romanes And if there should be any other course taken these inconueniences would fall out the Generall should haue no meanes to reward those that best deserue for howe can he the spoyle being not in his power to dispose the hurt should be depriued of their part for that they are not able to runne about to spoyle nay the most valiant shoulde haue least part for commonly f Ita segnior est quisque praedator vt laboris periculique praecipuam partem petere soleâ— Liui. 5. the most valiant souldier is the last that putteth vp his sword to goe to spoile and contrariwise the most cowardly and disorderly companion may percase light vpon the greatest and richest spoyles for winning whereof he scarse drewe out his sworde furthermore by greedinesse of spoyle many braue occasions are let slippe out of our handes and many disorders fall out Alexamenes hauing slaine g Liuy Nabis and being entred Sparta while he minded nothing but spoyle suffered the enemies to gather head and waxe so strong that they cut him and his companie in pieces Last of all diuers contentions and braules fall out about the diuision of spoiles especially where there are diuers nations in one armie All this cannot be remedied vnlesse there be some better order then vsuall in preseruing the spoyle In time past the Romanes disposed of their prisoners as of the rest of the spoile and he that was taken in lawfull warres was slaue to him that tooke him But nowe that captiuitie is abolished among Christians ransomes succeede in lieu of slaues so that a prisoner taken in warres is not made a slaue but is ransommed according to that reasonable agreement which is made betwixt the prisoner and his taker The lawes of Spaine and France doe yet more particularly diuide the spoyle takeÌ„ in wars Not only the countrey but also ships of warre taken from the enemie belong to the Prince by the a Aial lib. 1. Leg. Reg. 19. Tit. 26. Par. 2. customes of Spaine By the same b Reg. 29. 30. customes the King hath the fifth the captaine the seuenth part the souldiers the rest Sancho de Lond. compriseth their orders in certaine rimes Al'ausança de Francia Castilla saith he el Reyno la prouincia sennorio el rey captiuo la ciudad ô villa es del rey que ha exoedido empoderio Del Generall que gana es el que pierde el puede rescatarle à su aluedrio c. The summe of his long rimes is this that by the customes of France and Castile the Prince ought to haue the Kingdome Prouince Seignorie or Citie and the King likewise that is taken in warres Other prisoners belong to them that take them except the Generall and men of marke and qualitie which being taken by others are notwithstanding to be vsed to the benefite of the Prince prouided alwayes that he that taketh them be honourably rewarded All the ensignes great artillerie munitions of warre and treasure are likewise the Generals due small pieces without wheeles and pieces of small bollet belong to the master of the Ordinance all broken pieces fall to the Gunners share the rest of the spoyle is giuen to euery one that taketh it This is the vse when a battell is ioyned or a Citie is wonne but in a roade they that loose their horses in seruice are first to be mounted eyther on horses taken or on the common charge the rest is to be diuided among the souldiers yet so that consideration be alwayes had of those that deserue best If our goods be taken away by the enemie and presently recouered againe then they returne to the owners propertie The a Volseis ad deâ—â—tionem compulsis castrisque captis praedae pars sua cognoscentibus Latinis Hernicis reddita sunt Liu. 4. Volscians being forced to yeeld so soone as their campe was taken so much of the spoyles as belonged to the Latines or Hernicans was restored to them againe by the Romanes b Sutrinis sociis vrbs corum codeÌ„ die Camillo duce recepta integra reddita est Liu. 6. Camillus hauing recouered Sutrium out of the handes of the Hetruscians the same day that it was taken restored the same againe to the Citizens The c Praeda militi concessa pecus exceptum quod intra dies 30. domini cognouissent Liu. 24. goods belonging to their confederats the Romanes did commonly except out of the spoyle The Romanes after diuers yeres recouering the Territorie of d Liu. 24. Saguntum restored the same to the ancient possessors thereof And e Liu. 30. Scipio restored diuers things to the Sicilians which he found in the sacke of Carthage and had beene taken from them This right by which things lost returne to their owners the Romanes called ius postliminij which belonged to f Postliminio redeunt haec homo nauis mulus clitellarius equus equa Cic. Topic. ff de capt leg 2. prisoners in warre ships mules carriage horses or mares Slaues g ff codem l. ab hostibus returning or
should be dispersed in villages when the enemie is at hande and cabines are not so soone built nor is stuffe in all places to bee founde to builde them with The Romanes to euery hundred had both cariages and tents assigned For want whereof our souldiers are seldome well lodged especially in marching and yet are they long about it And where they lye by reason of their cutting downe of woods they leaue marks of their being there many yeeres after Without spades mattocks axes baskets and such like instruments the souldier can neither enclose his enemie nor fortifie himselfe and therefore as very necessary things are such instruments to be prouided as also whatsoeuer is necessary for passing of riuers assalting of townes and other faites of armes I neede not make mention of horses of seruice seeing euery man knoweth what difficulties an armie destitute of horsemen susteineth That which shal be sufficient shal be spoken when we come to speake of horsemen Onely now I will admonish Gentlemen to haue more care of keeping races of horses because in case of present necessitie they that haue them not of their owne shall hardly obteine them of others The last thing that I am here to speake of is first to bee thought of I meane prouision of victuals without which men can neither liue in warres nor in peace It is a faint fight that hungersterued souldiers doe make In a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. exp Cyr. 1. warres without things necessary there is neither vse of souldier nor captaine He that b Qui frumentuÌ„ neçessariumque cômeatum non parat vincitur sine ferro Veget. lib. 3. c. 26. prouideth not victuals beforehand is ouercome without drawing of a sword Against other mischiefes there are remedies but there is no wrastling against hunger Want driueth men to their wittes end When the Lacedemonian souldiers were straited their Generall writ thus to the Magistrates the c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. souldiers are sterued for hunger what shall we do The two d Liui. 23. Scipioes writ to the Romane Senate that without supply of victuals their army must needes dissolue And Caesar e Caes bel Gal. 7. told his souldiers that were determined to retrayte that without their cariages where their victuals were they could no furthâ—r doe seruice against the enemie And therefore victuals must be had ready it is too late to seeke for them in Villages when the hungry souldier is ready to sterue Caesar f Re frumentaria comparata castra mouet bel gal 2. would not once moue towarde the enemie before he had his prouision with him g De obsessione non priùs agendum consticuit quam rem frumentariam expedisset Caes com bel gal lib. 7. Nor would he resolue to besiege any towne before he had taken order for sufficient victuals for his army His vse h Vbi instabat dies quo die frumentum militibus metiri oporceret Caes com 1. 6. bel gal was to deuide victuals to euery company for certaine dayes beforehand The garrison townes of the Romanes were furnished with wheat vineger bacon barley and straw for a yeere beforehand as Capitolinus sheweth in the life of Gordian The reason is laide downe by Tacitus that i Vtaduersus moras obsidionis annuis copiis firmentur Tacit. annal they might be stored with prouision against long sieges The Colonies which were peopled with Romanes and placed as gardes and propugnacles against their enemies were stored with all things necessary How our souldiers were furnished in Flanders and Portugall I report me to their knowledge that endured those seruices Beeing no better furnished it is not to be marueiled â—hough they kept no better order k Disciplinam seruare non potest ieiunus exercitus Cassiod 4. Var. lect c. 13. Hungry souldiers are hardly kept within the compasse of lawes The belly as is commonly sayde in this case hath no eares The cause of all such miseries in warres are diuers first want of care and good proceeding then niggardise and miserie thirdly fraude and deceite last of all impunitie Which are not to be redressed but with contrary proceeding and folowing the precedents of ancient warriers The Romanes gaue to their Generall both treasure and authoritie sufficient to prouide things necessary for the army They brought victuals into the army sufficient and for feare of want layde vp abundance in garners and storehouses in strong places neere to the countrey where their army soiourned Opposing their forces against Annibal they chose a Liu. 21. Clastidium for their storehouse Caesar in the wars against theÌ„ of Auuergne brought all his prouision to b Caes bel gal 7. Nouiodune because it lay neere The Romanes caused their ships of victuals to discharge at c Eo omnes ex Italia oneâ—ariae naues dirigebant cursum Liu. l. 37. Chios in their warres against Antiochus He chose Lysimachia for the place of his store For the warres of d Liu. l. 44. Macedonia they made their prouision in Thessaly e Caesar câ—rtis locis horrea constituit frumentum conquirâ— iussit de bel ciu 3. Caesar had his garners in conuenient places to supply his army in his warres against Pompey Pompey brought all his prouision to Dyrrhachium Asdrubal entring f Fines hostium ingrediens frumentum commeatusque in vrbem Asenam conuexit Liu. 23. Spaine caried all the victuals and store of the countrey into Asena and Scipio likewise landing g Horrea noua aedificata veteâ—a á Scipione repleta frumento ex population bus commeatu Siculo Liui. 29. in Afrike made newe storehouses and filled both new and olde partly with victuals sent out of Sicile and partly with those which hee got by the spoile of the countrey When a strong army commeth into any countrey it is no masterie for the same to finde h Formidine populationis obsides frumentum aalia quae vsui forent affatim praebita Salust bel Iugurth victuals forrage either by feare or force But the companies sent into France and Flanders being so weake it was no marnell if they pined being pend vp or confined within some garrison the enemie being alwayes stronger without For the assurance of our victuals that come vnto vs garisons would be placed in conuenient distances Caesar in the warres with the i PedituÌ„ 10000. sibi celeriter mitti voluit quò expeditiore re frumentaria vteretur Caes bel Gal. 7. Auuergnacs vsed 10. thousand Heduans to this purpose Neither would he suffer any k Vellaunodunum ne quem post se hostem relinqueret quo expeditiore refrumentaria vteretur oppugnare instituit ibidem towne to remaine vntaken betwixt him and his victuals For the fetching in of victuals a conuenient power of horsemen would be sent forth seconded with footemen to forrage and range the countrey Besides this the army would haue diuers cariages laden with
them therefore fight valiantly and not suffer themselues to bee skinned They that forecast what windes will blowe seldome sowe or set sayle in time Further a small force must needes lye in Townes and hide their heads where the enemie is stronger Against the enemie they haue neither strength to fight nor meanes to enterprise stil the Prince is at a continuall charge and without pay the souldiers famish but where a full and sufficient force arriueth in any Countrey they commaund the same vnlesse an armie be presently opposed against theÌ„ They enrich themselues with spoiles the fruites they lay vp for their owne store Many confederates some for feare others for other causes ioyne with them and either yeeld money or victuals or munitions Whatsoeuer corne forage or other prouision is without walled Townes that is theirs It must be a Towne of some strength that dare resist them When the armie is great the warres mainteyne themselues as said Cato Scipio with the profite that he drewe out of the Countrey of Spaine mainteined his armie there diuers yeres Sixteene yeres did Annibal maintaine warres in Italy at the charge of that Countrey almost without supplie of men or money from Carthage With the riches of France Caesar mainteined his armie 9. yeeres in France enriched himself and his countrey Besides the charge of the army defraied many Romane captains haue brought in great summes of money into the publike treasurie These are the fruits of victorie but victorie cannot be obteined without an armie If therefore any man hope for the end of warres or good successe in France Flanders or other Countrey let him wish that sufficient meanes were employed There is neither honor safetie profite nor hope of good hap in the course of warres commonly taken If you will not beleeue me then examine the proceedings of the smal companies that haue bin employed in seruice of late time examine the ancient and latter histories of forreigne nations that haue had good successe in their warres If you see nothing but disorder in the one and reason in the other then let captaines neuer for shame on this sort loose their men expend their money trifle the time dally with the enemie contrary to reason and all good proceeding but let them as in other points so in this also returne to the true discipline and practice of warre CHAP. IIII. Part. 11. Of the exercise and trayning of young souldiers whereby they are made apte and ready for the warres A Wise Generall hauing once enrolled his souldiers will not loose any one houre of time but will either exercise them or employ them in seruice There is nothing in warres more pretious then time which once passed cannot be recalled And whether the army be idle or well employed the pay and charge stil runneth on But because it is dangerous to bring yong souldiers into the face of the enemie before they be both fashioned by exercise also fleshed by light encounters with the enemie he ought both diligently to exercise them at such times as the enemie giueth him leysure also to harden them by skirmishes and other light enterprises against the enemie before he hazard to fight with his full forces Therein what example can I set before him better to follow then that of Scipio that ouercame Annibal and in al deedes of armes shewed himselfe most vigilant and skilfull He before he drew foorth his army out of new Carthage into the fielde when as yet the time of the yeere was not proper for seruice did continually diuers dayes exercise his men aswell in fight at sea as at land The first day he caused all his regiments to runne in array and order of battell 4. miles the second day he appointed euery man to make his armes cleane and fit the a Tertio die in modum iustae pugnae sudibus interse concurrerunt Liu. 26. third day he caused them to diuide themselues into two partes and in order of battel to fight the one against the other with cudgels and blunt dartes The same course hee tooke in Sicile before he transported his b Liu. 29. army into Afrike He caused his souldiers in order of battel to march and runne armed and set his ships in aray within the harbour in such good order as if hee were presently to fight The a Intentior quaÌ„ vnquam â—nte a muniendi exercendique militem cura ducibus Volscorum erat Liu. 4. Volscians hauing bin oftentimes foyled by the Romanes and determining to set vp their rest tooke great care in arming and exercising their men as if that were the onely meanes to harten and harden their souldiers And sure much good doth exercise and teaching as well in warre as other artes where the leaders are skilfull Tit. b Liu. 23. Sempronius by exercising his young souldiers taught them to followe their ensignes and keepe rankes both standing and fighting in array of battell and obteined by them diuers victories against the enemie c Liu. 34. Cato likewise in his voyage into Spaine tooke no small paines in exercising of his men before hee brought them to see the enemie whereby he so fashioned them that he gaue diuers repulses to the enemie Tullus Hostilius when the mindes of the Romanes were mollified ky long peace in the dayes of his predecessor Numa yet by exercise obteined so much that they durst encounter and were not inferiour to olde souldiers Epaminondas by framing and excercising the Thebanes made them of a base nation the most warlike people of Greece and with them ouerthrewe the Lacedemonians which from their youth vp were trayned vp in the exercise of armes In the first warres with Carthage the Romanes perceiuing that for want of skill in Sea causes they were inferiour to the Carthaginians practised their men in imaginarie Sea fightes and so long exercised them therein that at lenghth they ouercame them aswell by sea as by land d Liu. 24. Statorius the Romane teaching the souldiers of Syphax to followe their leaders and to keeperankes and other orders of warres in short time made them of nouices so expert that after that Syphax doubted not to encouÌ„ter the Carthaginians This caused Tissaphernes the Persian to make such reckoning of Phalinus a Grecian for that hee was e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exped Cyr. 2. Xenoph. skilfull in ordering of men and teaching them to fight in armes Of English men Philip of Comines giueth this testimonie tha although when they first come into France they haue small skill yet with exercise they first come into France they haue small skill yet with exercise they become good souldiers and therefore seeing most of our souldiers are yong and of small experience in warres by reason of our long peace they are diligently to be exercised before that they see the enemie f Cassius quantum sine bello dabatur reuocat priscum morem exercet legiones Tacit. 12 Cassius the Romane according to the
way But what neede examples of foreine nations seeing it hath bene the vse of our ancesters to seeke their enemies alwayes abroade in their owne countreys this course is most honorable most safe yea and that which is nowe most accompted of by some most profitable and least chargeable for vs also Nothing can be more honorable then to defend our religion lawes and countrey against those that seeke to oppresse vs no course more safe then so to hazard that the losse doe not endanger our state no way more profitable then by keeping the enemy farre off to mainteine the reuenues of the Crowne and euery mans priuate liuing and trade at home Wherefore refusing the pernicious counsell of those that babble of I knowe not what peace let the Spaniard rather feele the effects of warre in Spaine then bee suffered be to drawe his vnsatiable sword in England his malice is not lesse then it was But hither to God hath broken his purposes and crossed his designements But if he be suffered quietly to possesse Britein the longer wee differre our warres the more dangerous we shall finde them and our selues more vnable to resist Nowe that hee hath a strong party against him in France and that the Low countreys either stand against him or are weary of his gouernement and that Portugal is malcontent with his newe tyranny is the time to hurt him and preuaile against him If we suffer him to settle his owne affaires and this good opportunitie to passe I feare we shall often wish for the like and hardly finde it CHAP. V. Part. 3. Wherein certaine aduertisements are giuen to our souldiers that are sent in ayde of foreine nations THe best counsell that I can giue my countreymen is to assayle the enemy in his owne countrey but seeing that I cannot I feare perswade them to that is best and safest the next good that I can doe them is to admonish them that being sent in small numbers to succour our friendes oppugned by our common enemy they proceede not rashly First therefore wisedome requireth that they goe strong for that in foreine countreys they are no lesse to feare the practices of double hearted friends then the force of open enemies The Romanes when they sent ayde to their friendes neuer sent lesse then a full army sufficient to encounter the enemy In sending lesse either they should not haue pleasured their friends or els haue endangerd their owne men Besides this it would haue bene dishonor to the name of the Romanes if either they had not bene able to ouercome the enemy or willing to see their friendes long languish in feare or their souldiers ouermatched and not able to looke out into the fielde For this cause being required ayde of the Campanians against the Samnites of the Latins against the Volscians they sent their Consuls Generals forth with a mighty force not only to driue the enemie from the townes but also to fight with him in the fielde And taking vpon them the protection of the Sicilians against them of Carthage they sent thither sufficient strength both by sea and land Caesar going in ayde of the Heduans and other the confederates of the Romanes in France oppressed by the Heluetians Germans led with him a most braue army furnished with all things necessary Neither was it the vse of the Romanes only but of all nations that vnderstood the practise of armes yea and of ours also The Blacke Prince in the dayes of Edward the third going into Spaine in succour of Don Pedro de Castile led thither a most florishing army where with he ouerthrew the power of Spaine and restored the Ring to his seate Likewise the Duke of Lancaster in his expedition into Portugall did not rely vpon the ayde of that nation but caried with him a gallant army of English men And when Edward the fourth went into France to ayde the Duke of Burgundy be caried with him such a power as the heartes of the French trembled to see it and the king rather by money and rewardes then by force sought to cause them to returne If the Romanes had sent three or foure thousand in ayde of their friendes in Sicile or Greece or Asia and so supplyed them by litle and litle the opinion of their wisdome and forces would neuer haue growen so glorious Neither could the Prince of Parma of late times if he had gone into France with a small force haue deliuered his confederates from danger or els broken the purposes of his enemies in that sort hee hath If then wee will not followe the ancient rules of warre yet let vs not shewe lesse iudgement and value in our proceedings then our enemie Whosoeuer therefore meaneth to winne honor in succour of his friends abroad let him as much as he can endeuour to cary with him a sufficient force Small numbers are neither esteemed of enemies nor friends Into the field they dare not come for they are too fewe and too weake being penned vp in cities they famish If our friends be stronger then our ayde then are they commaunded by them If any of their leaders want gouernement our men that are put to all hard seruices pay the prise of their folly If any calamitie happen to their army our people first feele it They shift for them selues being in their owne countrey ours are slayne both of enemies and friendes and if victuals waxe scant they sterue first I neede not shewe this by other examples then by our proceedings in France and the Lowe countries But suppose that by our aide our friendes should be able to ouercome or make peace with the enemy yet are not our people more assured then before When the Protestants in the first ciuil warres by the meanes of our forces had obteined that they would or at least tollerable conditions of peace they ioyned with our enemies to besiege vs in Newhauen and sent vs away without reward or thankes The Spaniards that had restored a Guicciar li. 16. Maximilian Sforza to the Duchie of Millan the warres being ended for their reward had like to haue had their throates cut But they stood so much vpon their gard that the practise of Hierome Moron and the Marquis of Pescara could take no effect In ancient time howe often haue our people bene deluded by the Dukes of Britaine and Burgundy in whose aide they went to venture their liues and doe we thinke that the people of the Lowe countries if once they be deliuered from the feare of the Spaniard will not turne out our garrisons and vse vs in like sort they will be able to doe it and others haue done so before Why then should we thinke our selues priuiledged To assure our selues therefore of our friendes the onely meanes is to haue a force sufficient to master them and correct their disloyaltie The same is the only course to preuaile against our enemies to helpe our friendes and mainteine our selues If that may not be obteined I
