and fia il combatter Corto Che l' antico valore Ne ' gl' Italici curr ' non e ancor morto Virtue shall arm 'gainst rage and in short sight Prove th' Roman Valour 's not extinguish'd quite The Original of the words Guelf and Ghibilin so much mentioned in History THese two Factions so famous in History were eminent in Italy two ages before Castruccio was born Machiavel in his Treatise of the Wars of that Country affirms that Pistoia was the first place where those names of distinction were used but the account wherewith the publick Libraries supply me runs thus These two words Guelf and Ghibilin deduce their original from a schism which molested the Church in the year 1130. by the competition of two Popes Innocent 11. and Anaclet the greatest part of Christendom acknowledged Innocent who was particularly supported by the Emperors of the West Anaclet the anti-Pope had persuaded into his interests Roger Comte de Naples and Sicily a martial Prince and descended from the Normans who had conquered that Country The pretence of this double Election having kept a War on foot eight years together which was still favourable to Roger the Emperor Conrad the third march'd himself at the head of an Army of Germans into Italy leaving his Grand-son Prince Henry to come after Roger to oppose him with men of his own Nation allured to the defence of his Countries Guelf Duke of Bavaria During the course of this War which began in the year 1139. it hapned sometimes that the Emperors Army was commanded by the said Prince Herny who was brought up in a Village in Germany called Ghibilin whose situation being very pleasant made the very name of it â—ear to him One day the Armies being drawn up and ready to engage the Bavarians to encourage their Comrades cryed out in their language a Guelf a Guelf and the Emperors Troops being at the same time as well disposed to their General to comply with the kindness he had for that place cryed out on the other side a Ghibilin a Ghibilin These words seemed barbarous to the Italians that were with Roger who came to Guelf to know what they meant He told them the Pope's Party were intended by the word Guelf and the Emperors by the word Ghibilin from that time those names grew so common in both Armies that by them they answered their Who goes there and they were given to the Italians according to their several sides 'T is true at first they were used to discriminate only Anaclet's Party from the Emperors but afterwards Roger having vanquished and taken prisoner Pope Innocent as the price of his liberty he oblig'd him to erect the Countries of Naples and Sicily into Kingdoms by which treaty Roger being taken off from the interest of the anti-Pope and engaging entirely with the Church he affix'd the name of Guelf to the Pope's Party and confirm'd the name Ghibilin to the Faction of the Emperor The Italians would fain have the credit of the Etymology themselves and by a certain gingling of words and that mightily strain'd would have Guelf deriv'd from Guardatori di fe because forsooth 't is they who defend the Faith of the Church and that by corruption the word Ghibilin was form'd from Guida belli that is Guidatori di Bataglia a great Title and sutable to the Majesty of the Empire Be it which way it will these two Factions were in the height of their emulation two hundred years after that is to say about the year 1320. which was very near the time that Castruccio was in his prosperity And in Europe the face of affairs stood thus The Popes driven from Rome by the violence of the Emperors of the West had transferred the Holy Chair to Avignon in France In the year 1320. it was possessed by Iohn XXII a Prince of himself firm and entire but one who by the precipitate counsels of other people had excommunicated the Emperor Lewis of the house of Bavaria and been too busie with his fulminations against five more Princes of Italy who being treated by him like Tyrants confederated against him their names were Castruccio Sovereign of Lucca Scaliger Lord of Verona the Marquess d' Esti Lord of Ferrara and Visconti and Gonzague the first Sovereign of Milan and the other of Mantoua which created troubles to Italy The Empire of the East was at that time torn and distracted by the ambition of the Paliologi and others whilst in the mean time the Sultan Orchan son of Ottoman swept away Lycaonia Phrygia and all the Coast of the Hellespont from the Greeks The Empire of the West was then in dispute betwixt Frederick of Austria and Lewis of Bavaria whom Machiavel by mistake or inadvertency has called Frederick Lewis after long and bloody Wars overcome his Competitor and made several Voyages into Italy to invigorate and reinforce Castruccio and the Ghibilins France was governed by Philip le Long who at the solicitation of Pope Iohn passed an Army into Italy to the relief of the Guelfs which Army was commanded by Philip de Valois afterwards King but his Expedition did not answer expectation for either the cunning or bribes of the Ghibilins had dispelled the storm which our preparations threatned upon Lombardy or our Forces were recalled upon some secret apprehension of a fourth War with the English or by the vast projects of a fifth Expedition to the Holy Land Spain was divided into five Kingdoms each of which had its peculiar King four of them were Christians and one a Mahumetan Navar had the same King with France Philip the Long found a way to extend the Salick Law into that Country and defeat his Niece Iane of France Daughter of Lewis Hutin of both Kingdoms at once Alphonso XI as Mariana calls him the XII as Garibay had at that time the Scepter of Castile but his minority transferr'd the Conduct of Affairs into the hands of the two Infanti Don Pedro and Don Iohn insomuch as by the jealousie and division betwixt the two Regents that Kingdom was exposed to such disorders as are inseparable from the minority of a Prince At length the two Infanti were slain in the year 1320. in a Fight which their rashness caused them to lose to the Mores under the walls of Granada Arragon was in obedience to Don Iacques the second of that name He was Brother to Fredrick who reigned in Sicily to the prejudice of Robert a Prince of the House of Anjou This Robert was King of Naples sided with the Guelfs and leagued himself sundry times with the Florentines against Castruccio Iames King of Aragon designing to establish himself in Italy and judging that the Conquests which he mediated upon the Isles of Corsica and Sardinia depended much upon the Concord of his Subjects at home He caused a General Assembly of his Estates to be held in the year 1320. in which was concluded the Union of the Kingdoms of Aragon and Valentia with the Principality
told him what was pass'd That now it was at his Choice whether he would kill Alboino and injoy her and her Kingdom or be kill'd himself for vitiating his Wife Almachilde had no fancy to be slain and therefore chose the other Proposition of killing his Master but when they had kill'd him they found themselves so far from acquiring the Kingdom that they were afraid of being made away by the Lombards out of the affection they bare to the Memory of Alboino for which cause packing up with all the Jewels and Treasure they could make they marched off to Longinus at Revenna who receiv'd them honourably During these Troubles Iustinus the Emperour died and Tiberius was elected in his Place but being imploy'd in his Wars against the Parthians he was not at leasure to send Relief into Italy Which Longinus looking upon as an opportunity to make himself King of the Lombards and of all Italy besides by the help of Rosmunda and her Treasure he imparted his Design to her and perswaded her to kill Almachilde and take him afterwards for her Husband She accepted the Motion and having in order thereunto prepar'd a Cup of Poison she gave it with her own hand to Almachilde as he came thirsty out of a Bath who having drank off half finding it work and great Convulsions within him concluding what it was he forc'd her to drink the rest so that in a few hours both of them died and Longinus lost all hopes of making himself King In the mean time at a Convention of the Lombards at Pavia which they had made their Metropolis they created Clefi their King who re-edified Imola that had been destroyed by Narsetes He conquer'd Rimini and in a manner all up as far as Rome but died in the middle of his Cariere This Clefi behav'd himself so cruelly not only to Strangers but even to the Lombards themselves that the Edge of their Monarchical inclination being taken off