was commanded Some spared not their owne friendes no nor sonnes neglecting their commandements This generall rule therefore is to be obserued strictly and the offenders to be punished Neither may they or others make c Que si algun soldado hiriere a algun officiale especialmente su superior muera porello resistance against those officers that punish them for their offences Yet on the other side I doe not authorise rash braines to kill or hurt their souldiers There is difference betweene correction and killing By the orders of the Spaniards he that killeth his souldier disorderly dieth for it By commandements in this place are not vnderstood euery captaines priuate pleasures but orderly directions in time of seruice 2 No captaine nor officer c. No man may returne into his countrey without licence but captaines least of all for example sake For if this were lawfull it were not possible to keepe an army together Such as stay frō their garrison are to seeke when they should lead their company to the charge giue iust occasion of this law 3 All souldiers c. These are next in degree to those that flie out of the field For when they should fight then like traitorous cowards they hide themselues and therefore deserue equall punishment with those that flie 4 No captaine nor officer c. A farre greater fault it is that souldiers seldome haue that pay that their prince alloweth But yet may not those capteines officers be excused which of that which is comming to them do cut off some part and pinch them of the rest by diuers fraudes and deuises After that a Stipendio equites fraudātes Caesarem veriti transsugerunt Caes bel Ciu. 3. Caesar had notice how Roscillus and AEgus two captaines of horsemen had defrauded their men of their pay and taken from them their partes of the spoile as soone as they perceiued it fearing punishment they fled to the enemy 5 No captaine nor other c. Many are the incommodities that come of false mosters The prince is defrauded the army weakned seruice neglected opportunity giuen to the enemy Neither is there any thing that in our times more dishonoreth captaines and officers then the suspicion had of some in this behalfe The army of Iulio the second being in the moster b Guicciard l. 9. rolles double the number that it was indeed could doe nothing of those enterprises that were intended The abuse of mosters was the ruine of c Guicciard l. 15. Francis the first before Pauy Guicciardine reporteth that foure thousand d Guicciard l. 17. Suitzers were mostred and payd for sixe thousand and that Lansqueners seldome are halfe so many as are conteined in the moster rolles of which ensueth the spoile of princes without any effect done in seruice This abuse was not knowen in ancient time which maketh me much woonder that no man goeth about to remooue it and more that those that should reforme it in some places doe suffer captaines to haue certeine dead payes which is a meanes to mainteine it and couer it To remedy this abuse there are two meanes first to allow captaines honourable maintenance and to pay euery souldier by the poll as the e Liu. 28. Romanes did and as the Spaniards doe that haue their Pagadores or Paymasters for this purpose the next is that the Generall cause all the army to be mostred at once and all those that giue in false numbers or commit any abuse heerein to be punished most seuerely By the lawes of France they suffer death No captaine lieutenant c. This law may percase to some seeme needlesse for who would thinke that any man woulde come into the field to fight without armes but he that hath seene the disorder in warres in this point and considered how many captaines lieutenants sergeants which are the brauest men of their companies do come without armes defensiue into the field will acknowledge I doubt not that it is more then necessary to be thought vpon and redressed As it is now they onely leade men to fight and when they come neere conuey themselues out of the braule letting their souldiers fight if they will In time past centurions and their options or lieutenants were the first and principall men of their rankes and the strength of the battel and by the vantage of their armes preuailed against their enemies Would not then so many braue captaines lieutenants and sergeants now adde a great strength to the armie if they stoode in their rankes well armed Now standing out of array they serue for nothing but for cyphres in the ioyning of the battell vnlesse it be to giue euill example and to trouble others The Spaniardes at mosters pay none but such as present themselues before their officers with their armes and furniture If then in mosters armes are to be shewed sure more requisit it is that men should come armed into the field For what reason hath he to reproue and checke his souldiers for casting away or loosing their armes that hath no sufficient armes himselfe 7 No souldier nor other c. For want of sufficient markes and cognisances oft times souldiers of one side hurt their fellowes especially where diuers nations serue together This was the death of Ponsenac diuers braue men an 1569. slaine by their fellowes in a skirmish in France and is cause of many disorders Diligently therefore is this point to be looked vnto especially where the enemy and wee speake both one language Pompey himselfe for want of ready pronouncing the worde had like to haue bin slaine of one of his owne souldiers in the warres against Settorius in Spaine For this cause the Protestants in these late troubles in France wore white cassakes and the Dutch that came in their aide scarfes of colours of their Generall 8 No captaine officer c. Of this cause proceede many quarels among captaines and diuers fraudes in mosters and disobedience of souldiers to their superiors Which cannot be auoided if offending one captaine they may finde protection shelter vnder another Therfore both the receiuers they that are receiued deserue to be punished By the orders of the Spanish campe the captaine looseth his place the souldier is banished offending herein Among the Romanes such abuses were not vsuall But if so be the souldier be euill intreated of his captaine or the seruant by his master then vpon proofe the lord marshall or iudge marshal is to set order 9 Captaines officers of cōpanies c. For that the souldiers are oft times charged while their captaines are absent and therupon fly or commit some other error as men without gouernment therefore are a Que se Huuieren de Leuar vanderas a las guardias vayan los capitanes officiales y◠soldados con todas sus armas en orden pena de castigo arbitrario capteins officers to watch with their companies and to see that their soldiers depart not the place nor
the Low Countries of Portugall and France you both vnderstand the practise of armes and the wants of the souldiors the generall hope of al souldiors nay of al that loue their countrey is that your Lordship which so wel vnderstandeth the common disorders of the warres and the great importance of them and hath so great fauour and meanes by reason of your auctoritie to correct them wil one day be a meane to see them in some part redressed all those parts which are required of a sufficient generall do seeme to florish and shew forth themselues in your doings and promise these things in your behalfe Through disorder of some ignorance in others to speake nothing of pinching false reckonings hitherto her Maiestie hath not bene resolued to bring into the field a sufficient armie and those small forces if I may so call such smal troupes that haue bene employed in diuers seruices haue wanted much of their necessary prouisions not that the charge is so great that it could not be borne nor for that her care was lesse then is conuenient for if the same order were abroad that is at home why may not this countrey mainteine thirty or fourty thousand abroad that mainteineth so many millions at home men do not spend more nor eate more abroad then at home but the reason why a sufficient army is hardly mainteined is because there wanteth good directions and orders and punishment of bad dealing some impute the fault to griedy mens insatiable couetousnes which like a goulfe wil neuer be filled but that is not all nor the greatest disorder others thinke it impossible for this Realme to beare the infinite charge of an army but why should not this whole kingdome be able to mainteine 30. thousand in pay when as the citie of Rome the territory being not past ten miles in breadth in that warre which the same had with the a Liui. lib. 8. 9. Latins sent forth ten legions which being full at that time amounted to 40000. foote beside horsmen but what should I speake of Rome the mistres of the world for warlike discipline when as the Cities of Athens and Sparta nay the townes of Thebes Corinth Argos and diuers other in Greece Italy mainteined great armies both at home abroad vpon their owne charges who seeth not then that the cause of these calamities and disorders is want of militarie knowledge and not want of meanes and that as disorder want of reward and punishment is cause that our enterprises are so easily dissolued and vanish of themselues so order and gouernement in ancient times were causes of their happy successe and would also make our affaires succeede the better I neede not seeke farre to finde examples for proofe of this matter seeing the good gouernment of Edward the first that so long warred in Scotland of Edward the third and Henry the fift and eight that were so victorious in France aforde vs such store if then the griedines of some were restreined with sharpe punishment men of heroical spirits not tainted with the base desire of gaine were allured with honor preferment to take vpon them the charge of matters if such were chosen for commanders as haue nothing before their eyes but honor and the enlargement of the commonwealth and all men were resolued to bestow more in iron and steele then in silkes and veluets and golden coates and most things were gouerned by lawe and order of warre and not by fauour and partialitie or which is worse by money in summe if true and ancient discipline of armes were either restored or setled among souldiers I would not doubt but that this Countrey would be able not onely to mainteine a sufficient strength of men but that we should also recouer the ancient glory of the English nation spread farre abroad in France Spaine and other countreys in time past now blemished only with some mens misgouernment Wherefore seeing it hath pleased God not only to make your Lordship acquainted but also partaker of the common calamities of souldiers and giuen you fauour and accesse to her Maiestie in whom it lyeth to reforme these abuses as you haue hitherto employed your person and goods in the seruice of her and your countrey so I beseech you cease not vntill such time as you haue accomplished the redresse of these disorders these are they that without any one stroke of the enemie haue broken our enterprises it is not the courage of the Spaniard nor force of the Dutch nor brauerie of the French that hath frustrated our late attemptes neither doeth force so often ouerthrow armies in fielde as daliance irresolution and delay then through niggardise and good husbandry want of pay and necessarie furniture thirdly presumption and want of strength and sufficient force and lastly those abuses which through want haue crept into armies of late time for pitie could not be corrected for what conscience is it to punish those that spoyle and wander abroad when if they should not thus doe they should sterue for hunger if a Generall haue sufficient force and prouision it is his fault if he doe nothing if he want either force or pay then it is their fault that should haue sent him foorth better prouided many doe great wrong to our Generals in the Portugall expedition when they impute the fault to them God knoweth that with such slender prouision nothing could be done more others that are more deepely to be charged for breaking that enterprise yea and famishing of many poore soules lye hid and I thinke meane not to answere vntill such time as God shall call them before his tribunall seate there to answere once for all If any meanes could bee deuised that abuses of imprests and false musters and accounts taken away loyall captaines might be chosen and poore souldiers be well furnished and that matters might proceed with speede and resolution and more force bee ioyned together I would then hope there would be some seruice done without forces cōuenient what reason hath any to hope for better for as a little water sprinkled on the fire doth make the same more to flame and sparkle so small supplies doe rather kindle and nourish warres then ende them or exstinguish them The onely meanes to redresse both these and all other disorders consisteth in the restoring and by sharpe punishment mainteining of true militarie discipline and orders Without this as a discrazied body is easily dissolued without outward force so an armie though neuer so great without one blow of the enemie is broken and scattered without doing any effect With exercise of armes and obseruance of true discipline of war great enterprises most happily are atchieued The a Romani sibi orbem subegerunt armorum exercitatione disciplina castrorum vsuque militiae Veget. de re mil. Romanes did subdue the world by the exercise of armes and their orders of encamping and practise of warre Neither did they excell the
league amongst them to moderate the excessiue power of the king of Spaine in that coūtrey if at any time he should go about to encroche vpon any one of them Herein consisted the speciall b Guicciard hist lib. 1. commendation of the great wisedome of Laurence Medici the elder that during his time he kept all the states of Italy as it were in equall ballance not suffering any to passe their ancient limits And I doubt not but our gouernours in the defence of the lowe Countries haue a speciall regard that the king of Spaine settle not himselfe in the quiet possession of Holland Zeland and the rest least that enioying so many commodious portes ships mariners and commodities he might percase afterward make that a steppe to stride ouer or at least to looke ouer into England As c Vt quisque ab oppresso proximus sit per omnes velut continens incendium peruadet Liu. 37. euery nation is neere to those that are subdued so will the fire once enflamed embrace it and so passe ouer to the rest as Antiochus said to Prusias perswading him in time to withstand the Romanes The Romanes perceiuing that the Samnites after they had subdued the d Liu. 7. Sidicins intended to warre vpon their next neighbours the Campanians they delayed the matter no longer nor suffered them to proceede further time it is therefore for Christian Princes to awake and iust cause they haue to withstand the encrochments of the king of Spaine that vnder pretence of the Romish religion eniambeth vpon al his neighbours vnlesse they will be swallowed vp in the vnsatiable gulfe of the ambitions tyrannie of the Spanish nation Last of all whosoeuer adhereth to our enemies and aideth them with men munitions and victuals against vs they are also our enemies and giue vs iust cause of warre against them this cause moued the Romanes to defie the e Latinis quod eorum iuuentus hostibus mixta populata esset Rom. agros bellā indictum Liu. lib. 6. 7. Latines that ayded their enemies and the same is reckened among the causes of their warres against Philip king f Liu. 31. of Macedonia for he did not only aide the Carthaginians with men but also ioyned with Annibal in league against the Romanes No iust cause therefore haue our neighbours to complaine that we haue stayed their shippes that caried victuals munitions and other commodities to the Spaniard There is no fault but one that as we haue stayed some so we haue dismissed others and haue not made prise of al by Publike authoritie and that those of the lowe Countries do commonly trade into Spaine for whose sake the quarrell is vndertaken with Spaine The Romanes as in the treatise of peace they comprised their owne confederates so in denouncing of warres they defied their enemies and their associates as is euident in that forme of defiance which they published against a cum Antiocho rege quique eiu sectā secuti sunr bellum initum Liui. 36. Antiochus Which the Greekes also obserued in the Peloponnesian warres made not onely against the principals but also all their adherents And it is the b Memoires de Fr. common forme of defiances vsed at this day As for warres vndertaken through c Libido dominandi causa belli Salust coniur Catil ambition and anger and such like affections they are vniust and the causes vnlawfull neither are they to be excused that forced by strong hand out of their owne countrey doe seeke by violence to possesse that which belongeth to others For this cause the Romanes resisted with such force the Gaules Germanes Danes Gothes and others that came to dwell in Italy And although such wanderers haue had good successe in diuers countreys by reason of the sinnes of the inhabitants as the Saxons Picts Danes and Normans in this land the Franks Burguignions and Normans in Gaule the Lombards Gothes in Italy and Spaine yet was not the cause of their warres iust for euery one is to holde him to his owne lot vnlesse the countrey be waste and dispeopled which countrey God giueth to these that can possesse it and therefore did the Sueuians iniuriously forbid any to dwell in their waste borders and the Spaniards haue no reason by force and lawe to keepe other nations out of the Indies which notwithstanding themselues are not able to people Yet to make iust d What beside the cause is to be respected in lawfull warres warres it is not sufficient only that the cause be iust but that they be enterprised first by those that haue soueraigne authoritie secondly that they be not begun especially by those that inuade others without demaund of restitution or satisfaction or denunciation and last of all that they be not prosecuted with barbarous crueltie The first point is expresly set downe in termes in the Romane lawes allowed by consent of all nations The e C. quid culpatur 23. qu. 1. Canons doe also confirme the same And if it were in others power great inconueniences would ensue It is a speciall marke of soueraintie to haue power of warre peace In Liuy these formes are very vsuall Praenestinis ex S.C. populi iussu bellū indictum est And againe ex auctoritate patrum populus Palaepolitanis bellum fieri iussit The wars of the Romans against the a Liu. 21.31.41 Carthaginians Philip Antiochus Perseus and others were not enterprised but by auctoritie of the people which in that state had soueraigne commandement in those times Him that beganne any braules or made peace with forreine nations of his owne priuate head b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plato 12. delegib Plato in his common wealth adiudgeth worthie of death And therefore did Hanno giue counsell to the Carthaginians that they should deliuer vp Annibal to the Romanes for that he had begunne the warres against them without publike authoritie Those that offended in this case by the c ff Ad L. Iul. maiest L. vnic C. vt armorum vsus lawes of the Romanes were in case of treason Marcellus vpon that ground building his reasons would haue perswaded the Senate to deliuer d Caes de bel ciu 1. Caesar to the Gaules And so scrupulous haue some men beene in this Realme in stirring without commission that they doubted whether without commaundement they might leuy forces to represse rebels This percase might seeme too scrupulous but they thought it better to be too slowe then too forward For they e Hostes sunt quibus publicè bellū indicitur reliqui sunt latrunculi praedones L. hostes ff de captiu are onely to be accompted publike enemies in warre who by those that haue supreme auctoritie are declared enemies If any vpon priuate motion fall on spoyling they are but theeues and robbers sayth Vlpian And this saith f cont Faust Manich. Augustine is the order of nature best agreeing with the peace of states that the
of Charles his horsemen The Spaniard is rich in golde yet doth not the English souldiers feare him in the field It is yron not gold that killeth in the encounter Gold can doe much but not all and therefore were it to be wished that wee had more contended with the Spaniard with the sword wherwith we are able to match him then with gold wherein though we spend all we cannot come neere him Wherefore let mony be prouided before hand if not in such abundance as others haue it yet so much as may prouide armes victuals munition horses for a competent army If any man aske how much I answere with b Plutarch Apopth Cleobulus that warres in this case haue no stint nor set bounds this onely may suffice to shew you that if good orders were set downe and executed it would neither be infinit nor the charge so burdensome as now it is The meanes whereby mony may be raised are diuers either it riseth vpon lands belonging to the crowne and that either by inheritance or confiscation or conquest or vpon rents or penalties or imposts or other duties belonging to the Prince or of subsidies taxes contributions and loanes of subiects or vpon our confederates and associats or else vpon ransoms of our enemies persons or countries By which means seing su large reuenues come vnto the Princes of this realme who seeth not that this realme wanteth nothing but good order in dispensing of the treasure and sharpe punishment against those that purloine it Nay if vayne expenses in apparel iewels silkes golden coats and other vanities were cut off or employed in armes and necessary furniture of warre there would be not onely sufficiencie but also abundance The Romanes for maintenance of their publike stock had diuers inuentions and practices Vpon c Agripro pecunia dati in iugera â—sses vectigalâ—s impoâ—â—ti Li. 31. euery acre of ground of a country subdued they imposed an annuall rent The same might haue beene done in Ireland if it had pleased the gouernours to conuert it to publike vses rather then to serue priuate mens desires which notwithstanding by reason of their great disorders reape small commoditie They looked strictly to their impostes Annibal a Annibal vectigalia negligentia dilapsa restituit Liu. 33. after peace made with the Romanes to encounter with the couetousnes of officers restored the impostes at Carthage to their olde order Philip the King of Macedonia purposing to make warres vpon the Romanes did not onely increase his b Vecâ—igalia auxit noua instituit Liu. 39. customes but deuised new for the maintenance of the warres which is to be done onely in case of necessity lest these new deuises of Italian impostes make the Princes odious to their subiects Where the ordinary reuenues were not sufficient there wise gouernors haue had recourse to equall contributions taxes and loanes Asdrubal c Pecunias imperat populis omnibus suae dâ—tionis Liu. 23. purposing to go into Italy with a supply to Annibals army laide a taxe vpon all the people of his gouernement The Duke of Alua in his time and of late yeeres the Prince of Parma knew well how to put this in practise in the low Countries When the city of Rome wanted money in the second warre with them of Carthage d Priuatis in inopia aerarii pecunias conferentibus ita vt Scribae non sufficerent nec remige in supplementum nec stipendio â—esp eguiâ— Liu. 26. priuate men voluntarily lent mony so fast that the deputies appoynted to receiue it could not dispatch them so that by this meanes the Romanes neyther wanted marriners nor pay for souldiers For continuance of the publike treasury they had their lands and goodes rated equally and euery man payed according which equall proportion if it were now obserued I dare say it would greene no good subiect to pay albeit it were twise so much as now they do Euery man brought in the quantitie of his laÌ„d and the value of it vpon his credit likewise the summe of his rentes and money they that onely liued vpon traffike brought in the summe of their mony and cleare gaines yearely with this promise that what was left out was confiscat and forfeit and euery false summe giuen in was punished with double They that were not rated or at the least nuÌ„bred were banished or sold for slaues Such as had nothing were onely numbred in the rolle The most of this is expressely set down in their bookes of law Forma censuali saith e ff de censibus Vlpian cauetur vt agri sic in censum referantur nomen fundi cuiusque in qua ciuitate in quo pagosit quos duos vicinos proximos habeat aruum quod in decem annos proximos satum erit quot esse iugera videatur Vinea quot vites habeat oliuetum quot iugerum quot arbores habeat pratum quoque quod intra decem annos proximos sectum erit quot iugerum pascua esse videantur item sylua caedua omnia ipse qui defert aestimet illam enim aequitatem debet admittere censitor vt officio eius congruat releuare cum qui in publicis tabulis delato modo ex certis causis vti non possit Likewise Liuy where he mentioneth the taxing of the colonies by Nero and Salinator hath these words a Colonies were such townes as the citizens of Rome replenished with their owne people and depended on the mother citie duodecim coloniarum quod nunquam antea factum erat deferentibus coloniarum censoribus censum receperunt vt quantuÌ„ numero milâ—â—uÌ„ quantuÌ„ pecuniâ valerent in publicis tabulis monumeÌ„ta extarent If the like rate and proportion were obserued among vs that euery man might be rated according to his lands farmes rents and goods equally the burthen would be more easily borne lesse complaint made more mony would come to the payment of her maiesties souldiers So many countries as were vnder the protectioÌ„ of the Romans or confederate with theÌ„ did contribute to the common charge wherein such equall taxation and good order was vsed that the countrey where the army was maintained did defray the most of the charge good reason seing it was for their defence it would seeme strange to those that know not their proceedings how Caesar did not onely maintaine his army 9. yeres in France at the charge of the country but also enriched himselfe and his army The Athenians likewise after that the Greekes had driuen out the b Thucid. 1. Persians out of their country for maintenance of their warres against them made an association appointing what euery Iland or city or territory should pay toward the charge Somtimes the enemies being subdued or straited were not only driuen to pay the charge of the army but also great summes of mony into the tresury the c Sâ—ipendium exercitui Rom. ab hoste in cum annum