they would have no more Kings but constituted Thirty they call'd Dukes to Govern under them Which Counsel was the cause the Lombards extended not their Conquests over all Italy nor dilated their Dominion beyond Benevento Rome Ravenna Cremona Mantua Padua Monfelice Parma Bolonia Faenza Furli Cesana some of them defended themselves for some time other never fell at all under their subjection For having no King they were first render'd unapt for the Wars and when afterwards they reassum'd their Old Government and created Kings again the small relish and taste the people had had of Liberty render'd them less obedient to their Prince and more contentious among themselves and not only put a stop to the Cariere of their Victories at first but was the occasion afterwards that they were driven out of Italy Things being in this posture with the Lombards The Romans and Longinus came to terms with them and it was agreed that Arms should be laid down on all hands and each enjoy what was in their proper possession About this time the Bishops of Rome began to take upon them and to exercise greater Authority than they had formerly done At first the Successors of Saint Peter were venerable and eminent for their Miracles and the holiness of their Lives and their Examples added daily such numbers to the Christian Church that to obviate or remove the Confusions which were then in the World many Princes turned Christians and the Emperour of Rome being converted among the rest and quitting Rome to hold his Residence at Constantinople the Roman Empire as we have said before began to decline but the Church of Rome augmented as fast Nevertheless untill the coming in of the Lombards all Italy being under the dominion either of Emperours or Kings the Bishops assumed no more power than what was due to their Doctrine and Manners in Civil Affairs they were subject to the Civil Power imploy'd many times by the Emperours and Kings as their Ministers and many times executed for their ill Administration But Theodorick King of the Gothi fixing his Seat at Ravenna was that which advanc'd their interest and made them more considerable in Italy for there being no other Prince left in Rome the Romans were forc'd for Protection to pay greater Allegiance to the Pope And yet their Authority advanc'd no farther at that time than to obtain the Preference before the Church of Ravenna But the Lombards having invaded and reduc'd Italy into several Cantons the Pope took the opportunity and began to hold up his head For being as it were Governour and Principal at Rome the Emperour of Constantinople and the Lombards bare him a respect so that the Romans by mediation of their Pope began to treat and confederate with Longinus and the Lombards not as Subjects but as Equals and Companions which said Custom continuing and the Popes entring into Allyance sometimes with the Lombards and sometimes with the Greeks contracted great reputation to their dignity But the destruction of the Eastern Empire following so close under the Reign of the Emperour Heracleus in whose time the Schiavi a people we mention'd before fell again upon Illyria and over-ran it and call'd it Sclavonia from their own Name The other parts of that Empire being infested first by the Persians afterwards by the Saracens out of Arabia under the Conduct of Mahomet and last of all by the Turks and having lost several Provinces which were members of it as Syria Africa and Egypt The Pope lost the convenience of the Emperours protection in time of Adversity and the power of the Lombards increasing too fast on the other side he thought it but necessary to address himself to the King of France for assistance so that the Wars which hapned afterwards in Italy were occasioned by the Popes and the several inundations of Barbarians invited by them which manner of proceeding having continued to our times has held and does still hold Italy divided and inâ—irm But in my description of Occurrences betwixt those times and our own I shall not inlarge upon the ruine of the Empire which in truth receiv'd but little assistance from the Popes or any other Princes of Italy till the dayes of Charles the 8th but discourse rather how the Popes with their Censures Comminations and Arms mingled together with their Indulgences became formidable and reverenced and how having made ill use both of the one and the other they have lost the one entirely and remain at the discretion of other people for the other But to reurn to our Order I say that Gregory the Third being created Pope and Aistolfus King of the Lombards Aistolfus contrary to League and Agreement seiz'd upon Ravenna and made War upon the Pope Gregory not daring for the reasons abovesaid to depend upon the weakness of the Empire or the fidelity of the Lombards whom he had already found false appli'd himself to Pepin the Second who from Lord of Austracia and Brabantia was become King of France not so much by his own
in Romania and performing very valiantly in all those Wars Of Tancred one of the Princes of those Normans were born several Sons among which William call'd Ferabar and Roberto call'd Guiscardo were two William arriv'd to be Prince and the Tumults in Italy were in some measure compos'd But the Saracens having Sicily intire and daily invasions made upon Italy William entred into Confederacy with the Princes of Capua and Salerno and with Milorcus a Grecian who by the Emperour of Greece was deputed Governour of Puglia and Calabria to invade Sicily and in case of Victory it was agreed among them that both Prey and Countrey should be equaly divided The Enterprize was prosperous they beat the Saracens drove them out of the Countrey and possess'd it when they had done But Milorcus causing more Forces to be transported privately out of Greece seiz'd the Island for the Emperour and divided only the Spoil William was not a little disgusted but reserving his indignation for a more Convenient time he departed out of Sicily with the Princes of Capua and Salerno who having taken their leaves of him to return to their Homes in stead of marching to Romania as he pretended to them he fac'd about with his Army towards Puglia surpriz'd Melfi and behav'd himself so well against the Forces of the Emperour that he made himself Master of most part of Puglia and Calabria which Provinces at the time of Nicolas II. were Govern'd by his Brother Roberto and because he had afterward great Contention with his Nephews about the inheritance of those States he made use of the Pope's mediation who readily comply'd being desirous to oblige Roberto that he might defend him against the German Emperour and the people of Rome and it afterwards happen'd as we have said before that at the instance of Gregory VII he forc'd Enrico from Rome and suppress'd the Sedition of the Inhabitants Robert was succeeded by two of his Sons Roger and William to their Inheritance they annexed the City of Naples and all the Countrey betwixt it and Rome besides that they subdu'd Sicily of which Roger was made Lord. But William going afterwards to Constantinople to marry that Emperour's Daughter Roger took advantage of his absence seiz'd upon his Contrey and elated by so great an acquest caus'd himself first to be call'd King of Italy but afterwards contenting himself with the Title of King of Puglia and Sicily he was the first that gave Name and Laws to that Kingdom which to this day it retains though many times since not only the Royal Bloud but the Nation has been changed for upon failure of the Norman Race that Kingdom devolv'd to the Germans from them to the French from the French to the Spaniards and from the Spaniards to the Flemens with whom it remains at this present Urban II. though very odious in Rome was gotten to be Pope but by reason of the dissentions there not thinking himself secure in Italy he remov'd with his whole Clergy into France Having assembled many people together at Anvers he undertook a Generous Enterprize and by a learned Oration against the Infidels kindled such a fire in their minds they resolv'd upon an Expedition into Asia against the Saracens which Expedition as all other of the same nature was call'd afterwards Crociate because all that went along in it carry'd a red Cross upon their Arms and their Cloths The Chief Commanders in this Enterprize were Gottofredi Eustachio Alduino di Buglione Earl of Bologna and Peter the Hermit a man of singular veneration both for his prudence and piety Many Princes and Nations assisted with their Purses and many private men serv'd as Voluntiers at their own Charges So great