exercitus alant Liu. Carthage in Spaine to serue them in their warres in Spaine Caesar had his store at b Caes bel gal 7. Nouiodunum in the territory of the Heduans to serue him in his warres in France If so much cannot be prouided as is requisit then must men that possesse lands either serue vpon their owne charge as the Romanes did at the first and the Spartans did alwayes or else those that stay at home must maintaine those that serue abroad and a rate be laide vpon euerie shire and city how many souldiers they shal maintaine paid The c Sueui 100. millia armatorum bellandi causa suis ex finibus educunt reliqui qui domi remanserunt se atque illos alunt Caes bel gal 4. Sueuians by this means mainteined a hundred thousand men which euery yeere went out of the country to seeke aduentures Or else like slaues and pesants vnworthy the name of English must they serue strangers I will not say more for that it would be too great a shame if this whole country coulde not maintaine an army as well as Athens Sparta Argos Thebes Megara Locri Tarentum Syracusae and other cities and small states in Greece Italy Sicily other places Therefore leauing these supposals let good orders be set down strictly obserued if we be not so wise as to find the way our selues let vs yet learn of our enemies among which men of value bee aduanced to honor and fraudulent dealers be drawen vp to the gibbet The next care is to be had of d Of armes and furniture of warre armes all maner of furniture for the warre of al sorts of weapons as pikes halberds black bils musquets caliuers pedrinals pistoies lances bowes arrows swords and daggers of al armes defensiue as corsalets of proofe others morions targets of proofe and lighter iackets of male and plated doublets and other necessary peeces of great artillery both for battery and for the field of horses and their furniture of shippes mastes tacle artillerie and al prouision necessary for the sea of carriages both for ordonance munition and victuals as also for other necessarie vses of tents for encamping of powder and bullets and all things necessary both for great and smal shot of bridges and boats of spades mattocks axes wimbles baskets finally al other engins or prouisiō for wars al which is to be prouided laid vp in places neere to the enemy where we meane to go foorth against him Wherein wee shall not much erre if we follow the precedents of such as haue shewed themselues most obseruant of the lawes of Armes The e Lily beum tentbatur ad apparatum belli Liu. 21. Romanes intending to passe into Affrike against them of Carthage made their prouision at Lilybeum a port of Sicile looking toward Affrike Before that a Cirea armamentatia horrea aliumque belli apparatum visendū praetor legatique ducti Liu. 29. Scipio transported his army into Affrike hee made exceeding great prouision of armes and all warrelike furniture in Sicile which the messengers that were sent to view his proceeding could not behold without admiration landing in Affrike he had there like wise his workhouses storehouses of prouision The towne of New Carthage in Spaine serued the Carthaginians for a storehouse of al maner of prouision of armes warlike furniture for their warres in Spaine Liuy b Apparatus ingens belli opisices 2000. Liu. 26. saith there was infinit prouision and 2000. workmen that wrought continually The same towne being taken from the Carthaginians serued Scipio for the same vse who c Vibs strepebat apparatu belli ib. employed them in making of armes and engins of warre most diligently The Gaules reuolting from Caesar vsed wonderfull diligence in making of armes prouiding of horses furniture of war in euery d Caes bel Gal. 7. armorum quantū quaeque ciuitas domi quodque ante tempus efficiat constituit city appointing what nūber of armes weapons should be made The kings of Macedonia had diuers armories both within without their realme so that although e Chalcis horteum armamentarium Phi. lippi Liu. Chalcis Philips storehouse for armes were burnt yet did he not want Philip his son Perseus had infinit store hereof so that they contemned the Romans in respect of thēselues Antiochus dressed his armoiries workhouses in Lysimachia in his expeditiō against the Romans The Romans not only had publike storehouses of armes but f Arma habent Romani quae sibi quisque parauerit pauper miles Liu. 42. also priuate men had armes of their owne In this land although I doubt not but there is far more prouision of armes munition then hath bin in time past yet might there be an amends made if monopolies of pouder armes were taken away and if that which is in one place too much were placed in diuers conuenient storehouses in euery place sufficeint and finally if there were so much armes in priuate mens hands as the mosters pretend I neede not speake much of the prouision of shipping it were sufficient if that we haue were wel ordered and employed Of the vse of ships I shall haue occasion to speake more hereafter This may now suffice that if the shipping of this land and of our confederates were ioyned together and well furnished and vsed it woulde not be long ere peace should be offered by those which now braue vs with threats of warre because they see vs desirous of peace Cariages also cariage horses would be prouided not only for the drawing of ordonance arms but also of victuals munitiōs spades axes mattocks al other neccessaries of an armie The further the armie goeth from home the more care the generall ought to haue of carriages to take things necessary with him a Caesar bel gal 1. The Heluetians before they began to march into France prouided store of carts and horses and draught oxen for the purpose The Romanes in their b Liu. 42. expedition against Antiochus had carriages sufficient of the Macedonians Without a c Comitabatur Corbulonē praeter assueta belli magna vis camelorum onusta frumento Tacit. annal 15. number of Camels that followed the armie laden with all prouision and other carriages Corbulo coulde not haue preuailed against the Parthians Beside other ordinary cartes d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Xenophon exp Cyr. c. Cyrus in his expedition against his brother had 400. wagons laden with victuals which were not to be distributed but in time of necessitie What losses and trauaile our men haue endured in Flanders Portugall France for want hereof without my report it is sufficiently knowne to souldiers There ought no lesse care to be had of tents that souldiers may lie drie and more warme then commonly they doe For villages are not euery where to be found nor is it fitte that souldiers
victuals to be assigned to euery regiment and to follow the army as it was in the expedition of Cyrus into Persia Such as dwell neere where our army goeth would be summoned to bring victuals into the army vnlesse they would haue their countrey ruinated And as the Romanes had ayde of victuals in the warres of l Liu. 21. Carthage out of Sicile in the warres of m Liu. 31. Macedonia out of Afrike and Caesar in his warres of Belgium was furnished from n Caes bel gal 2. Rheims in his warres with the o Caes bel gal 1. Heluetians from the Heduans so our associates such especially as dwell neere are to be prayed to ayde vs with corne and other prouision But yet so that we doe not altogether depend vpon their pleasures as we doe in the low countries where our souldiers receiue from hand to mouth Honest men a C. Cotta Genabi rei frumentariae iussu Caesaris praeerat Caes bel gal 7. would haue commission and money giuen vnto them to buy prouision in places where it may be had Finally such as buy corrupt victuals or vse other fraude woulde seuerely be punished Further order would be taken alwayes before hand that supplies of victuals may follow the armie in time least that as in the Portugall voyage the armie be forced to returne for want before the prouision come at it If this be not then ought not the armie to proceede further then it may be assured of victuals Lastly both such victuals as may bee found in the countrey and such as are in the armie are to be dispensed warely at least without waste b Le soldat vinant a discretion en peu de iours affame tout un pais Hist de troubl de Fr. li. 8. Souldiers as the French saying is liuing or rather spoyling at their owne discretion in few dayes doe famish a countrey The Romanes vsed to giue the souldiers certaine dayes prouision before hande which they might not spende in fewer as is euident both by example of Scipio sayling into Affrike in the seconde warres with Carthage end also of Caesar in his warres in France and by examples of diuers others To conclude all those that looke for good successe in warres must prouide both victuals and armes and all prouision for the warres before hand as the precedents of the preparations made by the c Thucid. 1. Athenians and Spartanes before the Peloponesian warre of d Liu. 29. Scipio before his expedition into Affrike of e Xenoph. exp Cy. 1. Cyrus into Persia of f Salust bell Iug. Metellus and Marius against Iugurtha of the Spaniardes against vs when they came against vs with their Nauie in summe of all wise people and states that knew what perteyned to the wars do teach vs. Charles of g Phil. Commin Burgundie sitting downe before Nancy without sufficient munitions was forced to rise with a scorne The same happened to the French before h Hist de troubl Sancerre anno 1569. and must needes happen to all that without sufficient prouision attempt matters rashly Wise kings therefore doe forecast before hand what force or prouision will be sufficient fooles say Oh had I wist or I neuer thought vpon it CHAP. III. That before we beginne warres we are to procure what strength or helpe wee can of our neighbours or others and to draw the same as much as is possible for vs from our enemies AS in priuate affaires particulars receiue mutuall helpe eche of other of whom it is verified that a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homer two ioyning together doe more easily atchieue matters then ech man single by himselfe so in publike executions where manie are linked together they more easily execute and are hardlier broken Insomuch as friends and b Non exercâ—tus neque thesauri praesidia regui sunt verùm amici Salust bel Iugurth confederates are no lesse the strength of states then forces and treasure Therefore did the c Circumspiciebant ipsi externa auxilia Liu. 1. Sabines hearing of the preparatiues that Seruius Tullius made against them looke out what forreine ayde they mightadioyne vnto themselues The Athenians d Thucid. 2. and Spartanes in the Peloponesian warre did not so much stande vpon their owne strength as the aydes and succours of their confederates The e Thucid. 5. Diodor. Sicul. Syracusans by the helpe of the Spartanes withstoode the inuasion of the Athenians made vpon them and foyled them in diuers incounters I neede not vse anie long discourse in this matter it hath beene the continuall vse of the Kings of this Ilande to vse the helpe of the Burguygnions and low Countries against France And likewise haue the French relyed much vpon the ayde of the Scots against vs. Neither ought anie Prince or nation so to presume of their owne strength as that they refuse the ayde of friends The Romanes although after their victories against Annibal at what time they beganne the Macedonian warre they were in their prime of strength and most flourishing estate yet required they ayde of the Carthaginians of Masinissa and of the Aetolians and others against Philip King of Macedonia And deare it cost Perseus the King of Macedonia that for sparing of money refused the ayde of thirtie thousand Gaules offering to serue him against the Romanes What hinderance it hath beene to vs and what it may bee that the Towne of Antwerpe and other partes of the lowe Countreyes were not receiued when they were offered vnto vs in these brawles against Philip of Spaine I knowe not some doubt It may be sayd they would not yeelde without conditions But what purpose is it to talke of conditions seeing they would haue yeelded themselues into any princes handes if they might haue bene receiued Further as we are to require ayde of our friends so we are to withdrawe what ayde we can from the enemie Many reasons teach vs so to doe which common practise doeth teach vs to be true as the body in the distemper of the partes so the state in the disagreement of the members is greatly weakened and easily dissolued The Romanes therefore as they were masters in other militarie documents so did they diligently practice intelligence with the enemies friendes and subiectes Before they transported their forces into Afrike they dealt with Syphax and assured themselues of Masinissa kings of Numidia Before they charged Philippe king of Macedonia they caused most of his partisans in Greece to reuolt from him And Caesar by the helpe of part of the Gaules which he drewe to his side did subdue the rest and them also afterward Pompey purposing to abase the power of Caesar did first drawe from him two legions or regiments and afterward Labienus one of Caesars chiefe friendes and commaunders Of this onely practice great effectes are wont to ensue Caesar by disioyning and separating the forces and causes of the Gaules ouercame them all By his intelligence with
danger like a sluggish beast took his bed and as Tacitus saith did thence giue foorth such direction as made most for the enemy Wherefore seeing so many vertues are required in a captaine and so small faultes lay him open to the enemy it is no maruell if perfect Generals be so rare and hard to finde Philip king of Macedonia wondred that the Athenians changed their leaders so often as hauing great choice seeing that he in al his time could not find anie more then one that was excellent or answerable to his minde and that was Parmenio The more rare they are the more care all wise Princes and states ought to haue that vnto such as they commit their armies vnto they adioyne for a supply wise and experimented counsellers Yea though the Generall be neuer so wise yet may hee not want his counsell of warres Of this the order of our discourse leadeth vs now to speake CHAP. IIII. Part. 2. Of the Generalles counsell of warres IT were a principall point of wisedome for Princes and states that take warres in hand to make choice of such a Generall as hath such partes and vertues as before are described if they will not be persuaded but will needes for fauour or kinred or nobilitie commit their affaires to men young in yeares and greene in experience and destitute of merite the next remedy is to ioyne with them Captaines wise and experimented in matters of warre If they will doe neyther then shall the wofull euents of warres teach them which no counsell nor reason could perswade them that warres are managed by wisedome value and experience and not by fauour nobilitie nor great countenance In the late troubles of France a Hist. de troubl de Fr. li. 3. when Charles the ninth made his brother Henry de Valois his lieutenant generall to supply his want of yeares and experience hee assigned vnto him for his counsell the Dukes of Nemours and Longueuille the Marshall Cossè Tauanes Martigues Carnaualet Losses and others which were men of wisedome and value King Edward the third sending his sonne gouernor of his army into France ioyned with him diuers experimented heades to assist him Yea a Consilio cum legatis quaestore communicato c. Caesar omnes copias castris eduxit Cas bel gal 4. although the Generals themselues were men of worth and great experience yet both among the Romanes and other nations had they their counsels with them Many eyes see more then one and souldiers do more willingly execute that which they see by wise counsell to haue beene determined wisely before b Priùs quà m incipias consulto vbi consulueris maturè facto opus est Salust de coniur Catil Before any enterprise be begunne it is wisedome to consult and after consultation speedily to execute c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. It is neuer good to presume vpon the enemies disorders as if they would take an euil course but wee ought to consider and foresee in counsell all that may happen as if they did all that which they ought to doe saith Archidamus But this cannot be doone sufficiently nor orderly without a counsell of warres Therefore had the Romanes their d Legatos i. bellici consilij auctores muneris prouincialis ministros Cic. in Vatin legates lieutenants or counsellors assistant vnto them to giue counsell and to speede such matters as were committed vnto them more or lesse according to the importance of affaires in hand L. Furius in his warres against the Gaules had fiue Caesar in his warres in France had tenne Pompey in the warres against the pyrates had fifteene legates These serued the Generall for counsell in his absence they supplied his place in any seruice they had the charge eyther of some part of the army or some wing or some regiment The Lacedemonians sent e Thucid. Brasidas and others to assist their admirall Cnemus in the gouernement of sea causes When Commius f Iis delecti ex ciuitatibus attribuuntur quorum consilio bellum administraretur Caes bel gal li. 7. Virdumarus Eporedorix and Vergasillaunus were made Generalles of that army which the Gaules sent against Caesar they had also certaine wise men assigned to them out of euery state by whose counsell they were to proceede in the administration of the warres Where there is no set counsell yet is it not good to doe matters without counsell The Romanes vsed commonly to call a counsell of their chiefe officers colonelles and others about them Camillus before g Omnia ibi summo consilio ratione acta sunt Fortuna etiam vt fit secuta est Liu. 5. hee charged the Gaules he set downe in counsell howe euery thing shoulde bee perfourmed And therefore no maruell saith Liuy if good successe ensued seeing all thing were doone by order and deliberation Ser. Galba being beset by the people comming downe from the mountaines on euery side called a counsell of his chiefe men and h Concilio celeriter conuocato sententias exquirere caepit Galba Caes bel gal 3. asked aduise what euery man thought best to be done in that case The same did i Caes bel gal 5. Cotta and Titurius besieged by Ambiorix though not with like successe Curio a Concilio conuocato de summa rerum deliberare caepit Caes de bel ciu 2. calling his counsell about him after his comming into Affrike deliberated how to proceed in his matters Good it had bene for him if he had vsed like deliberation in all his affaires But if at any time sure before the ioyning of battell counsell is necessary Before that b Liu. 27. Scipio brought foorth his army to fight with Asdrubal he called his chiefe men to counsell c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. exped Cyr. Cyrus before hee began the battell with his brother Artaxerxes called the colenels and chiefe commanders of the Greeks to counsel There they set down by common cōsent what course they were to take for the obtaining of the victory And so pretious a thing is good counsell that not onely chiefe commanders men of authority but also euery one that speaketh reason is to be heard d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xenoph. exped Cyr. 3. Xenophon to heare those that brought good intelligēce gaue order that his familiars should awake him if he were on sleepe He refused not to heare the counsel of any priuate souldier Let vs now see into what calamities they haue fallen which refusing to heare counsel did al things rashly and vpon their owne head Charles the Duke of Burgundy deserueth the first place who presuming of his owne wisedome and refusing to heare all counsell ouerthrew himselfe and his state He refused to heare one that came to discouer vnto him the treason of Campobacho The presumption of e Guicciar li. 19. Lautrecke that would heare no counsell nor followe any deuise but his owne brought the forces of France before
heads of contrary disposition Which mischiefe seeing it can be no otherwise remedied then by giuing the soueraintie to one the Prince is diligently to see that the soueraintie in the army be not diuided amongst many The Romanes albeit they had ordinarily two consuls yet in their greatest dangers they appointed one Dictator or Generall with absolute authoritie The soueraine commandement of one is a helpe and meanes to dispatch matters quickly to take opportunities and vse the time of warre b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Olinth 1. Demosthene doeth playnely declare the same by the example of Philip king of Macedonia While one commaundeth he both vnderstandeth better what is wanting and howe it is to be had his care is greater his proceeding more formall and equall his counsel more speedy and secret Therefore did the Romanes send but one Gouernour into their Prouinces and employed for the most part but one Consull in the gouerument of their armies If both yet where they proceeded orderly the one gaue c In exercitu Rom. cum duo essent Coss potestate pari quod saluberrimum est in rerum magnarum administratione summa imperii concedente Agrippa penes Quintium erat Liu. 3. place to the other A matter most requisite for the dispatch of weighty matters as it is euident in the fact of Agrippa yeelding the chieftie to his felow Quintius The Athenians for that their state was popular vsed yeerely to chuse many captaines yet in their greatest dangers all the rest yeelded to be gouerned by one In the Marathonian fielde against Darius the supreme commandement was in Miltiades in the battell of Salamine against Xerxes in d Herodot Themistocles all the rest submitting themselues to be commanded by him Seldome hath any wise nation done otherwise if they did they payde for the most part the full price of their folly The Romanes were ruinated by the Gaules at the encounter of a Liu. 5. Allia partly by the disorder of the chiefe commanders being diners and hauing equall authoritie Those three b Tres duces delectu habito profecti sunt Veios documentoque fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset Tendendo enim ad sua quisque consilia cum aliud alii videretur aperuerūt ad occasionem locum hosti Liu. 4. captaines that besieged Veij hauing all equal power may be a document vnto vs how vnprofitable the commandement of diuers Generals is for the gouernment of warres For euery man driuing all matters to his owne endes while one man thought one way an other otherwise they gaue occasion to their enemies to hurt them By the discorde c Liu. lib. 5. of the captaines while one refused to succour an other the Romanes were foyled before Veij The Aequians obseruing the disagreement betweene the d Liu. 4. Romane captaines although in force inferiour to the Romanes yet preuailed against them Neither was there any greater cause of the ruine of the e Thucid. 6. Athenian army in Sicile then the contrarietie of opinions and discorde of the three captaines sent thither with soueraigne commandement The originall of all the disorders that fell out in the army of the Protestants in Germany and of the victorie of f Sleidan Charles the fift was the diuers opinions of the Duke of Saxony and Lantgraue of Hesse When the Lantgraue woulde haue foughten the Duke was of another minde or percase was not ready What the one did profitably determine that the other did frustrate From the time of this discorde the affaires of the Protestants went to wracke The French were driuen out of the kingdome of g Discordia di capitani fa perdere Napoli a Francesi Guicciar lib. 3. Naples by a small force by reason of the dissention of the captaines Montpensier and Percy The enuie and contention that fell out betwixt the French and Hungarian captaines gaue an easy victorie to Amurathes the Turke at Nicopolis It had not bene possible for Caesar h Guicciard li. 5. Borgia to escape the hands of so many Princes confederate against him but that the captaines of the aduerse army did weaken their force by their owne disagreement The Venetians were ouerthrown at Ghiaradadda only by the pluralitie of commanders For while i Guicciard lib. 8. Bartholomew Aluian which was one of their Generals determined to fight and the Count Pittiglian which was the other commanded the army to marche the enemie charging them in this instant of their irresolution obteined a great victorie The soueraigne authoritie both of matters by land and by sea is to be giuen only to one otherwise there can be no good correspondence in both places While Lantreck k Guicciard commanded by land and Philippin Doria by sea the siege of Naples was discontinued the towne victualled which happened by reason of the dissention of the Generals It hath bene no small hinderance to our affaires in the Low countreys that those that haue commanded at land haue not likewsie had the gouernment at sea For by this meanes the enemie hath had greater store of victuals and our owne men greater want when the shippes and passages were in others keeping Nay where the commandement is part in the Generall and part in the States things are yet more confused For the States oft times victuall the enemie yea and coutinually trade into Spaine while our souldiers fight against the Spaniard I will not say what inconueniences come of this one point neglected otherwayes for that it would couch some men more particularly then my meaning is For remedy of this mischiefe the Romanes gaue to their captains power both in matters by land and sea Scipio as he had an army by land so he had a Nauie by sea both in the expedition of Spaine and Afrike Neither could Marcellus euer haue preuailed against the citie of Syracusae if he had not besieged the towne both by sea and land Caesar was enforced to goe to sea before he could subdue the sea townes of France But what neede I vse more wordes in a matter so playne both reason and experience teacheth vs that many a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commanders in matters of warre are not good And therefore let there be but one soueraigne commander both by land and sea with what authoritie he ought to be furnished resteth now to be discussed CHAP. IIII. Part. 4 Of the authoritie and Commission of the Generall ACcording to that opinion which Princes and States haue of their Captaines and sometimes respect had to the danger of the times their vse is to giue vnto them more ample or more straite commission But if they purpose that their affaires shal succeed wel of two things one is necessarie to wit that either they furnish them with meanes sufficient or giue them commission to furnish and helpe themselues and that either they doe direct them sufficiently which is scarce possible or els giue them leaue to take order according to
the occasions offered vpon present viewe and varietie of times or things For neither can he doe seruice vpon the enemie that wanteth either conuenient force or meanes nor may he or dare he take the aduantage of time and other circumstances that is brideled and bound by his instructions The Romanes although most expert in deedes of armes whose Senate consisted for the most part of such as in their time had bene commanders and altogether of men exercised in armes yet did not at any time prescribe their Generals what to doe and what they should not doe much lesse howe they should doe or when they should doe it Much more absurd therefore it is that men that neuer sawe enemie nor know the traine of warres should take vpon them to direct Generals what they should doe at land or sea and very strange it seemeth to me that Generals to whome armies are committed should like schooleboyes take forth such lessons as these ignorant pedants and scriuanoes should prescribe Warres are not made by indenture neither can any couenant with his enemie to doe this or not to doe it Nor can any man conceiue what is best to be done but such as are present And therefore the ordinary limitations of some commissions doe nothing els but binde the hands of our captaines that they shall not vse opportunitie or percase further and helpe the enemie Herein therefore it is good to imitate olde warriers at least to come so neere them as difference of times will permit The Romane captaines had authoritie most large and meanes sufficient Their forces were great their furniture and prouision plentifull least they should exact any thing of their associats they were furnished with all things a Liu. 25.26 necessary euen to their b Magistratus mulis tabernaculisque omni alio instrumento militari ornabantur ne quid tale imperarent sociis Liu. 42. 44. mules tentes and carriages That which was wanting or might more easily be had otherwhere they had authority to supply All which consisted was giuen them in one word Now captains haue many words in their commission litle scope or authority Vnder this one word imperium they coÌ„prised al authority necessary for the gouernement of the warres By the same they had power to leuy men to leade them to employ them as appeareth by the c Demus imperium Caesari sine quo exercitus haberi res militaris administrari non potest Cic. Philip Decreui imperium exercitum habenti Quid est enim sine imperio exercitus Cic. Philip. commission giuen to Octauius Caesar that afterward was called Augustus In the Prouince where they made warres they might beside the number they brought with them leuy other souldiers impose vpon the people necessary charges for the defence of the coutry Caesar d Prouinciae quaÌ„ maximum potest militum numeruÌ„ imperat Caes bel â—al 8. to resist the attempts of the Heluetians which threatned to passe through the Prouince of France subiect to the Romanes leuied as many men as he could in his gouernement Fuluius vnderstanding that the a Fuluius quia armare inuentutem Celliberos andiret ipse quanta poterat a sociis auxilia coÌ„traxerat Liu. 40. Celtiberians gathered newe forces he also in his gouernement procured what helpe hee could of his subiectes and associates From their associates and subiects in their gouernment they had power to take victuals carriages shippes and necessarie furniture of warre as is euident in the warres that Scipio made in Spaine and Afrike Caesar in France Sylla and Pompey in Asia and other Countreys They had also power to doe iustice as well to their associates and subiects as to their owue souldiers otherwise they could neither haue encountred with trechery of men euill affected nor defended their fauourers and friendes The defence of the Prouince and their b M. Messala L. Pisone Coss Senatus censuit vti quicunque Galliam prouinciam obtineret quod commodo reip facere posset Aeduos ecterósque amicos populi Rom. defenderet Caes bel gal 1. friendes both against seditious mutins and foreine inuasion was likewise committed vnto them and per consequent power giuen them to leuy power and vse all meanes for the maintenance of their associats and for the gouernment and execution of warres without which they could not be defended Good it had bene for our Generals likewise in the Lowe countreys and other where that their authoritie had bene also enlarged For while they had neither victuals nor lodging nor shippes nor cariages nor artillery nor munition nor other furniture of warre but at the pleasure of the States some whereof were too respectiue of their owne profite nor could execute any man of those Countreys for treason without their consent it is no maruaile if their proceedings were slowe their executions slender their wantes great Further the Romanes gaue their Generals power both to make warres by sea and land Do doubt they had also sufficient meanes without which all power is frustratory Our Captains in the Low countreys as they haue bene weake by land so they depended on others pleasures for matters at sea In later times also the same course hath bene taken When c Corbuloni reges praefecti praetores parere iussi potestas data qualis Pompelo bello Pyratico Tacit. annal 15. Corbulo was sent by Nero against the Parthians hee had power equall to that which Pompey had graunted vnto him in the warres against the Pirats Kings Gouernours of Prouinces and the Officers of the Romanes were enioyned to obey him It is the vse of all Nations both to furnish their Generals and to authorize them sufficiently What authoritie Annibal had it is partly euident by his actions for it is not to be presumed that he did matters without authority and partly by the wordes of Fabius perswading the Romanes to chuse a captaine equall to Annibal a leader sayth hee of great authoritie by reason of his continuance and not restrained by any limitation of times or lawes so but that he might doe all things according as opportunites of warre should require Herein Demosthenes a Olynth 1. declareth what great aduantage Philip king of Macedonia had aboue the captaines of the Athenians for he was not limited by any Superiors commandement nor restrained by termes or time as were they Which thing sayth he is very effectuall for dispatch of matters Those captaines sayth b Duces summi liberi impedimeÌ„tis omnibus dominique rerum teÌ„porumque trahunt consilijs cuncta Liu. 9. Liuy that haue absolute authoritie and are free from impediments and haue power ouer things and times doe worke great effectes with their counsels Whosoeuer therefore for enuy or feare or other cause goeth about to perswade Princes to pare their Generals authoritie and to binde them with strait conditions hath an euill minde himselfe and as much 〈◊〉 in him lyeth ruinateth the affaires of his Prince For what seruice can
Romanes had had like care his country had not beene taken from him in his absence by Masinissa and Laelius Hee is not wise that seeking to strike his enemy lieth open himselfe But because warres spend both men and victuals and other prouisions especially where there is made great resistance wee must not onely thinke to send sufficient at the first but also cause the same to be supplied in time Nothing did cause Anniball to c Negando supplementum vos retraxistis saide Annibal to the Senate of Carthage Liu. 30. leaue his hold in Italy but want of succour and supplie The slownesse of d Hist de bel Afric Caesars supplies after his army transported into Afrike made him loose many aduantages and sustaine diuers losses I will not say what hurt want of supplie did vs in the Portugall action whhen it may be imputed rather to presumption that wee went foorth vnfurnished then to want of care that wee had no supply in time For wher to could supply haue serued where the whole was through want disordered before for guarde of shippes of carriage and assurance of the army the whole nauy where the passage is by sea is to be furnished and to saile in warrelike sort e Caes de bel ciu lib. 3. Caesar for that hee was driuen to passe his army in certaine Marchant shippes without guard of shippes of warre lost diuers of his souldiers sayling into Greece King Edward the third passing his army into France sailed in that warrelike sorte that encountring the French nauy at Scluce hee obtained a famous victory If the passage be not cleared by shippes of warre keeping the seas it is to be feared least the enemy lying in wait intercept diuers of our shippes and men passing betweene as hath often happened in the passage betweene England and the Low countries within these few yeares And as at sea so by land likewise the waie is to be cleared that no enemy bee lefte vpon our backes The Generrall being ready to set saile with all his company either by ticket sealed or else word of mouth hee is to declare to what port he will haue his company to bend their course to the ende that such as by tempest are seuered at sea may yet afterwarde meete at a port f Caesar tabellis signatis solebat dicere quem in loâ—â—m petiturus esset Hirt. de bel Afric Caesar vsed tickets g Liu. 29. Scipio sailing into Afrike calling two of euery ship declared what he would haue them do and whither to set their course Cato hauing all his ships and men together being ready to set saile for a Cato nauibus contractis edixit ad portum Pyrenei sequerentur Liu. 34. Spaine caused proclamation to bee made that all his shippes should direct their course to the porte neere the Pyreneies which I suppose was Emporia Because Caesar gaue not like direction in his voiages into Albany against Pompey and Afrike against Scipio he sustained diuers losses And in the voyage of Portugal such as lost sight of the fleet either returned or went to Rochel being vncertaine whither to go That the nauy faile not of the port euery ship is to haue a good pilot The better and more certainely the Generall vnderstandeth the state of the enemies country the ports and defences thereof and proceedings of the enemy the more certaine direction he shal be able to giue And therefore as at all times hee ought by his espialles to vnderstand what the enemy doth and what hee prepareth so in this time especially when hee goeth about to transporte an armie into his countrey For this cause b Caesar antequaÌ„ in Britanniam traijceret Volusenum qui omnia exploraret praemittit Caes bel gal 4. Caesar sent Commius and Volusenus into this Iland the one to vnderstand the state of the people the other to view the coast and sound the Ports Cato before hee went against the enemie in Spaine sent his espialles to vnderstand the number the place and proceeding of his armie After the arriuall of the nauy in the enemies countrey the first care of the Generall ought to be to seize vpon some commodious port towne or harbour and to fortifie the same that both his shipping may be safe there and that both succours and victualles may safely come thither and last of all that both from thence hee may safely proceede in his action and haue a safe retraite in a storme Caesar landing his men in Afrike fortified c Hirt. de bel Afric Ruspina and by trenches and bankes made it both a good harbour for shippes and a safe lodging for his army The same was practised before of Scipio who landing neere a point of land in Afrike did first make fortifications in that place But afterward perceiuing that Vtica thereby was more commodious hee tooke the towne and made that a d Eandem sedem ad cetera exequenda habituâ—us erat Liu. 29. castle of retrait from the land and an accesse for his shippes from sea and a place commodious for dispatch of other marters The reasons that moued Scipio to take newe Carthage in Spaine were these that hee might haue a conueient porte for accesse of his shippes and a commodious storehouse for his prouisions of warre Annibal made many attempts against a Liu. lib. 23. Naples and Nola that he might vse them for the same purposes lying commodiously for those that come out of his countrey Neither had Edward the third other respect in his long siege of Caleis but that he might haue a commodious port for his shipping on that side These causes at this present haue moued the Spaniardes that lately haue set foote in Brytaine to fortifie Hannebon and Bluet Little did the Macedonians vnderstand the practise of warre that taking b Liu. 31. Chalcis a very opportune port for their warres in Greece left the same without fortification or garrison That the nauy be not idle the Generall after he hath landed his men is to employ the same in ranging the coast fetching in of victualles and annoying the enemy both by land and sea Unlesse the same be at sea the enemy wil depriue him of succours and victualles Therein let him follow the precedent of Scipio in Spaine of Caesar in Afrike Those that inuade the enemy by land likewise are to seize some towne neere the enemy which may serue them for a fortresse whither to retire and whence to sally out The c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. Persians inuading Greece vsed the towne of Thebes as a retraite and propugnacle against the Greekes The Lacedemonians to straite the Athenians fortified Eleusis a bourgh in the territorie of the Athenians d Oringis arx fuit Asdrubalis ad excursiones circa in mediterraneos populos faciendas Liu. Asdrubal vsed the towne of Oringis in Spaine as a fortresse from whence hee made roades into the midland countrey thereabout Sulpitius the Romane
bellū foret Fabius per Soranum agrum Decius per Sidicinum legiones duxit Liu. 10. Samnites led foorth their armies diuers wayes whereby the enemy being made vncertain of their comming could not preuent them nor depriue them of prouision Finally it is not possible for an army to enter any countrey but the same shall finde some weary of the present gouernement and desirous of innouation which may bee induced to helpe to furnish it with necessary prouision Caesar in his warres against the Heluetians and Ariouistus had his prouision from the Heduans in his iourney into Belgium from those of Rheimes Arriuing here in Britaine he found both partisans and prouision sufficient Neither are the times nowe changed In all estates there are some malcontents and many desirous of alterations If desire of innouation worke nothing yet if our army haue good successe the same shall procure vs friendes and meanes After Annibals victory at Cannae most of the subiectes of the Romanes reuolted and tooke part with him When the Frenchmen inuaded the b Guicciar lib. ◠15. kingdome of Naples the countrey either folowed them or tooke against them as they had prosperous or bad successe And if that our successe in Portugalll had bene good there is no doubt but that all the country would haue reuolted from the Spaniardes The Generall aboue all things is to haue regarde that hee spend no time vainely Opportunitie to doe great matters seldome offereth it selfe the second time By all meanes the enemy is to be prouoked to fight while our army is strong and his souldiers yong and vnexercised Annibal had more paine at the first to bring the Romans to fight then to ouercome them If the enemy refuse to fight he is to be pursued into some towne or straite or else by besieging of some strong place driuen to come to succour the same All the countrey doth followe the successe of the chiefe citie yet forasmuch as it is not sufficient to take vnlesse we keepe the same there is no lesse care to bee taken in fortifying and furnishing a towne taken then in taking the same Unlesse wee meane to loose our prize as the c Guicciard French did Nouara in the dayes of Lewis the twelth for want of prouision and good order Those that haue followed this course haue done great matters as is euident by the examples of Caesar Scipio Annibal the rest eyther failed of victory or could not maintaine their conquest I will not specifie it by our expeditions into France Portugal Flanders For that might be odious Although those that are wise by that which we wanted may see what we ought to haue had and done But I will rather vse forraine examples The enterprise of a Guicciard Lautrecke in the kingdome of Naples was broken by niggardly expenses slender preparatiues slowe proceeding couetousnesse of officers disorder and want of care about victualles and other prouisions The like disorder in the times of Charles the eight of France made the French to loose the kingdome of Naples which but lately before they had wonne Some of the chiefe gouernours spent their time in pleasures others minded nothing but spoyle they furnished not their townes with victualles nor with souldiers they pursued not the enemy so but that they suffered him to gather strength againe Neither may we impute the losse of Normandy Gascoigne and Guienne to other causes then to disorders in warres want of succour and supply and too much credulitie in trusting the French and presumption in hoping for successe without meanes But may some say to what end tendeth al this discourse seing mē now a daies are so farre from inuading their enemies that some can be content to leaue their friends languishing for want of help which are ioyned neere vnto them both by bond of religion and couenant and what hope is there that such shall giue the charge on others seeing they suffer the fire so neere their owne doores true it is that gouernours haue not beene so forward as some would haue wished and percase as some thinke their honour and the profite of their state required yet haue not matters beene so carelesly neglected as is surmised But suppose they had yet I hope the same course will not alwayes be continued nor that the discipline of armes shall foreuer be neglected of commanders There are yet a number left of the posteritie of those that haue made the name of the English nation famous in France Flanders Spaine and other countries and many do now beginne to mislike and condemne former disorders If at anie time such men may be heard or folowed I doubt not but that this discourse may be put in practise and such aduertisements heard and accepted more gratefully To annoy our enemies and procure our own safetie there is no better course then to translate warres frō our own doores into the enemies countrie Whatsoeuer wil be performed I thought it myduety not to conceale that which I thought not onely profitable but necessary for my countries honour as God willing by many reasons I shall shew vnto you CHAP. V. Part. 2. Wherein is prooued that it is farre better for the English nation things standing as now they do to inuade the Spaniard or any other enemy in his owne country then to receiue their assault and invasion here at home or to stay vntill we do see the enemy on our owne coast MAny there are I doubt not of a contrary minde but especially those that enioy honour wealth and ease These commonly vesire peace and detest warres and against such enterprises alleadge these reasons they say wee haue neither towne nor port in Spaine to receiue vs that the way thither is long and vncertaine by reason of contrarietie of windes and that it will be hard to remedie anie disorder that shall fall out in our army by reason of the distance of the place they alleadge further that we haue no friendes nor confederates in the countrey and that it will be more difficult to subdue the Spaniard in his countrey then abroad for euery man doeth 3 Ante ora patrū ante alta moenia Troiae The Troians were most venturous Virg. fight most valiantly when his wife and children and his owne landes and goodes are in his sight Lastly they suppose that the number of the enemies will be such as that an armie shall bee wearied with killing them On the other side if wee attend the Spaniardes comming hither say they they shall haue all obese things to make against them and wee all things fauorable for vs men municious and victuals sufficient our wines children country in our sight safe places to retrait vnto As Anteus wrastling with Hercules so oft as he touched the earth receiued new strength after his fall so they that in their owne countrey do◠fall rise againe very easily A 5 Tit. Quintius vsed this similitude to dissuade the Achaeans frō forreine warres Liu.
snayle so long as hee keepeth himselfe within his shell is defensed when he putteth out his head he lyeth open to danger So they that in their owne countrey may liue safe by making enterprises abroad oft times receiue blowes and alwayes lie open to danger The 6 Thucid. Athenians were vtterly ouerthrowen in Sicile that before that were well able to defend them selues at home And diuers great armies of Germans and Gaules inuincible if they had bene in their owne countreys were ruinated attempting to inuade forreine countreys Which reasons howsoeuer they seeme plausible in the eares of those that in matters of warres proceede like snayles and care not for any disgrace or future danger so they may enioy present ease yet are built on false grounds and matters mistaken For if we might safely rest at home I thinke him not wise nor sober that would seeke trouble abroad But seeing we can not haue peace the Spaniard hauing begun warres and threatning the destruction of our state the question is whether is better for vs to stay vntill he come vpon vs or to begin with him and seeke him in his owne countrey I say this is best my reasons are these He that first chargeth his enemie hath many aduantages it is his great foly if hee be not well prouided of souldiers mariners armes shippes horses and all prouisions for the warres hee may make choyce where to charge the enemy and proceedeth simply if he doe not there beginne where hee findeth his enemy weakest and most vnprouided He may make likewise choyce of his times take opportunities 7 Con le preuentioni diuersioni si vincono le guerre Guicciar lib. 1. Victorie is obteined by preuention and by the same warres are oft times diuerted as Alphonsus king of Naples sayd but practiced not For if hee had not lingred matters and had met the enemie in the way he had not so easily bene driuen out of his state No man obteineth better conditions of peace then he that first striketh Contrariwise dangerous it is to let the enemie come vpon vs. as 8 Malum nascens facilè opprimitur Inuereratum fit plerunque robustius Cic. Philip. diseases so the attempts and proceedings of the enemy at the first are easily stopped and both in time are strengthened and confirmed And oft times of light beginnings as 9 Tacit. annal 4. Tacitus sayth great troubles arise If thou 10 Veterem feâ—eÌ„do iniuriam inuitas nouam Liu. suffer one iniurie thou doest but giue thy enemy courage to offer thee another The enemy doeth oft times trie our patience and seeing vs patiently to endure iniuries as 12 Liu. 1. Ancus Martius sayd doeth contemne vs. And to 13 Latinos quasinihil non concedentibus Romanis ferociores fecit Liu. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid 1. yeelde in one thing doeth giue the enemy courage to aske more Nothing doeth procure more enemies then patience and 14 Liu. 6. contempt Warre is like a fire if it proceede it embraceth whatsoeuer is neere as the Campamans sayd If 15 Liu. 7. Alexander king of Epeirus comming in succour of the Lucanians had had good successe the Romanes should haue felt his force therefore did they vse at the first to preuent matters Vndestanding that Philip king of Macedonia made preparations to come ouer into Italy they tooke paynes to meete him in his owne Countrey Likewise did they preuent the attemptes of Antiochus Which course if they had taken when Annibal first besieged 16 Cunctati Saguntinis opem ferre de Italia dimicauimus sayd a certaine Romane Senator Saguntum they had deriued the warres into Spaine and escaped the storme which Annibals army brought into Italy Those that feare to assayle the enemy vpon 17 Cauete ne spe pacis perpetuam pacem amittatis Cic. Philip. 7. hope of peace loose oft times peace for euer Tully feared it seeing the Romanes proceede so coldly against Antony and the issue prooued it true The obiect on s that are made are of no moment for admit we neither haue Port nor towne nor friende in the Spanish Dominions yet armes and victory procure all these The coast can neuer be so well garded but that an army may alwayes haue accesse to some Port or landing place or other The Romanes landed diuers times in Afrike during the warres with Carthage and spoyled their townes and countrey nay Caesar landed his army in Epeirus when the enemy with an army prepared helde all the Port townes The Athenians made diuers descentes into Peloponesus notwithstanding the diligent garde that the enemy made Who seeth not then howe easy it is to sease a Port or to land in Spaine the countrey being almost without garde of souldiers if any man doubted before yet since the voyage into Portugal I thinke there is none will make question of that matter Neither did Scipio doubt for want of Portes or friendes to sayle into Afrike or the Persians into Greece or other to inuade his enemy For armes procure friendes and winne Portes so that had we no friends in Spaine yet what resoluce man would refuse to goe against such enemies much more therefore nowe seeing the Portugals are discontent with the Spanish gouernment and Spaine is so stored with men of foreine nations and diuers malcontents As for the distance it is nothing where there is no resistance by the way And what reason haue we to accompt Spaine farre when the Romanes doubted not to transport their armies not onely into Afrike and Spaine but also into Asia which is a farre longer cut If winde and weather serue in three dayes and three dightes the voyage may be perforified The difficulty of supplyes may easily be holpen with prouision made beforehand If the army goe into Spaine well stored there is no such haste of supply but that it may come in good time Why not into Spaine from England as well as from Rome into Spaine Afrike Asia yea and Britein But the Spaniards are valiant at home and will not giue ground fighting for their Countrey wiues and children As if the Romanes a more warrelike and valiant people did not giue ground to Annibals army in Italy and as if the Gaules were not vanquished in diuers battels by Caesar and the Spaniards in time past by the Carthaginians and Romanes and since that by the Gothes and Mores yea and by the Portugales also their neighbours And not onely our ancesters in the dayes of Edward the third and Richard the second but wee our selues also haue had triall of that enemie both in Galicia and Portugal Hee that 19 Maior spes est maiorque animus inferentis vim quám arcencis Liu. 21. commeth to inuade others fighteth with greater courage then those that are inuaded by the testimonie of Annibal and proofe of experience 20 Illis ignauis esselicet qui receptum habent vobis necesse est fortibus viris esse Liu. 21. They that haue