an influence had Religion in those days upon the Spirits of Men incourag'd by the Example of their several Commanders At first the Enterprize was very successfull all Asia minor Syria and part of Egypt fell under the power of the Christians during which War the Order of the Knights of Ierusalem was instituted and continued a long time in Rhodes as a Bulwark against the Turks Not long after the Order of the Knights Templers was founded but it lasted not long by reason of the dissoluteness of their Manners At sundry times after these things upon sundry occasions many accidents fell out in which several Nations and particular men signaliz'd themselves There were ingag'd in this Expedition the Kings of England and France the States of Pisa Venice and Genoa all behaving themselves with great bravery and sighting with variety of Fortune till the time of Saladine the Saracen but his Courage and Virtue improv'd by intestine differences among the Christians robb'd them of the glory they had gain'd at the first and chased them out of a Countrey where for Ninety years they had been so honourably and so happily plac'd After the death of Pope Urban Pascal II. was chosen to succeed him and Enrico IV. made Emperour who coming to Rome and pretending great friendship to the Pope took his advantage clapt both him and his Clergy in Prison and never discharg'd them till they had impowr'd him to dispose of the Churches in Germany as he pleas'd himself About this time Matilda the Countess died and gave her Patrimony to the Church After the deaths of Pascal and Enric many Popes and many Emperours succeeded till the Papacy fell to Alexander III. and the Empire to Frederick Barbarossa a Swede The Popes of those days had many Controversies with the people of Rome and the Emperours which till the time of Barbarossa rather increas'd than otherwise Frederick was an excellent Soldier but so haughty and high he could not brook to give place to the Pope Notwithstanding he came to Rome to be Crown'd and return'd peaceably into Germany But that humour lasted but little for he return'd shortly into Italy to reduce some Towns in Lombardy which denied him obedience In this juncture Cardinal di S. Clemente a Roman born dividing from Pope Alexander was made Pope himself by a Faction in the Conclave Frederick the Emperour being then incamp'd before Crema Alexander complain'd to him of the Anti-Pope Frederick reply'd That they should both of them appear personally before him and that then hearing faithfully what each of them could say he should be better able to determine which was in the right Alexander was not at all satisfied with the Answer but perceiving the Emperour inclining to the Adversary he Excommunicated him and ran away to King Philip of France For all that Frederick prosecuted his Wars in Lombardy took and dismantled Milan Which put the Cities of Verona Padua and Venice upon a Confederacy for their Common defence In the mean time the Anti-Pope died and Frederick presum'd to Create Guidâ— of Cremona in his place The Romans taking advantage of the Pope's absence and the Emperour's diversion in Lombardy had re-assum'd something of their former Authority and began to require Obedience in the
Emperour Charles call'd away his Governour and the Pope sent his Cardinal Nephew to take possession of it for the Emperour to recompense that Kindness the Emperour restor'd Romania to the Church which had been usurp'd by his Predecessors and the Pope made Bartaldo Orsino Duke of Romagnia growing more powerfull by degrees and believing himself strong enough to look Charles in the face he began to expostulate turn'd him out of his Senatorship and publish'd a Decree that no person for the future of Royal Extraction should ever be Senator in Rome Not contented with this he carri'd his Designs farther and was in the mind to have droven Charles out of Sicily to which end he held secret intelligence with the King of Arragon who effected it alterwards in the time of his Successor He design'd likewise to have made two Kings out of his Family one of Lombardy the other of Tuscany by whose power and assistance the Church might be defended from the incursions of the Germans abroad and the oppression of the French at home But he dying before any thing could be done was the first Pope that gave so manifest demonstration of Ambition or that under pretence of advancing the Church design'd only to exalt and magnifie his own Family and though from this time backward no mention is to be found of Nephew or any other of his Holiness Kindred yet forward all History is full of them and as formerly the Popes have endeavour'd to leave them Princes they would leave them Popes now adays if they could and make the Papacy hereditary But the Principalities they erected have been hitherto short-liv'd for the Popes seldom living long the first gust of wind shakes them for want of their Authority and Courage to sustain them This Pope being dead Martin X. succeeded who being born a French-man was a friend to the French and Charles in the Rebellion of Romania sent an Army to his Assistance who having besieg'd Furli Guido Bonatti an Astrologer being in the Town appointed the Garrison a certain time to sally upon them and following his direction they did it with such success that the whole French Army was either taken or kill'd About this time the practices betwixt Pope Nicholas and Peter King of Arragon were put in execution the Sicilians by that means kill'd all the French they found in that Island and Peter made himself Lord of it upon pretence it belonged to Constansa Manfreds Daughter whom he had married but Charles in his preparation for its recovery died left Charles II. his Son at that time a Prisoner in Sicily who for his enlargement promis'd to surrender himself again if in three years time he prevail'd not with the Pope to invest the House of Arragon with the Kingdom of Sicily Ridolfus the Emperour in stead of coming into Italy himself to recover the reputation of the Empire sent an Embassadour thither with full power to enfranchize such Cities as would buy out their Freedom Upon which many Cities redeem'd themselves and chang'd their Laws with their Liberty Adulfus Duke of Saxony succeeded in the Empire and in the Popedom Piero del Murone by the Name of Pope Celestine but having been a Hermit and exceedingly devout in six months time he renounced and Boniface VIII was chosen in his room The Heavens foreseeing the time would come Italy should be deliver'd both from the Germans and French and remain intirely in the hands of its Natives that the Pope though freed from forreign impedidiments might not be able to usurp and establish himself in the Power which he exercised then rais'd up two great Families in Rome the Colonni and the Ursini that by their Authority and Allyance they might be able to circumscribe his Holiness and keep him within his bounds Pope Boniface was sensible of them and apply'd himself very zealously to have extirpated the Colonni excommunicating them first and then proclaiming the Crociata against them which though it might be some prejudice to them was more to the Church For those Swords which had been drawn in vindication of the Gospel and done honourable things when for private ambition they were unsheath'd against Christians they lost their first sharpness and would not cut at all and so it came to pass their immoderate desire of satiating their Appetite by degrees lessened the Popes power and disarm'd them Two of that House which were Cardinals he degraded Sciarra the chief of them escaping in disguise being discover'd was taken by the Spanish Privateers and clap'd to an Oar but being known at Marsellis he was rescu'd and sent away to the King of France who by Boniface was Excommunicated thereupon and depriv'd of his Kingdom Philip King of France considering very well that in all open Wars with the Popes he had either run some eminent danger or come home by the loss began to look about for some Artifice and at length pretending great readiness to comply and counterfeiting a Treaty he sent Sciarra privately into Italy who being arriv'd at Anagnia where at that time the Pope had his Residence gathering his Friends together in the night he seiz'd upon his Holiness who tho inlarg'd afterwards by the people of the Town died shortly in a Dilirium with meer sense and indigation This Boniface was the first Pope which ordain'd Jubilees in the year M.CCC and decreed they should be celebrated every hundred years These times produc'd many troubles betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilin's and Italy being forsaken by the Emperours many Towns recover'd their liberties and many were usurp'd Pope Benedict restor'd their Caps to the Cardinals of the House of Colonni absolv'd King Philip and gave him his Blessing Benedict was succeeded by Clement V. who being a French-man remov'd his Court into France Anno MCCCVI During these Transactions Charles II. King of Naples died and left the Succession to Robert his Son The Empire was in the mean time fallen to Arrigo of Luxemburg who came to Rome to be Crown'd though the Pope was not there upon whose arrival many commotions followed in Lombardy and all banished persons whether Guelfs or Gibilins being restor'd to their former Habitations conspiring to supplant one another they fill'd the whole Province with the Calamities of War notwithstanding the Emperour imploy'd his utmost power to prevent it Arrigo removing out of Lombardy by the way of Genova return'd to Pisa with design to have driven King Râ—bâ—rt out of Tascany but not succeeding in that he march'd to Rome but continued there a few dayes only for the Ursini by the help of King Robert forc'd him to remove and he march'd back again to Pisa where for his more secure Warring upon Tuscany and supplanting that King he caus'd it to be assaulted on the other side by Frederick King of Sicily But in the height of his Designs when he thought himself sure both of Tuscany and its King he died and the succession went to Lodovick of Bavaria About this
Cosimo said the Pope was an old Man but he had begun an enterprize as if he had been a Boy To the Venetian Embassadors who came to Florence with the Embassadors of Alfonso to complain of that Commonwealth putting his hat off to them he demanded the colour of his hair they told him it was gray he replyed in time your Senators will be of the same colour Not many hours before his death his Wife seing him shut his eyes enquired why he did so and he told her to use them Some Citizens after his return complaining to him that the City would be depopulated and God Almighty offended if he banished so many wealthy and Religious Men he told them the City had better be depopulated than destroyed That two yards of Cloth were enough to keep a Man from the cold and that States were not to be preserved by the beads a Man carried in his hand These last expressions gave his Enemies occasion to calumniate him as a person that was a greater lover of himself than his Country and one that took more care of this World than the next Many other of his wise sayings might be inserted but being unnecessary they are omitted Cosimo was likewise a great lover and advancer of learned Men upon which score he entertained in Florence Argiropolo a Grecian as learned as any in his time that by him the youth of Florence might be instructed in the Greek tongue and in several of his Tenets He entertained likewise in his House Marcileo Ficino a great Patron of the Platonick Philosophy whom he loved so entirely and that he might follow his studies with more convenience he gave him a house near his own Palace at Caraggi So that his prudence his beneficence his success and his way of living made him be belov'd and feared among the Citizens and much esteemed by all Princes of Europe Whereby he left such a foundation to his posterity that by their virtue they might equal him by their fortune transcend him and obtain as much honor as he had in Florence in all the Cities and Countries of Christendom Nevertheless towards the latter end of his days he had several afflictions he had but two Sons Piero and Giovanni of which Giovanni the most hopeful dyed and Piero who survived was infirm and by the weakness of his body unfit either for publick or private business so that after the death of his Son causing himself to be carried about his house he sighed and said this house is too big for so small a Family It troubled him also that he had not in his judgment enlarged the dominion of the Florentine state nor added to it empire any considerable acquest and it s troubled him the more for that he found himself cheated by Francesco who when he was but Count had promis'd him as soon as he had made himself Master of Milan to employ his Arms against Lucca in the behalf of the Florentines but his mind chang'd with his fortune and having got to be the Duke of Milan had a desire to enjoy in peace what he had obtained by War so that after his elevation he never medled in foreign concerns nor made any more Wars than were necessary for his own defence which was a great disturbance to Cosimo who now discerned he had been at great pains and expence to advance a Man who was both false and ingrateful He perceived likewise that in respect of his age and the infirmities of his body he was not able to apply himself to publick or private business as he was wont and he saw both the one and the other decline the City going to wrack by the dissentions of the Citizens and his fortune by his Ministers and Sons These considerations gave him no little disquiet towards his end yet he died full of Glory and renown all the Cities and Princes of Christendom sent their compliments of condolency to his Son Piero the whole City attended his Corps with great solemnity to the Grave and by publick decree it was inscrib'd upon his Tomb Padre della Patria If in my description and character of Cosimo I have rather followed the example of those who have written the lives of Princes than of an Historian it is not to be admir'd He was a person extraordinary in our City and I thought my self obliged to give him a more than ordinary commendation during the time that Italy and Florence were in the condition aforesaid Lewis King of France was infested with a furious War which his Barons at the instigation of Francis Duke of Britan and Charles Duke of Burgundy had rais'd This War lay so heavy upon him he could not assist Giovanni in his designs upon Genoa and Naples but believing he had need enough of all the supplies he could get he call'd back his forces and Savona being at that time in the hands of the French he ordered it to be delivered to the Count and left him if he pleas'd to pursue the enterprize against Genoa the Count was easily persuaded to a thing so much to his advantage so that by the reputation of his amity with the French King and the assistance given him by the Adorni he possess'd himself of Genoa and in gratitude to the French King sent him a supply of 1500 Horse into France under the Command of his eldest Son Galeazzo by this means Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza remain'd at quiet the one Duke of Lombardy and Lord of Genoa the other King of the whole Kingdom of Naples and having contracted alliances together and married their Children the one to the other they began to consider how they might secure their states to themselves whilst they lived and to their heirs when they were dead In order to this it was thought necessary the King should make sure of such of his Barons as had sided against him in his Wars with Giovanni d' Angio and the Duke should endeavour to extirpate all that had been favourers of the Bracci who were mortal Enemies to the said Duke and at that time in great reputation under the conduct of Giacopo Piccinino For Giacopo being the greatest Captain in Italy and having no Soveraignty of his own it concerned all who had any to have an eye over him and more especially the Duke who thought he could not enjoy his Dominion safely himself nor leave it to his Sons whilst Giacopo was living Hereupon the King with all industry endeavoured an accord with his Barons used all possible art to reconcile himself to them and he succeeded with much difficulty for they found that whilst they were in Wars with the King they must certainly be ruined but by accommodation of their differences and trusting themselves to him there was only a hazard and because Men do always avoid those evils with more readiness which are most certain Princes do easily deceive such as are not able to contend The Barons seeing nothing before them but destruction if they continued the