no hope of life nor escape but in victory can not chuse but fight valiantly Contrariwise they that haue refuge and hope another time to fight more happily which is the case of euery man in his owne countrey will not fight so resolutely The Gaules in their owne countrey gaue ground and fledde before Caesar and other Romane Captaines that in Italy had oft foyled the Romanes And those Africans that in Italy were victorious coulde not withstande Scipio in Afrike Alexander entring into the middest of the Persian Empire ouerthrewe the same vtterly Further it standeth with the Spaniard now as sometime it did with the Carthaginians doth with al that vse mercenary souldiers For so long as they may enioy their countrey reuenues therewith hire most valiant souldiers of other nations so long they are strong but if they be inuaded in their owne countrey both their reuenues will fayle and their owne people not being exercised in warres wil make but slender resistance So that suppose the Spanish army in the Low countreys be strong which notwithstanding hath bene dealt withall by our people yet are wee not to looke for such souldiers in Spaine The Athenians inuading Sicile were ouerthrowen by the disagreement and insufficiencie of the Captaines the disorders of the souldiers and want of things necessary which may be remedied by diligent foresight prouision and gouernement But suppose some did miscary in foreine warres shall we therefore condemne that course there is no reason seeing as warres at home are not condemned because many nations haue bene subdued and vanquished in their owne countrey Betwixt the Athenians or the Achaeans this kingdome there is no comparison in force or greatnesse But if the citie of Athens could subdue all Sicile except one onely citie it is no such difficult matter to inuade the Spaniard as is supposed Finally some in trembling maner demaund what if such an armie so farre caried away should miscary which is a very ridiculous point for men to care more for those mens liues that d ee willingly offer themselues to the aduenture then they doe themselues Seeing they dare venture nothing themselues yet let them not enuie and hinder others that will But suppose the army should miscary yet would the losse be farre lesse then if so many should be lost at home For here the sequele would be great there would be only losse of men which God be thanked this countrey may well spare But what simplicity is it to talke of loosing where men goe with a resolution rather to winne then loose neither Annibal going in Italy nor Scipio into Afrike cast any such doubt Suppose nowe on the other side that the Spaniard should doe that which hee once attempted and God more then our owne force would not suffer him to doe and that an army of Spaniards were prouided to inuade vs these things would fall out not knowing where the enemie will land all the coast must be furnished with souldiers For to thinke that our trayned men would be trayned together in time to make resistance is simplicitie And if any port be left open as good all should be disarmed But this would be double the charge of leuying and furnishing an army for Spaine and the longer the enemy holdeth vs in breath the greater would the charge arise and all this for any thing that I can see without effect seeing it is neither possible to keepe an army from landing nor safety to fight without great aduantage immediatly vpon the enemies landing If the enemy should land as well he may comming with great force we neither haue strong townes nor many great riuers to stoppe his proceedings nor any way to resist but by force of men in open fielde and howe dangerous it is to oppose yong souldiers and almost tumultuary forces against a puissant army of olde souldiers the victories of Annibal in Italy of Scipio in Afrike of the Greekes in Persia of the English in Spaine and infinite Histories declare If the enemy be suffered to take breath who seeth not howe hee will fortifie him selfe if hee be suffered to range without fight who considereth not the wracke and spoyles of the countrey that will folowe When the countrey is all in trouble the reuenues both of the Prince and priuate men either will cease or at least be greatly diminished Ferdinando king of Naples in the inuasion of his State made by the French found it 23 S'annihilauan l'entrate Guicciar lib. 1. true And reason may teach vs that where the husbandmen part by the rapines of the enemy and part by the spoyles of our owne souldiers can not enioy the fruites of their ground their rentes can not be payde and if rentes bee not payd howe will our souldiers be payd suppose then that the charge of an army in a foreine countrey be great yet may it well be borne being equally diuided so long as men enioy their liuings peaceably if that may not be howe shall we mainteine twise so many souldiers at home If when the enemies inuade vs malcontent persons should discouer themselues then as the number of our enemies so the heape of our troubles would increase But suppose for what danger in such a case is not to be forecast that our army should receiue some checke what townes haue wee or straits to arrest the enemy the countrey people being vnacquainted with warres what lawes cankeepe thē in order helpe can wee looke for none our friendes being either not able or not willing to helpe vs for some seeme offended with the spoyles of their shippes others beare vs in hand they will remember our slender helpe aforded to them which notwithstanding is more then they deserued Other secret wounds may not be opened neither needeth it seeing as euery man may perceiue by these reasons which already I haue brought how easy safe profitable and honourable it is to inuade the Spaniard and how disaduatageous it wil be to this land if either we stay with our hands folded together or els deferre to charge the Spaniard with full force vntill such time as he shall come to cut our throtes at home Hiero 25 Liu. 21. king of Sicile when the Romanes were inuaded by Annibal gaue them counsaile to transport an army ouer into Afrike the happy successe of Scipio doing the same fifteene yeeres afterward and by that meanes making an end of the warres doeth confirme that counsell to haue bene most excellent If when Philip 26 Liu. 24. king of Macedonia ioyned in league with Annibal they had not sent an army into Greece to finde him occupied at home hardly could they haue made resistance against the force of two so mightie enemies vnited together The experience of the warres with Annibal in Italy made them more wise afterward and speedy For hearing of Philips of Macedonia and Antiochus his preparatiues to transport their armies into Italy they eased them of the paine and met them in more then halfe
the mountaines nor colde of the weather did stop him Vnlesse he had vsed incredible celerity he coulde not so easely haue driuen Pompey his faction out of Italy hauing the power of the Romane Empire in his hands But he tooke him all vnprouided came vpon him before he looked for him and would not suffer him in any place to gather head Annibal a Magnis itineribus ita vt famam praeueniret ad Herdoneam contendit Liu. 26. with great iourneys and speedy marching cōming vpon Flaccus vpon the sudden ouerthrewe him at Herdonea Claudius Nero in b Liu. 27. 6. daies marched frō Canusium to Sena with 6000. footemen which distance our armies marche not in 16. By which expedition he holpe his companion Liuius to ouerthrowe Asdrubal tooke from Annibal all hope of succour c Celeritate sua hostem imparatū aggressus est Liu. 28. Syllanus by no other meanes vanquished his enemies in Spaine then by inuading them vnprouided which opportunitie his quicke speede did yeelde him If the Romanes had succoured Saguntum in time they had kept Annibal occupied in Spaine auoided the waste of Italy The smart whereof made them more quicke in the warres against Philip of Macedonia against Antiochus Perseus For they no sooner heard of their preparatiues but they caused an army to be transported into their countries to meete with them in the beginning Warres as d Guicciar 1. Alphonsus king of Naples was wont to say haue good successe where we preuent the enemie In a small e Puncto saepè temporis maximarum rerum momenta vertuntur Liu. 3. time there happeneth great alteration of things and therefore it is not safe to loose any moment of time Oftentimes also f In co victoria vertitur si loca opportuna socij praeoccuparentur Liu. 35. victories are made more easy by seasing of opportune places ioyning of confederates vnto vs to helpe our cause The Romanes for their expedition in martiall affaires deserue eternal honor aboue al others A certaine Ptolomeus in Aegypt was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lightning for his quicke dispatch Another was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or eagle for his swiftnes But they were but words of vaine flattery This praise it was deserued in the Romanes Scripio in one yere subduedal Afrike to the walles of Carthage Paulus Aemilius in a fewe moneths subuerted the Empire of the Macedonians g Quintius hostibus caesis 9. oppidis captis vicesimo die quam creatus erat dictatura se abdicauit Liu 6. Quintius leuied an army ouercame his enemies in opē field took 9. walled towns all this in one 20. dayes In the second warres of Carthage the Senators of Rome were continually in the Senate to heare the desires reports of their Generals to graunt dispatches When Scipio heard the cowardly determination of Metellus and his cōpanions to forsake their countrey after their ouerthrow at Cannae he drew his h Agendum non consultandum esse dixit Liu. 22. sword entring among them forced them to sweare that they would not forsake their countrey Which quick resolution saued his countrey And true it is that a Consilium tutum celeritas temerarium saepè mora facit Liu. 27. Claudius Nero said that expedition doth make our counsels prooue safe sure when as delaies make thē proue rash and dangerous The b Maturauit Romanus ne praelio vno cum Latino Volscoque contē deret Liu. 2. Romanes hauing diuers enemies making haste fought with them one after another singly and so ouercame them and I would to God the longer we differre to fight with the Spaniard we doe not finde him the stronger A c Malum nascens facilê opprimitur inueteratum sit plerunque robustius Cic. Philip. 5. mischiefe in the beginning is easily remedied in time it getteth strēgth That which comonly is obiected that speedy d Celer poenitētia sequitur praecipitata consilia Liu. 31. repentance foloweth rash counsell maketh nothing against our purpose For great difference there is betwixt speede and temeritie Temeritie is in counsell rashly followed speede is in quicke execution after mature counsell My meaning therfore is not that any should proceede without mature counsael but that after resolution there should follow e Primùm cōsulto posteà maturè facto opus est Salust speedy executiō Cōtrariwise both cōsultation without resolutiō and f Tardae lentoe deliberationes perniciosae Tacit. resolutiō without speedy execution are pernitious in martiall causes Counsels g Cunctando senescunt consilia Liu. 35. drawē in length by delay waxe nought in the end And being vented are no better then as I said before wine that hath taken vent h Belli necessitates non expectat humana consilia Liu. 4. Sometimes the necessities of warre so vrge vs that they will not suffer vs to attend mens counsels When the enemie is cōming vpon vs the i Dilationē pati bellum vicinum non potest Li. 1. warres are at our doores nothing is more pernicious thē delay The Romanes delaying to meete with Annibal in Spaine were afterwards forced to fight for their owne home countrey The delay of k Mora eius diei satis creditur fuisse saluti vrbi imperio Liu. 22. Annibal that after his victory at Cannae brought not presently his army before Rome was the ruine of his cause first beginning of his decay Likewise the delaies slow proceeding of the Carthaginian Senate in sending money supplies to l Post victoriam Cannensē cuncta segniter otiosè gerebat senatus Carthaginensis Liu. 23. Annibal after his victory at Cannae gaue heart leisure to the Romanes to repaire their strength m Flaccus primos hostis conatus per dissimulationem aluit Tac. 20 Delaies dissembling after that once we vnderstand the enemies practices doth helpe thē minister fauour to their proceedings as Tacitus declareth by the example of Flaccus n Bellum aluere quum si institissent egregium titulum per se liberatae Graeciae habere potuere Liu. 32. Attalus and the Rhodians hauing some vantage against Philip of Macedonia folowed it not which delay gaue him leysure to repaire his forces made them to be accōpted the nourishers of those warres which if they had vrged they might haue had the title of deliuerers of Greece themselues o Asdrubali quod celeritate intineris profectum erat id mora ad Placentiam dum frustra obsidet magis quà m oppugnat corrupit Liu. 27. Asdrubal by staying about Placentia lost whatsoeuer commoditie hee had before wonne by his speedy marche I will not say what harme our stay both here in England and at Coronna did vnto vs in the voyage of Portugal The Lauinians proceeding flowly in sending succours to their associates were scarce out of their citie gates when they heard newes that the
commanders and counsell to depart from legions or regiments before the worke fortification of the camp was finished Neither could the countenance of Afranius his army in Spaine making shew as if the same would sight deterre him but that he d Cas bel ciu 1. fortified his lodging keeping the rest in armes to receiue the enemies charge The barbarous Gaules by their many losses perceiuing the aduantages that the Romans had vpon them in this point at length by the counsel of Vercingetorix their leader began to e Caes bel gal 7. fortifie their camp as they saw the Romandes do He that doth not so lie entrenched goeth oftentimes out of his may to seeke ease for his souldiers lodgeth with his army disioyned looseth time and labour and lastly may not if hee be wise lodge neere an enemy as strong as himselfe that hath the vantage of ground and trenches He that chargeth an army that lyeth wel entrenched receiueth seldome honour of his rashnesse The Frenchmen because they vnderstoode not so much before were taught it of Prospero Colonna at the Bicocke in Lombardy For aduenturing rashly to fight with a Guicelardin Prospero and his company that lay strongly fortified within certaine bankes made for the keeping of the riuer within the channell they were tumbled into the ditch as fast as they came vp the bankes and many of them slaine That such fortification may be made orderly and strongly diuers rules are to be obserued and some prouision like wise is to be made more then ordinarie First a conuenient place in the way where the army marcheth is to be marked and staked out by the Quarter-master generall which woulde bee a man of iudgement with him also may bee sent other men of iudgement All these with a garde ought to goe b Centuriones exploratoresque praetermittit Caesar qui locum castris idoneum deligant Caes bel gal 2. before that at the comming of the army to the place euery man may knowe the gates and the sides and the places of the campe Within that presently they may begin to worke euerie man may know where to pitch his tent or make his caban to discharge the impediments and baggage and where the ordonance is to be placed This may seeme intricat at the first but with practice it may be made most easie Further to the end that our men be not disturbed when they are at their worke good espialles and discouerers would be sent before to see that the enemy lie not in ambush neere that place where wee meane to lodge Which happening to Caesar in the expeditioÌ„ against the Belgians did more endanger him then the enemies open force For his men c Caes bel gal 2. hauing laide downe their burthens and being scarâ—eâ—ed to fetch stakes earth and stones â—odainly the enemy appeareth out from vnder a hil there by and chargeth him The same was the ruine d Liu. 10. of Fabius his â—ieutenant For going to take a hil alreadie possessed by the enemy without espial he was there slaine in the place with al his comany For defence of those that worke one good part of the army woulde be kept in armes especially where the enemy is neere And those that worke are to haue euery man his sword and dagger girded to him and his other armes fast by him Which not only Caesar a master in these matters but al the Romanes generally obserued There is no time more pâ—oper for the enemies assault nor more daâ—gerous for vs then when wee are newly come to our lodging For then most are secure and put off their armes and either rest themselues or runne about to seeke things necessarie The e Castra ponentes Romanos Poeni aggressi sunt turbassentque munientes ni abditi post tumuluÌ„ opportunè ad id positi à Scipione equites in effusos incurrissent Liu. 28. Romanes as they were pitching their tentes were charged by the Carthaginians in their warres in Spaine and had beene soyled had not Scipio fearing such a matter run through theÌ„ with his horsemen which very opportunely hee had couered vnder a hill in the way as they came to the charge At that time also Caesar was set vpon by the Neruians and lost diuers braue men The Venetians were no sooner arriued in their a Conte de Purlilia ad Ferdinand lodgings at Trent and disarmed but the enemy obseruing his time commeth vpon them and forced them to seeke an other lodging Yet not all for many were lefte behinde to take vp their lodging in that place for euer The place most commodious for lodging is where our companie may not onely haue wood water good ayre and for horses forrage and if it may be some reliefe of victualles for our men but also aduantage of the ground fit to be wrought and hardly to be taken from vs by the enemy Wood may not be wanting for fire stakes and â—abans and lesse water for our men and cattell A riuer also doeth oftentimes ease our men of trauell Especially if it be deepe For that the campe is well fensed on that quarter Good ayre is necessarie for the health our souldiers especially when me lie long in a place The aduantage of ground is requisite for the defending of our lodging Which opportunities those that haue wanted haue beene driuen to great extremities b Caes bel ciu 1. Afranius his army was driuen to yeeld to Caesar in Spaine for want of water And by like necessitie Caesar forced the reliques of Pompeys army which hee c Caes bel ciu 3. besieged on a hill and excluded by trenches from the water to flie to his mercie Himselfe in d Hirt. de bel Alexandr Alexandria had beene driuen to great extremity for want of fresh water had hee not by digging of pits found store In hie and drie countries water is hard to be found vnlesse it be in valle is and deepe botcomes that shewe signes of moisture Lautrecke in the fiege of Naples lodging his army in the lowe grounds brought great contagion among his people and of New hauen and other places want of water and the filthy keeping of our lodgings which cannot be kept too cleane bred the pestilence among our men and wrought the victory to out enemies The disaduantage of the ground at Landresie not considered by the French had sike to haue taught them a lamentable lesson For being lodged in the lower ground they were continually amoyed by the artillery of the imperiallâ—s placed vpon a hill that comntâ—â—ed the French campe and almost forced them to fight with great disaduantage The Italians and Spaniardes were by the French forced to fight against their willes at a Guicciard Rauenna in Lewis the twelft his time for that being lodged in the lower and open ground they were beaten with the enemies great ordonance that continually stroke among their horsemen Which inconuenience coulde not be remedied so but that is was the
occasion of their ouerthrow But howsoeuer the place be chosen aduantageous yet there is alwayes some part that lieth open which is to bee assured with trenches and palissadaes The lesse aduantage that the nature of the ground yeeldeth the more labour our souldiers are to take in working and trenching the same And that with a trench and banke sufficient if not such as the Romanes vsed yet such as may couer the defendants and hinder the ascent of the assailants without ladders Caesar in the b Castra in altitudinem pedum 12. vallo fossaque 18. pedum muniuit Caesar bel gal 2. warres against the Belgians enuironed his campe neere Soissons with a banke twelue foote high and a ditch eighteene foote broade If the danger were great the Romanes vsed to make their bankes higher and trenches deeper It would be incredible if I should report all those bankes trenches and workes which Caesar made about Alexia in France and at Dyrrhachium in the warres against Pompey and other places and howe hee cast trenches of great depth tenne or eleuen miles compasse Which was also the vse of all the Romanes Whose workes yet remaining in England in diuers places because it seemeth incredible they should be doone by men are called diuelles ditches and supposed by them to be cast That this fortification may be made with more ease and greater speed euery man is to worke eyther with mattock or spade I know our men will at first refuse it and discharge themselues vpon pionniers but why should they disdaine to doe that which the Romanes did and why shoulde anie refuse to worke to saue his life and the liues of their company Let them consider howe such idle fellowes that woulde not fortifie their lodgings haue beene vsed c Castra procos habebat nee loco satis tuto posita ne◠praesidiis firmata hac negligentia fretus cum incautum Annibal opressit Liu. 27. Fuluis the Romane Proconsul neither for place nor defence nor garde lay strongly enough with his army which was no sooner brought to Annibal but marching thither with his army he tooke him at vnawres and ouerthre we him and all his companie La Loüe and his companie lying secure and carelesse without trench or barriquade had their throates cut by the garrison of Montpellier in the night being asleepe in their lodging Anno one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and nine Neither did the companie that vnder Napoleon Vrsini a Guicciard came to the succor of Florence besieged by the Prince of Orenge in the daies of Charles the fift escape better cheape to teach others percase to make better barriquades and trenches and to keepe better watch If the Protestantes durst haue charged Charles the fift before his campe was fortified at Englestat they had b Natal com l. 1. no doubt foyled him Neither is it sufficient to trench the wayes if wee lie open on the sides Euerie waie must haue some defence Strossi c Hist. de troubl de Er. li. 7. stiffely defending a certaine valley by Rocheabeille Anno one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and nine fensed onely in front with a weake palissade was inuested on the sides and forced by the Protestantes In which disastre himselfe was taken and most of his troupes distrouped and slaine If his defence had beene strong in all places hee had saued himselfe and foyled his enemy Q. Cicero d Caes bel gal 5. one of Caesars lieutenants by the fortifications of his campe abode diuers assaults of the whole power of France and held out vntill such time as Caesar succoured him And well befell it Prospero Colonna that his lodging was strong at the Bicocke For otherwise he and his companie had beene drawen out thence not by the eares but by the legges There is none so small a fortification but it may doe vs fauour in such a case The Spaniardes making a trench betweene themselues and the French at e Guicciard li. 5. Cirignola and bordering the same with their shot made them to this day remember what daunger it is to passe a trench resolutely defended In these late braules of France captaine Granry f Hist de troubl de Fr. li. 6. lodging in Esse a village vpon the riuer of Vienne gaue the enemy a rude welcome comming to see him in his lodging in the night His safetie was in a double barrier and trench made by him at the endes of the streetes Yet let euery man take heede howe hee presume vpon euery small defence and rather let him cause his men to take more paines It is no base labour that is vndertaken for the defence of our liues and little doth he deserue his life that will not digge a few turfes to saue it Ludouike of Nassau the brother to the Prince of Orenge presumed too much vpon a little bad ditch betwixt him and the Duke of Aluaes army If it had beene but sixe foote deeper hee had repulsed the enemy with great slaughter a This happeued anno 1568. For idlenesse and want of skill he and his company were ouerthrowen and driuen to take Embden for their succour And yet not warned herewith when hee brought a supplie out of Germanie to aide his brother b Mich. ab Islael◠lying in a village without sufficient defence hee was charged by the enemie and there slaine and with him Christopher the Prince Palatins sonne a Prince vnworthy that disastrous death and with them most of the company That the campe may with more ease be trenched and fortified the worke is equally to be diuided amongst the company That equitie the Romanes taught vs and c Singula latera castrotū singulis attribuit legionibus munienda Caes bel gal 1. Caesar practiced diuiding the ground among his regiments to be wrought And shame it is among vs seeing as the vse of warres teacheth vs the great profite of labour in banking and trenching that wee put it ouer to a sort of men called Pionniers vnknowen among the Romanes whose workes were alwayes d They are commonly termed Opera militum done by souldiers This is the cause of the great charge of Princes and slow proceeding and slender effects of warres Therfore they that will not worke and take paines rather then die shamefully let them die But let not the idlenesse of such preiudice the state or the safety of braue men But let such defend themselues as well with bankes as with weapons and not follow the slouthful pride of athers The forme of the campe is much according to the site and lying of the ground Among the Romanes it was made for the most part foure square But it skilleth not though it bee three or fiue square So the bankes woulde bee made tenne e Lesse depth bredth wil serue but this maketh the bankes sufficient or twelue foote hie the ditch sixeteene or eighteene foote broade The deeper the ditch and higher the banke is the more assured is
Annibal who by all meanes prouoked the Romanes to come to fight with him but also of the Romanes inuading the Macedonians of Caesar warring in France and folowing of Pompey into Epeirus and of our Kings transporting their forces into France and generally of all that euer knewe the trade of warre doeth teach vs. To force the enemy to accept that which willingly hee would shun the meanes are these first to pursue him with all conuenient speed If thy horsmen doe once ouertake any part of his army either he must stay to succor his men or els must he leaue them to thy mercy if hee haue so many a Eques carpeâ—â— do nouisâ—imos premendoque iniquis ad transitum locis agmen detinuit Liu. 8. stayes thou canst not chuse but ouertake him To depart farre away from thee is to yeelde the countrey into thy hands then which it were better to hazard many mens liues Caesar by b Caes bel gal 1. this meanes drew the Heluetians backe to fight with him which they would gladly haue passed and by the c Caes bel gal 2. same he so galled the Belgians that they were constreined to fight with disaduantage d Caes bel â—iu â— Afranius would gladly haue recouered the hie countreys with his army but Caesar did so trouble his marche with his horse men that vnlesse he meant to flye he could not runne from him without fighting He that flyeth long before thee without fighting he abandoneth a great countrey without fighting to be spoyled of thee Secondly if the enemy hath any courage by ranging and spoyling and firing whatsoeuer thou canst not saue for thine owne vse thou shalt either drawe him foorth into the fielde or breake his heart By that meanes the e Cos vastandâ—â— maximè agâ—is hostem ad conferoÌ„da propius castra dimicandumque acie exciuir Liu. 2. Romanes forced the Volscians and others to come downe from the hilles into euen ground and to defend their countrey from rauage and spoyle And although another time the force and prouision of the Romane army made the enemies to shut them selues vp within their walles as most safe for them yet when they sawe the spoyles and f Populatione agrorum inceÌ„dâ—js villarum coegit eos egâ—edi vâ—be Liu 5. flames of their countrey they coulde not continue their former deliberation but were forced to come forth and fight When Villages g populando atque vrendo recâ—â— hostium sataque in aciem extraâ—â— Liu. 8. are fired and the corne and the countrey spoyled he must be either very cowardly or very hard hearted that is not drawen foorth to fight Flaminius the Romane Consull could not endure to see the fires which Annibal kindled in Hetruria but would needes succour the countrey and fight with the enemy whatsoeuer it cost him Who can endure to see the enemy to rage spoyle without restraint or who can restreine him without fight The Frenchmen although alwayes vnwilling to deale with the English nation vpon euen hand yet haue bene diuers times forced thereto by vs what with indignitie to see their countrey spoyled and what with feare of further losse and what with necessitie to defend their country Albeit Fabius could in his time endure to see the rauage and spoyle of his countrey yet all haue not that singular patience If neither by celeritie thou canst ouertake the enemy nor by spoyles of the countrey moue him to defend the same yet will hee neuer endure vntill thou hast taken some of his principall cities Shame and necessitie wil in the end force him to come to their succour When the a Post quam Romulum castra ponere ad vrbem necedere VeieÌ„tes accepere egressi sunt obuià m vt potiùs acie decernerent quà m inclusi de tectis moenibusque dimicarent Liu. 1. Veians being beaten before refused to encounter the Romanes in the fielde any more yet when they perceiued that the Romanes made toward their citie they came foorth chusing rather to trye it in playne fielde then to be pend vp and fight for their houses and walles b Metellus vbi se dolis fatigari videt neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri Zamam statuit oppugnate ratus Iugurtham subsidio suis venturum Salust bel Iugurth Metellus forced Iugurtha to come into the fielde by besieging Zama a citie which he specially fauoured albeit hee knew him selfe inferior in strength to the Romanes By like meanes Caesar in Afrike forced c Scipio ad necessitatem adductus dimicandi ne per summum dedecus Thapsitanos rebus suis fidissimos Virgilium amitteret Hirt. de bel Afric Scipio to bring his forces into euen ground least loosing a citie of importance that fauoured him and a Captaine of name hee should dishonor himselfe Philip de Valoys to raise the siege of Calais brought with him the power of France King Edward the third might haue fought with him if hee had would but hee would not fight with him but vpon aduantage The Protestants Anno 1567. by straiting the citie of Paris of victuals forced the king to send a power against them to fight with them Vnwise were they that not vnderstanding this had sent away a great part of their forces which might in that battell which was fought at Saint Denys had greatly ayded them to obteine the victorie If the siege of Poytiers An. 1569. had continued any longer then it did the King should haue bene forced to fight with the Protestants that besieged it But there was no neede that a Kings power should beat them whom want so many disorders had beaten before But if the Generall of the enemies forces be enforced to take a towne for his safegarde much more behoueth it them to come forth into the fielde to relieve him if he be besieged The whole power of France came before a Caes bel gal 7. Alexia to disengage Vercingetorix their Generall there besieged by Caesar Whosoeuer hee is that can be content to loose a citie and refuseth to come to fight with his enemy cannot long endure The reason that the Prince of Orenge so long helde out against the Spaniard was the tyranny of the enemy whom the people could not endure certaine small supplyes that came out of England and the Princes good will to helpe such townes as were distressed the best he could and last of all the libertie of the sea which the enemy could not take from him On the other side the defendants taking a contrary course for the safety of them selues and their countrey ought as much as they can to linger and weary the enemy and not to fight without manifest aduantage This course the Romanes tooke and found to be best not only against Annibal but also against other Barbarous nations that came to inuade them The same did experience teach the Gaules and Briteins to be best against Caesar And the generall practice of warre hath nowe confirmed it
for a precept to be folowed in such cases When b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 2. Sitacles King of Thracia inuaded the Macedonians the countrey people not being able to resist fled into strong cities and holdes and as occasion aduantage was offered from thence issued to fight with him as they could Many c Multa bella impetu valida peâ— taedia moâ—as euanuerunt praesertim vbi non est prouisum frumentum nec maiores expectaâ—a copiae Tacit. annal 18. warres that haue bene violent at the first brunt by delayes and tedious lingering haue come to nothing sayth Tacitus And therefore neuer is it good to fight with those that want prouision and looke for no further supply When the Gaules with great forces came into Italy some would haue had the Romane Generall to fight with them foorthwith but the d Dictatori neutiquam placebat cum nulla cogeret res fortunae â—o committere adversus hostem quem tempus deâ—eriorem indies locus alienâ—s faceret sine praeparato commâ—atu sine siâ—mo munimento morantem ad hoc â—js animis corporibusque quorum omnis in impetâ—vis esset parua eadem languesceret mora his coÌ„siliis dictator bellum trahebat Liu. 7. Generall thought it more wisedome to protract time His reasons were for that he dealt with an enemy which euery day waxed weaker by reason he was in another couÌ„trey had dayly more and more hinderances comming vpon him further neither had hee prouision nor towne of retraite therefore must needs be wearied with delayes and decay of himselfe and great folly sayd he were it to fight with men when they are stroÌ„g when they may deale with them when they are weake feeble When Caesar sent Crassus into Aquitany with part of his army to subdue the countrey the enemy being taught by experience would not come into open field but a Duces consuetudine populi Romani loca capere castra munire commeatibus nostros intercludere institâ—unt Romanos se rei frumentarâ—ae inopia recipientes impeditos agmimine sub sarcinis insirmiore animo adoriri cogitant Caes bel gal 3. began to take places of aduantage to fortifie his campe to keepe Crassus from victuals when the army for want should retire then he meant to charge the same being laden with baggage and out of aray in the marche That which Liuy sayth of the b Boij gens ad morae taedium minimè patiens dilapsi sunt Boyans we finde it true in many Northren nations they are impatient of delayes and if they be not fought withall doe scatter of them selues Those that fight with such enemies are like to those that hope to quench fire by throwing on of wood when as if the fire be not supplyed with wood it will goe out of it selfe And therefore our ancesters that haue fought with the Scots haue done valiantly but wisdome would haue perswaded them to let them dissolue of them selues The Romanes by their haste in fighting with Annibal receiued three great ouerthrowes and brought them selues within very litle of their ruine Pompey when he might haue ruinated Caesars army for want of victuals aduenturing to fight at the request of his army ouerthrew himselfe The way to weary the enemy without fight is first with an army consisting most of horsemen shot targets and halberdiers lightly armed to coast him a farre off next to spoyle the countrey where hee passeth and to bring all the cattell corne and prouision that may any way serue his turne into strong townes thirdly to store the townes of warre with prouision and assure them with strong garrisons fourthly to cut the bridges ouer great riuers and to sease all narow and straite passages The army that coasteth the enemy although it may not ioyne battell with him in euen ground yet hath many necessary vses and without it all other impediments are easily passed the same doth bridle the enemies courses that he dare not diuide his army to send the same on foraging It keepeth victuals from him and him from victuals it defendeth the straits and passages of riuers it succoureth such townes as are besieged it is ready to charge the enemy vpon all aduantages The Athenians c Thucid. 3. not being able to fight with the army of the Lacedemonians that came against them tooke this course for their defence they brought their people and all that they had into the citie placed gardes at passages and cut of the straglers with their horsemen Which course d Caes bel gal 7. Vercingetorix also vsed against Caesar in France hee burned the countrey droue away all the cattell kept the passages of riuers The e Custodias ad ripas Ligeris disponere equitatumque omnibus locis ostentare caeperunt Caes bel gal 7. Heduans reuolting from Caesar kept the banks of Loyre with gardes and in all places where the Romanes came charged them with their horsemen But of this matter I haue spoken sufficient where I shewed what trauerses made against the enemie are most effectuall Now I am to shew how the enemie is to be wearied without fight the meanes I haue set downe But this caution thou must vse further that thou keepe thy selfe and thy companie alwayes on the higher ground and take heede that the enemie doe not entrap thee nor compasse thee about Fabius in the warres of the Romanes against Annibal in Italie and Licinius in the warres against Asdrubal in Spaine haue by their example shewed thee what thou art to doe and how warilie thou art to garde thy selfe and to watch thy enemie These precepts haue vse in all countreys with whatsoeuer enemie thou dealest but especiallie where the countrey is full of hils woodes straites and great riuers and also where by force is neere equall to the enemie But if thy power be slender or if thy countrey bee playne and open then presume not to come neere the enemie for thou canst not auoyd but either thou must flie or fight The a Fuga se longinqua ab hosse tutati sunt Galli Liu. 6. Gaules pursued by Camillus seeing themselues vnable to fight with him had no other meanes to auoyd fight but to flie farre from him Neither could Asdrubal haue escaped from b Liu. 27. Scipio but that he fled with his armie from him into the vtmost coast of Spaine After that c Vercingetorix ne contra suam voluntatem dimicare cogeretur magnis iâ—ineribus antecessit Caes bel Gal. 7 Caesar had once passed the riuer of Allier which was betweene him the enemie Vercingetorix was coÌ„strained to go farre before least he might be constrained to fight agaynst his will For where the armies come neere each to other in eauen ground it is hard for the one to auoyd fight where the other seeketh it Antonie forced Cassius to fight at Philippi albeit he auoided it what he could and had the vantage both of ground and trenches The
2. beginning of the battell there is great aduantage And as Pinarius saide to his men lying in garrison in Aenna a Citie of e Qui prior strinxerit ferrum cius victoria erit Liu. 24. Sicile so it falleth out very often that hee that draweth the sworde soonest first obteineth the victorie They that first beginne seeme to haue greater courage then those that stand still as it were to warde their blowes There is many aduantages in beginning the battell They may more easely take the aduantage of the winde and Sunne of the grounde and of the sort of weapons wherewith they fight then those that stand still which are forced to turne which way soeuer the enemie commeth They may there beginne where the enemie is weakest and themselues strongest and therefore the vse of the Romanes was first to begin the charge as appeareth both in the warres of Scipio in Spaine and Caesar in France A certaine f Lez consederez remanquet qu'en touts lez combus passez ils ont mieulx fait chargeans lez premiers que quand ils en◠attendu la desmarcke catholique Hist de troubl de Fr. Frenchman albeit he vnderstood not the reason yet by obseruation vnderstoode this poynt For sayth he in the warres of France it hath beene noted that the Protestants did alwayes preuaile more charging the enemies first then attending the enemies demarche and charge It appeareth both in the braule at Moncontour anno 1569. and diuers other skirmishes which they call battels Those that charge first take the aduantage of any disorder committed by the enemie which others let slippe Whatsoeuer can be deuised to encourage our owne souldiers or to discourage the enemie as at all times so especially in the hazard of battell is to be practised by cryes reportes shewes wordes spoken in the hearing of the enemie and whatsoeuer else can be imagined If there lye any wood or hollowe grounde neere the enemie the same is to be seased that in the heate of the fight our men suddenly arising thence may more amaze and hurt the enemie But of this point we shall haue better occasion to speake at large in the treatise of stratagemes and ambushes Least by flying of some cowardly companions the rest might be discouraged order is to be taken that whosoeuer in the fight beginneth to turne his backe bee presently slaine The a Cohorti suae dictator dat signum vt quem suorum fugientem viderint pro hoste habeant Liu. 2. Romane Generall by this strict commaundement and execution appointing certaine troupes to execute it made his armie stand resolutely Of Attilius it is reported that when his army beganne to giue ground by b Liu. 10. killing the first with his owne hands he made the rest to make head against the enemie which Annibal likewise practised in his battel with Scipio in Afrike albeit he had not like successe This is the case wherein Clearchus the Lacedemonian c Plutarch saide that souldiers ought more to feare their owne Generall then the enemie Finally when by his good direction and the valiantnesse of his souldiers the Generall shall perceiue the enemie to beginne to shrinke and giue ground then must he be most carefull first that he giue him no time to recouer himselfe or to supplie that which is broken secondly that hee keepe his souldirs from spoyle vntill such time as he hath assured himselfe of the victorie When the enemie beginneth to shrinke and to be dismaide any little force more maketh him to runne in a small time he recouereth himselfe againe Therefore d Orant vt perculsos inuadant nec restitui aciem sinant Liu. 29. then is he to bee vrged with the rest of our strength that remaineth entire and not to be suffered to escape Scipio in the battell with Asdrubal in Spaine when the e Liu. 28. Carthaginians disliking the party would haue retyred wholly together did so presse them on all sides that before they could recouer any place of safetie they were forced to change their pace and euery man to flye for his life In the a Caes de bel ciu 3. battell betwixt Caesar and Pompey when Pompeyes horsemen were driuen out of the fielde by those halfe pikes that hee had ordeined for succour of his owne horse with the same men he cut in pieces Pompeyes archers and light armed men That done with the same troupes he charged Pompeies battell that yet stoode firme vpon the backe And after he had driuen the enemie out of the fielde yet rested he not vntill such time as hee had taken his campe and dispersed the reliques of his armie Yet may some say it is not good to presse the enemie too farre and that a bridge of golde is to bee made to those that flie away Gaston de fois was ouerthrowen and slaine pursuing the Spaniards that retired after the battell of Rauenna And diuers others driuing the enemie to dispaire that otherwise would haue fledde haue hurt themselues But this is to be vnderstoode of an enemie that would so flye as he would also yeelde the victorie and contende no more in which case Themistocles perswaded the Greekes that meant to dissolue Xerxes his bridge to suffer the same to continue that thereby he might runne away Others that meane to fight againe are to be pursued diligently with all our forces Gaston de fois had not beene slaine but that hee was badly followed and too farre auaunced Neither coulde the Spaniards haue escaped if they had beene charged with shotte or taken at aduantage and kept from victuals The Romanes had so certaine an order in this point that they doubt not to accuse their b Ex subsidiis quòd tardiùs successissent signum equitibus tardiùs datum Cos accusatus Liu 35. General of trecherie for that when the enemie staggered hee gaue not the worde to the horsemen to charge nor aduaunced his footemen in time to supplie those that were wearie c Victor equestri praelio rex paruo momento si adiuuisset debellare potuit Liu. 42. Perseus for that hauing foyled the Romanes with his horse and hauing the victorie in his hand he did not pursue the rest of their troupes and breake them but suffered them to passe a Riuer quietly is condemned for a man of no iudgement in warres The same errour was committed by the Carthaginians in Spaine who hauing slain the two Scipioes foyled their armie gaue them selues to rest while the Romanes gathering head againe were able afterwarde to matche them and foyle them Those that cannot thrust the enemie downe that is already falling will be lesse able to doe it when he standeth vpright And therefore let wise captaines pursue their enemie to the vtmost and not suffer him when hee once beginneth to looke backe to turne head againe and take breath And in any case let him take heede that his souldiers runne not to spoyle before the victorie be assured and the
did it anie hurte to the footemen by reason of the vneuenesse of the ground For eyther it fell lowe or high If the same be placed in the front of our armie yet can not the same be employed past one or two volies For at the ioyning of the battell it ceaseth And if our men march forward it breaketh their arrayes If the same be placed vpon some hill yet lying out of leuell and shooting downeward it doth no great hurt But let it doe the vtmost that it may being employed by iudicious gunners yet neuer was victorie obtained by great ordonance in open field nor the force of the enemy comming resolutely to the charge thereby stopped a Guicciard lib. 10. Gaston de Fois sallying out of the Castell tooke the towne of Brescia notwithstanding the number of great peeces that in euery streete were bracked against him And little did the Spaniardes that sacked Antwerpe Anno 1576. sallying out of the cittadell esteeme the peeces that barked against them at their first sally The Frenchmen although they had two and twentie peeces of ordonance in their campe at Nouara wherewith they thought themselues safely garded all the wayes and accesses being by them flanked and beaten yet b Guicciar lib. 11. were they broken and put out of their lodging by the Suitzers which came against them without eyther ordonance of shot If then in streetes and waies where artillery hath greatest force the same notwithstanding cannot repel the force of a resolute enemy much lesse vse hath it in open field The Admirall after the vnhappy encounter at Moncontour with the reliques of his army c Hist de troubl de Fr. trauersed the greatest part of France without any one peece of great ordonance Neither did his company being diuers times encountred by the way therefore lesse seruice Very troublesome it is in carriage and no lesse chargeable Guicciardin reporteth that the breach of the wheele of a canon did so long incomber the whole army that it lost a good opportunitie by that delay The vse of great ordonance therefore is first in gardeing of towns or passages some litle vse it hath in flanking the sides of our campe or defending the streets if we lodge in villages secondly in battering of walles or opening of passages For without ordonance sufficient euery petit castle or town wil scorne vs or braue vs. In our battery at Coronna wee felt the want of it but more at Lisbon The last vse is in the field either in the front of the battell or vpon some hill vpon the sides Where if we can see the enemies troupes hit amongst them we shal make them change the ground The great artillery of the French beating amoÌ„g the Italian horse in their campe at Rauenna made theÌ„ come to fight with disaduantage The which paine the French themselues suffered in their campe at Landresie being beaten by the imperials from a hill where they had placed their great ordonance as before I haue shewed Thus you may see how as al weapons may be profitably imploied with good iudgement so without iudgement they serue for nothing but to make a shewe Now forasmuch as Stratagemes doe worke as much as weapons and make weapons more effectuall and because the enemy maketh least resistance when he is most sodainly surprised let vs speake of Stratagems and ambushes which tend also to the obtaining of victorie CHAP. XIII Of Stratagemes and Ambushes STratagems I call those deuises whereby the Generall doeth eyther hurte or discourage the enemy or helpe and incourage his owne men so called because they proceede from the Generalles head and pollicie whom the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ambushes the Italians call emboscate from whence both French and wee borrowe the worde The reason whereof is for that in woodes for the most part such trappes are laide The Romanes doe better terme them insidias and the Greekes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that wee doe not onely lay snares for our enemies in woodes but also in hollow groundes and also beyond hilles and in valleis and villages and townes and behind walles and wheresoeuer we can couer our men in such sort that we be not espied vntil we come vpon the enemie vpon a sodayne Stratagemes are infinite and can not bee comprised within any certaine rules For what can be so exactly saide but that the wit of man is able to deuise more and saie more some I will set downe practised by famous captains in former time that by them our Generalles of themselues may learne how to inuent others and not alwayes kill the enemy with downe-right blowes One speciall and yet common Stratageme it is to couer our counsels and enterprises by contrary pretenses For by this meanes the enemy looking or warding one way is often taken and striken mortally in an other place and by other meanes Annibal taking his bedde and giuing out that hee was verie a Liu. 25. sicke which rumour flying to the Romanes made them secure in the night time led out tenne thousand men and comming on a sudden surprised Tarentum To the intent that his enterprise might not be discouered before it tooke effect he vsed diuers other pollicies First he sent out diuers light horsemen to range the countrey to kill such as they met least any should escape and giue notice of his comming and that the enemy seeing them might suppose that they were only certaine outriders hauing an intention to surprise Puteoli he gaue out that he went forth with his army to sacrifice at the lake of a Ad lacum Aâ—uerni per specieâ—â— sacrificandi reâ—â—sa vt tentaret Puteolos quique ibi in praesid o erant descendit Liu. 24 Aruerne But in the night hee turned toward Puteoli b Consul in Lucanos ostendir iter cum peteret Gall. am Liu. 27. Claudius Nero caused a fame to flee abroade that he went to the countrey of the Lucanians when in deede hee went into the part of Gallia Togata that is now called la Marca Vnder colour of treaty of peace many practices of hostility are wrought Scipio sending men to intreat with Syphax of peace caused some to espy his campe c Liu. 29. Which gaue entrance to that enterprice which afterward he executed in the night vpon the same Metellus d Salust bel Iugurth treating of peace with Iugurtha did by fayre promises corrupt most of his folowers Both which practices the Spaniards of late time haue vsed against vs. When they entend any dangerous enterprise then it is bruted that either the king of Spaine or their chiefe Leader is dead or sicke Vnder pretence of warres against the Turke An. 1588. he gathered great forces against vs and nowe I vnderstand that newes is come of great preparatiues in Spaine against the Turke that our eyes may be bleared and not see his preparation against France or vs. By the same deuise hee surprised the realme of Portugal after the