refuge the Florentines had in their necessities was to the State of Milan determined to give the Dutchess so much imployment of her own that she should not be at leasure to send them any relief and by means of Prospero Adorno the Signore Roberto and the Sforzi which were banished he wrought so that Genoa rebelled nevertheless the little Castle remained firm to the young Duke and the Dutchess sent forces to them to recover the Town but they were overthrown whereupon considering with her self the danger which might accrew both to her Son and her self if the War should be continued all Tuscany being imbroiled and the Florentines in distress she resolved seeing she could not retain Genoa as a Subject that she would have it as a Friend and agreed with Battistino Fregosi a great Enemy to Prospero Adorno to deliver him the Castle and make him Prince of Genoa upon condition he would drive out Prospero and give the Sforzi no assistance nor protection After all was concluded betwixt them the Castle was surrendered and by the help of that and his party Battistino reducing Genoa and according to their custom made himself Dogue the Sforzi and Signore Roberto being forced out of the Town they passed with their followers into Lunigiana The Pope and the King seeing the troubles in Lombardy composed took occasion to infest Tuscany on that side towards Pisa with those Persons which were driven out of Genoa supposing by dividing and diverting their forces to weaken the Florentines whereupon the Summer approaching they prevailed with the Signore Roberto to march with his Squadron from Lunigiana into the Country of Pisa Roberto put the whole Country into confusion took several Castles from the Pisans and plundered them and made his excursions to the very walls of Pisa it self About this time Embassadors arrived at Florence from the Emperour the King of France and the King of Hungary who from their several Princes being sent to the Pope persuaded the Florentines to send Embassadors also and promised their utmost endeavour with him to conclude all their differences with an honorable peace The Florentines consented as well to excuse themselves to the World as that they were really desirous of it Having sent therefore their Embassadors they returned as they went without any accommodation and the Florentines finding themselves abused or abandoned by the Italians resolved to try if they could gain themselves any reputation by an alliance with France to which purpose they sent as their Embassador Donato Acciaivoli a person well skill'd both in the Greek and Latine tongues whose Ancestors had always born great office in that State but being arrived at Milan in his journey he died and Florence in honor to his memory and remuneration to his Children buried him magnificently at the publick charge gave his Sons considerable exemptions and his Daughters such portions as would marry them like themselves and sent Giud ' Antonio Vespucci a Man well versed in the imperial and Pontifical Laws to the King of France in his place The inroad Signore Roberto had made into the Country of Pisa as all sudden and unexpected things do gave the Florentines no little distraction For the War lying heavy upon them in the Country of Siena they could not see how they should be able to defend themselves on the other side however they sent officers and all other provisions to reinforce the City of Pisa and that they might keep the Lucchesi from assisting the Enemy with mony or any thing else they sent Gino Capponi as their Embassador to them but he was received so ill out of an ancient Enmity to the People of Florence upon former injuries received and a constant apprehension to them that he was many times in danger of being killed by the multitude So that his journey produced new quarrels rather than new quiet and thereupon the Florentines called back the Marquess of Ferrara entertained the Marquess of Mantoua into their pay and with great importunity desired of the Venetians Count Carlo the Son of Braccio and Deifebo the Son of Count Giacopo who after several scruples and demurs were sent to them for having made peace with the Turk aud no pretence left to excuse themselves they were ashamed to braek faith with the League Carlo therefore and Deifebo being come with a considerable number of Horse and joyned to what forces they could conveniently draw out of the Marquess of Ferrara's Army which attended the Duke of Calabria they marched towards Pisa in quest of Signore Roberto who was posted with his ARmy near the river Serchio and thought at first he made a show of expecting our Army yet upon second thoughts he removed and retired into the Country of Lunigiana to the same quarters where he lay before his expedition to Pisa. Upon his departure Count Carlo repossess'd himself of all the Enemy had taken in that Country and the Florentines being clear on that side drew all their forces into one body betwixt Colle and Santo Giminiano but upon Carlo's conjunction there being several of the Sforzeschi and the Bracceschi in the Army the old feud began to revive and it was believed had they stayed longer together they had fallen together by the ears to prevent these inconveniences it was resolved to divide the Army that Count Carlo should march with his forces into the Country of Perugia and the rest fortifie and intrench themselves at Poggibonzi to obstruct the Enemy from entring into the Country of Florence By this division they supposed likewise the Enemy would be forced to divide for they thought that either Count Carlo would take Perugia where he had a great party as they believed or that the Pope would be constrained to send a good body of Men to defend it and to drive his Holiness into greater necessity they ordered Nicolo Vitelli who had left Castello where Lorenzo his Enemy was predominant with what force he could make to approach the Town to drive out his adversary if he could and keep it against the Pope At first fortune seemed to encline to the Florentines Count Carlo advanced strangely in the Country of Perugia Nicolo Vitelli though he could not get into the Town of Castello yet he was Master of the field and plundered round about it without any contradiction and those forces which were encamped at Poggibonzi made their excursions to the very walls of Sienna But at last all their hopes came to nothing for first Count Carlo died in the very height of their expectations whose death had nevertheless much bettered the condition of the Florentines had they known how to have improved the victory which it produced for no sooner was the death of Count Carlo known but the Popes Army being all together in Perugia conceiving great hopes of overpowering the Florentines took the field and encamped upon the Lake within three miles of the Enemy on the other side Giacopo Guicciardini at that time Commissary of the Army by the advice
to atcheive they are applauded at least not upbraided thereby but when they are unable to compass it and yet will be doing then they are condemned and indeed not unworthily If France then with its own forces alone had been able to have enterpriz'd upon Naples it ought to have been done but if her own private strength was too weak it ought not to have been divided and if the division of Lombardy to which she consented with the Venetian was excusable it was because done to get footing in Italy But this partition of Naples with the King of Spain is extreamly to be condemned because not press'd or quicken'd by such necessity as the former Lewis therefore committed five faults in this Expedition He ruin'd the inferior Lords He augmented the Dominion of a Neighbour Prince He call'd in a Forreigner as puissant as himself He neglected to continue there in person and planted no Colonies All which errors might have been no inconvenience whil'st he had lived had he not been guilty of a sixt and that was depressing the power of the Venetian If indeed he had not sided with the Church nor brought the Spaniards into Italy it had been but reasonable for him to have taken down the pride of the Venetian but persuing his first resolutions he ought not to have suffer'd them to be ruin'd because whil'st the Venetian strength was intire they would have kept off other people from attempting upon Lombardy to which the Venetians would never have consented unless upon condition it might have been deliver'd to them and the others would not in probability have forced it from France to have given it to them and to have contended with them both no body would have had the courage If it be urg'd that King Lewis gave up Romagna to the Pope and the Kingdom of Naples to the King of Spain to evade a War I answer as before That a present mischief is not to be suffer'd to prevent a War for the War is not averted but protracted and will follow with greater disadvantage If the Kings faith and engagements to the Pope to undertake this enterprize for him be objected and that he did it to recompence the dissolution of his Marriage and the Cap which at his intercession