some accompted of wel otherwise should therein deale more dishonourably foolishly then other nations For what could be more dishonorable then the surrender of Terwin Torney Bollein other places or the losse of Caleis and what more ridiculous then that our army going to fight should with a few French crownes be bought out and perswaded to returne But if the enemy will heare of no composition without surrender of the place the next consideration is that we may be assured of our liues and depart with our horses and armes without disgrace By the capitulation of S. a Hist de troubl lib. 10. Iean d'Angeli the captaines and souldiers departed with their armes horses and baggage Onely they were driuen to rolle vp their ensignes and to make promise that they would not beare armes in the cause of Religion for the space of foure moneths The garrison of Somieres surrendring the towne to the enemy were suffered to depart with their armes and goods and had seuen dayes respit giuen them to conuey away their goods in Like honourable composition had our men in the late surrender of Scluce The more resolute the garrison sheweth it selfe in standing vpon points the more honourable their composition doth commonly prooue And contrarywise those that will needes compound loose both life and honor The Romanes for the most part would not compound without surrender made of the defendants armes but the ancient faith and loyalty of the Romanes being now lost and gone let it be iudged what wisedome it is for men to put themselues into dissoyall mens handes all naked The greatest difficulty is in procuring of good assurance of the capitulation of surrender made which is most of all to be stood vpon For what auaileth it to haue good words without performance In these late brabbles of France the garrisons of Mucidam and Mailè and diuers other places haue bene cut in pieces contrary to composition And howsoeuer the prince of Parma dealt with our men yet the poore townesmen of Scluce and some of the Dutch complaine that all points were not performed The Protestants of France contrary to the articles of peace were shamefully massacred during the mirth and solemnities of the kinges sisters marriage And now it beginneth to be a rule that no faith nor lawes of warre are to be obserued to heretikes In which rolle seeing the Romanists doe moster all that are not of the Papall faction it behooueth vs to looke about how wee doe trust them especially giuing vs such warning by the feined treaty of Dunkirke Beside all this a certeine Spaniard a great man of law in the Lowe countries affirmeth that all a Baltazar Ayala de iure belli capitulations wherein any thing that belongeth to the state is alienated are voide and of no force Which if it were true then coulde hardly any composition of surrender be good further then they that haue the same surrendred keepe the same by force Wherefore that wee be not heerein abused by treacherous enemies let vs see by what meanes we may assure our selues In times past wee might trust mens wordes if they performed not wordes yet had they regard to writinges and seales b Hist de troubl de Franc. Captaine Piles for the assurance of the composition of S. Iean d' Angeli required only the kinges hand and seale But now such disloyalty is entred into the world that neither with words nor writings nor seales nor yet othes men can stand assured And therefore beside wordes and writing wise men now require sureties pledges and hostages The house of a Guicciard Bentiuogli in Bologna would not capitulate with Caesar Borgia vnlesse the French king and Florentines would giue their words and binde themselues for performance The b Phil. Comines constable of France would not trust Lewis the eleuenth his othe without pledge Both of Lysander in olde time and of Lewis the eleuenth in latter times stories affirme that they had small regard of promise or othe further then their profit required Therefore both in time past the Romanes and of late time others haue required and had other assurance The garrison of Brouage c Anno 1577. capitulating with the enemy about the surrender of Brouage doubting of the performance of couenants demanded and obteined hostages which were conueyed to Rochell before they gaue vp the place they of Somieres had likewise hostages deliuered vnto them such as they did nominate before they did deliuer vp the towne Without this assurance it is not safe for any to commit their heads into their enemies handes and farre more honorable it is to die like braue men in the field with our armes in our handes then like sheepe to haue our throates cut in the handes of perfidious butchers Tit. d Liu. 24. Sempronius seeing himselfe betrayed and that he must needs die exhorted his men to die rather fighting and doing somewhat in which case men haue lesse apprehension of death then vnder the kniues of executioners To auoid all cauilles about wordes the sentence is to be conceiued plainely and all circumstances to be expressed as nere as may be and the redresse of all contrauentions if it may be either by some meanes to be kept in our owne handes or in the determination of honorable persons The e Sleidan Lantgraue that yeelded himselfe and came to the presence of Charles the fift Maurice of Saxony being mediator betwixt them vpon cauill about one word was contrary to his meaning deteined prisoner and had bene longer if that Maurice had not conceiued indignation that vpon his word the good prince should be abused All we can do in this case is too litle For whē princes wil quarrell they can picke occasion and ground themselues vpon euery small point and make many faire pretenses as in the dealings that passed betwixt f Guicciard Lewis Sforza and the house of Medici bewixt pope Iulio the second and Lewis the twelft of France and betwixt them and Ferdinand king of Spaine is euident Of more then we haue in our owne power we can neuer assure our selues when we deale with perfidious enemies And therefore let all braue souldiers consider before hand and prouide that they come not into these straytes and if necessitie enforce them to compound let them deale wisely CHAP. XVIII Of the vse of the Nauy in warres and of diuers pointes to be considered of those that commaund at Sea THose Nations and Cities that haue the commaundement of the Sea howsoeuer they are foyled at land yet can neuer be throughly vanquished before they be beaten from the Sea A matter apparant by diuers examples The Athenians although their countrey was all wasted and the people driuen by the Lacedemonians their enemies to hide thēselues within the walles of the Citie yet so long as they were a Thucid. 1. Exorat Periclis strong at Sea not onely had all things necessarie for themselues but also depriued their
enemies of many commodities and spoyled their coastes by diuers sudden incursions And albeit they had no dominion in firme land yet kept they the Ilands in subiection so long as they kept the Sea The same people before that being inuaded by the Persians comming vpon them with huge array in so much that they thought themselues vnable to resist at land abandoned their Citie and made themselues strong at Sea By which meanes in the ende they vanquished their enemies and recouered their losses with great aduantage both of wealth and honour The Cities likewise on the coast of c Caes bel gal 6. France which is nowe called Briteine although they could not defend themselues against Caesars forces at land yet suffered no great losse as long as they had ships to commaund at Sea Their ships furnished them with things necessarie being besieged the same conueyed the men their goods away being distressed Contrariwise howe strong soeuer a Nation is by land yet cannot the same mainteine it selfe long nor continue in reputation without a sufficient power at Sea The Romanes were driuen to great straytes by the Pirates that kept the rule of the Sea a great time and continued it vntill such time as they were driuen thence by the victory of Pompey the great Sext. Pompeius keeping the Seas with his ships draue Augustus and Antony to a harde cōposition The Lacedemonians could not remedy the spoiles of their countrey made by the incursiōs of the Athenian ships nor could Caesar haue reason of the coast Townes of France before he had prouided a Nauy vanquished them at Sea Neither shall euer the Spaniard obteine his purpose of the Low-countries so long as they can keep the sea but if they faile of that it would goe hard with them This was the cause that made the Romanes albeit before that vnacquainted with sea causes to arme to sea Without their nauy they could neither haue defended their Empire against the Carthaginians first nor afterward against the pyrates nor without strength at sea coulde either Caesar haue subdued the coast townes of France or entred this Iland Nor could Augustus haue vanquished Pompey nor the Lacedemonians preuailed against the Athenians The experience of these nations and great warriers doth teach vs this conclusion that if we meane either to mainteine the honor reputation of our countrey or to defend our selues against the enemie the pursueth vs or to prosecute iniuries done vnto vs or to aide our friends that craue our helpe we must haue diligent regard to our seafaring men shipping that both may be mainteined kept in order Our owne experience diuers reasons may teach vs the same Before that this Nation did vse the sea first the Romanes then the Saxons after them the Danes nowe last of all the Normans haue taken possessed diuers partes of this coūtrey Neither could we wanting sufficient force at sea resist them Sithence that the kings of England haue had the gouernment at sea neither haue forreine nations had like courage to inuade vs nor haue we wanted meanes to defend our selues or aide our friends If that our ships had not had the vantage of sayling when the Spaniard came to inuade vs or that we had wanted shipping God knoweth what would haue bin the issue How much then is it better nowe then when our auncesters had neither nauy to defend their coasts nor to transport their armies to pursue their right or help their friends in the daies of king Edward the 3. and Edward the 4. our nation for want of shipping was beholding to the Flemmings and Hollanders for shipping to transport the English armie into France The vse of the nauy is great in peace greater in warres Thereby trafique entercourse betwixt friends is mainteined victuals that goe to the enemies are stopped our wants of victuals armes munition other necessaries are supplied the enemies coast is spoiled our owne defended the coast townes of the enemies countrey that liue vpon the sea are brought to great extremities our owne mainteined Without the same neither can the trade of marchandize be mainteined nor the sea townes of the enemie be besiged nor their country spoyled nor can we vnderstand the enemies proceedings nor helpe or wel defend our friēds or our selues For three causes especially as a Classem trium rerum causa parauimus vt Africae oram popularetur vt tuta nobis Italiae litota eslent ante omnia ne supplemētum cum stipendio commeatuque a Carthagine Annibali transportaretur Liu. 24. Fabius witnesseth did the Romanes furnish set out their nauy First to spoile the coast of Afrike next to gard the coast of Italy but chiefly to hinder that no supply of men victuals or money should come from Carthage to Annibal with whō then they had great wars Octacilius sayling frō Sicily toward Afrike cōming vpon the coast vpon a sudden first tooke Vtica a rich towne and then spoiled the country returned with 130. ships laden with spoile And all this within 3. or 4. dayes Caius Laelius cōming with his nauy to b C. Laelius nocte ad Hipponē Regium cùm accessistet luce prima ad populandum agrum sub signis milites sociosque nauales duxit Omnibus pacis modo incuriosè agentibus magna clades illata Liu. 29. Hippo on the coast of Afrike landed his men on the sudden and at the breake of day led forth his souldiers mariners in warlike manner vnder their colours and made a great spoile for that as in time of peace the people of the countrey were without care M. Valerius c Liu. 25. Messala sayled into Afrike aswel to spoile the country as to vnderstand the proceedings and purposes of the enemie which he learned by the examinations of diuers prisoners of good accompt which hee tooke there d Liu. 27. The Romanes vnderstanding what spoiles were done vpon their coastes by Pirates and others sent two captaines each of them with 10. ships to defend the coastes and to keepe the seas These vses of shipping although experience hath taught vs yet many will not admit nor beleeue For by reason of their want of skill they thinke that neither the enemie can land here nor we land in the enemies country And if the enemie should attempt any such mattter they verily beleeue that the countrey people with their forkes and the women with their rockes and spits will kill them downe But litle doe they knowe howe small trust there is in such defence nor what great actions may be performed when resolute men land in the enemies countrey vpon a sudden Which in part I haue shewed by the examples of Octacilius Laelius and Messala Neither will any trained men or small garrison helpe the matter as nowe I shall shewe The king of e Vrbem tenebat regium praesidium agrum circa depopulati sunt Romani exscēsione ex nauibus facta Liu. 37. Macedonia did place
warres and seeing that wee take armes in hand not to do wrong but that we may recouer or obtaine our owne right let no man refuse reason that may haue it But because many that seeme to offer peace haue nothing but warres in their hearts let vs now that we haue shewed the practise traine of war whose ende is peace declare also how we may assure our selues that we be not abused either with coloured treaties or vnequall conditions or bad assurance of peace which is more dangerous then any warre Metellus in c Verbis pax nunciabatur ceterùm re asperrimum bellum erat Salust bel Ingurth wordes and pretense made semblant that he would make peace with Iugurtha but his doings were the effectes of most sharp warres Maximilian the emperor being demanded what he meant to treate so much of peace with his enemy whom he deadly hated answered that thereby he hoped to giue him a d Per darli colpo mortale Guicciar mortal wouÌ„d when least he looked for it e Pompeius ab Augusto imagine pacis deceptus Lepidus amicitiae specie Tacit. annal 1. Sextus Pompeius by a fained shew of peace was abused by Augustus and Lepidus was ensnared vnder colour of friendship What the Spaniard meant by the treaty of Dunkirke his nauy at the same time comming in hostile manner vpon our coast declareth The very motion and mention of peace doth slake the preparatiues of warre and while men do either hope or desire peace they f Ex mentione spe pacis negligentia vt fit apud Paenos orta crat Liu. 29. stand more negligently vpon their garde Sometime vnder colour of seeking a Philippus de pace agendo nihil aliud nisi moram dilationâ— ad vires colligendas quâ—â—rebat Liu. 32. peace the enemy seeketh delayes vntill such time as he himselfe is ready Philip of Macedonia being foyled by the Romanes seemed very desirous of peace that in the meane time he might againe repayre his forces For this cause b Thucid. 1. Archidamus counselled the Lacedemonians rather to treat of peace then to denounce warre vnto the Athenians vntil such time as they were better prouided The Ambassadors of the c Caes bel gal 4. Tencterians and other Germans desired peace of Caesar that came against them because a great part of their forces was from them Sometimes trechery is wrought vnder colour of treaty of peace Metellus d Salust bel Iugurth during the treaty of peace with Iugurtha corrupted most of his friendes Scipio e Liu. 29. to the intent his men might haue accesse into Syphax his campe pretended the continuance of the treaty of peace albeit he misliked the conditions and meant nothing but to espy his campe and to surprise him at vn wares The messengers of the f Legati per speciem pacis petendae speculatum ad L. Aemilium venerunt Liu 40 Ligurians vnder colour of treaty of peace espyed what Aemilius did in his campe Cotys g Tacit. annal 2. king of Thrace vnder colour of confirming a league was drawen to a banquet and there slaine by his enemy Rhecuporis Caesar Borgia hauing made a solemne league with the Duke of h Guicciard Grauina other Princes of Italy contrary to his othe slew them hauing them once in his hands Therefore in treating of peace wee must first see that wee slacke not our preparatiues of warre nor defer to take any aduantage that is offered i Perseus ni vana spes pacis occaecasset consilia omnia praeparata atque instructa habens cùm nihil haberent Romani suo maximè tempore atque alieno hostibus incipere bellum potuit Liu. 42. Perseus king of Macedonia if a vaine hope of peace had not blinded his eyes might then with aduantage haue begun the warres when him selfe was most ready and the Romanes most vnready and vnprouided k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid 1. Archidamus albeit hee perswaded the Lacedaemonians to talke of peace yet would he not haue them neglect to prouide for warre For peace is not obteined with parley or entreaty vnlesse wee also make ready our forces Secondly heede must be taken that wee trust not the enemy None are more easily abused then those that are light of credit we may not therefore let the enemy see our weaknesse or any thing that may preiudice vs nor commit our selues into our enemies handes either during the treaty or after the conclusion of peace Philip of Comines noteth it as a great simplicitie in our nation that hauing concluded peace with Lewis the French King did so familiarly come into Amiens and conuerse with the French that meant them no good Seeing peace is so easily violated vpon light occasions hee is not wise that will trust the enemy too farre That which certaine Italians perswaded Lewis Sforza that fayth is rather to be violated then wee suffer a Guicciar li. 4. any part of our State to be taken from vs that some doe nowe put in practice And yet breach of promise is oft times b Cosa facile a Principi di iustificar imprese con titoli Ch'apparisconâ— honesti Guicciar 16. iustified with glorious pretenses Wherefore seeing as experience teacheth vs that Princes c Principi si riconciliono piu tosto conle dimostrationi che con li effetti Guiciar lib. 1. are rather made friends in shew then in effect those that deale wisely doe so condition with the enemy that if hee breake they may haue the staffe in their owne handes to chastice him Thirdly great care is to be taken that wee yeelde no aduantage to the enemy The first iniury that we receiue at the enemies handes is but a step to the next as hath bene shewed and he that from the top of the staires descendeth one step shall sooner be thrust downe to the bottome then recouer the top againe Hee that once beginneth to fall is easily ouerthrowen The Africans that yeelded one little peece of ground to them of Carthage were in the end constreined to yeelde them their whole countrey The Germans receiued into France by the Gaules and Saxons into this Iland by the ancient inhabitants did after contend with them for the possession and right of the whole countrey The time to treat of peace which is fourthly to be considered is when both parties haue tasted of the cup of calamities that warres bring with them and yet neither part is ouerthrowen or throughly vanquished When things doe hang in equall ballance then is the fittest time to treat of peace by the iudgement of Annibal and then d Si integer quaÌ„ si victus pacem aequiorem impetrari posse ratus est Liu. 30. most equall conditions are liked of both parties For being vanquished the conquerour giueth rather then receiueth conditions as the Romanes did to the Carthaginians to Philip of Macedonia to Antiochus and to other Princes and nations which they vanquished Further
wee are to looke that the conditions of peace be reasonable If we contend about limits townes or countreys it is no honor to loose our right if we haue wrong done vnto vs it is no reason we should rest without satisfaction But because conditions are diuers according to the causes of warre the times and persons that contend and diuers other circumstances therefore that is to be referred to the iudgement of those that are employed in such affayres Whose chiefe ends should be the maiesty of God the honor of the Prince the safety and profit of their countrey But most especiall care is to be had that the conditions be performed without which all the treaty is nothing but a vayne shewe of fayre wordes This I commend as a specall matter to be considered of our nation who although many times they were victorious in the fielde against the French yet seldome could match them in conclusions of peace and also because it is a hard matter to assure conditions of peace The contempt of religion and true honour and griedy desire of gayne haue brought not onely promises but also othes into such contempt Yea some regard neither hostages nor pledges so they may take a good aduantage The a Histoir de troubl de Fr. l. 3. French Kings of late yeeres did so often breake with the Protestants that they litle regarded either their worde or their letters patents The ordinary meanes to assure the conditions agreed vpon in treaty of peace are diuers first worde or promise then writing and seale thirdly pledges of townes which the Protestants of France haue found to be the best assurance and we haue chosen for the assurance of the contract betwixt vs and the Low countrey Charles b Guicciar li. 10. the fifth would not trust Clement the seuenth for all his paternities holines without pledges Fourthly hostages of which King Edward the third accepted for confirmation of the peace agreed betwixt him and King Iohn of France The same is an olde practice and was vsed both of the Romanes and Carthaginians and other nations But forasmuch as those that list to c Nunquam causa deerit cur victi pacto non stent Liu. 9. quarrell neuer want pretense I see no other assurance of peace then either so to vse the enemy that hee can not if he would hurt thee or els to haue armes in hand that he can neuer breake without losse or disaduantage To auoyde quarrels and to take away al iust cause of brable it were good that the conditions were conceiued in good termes and set downe in writing confirmed with the seales of the Princes or States whome it concerneth Giulio the twelfth tooke d Guicciar lib. 8. exception against an Article agreed vpon betwixt him and Lewis the twelfth for that it was not written And e Guicciar lib. 2. Ferdinand of Spaine by cunning interpretation of wordes did directly contrary to his agreement with Charles the eight of France Further if any doubt should arise power would be giuen to some Prince that hath honor in recommendation and power to compell the froward to obey both to interpret the wordes and also to see the agreement performed Lastly as by conditions we couenant what should be done so likewise in case of contrauention there should penalties bee set downe Howsoeuer penalties be set downe wise Princes doe not only forecast howe to cause the enemy to performe conditions but also how in case he should breake promise he may be forced The same considerations that are vsed in treaty of peace haue also place in treaties concerning truce and confederacies For truce is nothing but a surceasing of hostilitie for a time the causes of warre hanging still vndecided whereof peace is or ought to bee a finall conclusion But peace is made sometime where there is no confederacy For this is among associates and friends that may be made betweene enemies The conditions of peace and confederacies are diuers according to the condition and state of the parties that are made friends Those that are vanquished whose case is a Vae victis Brēnus apud Plut. in vita Camilli most miserable are not to refuse any conditions as a certaine Spaniard perswaded the Saguntins Scipio offered peace to the Carthaginians with these conditions first that they should redeliuer vp all prisoners of warre which they had taken likewise all b Transfugas Liu. 3◠reuolters and fugitiues secondly that they should withdraw their forces out of Italy and Liguria nor afterward meddle with Spaine nor the Ilands betwixt Afrike and Italy thirdly that they should deliuer vp all their shippes of warre twenty excepted and should pay 500. measures of wheate and 3000. of barly fourthly that they should not make warres either in Afrike or out of Afrike without license obteined of the people of Rome fiftly that they should restore to Massinissa such things as they had taken from him and should pay the souldiers and finde them victuals vntill a certaine time sixtly that they should deliuer vp their Elephants and in time to come tame no more seuenthly that in 50. yeres by equall portiōs they should pay 10. thousand talents lastly for performance of these couenants they should giue a hundred hostages neither yonger then 14. yeres nor aboue thirty yeeres of age if these things were performed then the Romanes promised that the Carthaginians should liue free according to their lawes and possesse such cities and countreys in Afrike as they held before the beginning of the warres When the Romanes had vanquished the a Liu. 8. Samnites they imposed vpon them a tribute tooke from them some of their country enioyned them to furnish them with so many souldiers as was agreed vpon betwixt them Which conditions with others were also imposed vpon Philip b Liu. 33. of Macedonia and Antiochus c Liu. 38. king of Syria The d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. Thasians hauing long contended with the Athenians after three yeeres siege yeelded had peace vpon these conditions that they should pull downe the walles of their city and deliuer vp their ships of warre pay such summes of money as were due before that time forthwith afterward their ordinary tribute as it should be due and finally that they should forgoe their mines of metall possessions they had in the mayn land Those that were vanquished by the Romans as they were bound to helpe them so might they not either oppugne their associats or ayd their enemies with men mony or victuals albeit the same were not expressed in the articles of agreement If they did they prosecuted warres against them For that was the cause of the warres both e Liu. against the Carthaginians and Nabis and Philip of Macedonia and diuers other When Princes or people of equall power ioyne in league confederacy the conditions are more equall Such were the agreements that passed betwixt Lewis f Philip.
for slaues If any of the Romans did wrong to the Ambassadors of other nations the Senate caused such men to be taken to be deliuered vnto them that they might iudge them as it pleased them selues as is apparant not only by iustice done vpon those that did iniury to the Ambassadors of c Qui Legatos Carthaginensiū pulsauerant Carthaginensibus traditi Liu. 38. Carthage but also vpon those that had wronged certaine messengers comming from d Val. max. l. 6. Apollonia Tatius neglecting to do iustice vpon those that had wronged the messengers of the Laurentins was him selfe e Liu. 1. slaine of them when he came among them But this priuiledge as it belongeth to Ambassadors betwixt Princes nations so f Bodin de la repub l. 1. some haue supposed that it belonged not to such messengers as come from rebels And thereupon defend the fact of Charles the 5. that imprisoned the messengers of the Duke of Milan that had reuolted from him And according to this supposall we vnderstand that hard measure hath bene offerd to diuers messengers sent from the Protestants of France to the aduerse party As if Princes should make warres with his subiects with all extremity and not admit the lawes of nations in matters which passe betwixt him and thē I graunt there is a great difference betwixt publike enemies rebels yet necessitie requireth oft times parley and if the Prince looke to haue his Ambassadors to haue good interteinment with them hee must likewise vse their messengers wel The Romans practiced that in the warre which they had against their g Bello sociali associates and did not offer violence to those which were sent by Antony yet there may be I graunt such warres that admit no entercourse of messengers which in the warres among the h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greekes was sometime practiced but that was inhumane cruelty and rather hurtfull to them selues then to the enemy Yet if any purpose to enioy the priuiledge of Ambassadors hee may not passe the bounds of an Ambassadour whose ordinary office is to denounce warre or treate of peace or truce or prisoners and such matters as by Ambassadors are ordinarily handled If Ambassadours come vnder that colour to espie our proceedings the name of their office doeth not warrant their lewd dealing Caesar a Caes bel gal 4. deteined the messengers of the Tenctherians perceiuing that they came for no other purpose but to winne time and to espie his forces The blacke b Froissart Prince caused a messenger that came from the French king to cite him to appeare in the Parliament of Paris to be arested but it was for that he came not as an Ambassador in matters of state but as a somner or bailif to doe him a disgrace Francis the French king the first of that name caused a gibet to be erected before hee woulde heare a certaine messenger that came from Charles the fift fearing that otherwise hee woulde haue abused him in termes That the Romanes did dismisse the c Lin. lib. 2. Ambassadors of Tarquin broching a conspiracie in Rome and the Ambassadors of the d Dionis Halic lib. 6. Volscians that came as espials and that her Maiestie did likewise dismisse Bernardin Mendoza that was an abettor if not a contriuer of great treasons wrought against her it was of speciall clemencie and fauour rather then for that the lawes of armes require it for they warrant none to practise treason nor rebellion nor to abuse a Prince nor to do other matters then belong to the office of Ambassadors The e Doctores in L. vlt. ff de legationibus Lawes of the Romans in matters of publike crimes against the lawes of nations make ambassadors to answere notwithstanding their priuiledge Neither doe any writers excuse the fact of Fabius Ambustus that being sent in ambassage to the Gaules besieging Clusium put on armes and fought against them Thus we see that Ambassadors comming from other Princes vnto vs in such matters as belong to that office are priuiledged but whether our enemies ambassadors going to other princes and nations or contrariwise comming from other princes to our enemies are likewise to be priuiledged it is of some doubted The French complaine that their ambassadors sent to the Turke were slaine by the Spaniard and some do thinke hardly of the fact of Charles the fift that allowed it but without cause For the word Ambassador or Messenger being a word that hath relation to those to whō a man is sent there can be no bond betwixt Ambassadors others to whom they are not sent The Romanes deteined not onely the ambassadors of Annibal sent to Philip king of Macedonia but also Philips ambassadors sent to Annibal And the Athenians put the ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians to death being taken as they were sent by them to require ayde of the king of Persia against the Athenians Ambassadours therefore woulde be well chosen and discreetely ought they to handle their businesse without curious intermedling with affayres that concerne them not Tully iesteth at a certaine Ambassade consisting of three persons one of which was an idiot the second had a great scarre in his head the third had the gout This Ambassade sayd he had neither head brayne nor feete nothing ought they to speake that may preiudice the affaires of the Prince wherein Philip of Comines noteth a certaine English Heralds ignorance whose foolish babbling was no small hinderance to the affaires of Edward the fourth that sent him Charles Duke of Burgundy conceiued great displeasure against Lewes the xi for certaine foolish a Phil. Comin wordes vttered against him by an Ambassador sent from the king to his father The Romanes to the Ambassadors of their enemies gaue audience without the Citie and when they had giuen them their answere sent certaine to conduct them to their shipping to see that they practised with no man The like course did the Athenians followe in hearing and interteining the Ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians Which course they may also folow that feare least vnder such colours cunning fellowes should espye our countrey and our doings And if those that haue the gouernment of garison townes haue care that no messenger shall come into the place but blindfold sure reason would that men should haue an eye also that such messengers as come into other countreys should neither see so much as they doe nor haue that libertie to talke with whom they list as now they haue For by such meanes often time they vnderstand their estate better then they doe themselues CHAP. XXI Wherein is declared that to encourage forward men to doe valiantly nothing is more effectuall then reward nor for maintenance of militarie discipline any thing more requisit then seuere punishment THe course of warres if nothing els did perswade vs yet sheweth vs that after victorie obteined or troubles ended such as haue done valiant seruice are to be
of a noble fact done by them had a Liu 23. double pay and fiue yeeres vacation from seruice The b Ager Hispaniâ— in Hispania Numidis in Africa post bellum virtutis causa datuâ— est Liu. 23. Spaniards had possessions giuen them in Spayne the Numidians in Afrike for their faithfull seruice against Annibal By Solons law the sonnes of those that died in seruice of their countrey were maintained vpon the publike charge But what maruell is it if the Romanes who are precedents of militarie orders the Greekes from whence learning and ciuilitie issued rewarded their souldiers when the most barbarous Turkes doe it and at this day no man more then they The most valiant men are made chiefe commanders and of his counsell Hee that first mounted the walles of Constantinople of a common souldier was after made Bassa What should I speake of the great aduancement of Ariadine Barbarossa and Dragut Reis Ochiali Bassa of a poore Mariner is now if he be not lately dead one of the greatest men of that state There is none that doeth seruice but he is assured to haue lands possessioÌ„s giuen him The Spaniards also yeeld their souldiers great recompense The common souldier is made Caporall he is for his seruice made Serieant the Serieant is made Ensigne the Ensigne Captaine who if he deserue well is afterward preferred to bee Colonel and then master of the campe Iulian Romero Montdragon diuers of them of common souldiers haue risen to great dignities Beside the due of their place for euerie valiant act they haue their paie increased which they cal VeÌ„taias Yet this holdeth not euery where for in some states there is neither reward nor scarce prayse for seruice Honour is giuen for wealth kinred fauour and if any be rewarded it is such as deserue none By which abuses as saieth c Largitionibus corrumpitur militaris disciplina Hirtius de bel Alex. Hirtius the discipline of warre was corrupted by Cassius in Spayne which afterward was much increased in the times of the Emperours who for friendship gaue great titles to men of no desert and to valiant men were very sparing and restraintiue Euen so now in some countre is rewards are giuen to great beggers and valiant men if they escape hunger and the sword of the enemie abroad yet come backe to liue in base sort at home And so it commeth to passe as one complaineth in d Eurip. Hecuba Euripides That the valiant hath no more reward then the trecherous coward and that iniuries are sure remembred whereas good deeds are scarce thought vpon as e Procliuius est iniuriae quà m beneficio vicem exsoluere Tac. Tacitus saieth As valiant deeds are to be rewarded so trecherie cowardise and disobedience are seuerely to be punished These two antiquitie supposed to be of equal force The Gentiles that for the profite they reaped of diuers things did ascribe vnto theÌ„ diuine names did this also in reward punishmeÌ„t a Diogen Laert. Democritê° honored theÌ„ as two diuine things And if in any part of the gouernment of the common wealth punishment be necessarie sure most necessarie it is in managing of armes maintenaÌ„ce of militarie discipline which b Abscisso aspero castigationis genere disciplina militaris indiget Liu. requireth peremptorie sharpe punishment For if the princes commandement may without danger be neglected ambition couetousnesse of particulars cause publike matters to be neglected delaied and dalied with if publike treasure may be abused to priuate vses and that which should be emploied in paiment of souldiers other necessary vses of the common wealth may be lent to vsurie or spent in purchases if such officers as are to prouide victuals armes and munition or els to keepe theÌ„ may make their gaine and accomptants giue in false reckonings and captains and officers bring in false numbers in mosters and neither colonels obey the general commanders nor captains their colonels and other superiors nor inferior officers souldiers their captains who seeth not that not onely the sinewes of militarie gouernment but of state also will easilie be dissolued The Romanes therefore as in all feates of armes and gouernement so in this also deserued speciall commendation Diuers sortes of punishment did they vse as c L. poenae ff de re milit Modestinus testifieth as for example Reproofe forfaitures impositions of charge change of degree losse of place dismissing with shame yea sometime banishment somtime death Therefore were those that offended punished as saith d Ne discrimen omne virtutis ignauiae pereat Liu. 24. Marcellus that there might appeare a difference betwixt valiantnesse and cowardise At the e Ita bello gesto praemio poenáque pro cuiusque merito persolutis Romam rediere Liu. 8. end of warres as they rewarded valiant men so they forgot not to punish offenders Neither did they onely punish the common sort but their Generals also where they deserued it yea the Generals spared not their owne sonnes friends kinsfolke Fuluius for that by his negligence his armie was discomfited by Annibal at Herdonea himself flying among the foremost as we said was driueÌ„ into banishment M. f M. Postumius quòd eius ductu culpa malè ad Veios pugnatum erat decem millibus aeris damnatur Liu. 4. Posthumius was fined 10000 pieces of money for that by his fault leading the Romanes were ouerthrowen at Veij Manlius executed his owne sonne for transgressing militarie orders Caesar dismissed diuers colonels chiefe commanders in Afrike for outrages by them committed The more dangerous the warres were the greater seueritie they vsed Euen barbarous nations perceiued that without seueritie the warres could not be administred as Caesar maketh euident vnto vs by the example of a Summae diligentiae summam seueritatem addit Vercingetorix Caes de bel Gal. 7 Vercingetorix By the lawes of Sparta they that ran out of the field might not returne into their country The Athenians did punish a negligence in their captains that did not take vp their men that were slaine wracked at b Thucid. Arginusa but too seuerely Neither was it the vse onely of two or three nations but of all those who by practise of armes haue won to themselues any name or reputation The particular penalties due to euerie militarie offence I haue set down in the chapter folowing if not to imitate in all points yet to come as neere as we can in most The Romanes without any table or writing set before theÌ„ did by their continual practise of armes know not onely all militarie lawes but also the punishments that were inflicted on the transgressers of theÌ„ as well as we know any custome of England not written which were also to be wished in our souldiers But because by long disuse of armes many abuses crept in among vs few know the lawes of warre least any man might pretend
victuallas ni a impedir los conductores dellos ni a romper o quemar los molinos villas granias cazare y lugares de la comarca ni compre victuallas fuerae de las plaças qu◠para venderlas fuerē senna ladas y despues deapreciadas per los officiales Spanish gouernement such spoilers are seuerely punished and victuals both well saued and reasonably rated Neither are victuals onely to be looked vnto but also corne-mils and houses and granges that may serue for the vse of the army streames of water are to be kept cleane not onely for the vse of men but of cattell also These lawes being wel obserued and prouision made not only of victuals things necessary for the whole but also of phisick places of ease for the sick hurt I would wel hope that matters would proceed in better order among souldiers thē they haue done heretofore CHAP. XXI Part. 5. Wherein a forme of lawes especially concerning sea causes and ships going in publike seruice of the Prince is prescribed 1_THe ordinary practise and laws of warre concerning religion and the state also concerning obedience and peaceable conuersation betwixt fellows which haue course in seruice at land shal be obserued likewise at sea respect being alwayes had to the diuers circumstances which are diuers in either 2 The execution of iustice at sea appertaineth to the Generall or chiefe captaine with his counsell if a ship be seuered from the rest of the company then the punishment of faults that may not be differred belongeth to the captaine with the aduise of the most apparent men in the ship Prouided that no execution be done at sea contrary to the lawes of armes nor that such as offend and escape at sea do escape at land also especially where the fault is heinous For which cause those that haue iurisdiction at sea are to haue their iurisdiction cōtinued at land vntil such time as offences be punished 3 No ship shall go foorth vpon publike seruice without sufficient ordonance armes souldiers mariners munition victualles surgeons and other necessary furniture 4 No man shall sell away the armes tacle artillerie victualles or munitions belonging to the ship vpon paine of death 5 Whatsoeuer ship hauing directions to come to a place certaine shall not keepe course if it be possible nor come thither so soone as the winde wil serue the captaine and master and those that are in fault shal suffer death for it 6 Whosoeuer shall motion to do contrary to the Generals direction so long as there is possibilitie or meanes to folow it shall suffer imprisonment for the same and if he persuade the company so that the ship goeth another way both he and those that willingly yeeld to him shal suffer death for their disobedience 7 Whatsoeuer captaine or other doth boord a ship of the enemies without direction or reasonable cause or when commandement is giuen or a signe made of fight doth see a ship boarded vpon one side and doth not if he be able board her on the other side or at least do what hurt he can to the said shippe shall be dismissed from his charge and suffer such further punishment as the General shal thinke meete 8 Euery particular person shal execute his charge imposed vpō him in the ship where he is placed vpon paine of imprisonment 9 No souldier nor other whē the enemy attempteth to board our ship shal abandon his standing vpon paine of death 10 No souldier nor other appointed to board the enemies ship seeing his fellowes entred shal draw backe or resuse to folowe in his turne and order vpon paine of death 11 No man shal breake open his fellowes or others caban or coffer nor shal take any thing thence or from their persons or hide any thing that is not his vpon paine of death 12 He that neglecteth his watch or sleepeth leauing a candle or match light or any fire in any place and putteth it not out shall be put into the bilbowes and haue further punishment as the offence shall deserue 13 When a ship shall be taken then shal the spoile be brought to persons deputed by the Generall or Captaine And whosoeuer shal hide any thing of valew from their knowledge shal not onely loose the same but his share of the rest also Notes vpon the former lawes 1 The ordinary practice c. How many voyages haue bin broken of late time for want of gouernement euery one that is acquainted with sea causes that haue passed of late vnderstandeth Nothing therefore is more requisit then that such as go in those seruices that hereafter shal be attempted should haue both authority to do iustice a forme of proceeding set before them For this cause I haue made this light and as it were first draught that men of wisedome experience seeing what is wanting therein may adde more and bring the same to more perfection Those lawes that concerne treacheries against the prince and state or against the Generall or else concerne mutinies disobedience braules murders or else are common in seruice at land and sea I haue not here set downe for auoyding vnnecessary repetitions Yet are they no lesse necessary at sea then at land And therefore let them be borrowed thence that no militarie disorder nor other offence escape vnpunished 2 The execution of iustice c. The want of this consideration hath bin cause that many notorious treasons and villenies haue escaped without punishmēt I wil not name particulars for that my meaning is rather to prouide against future disorders then to haue the sword drawne for matters forepassed Onely let there bee heereafter care that such as go to sea may be furnished with authoritie to do iustice that rules be set downe that they may know what to doe 3 No ship shal c. The Admirall of France in time of peace at home hath speciall care of this matter In ciuill warres all things are in garboile He putteth into men of war the tenth man and is at a tenth of the charge and deserueth a tenth of the a Popelliniere in a treatise concerning the admitaltie of France prise Which many do wonder how in our daies certaine officers contrarie to all custome do come to challenge especially in goods taken by reprisall Where if law might take place neither the taker nor other ought to haue more then hath beene taken from him in forraine countries But if men will needes haue a tenth yet let them haue a tenth of the care that ships may go foorth well furnished that they be not lost and the land disfurnished in time of seruice 4 No man shall sell c. Euery gunner and petite officer in the Queenes ships can tell the mysterie of this law I woulde it were so wel knowne how we might meete with their filcheries The best means is to looke to matters narrowly and to punish such companions as offend seuerely 5 Whatsoeuer ship c. As at land
the warre betwixt the Romanes and them and of the sacke of Corinth Friderick Barbarosse for a scorne offered him by them of Milan besieged and tooke their Citie the first quarrell betweene the e Liu. Romanes and Veians grewe vpon a proud answere which the Veian Senate made And deare it cost the Rhodians that taking part with Perseus they abused the Romanes in their insolent termes The slaughter of the Romane ambassadours was the first cause that moued them to warre vpon Gentius-king of Illyrium and aggrauated the wrath of the Romanes against the Veians and caused Caesar to sacke diuers cities of the f Bel. Gal. 6. Armoricans The rebellion of subiects against their lawfull Princes is also a sufficient cause to arme the prince against them he carieth not the sword for other purpose but to represse the wicked and rebellious king Dauid prosecuted not onely the rebell Ziba but also his owne sonne Absaloâ— that rose against him the Romanes suppressed the seditious Gracchi Saturninus and Catiline and iust cause had our Princes to subdue by armes the seditious route that vnder the leading of Iacke Cade Iacke Strawe Kette and other rebels rose against their liege and soueraigne Princes for although rebels and pyrats and robbers are not accompted among the number of lawfull enemies which the Romans called hostes legitimos nor did enioy the a ff De captiu L. hostes right nor were to be vsed as enemies in lawfull warres yet is the force vsed against them most lawfull Moreouer it is a lawfull and iust cause for a prince or nation to arme their people in defence of their associates or such as flie vnto them for succour being vniustly oppressed Deliuer those sayth the wise man that are drawne to death those that are wronged sayth b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist rhet ad Alexandr Aristotle not onely may but ought for their honors sake to arme in defence of themselues their allyes and friends and to helpe their associates being oppressed Cicero in his bookes de rep alloweth those warres to be lawfull that are made aut pro fide aut pro salute that is eyther for our owne defence or for defence of our friendes whome wee are bound by promise to helpe and as well doeth he c Offic. 1. charge them with iniustice that repell not iniurie when they are able as those that doe wrong themselues And if we giue credit to Saint d Fortitudo quae per bella tuetur à Barbaris patriam vel defendit infirmos vel à latronibus socios plena iustitia est Ambros de offic Ambrose valiant men that defend their countrey from barbarous people and protect the weake and shielde their associates from such as would spoyle them doe the office of true iustice for defence of their e Populus Rom. sociis defendendis terrarum omnium potitus est Cic. de rep 3. confederates the Romanes receiued this reward that they became the lordes of the world the Romanes had no other cause to enterprise the warre against the f Visum est Campanos deditos noÌ„ prodi Liu. 7. Samnites but for the defence of the Campanians which were vniustly vexed had yeelded themselues into their protection The first Carthaginian warres had no other originall but for the defence of the Mamertines for the same cause likewise did they send defiance to Philip g Romani infensi Philippo ob infidam erga socios pacem Liu. 31. ob iniurias arma illata sociis populi Rom. belluÌ„ indictum Liu. 31. king of Macedonia for that he vexed and iniuried their confederates in Greece Iosua protected the Gibeonites requiring his ayde from the conspiracie of the kings of the Cananites the forsaking of our associates friends h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. Sthenelaidas the Spartian calleth treason and disuadeth the Spartans from committing any such offence the Romanes were a Saguntinos crules us quam Poenus hostis prodidit vos soci prodidistis L. 1.25 accused of treason for that they abandoned their confederates the Saguntines being besieged by Annibal for which fault they endured the penance of sixteene yeeres warres in Italy neither was any thing more infamous in Charles of Burgundy his actions then his colde defence of his associat the duke of Britaine Philip of Commines accuseth Lewes the 11. for abandoning his confederats of Liege Caesar b Verebarut Caesar ne Gallâ—â—ota deliceret h Gergouia capta nullum in annor praesidâ—m elleâ— Caes 7. bel Gal. least all his associates in France should forsake him was driuen with great hazard to succour his friends besieged in Gergouia the duke of Normandy yonger brother to Lewes the 11. ouerthrewe his owne estate departing from the association of Charles duke of Burgundy wherefore we haue not onely iust cause to warrant our proceedings against the Spaniard in defence of our confederates of France and the lowe Countries but also necessarie reasons to moue vs to prosecute matters more forcibly vnlesse we meane to engage our honour and neglect our owne estate what wisdome or honour it was to refuse them that yeelded themselues before the surrender of Antwerpe vnto the duke of Parma I report me to those that know those mysteries sure nowe that we haue begunne to assist them of Holland and Zeland it is neither honour nor safetie so to mince at the matter or to go backe whatsoeuer we call our doings it wil be as the king of Spaine will take it if euer be haue power to be iudge the onely meanes to marre and crosse his sentence is with great forces to withstand so mightie a Prince and not longer to dally Breach of couenants likewise is numbred among the iust causes of warres we put on armes saith c Plat. in Alcibiad one eyther being deceiued by our enemies that performe not promise or being constreyned the Romanes began their warres with Perseus king of d Liu. 42. Macedonia vpon occasion of breach of the articles of peace made before betwixt his father and them and for the like cause also renewed their warres with them of Carthage and for the same cause warres haue bene opened betwixt vs and the Scots as at Muscleborough fielde vpon the deniall of the Scottish Queene promised to king Edward and betweene the French and vs. Many wise princes haue an eye to their neighbours greatnesse and perceiuing how preiudiciall their encrochments may proue vnto theÌ„ haue iust cause to withstand them Lewis the 11. sent ayde to the Switzers Duke of Lorreine against Charles Duke of Burgundy hauing no other cause then the suspicion and feare of his greatnes The true a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. cause of the Peloponesian warre against them of Athens was the suspicion and feare that their neighbours had of their power and greatnes And yet that cause was not once mentioned The Princes and States of Italy of long time haue had a secret