his Holiness had confer'd upon the Legate of Amboise I refer them for an answer to what I shall say hereafter about the faith of a Prince how far it obliges So then King Lewis lost Lombardy because he did not observe one of those rules which others have followed with success in the Conquest of Provinces and in their desire to keep them Nor is it an extraordinary thing but what happens every day and not without reason To this purpose I remember I was once in discourse with the Cardinal d' Amboise at Nantes at the time when Valentino for so Caesar Borgia Pope Alezander's Son was commonly call'd possess'd himself of Romagna In the heat of our Conference the Cardinal telling me that the Italians were ignorant of the art of War I replyed that the French had as little skill in matters of State for if they had had the least policy in the world they would never have suffer'd the Church to have come to that height and Elevation And it has been found since by experience that the Grandeur of the Church and the Spaniard in Italy is derived from France and that they in requital have been the ruine and expulsion of the French From hence a general rule may be deduc'd and such a one as seldom or never is subject to Exception Viz. That whoever is the occasion of anothers advancement is the cause of his own diminution because that advancement is founded either upon the conduct or power of the Donor either of which become suspicious at length to the person prefer'd CHAP. IV. Why the Kingdom of Darius usurped by Alexander did not rebel against his Successors after Alexander was dead THE difficulties encountred in the keeping of a new Conquest being consider'd it may well be admired how it came to pass that Alexander the Great having in a few years made himself Master of Asia and died as soon as he had done That state could be kept from Rebellion Yet his Successors enjoy'd it a long time peaceably without any troubles or concussions but what sprung from their own avarice and ambition I answer That all Monarchies of which we have any record were govern'd after two several manners Either by a Prince and his Servants whom he vouchsafes out of his meer grace to constitute his Ministers and admits of their Assistance in the Government of his Kingdom or else by a Prince and his Barons who were persons advanc'd to that quality not by favour or concession of the Prince but by the ancientness and Nobility of their Extraction These Barons have their proper jurisdictions and subjects who own their Authority and pay them a natural respect Those States which are govern'd by the Prince and his Servants have their Prince more Arbitrary and absolute because his Supremacy is acknowledged by every body and if another be obeyed it is only as his Minister and Substitute without any affection to the Man Examples of these different Governments we may find in our time in the persons of the Grand Signore and the King of France The whole Turkish Monarchy is governed by a single person the rest are but his Servants and Slaves for distinguishing his whole Monarchy into Provinces and Governments which they call Sangiacchi he sends when and what Officers he thinks fit and changes them as he pleases But the King of France is established in the middle as it were of several great Lords whose Soveraignty having been owned and families beloved a long time by their Subjects they keep their preheminence nor is it in the King's power to deprive them without inevitable danger to himself He therefore who considers the one with the other will find the Turkish Empire harder to be subdued but when once conquered more easie to be kept The reason of the difficulty is because the Usurper cannot be call'd in by the Grandees of the Empire nor hope any assistance from the great Officers to facilitate his Enterprize which proceeds from the reasons abovesaid for being all slaves and under obligation they are not easily corrupted and if they could little good was to be expected from them being unable for the aforesaid reasons to bring them any party So that whoever invades the Turk must expect to â—ind him entire and united and is to depend more upon his own proper force than any disorders among them but having once conquered them and beaten their Army beyond the possibility of a recruit the danger is at an end for there is no body remaining to be afraid of but the Family of the Emperor which being once extinguished no body else has any interest with the people and they are as little to be apprehended after the Victory as they were to be
nothing to In our days we have seen no great action done but by those who were accounted miserable the other have been always undone Pope Lulius XI made use of his bounty to get into the Chair but to enable himself to make War with the King of France he never practised it after and by his frugality he maintained several Wars without any tax or imposition upon the people his long parsimony having furnished him for his extraordinary expences The present King of Spain if he had affected to be thought liberal could never have undertaken so many great designs nor obtain'd so many great Victories A Prince therefore ought not so much to concern himself so he exacts not upon his Subjects so he be able to defend himself so he becomes not poor and despicable nor commits rapine upon his people though he be accounted covetous for that is one of those Vices which fortifies his Dominion If any one objects that Caesar by his liberality made his way to the Empire and many others upon the same score of reputation have made themselves great I answer That you are either actually a Prince or in a fair way way to be made one In the first case liberality is hurtful in the second 't is necessary and Caesar was one of those who design'd upon the Empire But when he was arrived at that dignity if he had lived and not retrenched his Expences he would have ruined that Empire If any replys Many have been Princes and with their Armies performed great matters who have been reputed liberal I rejoyn that a Prince spends either of his own or his Subjects or other peoples In the first case he is to be frugal In the second he may be as profuse as he pleases and baulk no point of liberality But that Prince whose Army is to be maintained with free quarter and plunder and exactions from other people is obliged to be liberal or his Army will desert him and well he may be prodigal of what neither belongs to him nor his Subject as was the case with Caesar and Cyrus and Alexander for to spend upon anothers stock rather adds to than substracts from his reputation 't is spending of his own that is so mortal and pernicious Nor is there any thing that destroys it self like liberality for in the use of it taking away the faculty of using it thou becomest poor and contemptible or to avoid that poverty thou makest thy self odious and a Tyrant and there is nothing of so much importance to a Prince to prevent as to be either contemptible or odious both which depend much upon the prudent exercise of your liberality Upon these considerations it is more wisdom to lie under the scandal of being miserable which is an imputation rather infamous than odious than to be thought liberal and â—un your self into a necessity of playing the Tyrant which is infamous and odious both CHAP. XVII Of Cruelty and Clemency and whether it is best for a Prince to be beloved or feared TO come now to the other qualities proposed I say every Prince is to desire to be esteemed rather merciful than cruel but with great caution that his mercy be not abused Caesar Borgia was counted cruel yet that cruelty reduced Romagna united it setled it in peace and rendered it faithful so that if well considered he will appear much more merciful than the Florentines who rather than be thought cruel suffered Pistoia to be destroyed A Prince therefore is not to regard the scandal of being cruel if thereby he keeps his Subjects in their Allegiance and united seeing by some few examples of Justice you may be more merciful than they who by an universal exercise of pity permit several disorders to follow which occasion Rapine and Murder and the reason is because that exorbitant mercy has an ill effect upon the whole universality whereas particular Executions extend only to particular persons But among all Princes a new Prince has the hardest task to avoid the scandal of being cruel by reason of the newness of his Government and the dangers which attend it Hence Virgil in the person of Dido excused the inhospitality of her Government Res dura regni novitas metalia cogunt Moliri late fines Custode tueri My new Dominion and my harder fate Constrains me to 't and I must guard my State Nevertheless he is not to be too credulous of reports too hasty in his motions nor create fears and jealousies to himself but so to temper his administrations with prudence and humanity that neither too much confidence may make him careless nor too much diffidence inrolerable And from hence arises a new question Whether it be better to be belov'd than fear'd or fear'd than belov'd It is answered Both would be convenient but because that is hard to attain it is better and more secure if one must be wanting to be fear'd than belov'd for in the general Men are ingrateful inconstant hypocritical fearful of danger and covetous of gain whil'st they receive any benefit by you and the danger is at distance they are absolutely yours their Blood their Estates their Lives and their Children as I said before are all at your Service but when mischief is at hand and you have present need of their help they make no scruple to revolt And that Prince who leaves himself naked of other preparations and relies wholly upon their professions is sure to be ruined for anâ—ity contracted by price and not by the greatness and generosity of the mind may seem a good pennyworth yet when you have occasion to make use of it you will find no such thing Moreover Men do with less remorse offend against those who desire to be beloved than against those who are ambitious of being feared and the reason is because Love is fasten'd only by a ligament of obligation which the ill Nature of Mankind breaks upon every occasion that is presented to his profit But fear depends upon an apprehension of punishment which is never to be dispell'd Yet a Prince is to render himself aweful in such fort that if he gains not his Subjects love he may eschew their hatred for to be feared and not hated are compatible enough and he may be always in that condition if he offers no violence to their Estates nor attempts any thing upon the honour of their Wifes as also when he has occasion to take away any Man's life if he takes his time when the cause is manifest and he has good matter for his justification But above all things he is to have a care of intrenching upon their Estates for men do sooner forget the death of their Father than the loss of their Patrimony Besides occasions of confiscation never fail and he that gives once way to that humour of rapine shall never want temptation to ruine his Neighbor But on the contrary provocations to blood are more rare and do sooner evaporate But when a Prince is at
several great Barons who were able not only to expostulate but to contend with the King as the Dukes of Guienn and Burbon did formerly the said Barons are now most obsequious and dutiful A third reason is because formerly all the neighbouring Princes were ready upon every occasion to invade the Kingdom of France the Dukes of Burgundy Britannie Guienne or Flanders being always tempting them thereunto and giving them access passage and reception as it hapned when the English had Wars with France by their Confederacy with the Duke of Britagne they got admission into that Country and gave the King of France his hands full and in like manner the Duke of Burgundy was as troublesom by means of the Duke of Bourbon But now Britagne Guienne the Bourbonois and greatest part of Burgundy being united to that Crown and very loyal and faithful Those neighbouring Princes do not only want their old Confederates to invite and assist them but they have them for their Enemies so that the King of France is more strong and his Adversaries more weak Another reason may be That at this day the richest and most potent of the Barons are of the Blood Royal so that upon defect of those who are before them the Crown may come to them upon which score they are firm to it hoping that some time or other it may fall either to them or their posterity whereas to mutiny or oppose it might prejudice their succession as it hapned to this King Lewis when he was taken in the Battel of Britagne where in favour of the said Duke of Britagne he was personally in Service against the French Upon the death of King Charles the Crown being legally in Lewis it was disputed whether that fault and defection of his should not be a bar to his succession and had it not been that he was very rich by means of his frugality and able to bear the Port of that Dignity at his own expence and the next Heir Monsigneur d' Angolisme an Infant he had lost it but for these reasons and some favour which he had besides Lewis was created King The last reason is because the States of the Barons in France are not divided among the Heirs as in Germany and several parts of Italy but descend still to the Eldest Son who are the right Heirs and the younger Sons are left by some little assistance from their Elder Brothers to shift for themselves whereupon they betake themselves generally to the Wars endeavouring to advance themselves that way and raise themselves fortunes and hence it is the Frenchmen at Arms are better at this day and stand fair for preferment The French Infantry cannot be good for it being long since they had any War they must needs want experience Besides in the Country the Towns are full of Tradesmen and Mechanicks all of them so curb'd and cow'd by the Nobless that they are grown pusillanimous and base and therefore the King of France having found them unfit makes no use of them in his Wars unless it be of his Gascoigns who are something better than the rest and the reason is because bordering upon the Spaniards they are constantly upon duty or communicate something of their Nature But for some years since they have shown themselves better Theives than Soldiers nevertheless in defending and assaulting of Towns they do well enough but in the field they are but indifferent quite contrary to the Germans and Swizzers who are not to be dealt with in the field but in storming or defending a Town they are good for nothing and I suppose it proceeds from hence that they cannot in both cases keep the same order which they observe in the field Wherefore the King of France makes use of Switzers and Lanzknights because his men at Arms dare not rely upon his Gascoignes in time of Service And if his Foot were as good as his Men at Arms no doubt but the King of France would be able to defend himself against all the Princes in Europe The French are naturally more fierce and hot than dexterous or strong and if resisted handsomly in their first charge they slacken and cool and grow as timerous as Women They are likewise impatient of distress or incommodity and grow so careless by degrees that 't is no hard matter finding them in disorder to master and overcome them And of this Experience has been many times had in the Kingdom of Naples and last of all at Farigliano where they were twice as many as the Spaniards and it was expected every hour when they should have swallowed them up Nevertheless because winter came on and the weather grew bad they began to straggle into the Neighbouring Towns where they might be at more ease and thereby leaving their Camp weak and out of order the Spaniards fell upon them and beat them beyond all expectation And it would have been the same with the Venetians who had never lost the Battel of Vaila had they forborn following the French example but for ten days But the fury of Bartolmeo d' Alviano was too hot for them The same hapned again to the Spaniards at Ravenna who might have certainly ruined the French in respect of their ill Government and want of provisions which were intercepted on that side towards Ferrara by the Venatians and towards Bologna by the Spaniards themselves but by the rashness of some and the indiscretion of others the French got the Victory and though as it was it was bloody enough yet it had been much more had the strength of either Army consisted in the same kind of men but the French force lying in his Men at Arms and the Spaniards force in their Foot the slaughter was the less He therefore who would conquer the French must be sure to preserve himself against their first impetus and attack and in so doing he shall be sure to prevail for Caesar's character of them is true At first they are more than Men at last less than Women France in respect of its greatness and the convenience of its Rivers is opulent and rich for their Commodities and labour are worth little or nothing by reason of the scarcity of Money among the people which is so great it is with difficulty that they are able to raise so much as will pay the impositions of their Lords though they are generally but small the reason is because every body gathers to sell as he has occasion and no body can stay to finish his harvest as it should be So that if there should be any body which is seldom seen so rich as to be a bushel of Corn beforehand every body having of their own there would be no body to buy it and the Gentlemen of what they receive of their Tenants except it be for cloths spend little or nothing For Cattle and Poultry and Fish and Venison they have enough of their own so that all the Mony comes into the hands of the Lords and
him Yet every great Town upon the Frontiers have Artillery and Ammunition of their own and within these two years several more have been cast in several places of the said Kingdom at the charge of the Town where they were made and to re-imburse themselves the are allowed a Toll of a penny an head for all Cattel and as much for every bushel of Corn whilst the Kingdoms is under no danger of invasion The standing Force is divided into four Bodies which are disposed into four several Posts for the security of the Country that is to say into Guienna Piccardy Burgundy and Provence but not precise number is observed in any for they are lessened or encreased and removed from one place to another as they have occasion to suspect I have with some diligence inquired what moneys were assigned every year for the charges of the King's Houshold and his privy Purse and I find it is what he pleases himself His Archers are four hundred design'd for the Guard of his Person among which there are two Scotch Their Salary is three hundred Franks a man every year and a Coat of the King's Livery But there are 24 constantly at the King's elbow and their Salary is 400 Franks per an His German Foot-Guards consisted formerly of three hundred men with each of them a Pension of ten Franks a month and two Suits of Apparel a year that is Coats and Shooes one for Summer and the other for Winter but of these Foot there were 100 particularly near the King their Salary being 12 Franks per mens and their Coats of Silk which was begun in the time of King Charles The Harbingers are those who are sent before to take up Lodgings for the Court they are 32 in number and each of them has a Salary of three hundred Franks every year and a Coat of the King's Livery Their Marshals or chief Officers are four and have each of them 600 Franks per an In taking up their Lodgings their method is this they divide themselves into four parties one Marshal or his Lieutenant in case he cannot wait himself stays where the Court departed to see all things rectified betwixt the followers of the Court and the Masters of the Houses another of them goes along with the Court a third where the King lies that night and the fourth where he lies the next by which means they keep so exact an order that they are no sooner arrived but every man knows his Lodging and is furnished with every thing got ready to his hand The Provost del Hostel is a person who follows always the person of the King and his office is judiciary where-ever the Court goes his Bench is the first and in all Towns where he comes the people may appeal to him as to their Lieutenant His ordinary Salary is 6000 Franks He has under him two Judges in Civil Causes paid by the King each of them 600 Franks per an he has likewise under him a Lieutenant Criminal and 30 Archers paid as abovesaid Those who are taken by this Provost upon any criminal account cannot appeal to the Parliament He dispatches all both in Civil and Criminal affairs and if the Plaintiff and Defendant appear once before him it is enough their business is determined The Masters of the King's Houshold are eight but there is no certain rule for their Salary for some have 1000 Franks per an some more some less at it pleases the King over whom there is a Grand Master with a Salary of 11000 Franks per an and his authority is only over the rest The jurisdiction of the Admiral of France is over all the Fleet and Ships and Ports belonging to that Kingdom He can seize and make what Ships he pleases and dispose of them as he thinks good when he has done His Salary is 10000 Franks The Knights of the King's Order have no certain number depending wholly upon the King's pleasure When they are created they swear to defend the Crown and never upon on any terms to be engaged against it they can never be degraded or deprived of their Dignity but by death The highest of their Pensions is 4000 Franks per an some have less for all are not equal The Chamberlains office is to wait upon the King to see to his Chamber and to advise him and indeed his Chamberlains are persons of the principal reputation in his Kingdom their Pensions are six eight and ten thousand Franks per an and sometimes nothing for the King does often confer those Places upon some great and rich stranger whom he has a mind to oblige but though they have no Pensions they are exempted from all Gabels and have their diet in Court at the next Table to the King 's The Master of the Horse is to be always about the King his authority is over the 12 Quieries and the same that the Grand Seneschal the Grand Master and the Grand Chamberlains is over those who are under them He has the care of the King's Horses and Harness helps him up and down and carries the Sword before him The Lords of the King's Council have Pensions of betwixt six and eight thousand Franks Per an at the pleasure of his Majesty their names at present are Monseigneur di Parigi Mons. di Buonaglia the Baylif of Amiens Mons. du Russi and the Grand Chancellor but Rubertet and Mons. di Parigi govern all There is no Table kept for them since the death of the Cardinal of Roan for when the Grand Chancellor is absent Parigi does that office for him and takes them with him The Title which the King of France pretends to the State of Milan is thus His Grand-father married a Daughter of the Duke of Milan who died without Heir males Duke Giovanni Galeazzo had two Daughters women grown and I know not how many Sons Of the Ladies one was called Madona Valentina and was married to Lewis Duke of Orleans Grand-father to this present King descended lincally from King Pipen Duke Iohn Galeazzo being dead his Son Philip succeeded him who died without legitimate issue leaving only one natural Daughter behind him Afterwards that State was usurped illegally by the Sforzeschi as is reported because they pretend it fell to the Heirs of the said Madona Valentina and that from the very day in which the Duke of Orleans married with the House of Milan he added to the three Lillies in his Coat of Arms the Snake which is to be seen at this day In every Parish in France there is a person called a Frank Archer who is paid by the Parish and is obliged to be always ready with a good Horse and Arms to wait upon the King when ever they are required whether abroad in time of War or at home upon any other occasion they are bound likewise to ride up and down for the security of such places as are liable to in-roads or any ways suspected and according to the number of the Parishes they are
the conflicts of the Winds and the Water and the elements and the enemy shall sooner make a good Land-Officer where he has nothing to fight with but men than a Land-Officer shall make a good Captain at Sea My Country-men the Romans who were so knowing at Land being at wars with the Carthaginian that was so potent at Sea never troubled themselves to entertain either Grecian or Spaniard into their service though they were both so good Souldiers at Sea but they committed that charge to their Land-Officers who fought the Carthaginians and beat them If the Venetians did it to prevent the usurpation of any of their fellow Citizens I think it was an unnecessary fear for besides the reasons aforesaid if a Citizen with his Sea-forces never made himself Master of any Sea Town he could have done it much less with any Land-force So that hence it may be seen that is is not putting the Citizens in arms that is the cause of tyranny but ill order and ill management in the Government for whilst good order is preserved there is no danger of their being arm'd wherefore their resolution in that point being imprudent has rob'd them of much reputation and happiness And as to the King of France's error in not keeping his subjects in discipline and prepared for the Wars which is by you urged for an example there is no body laying aside his private passion but must conclude that single neglect to be a great weakness to his Kingdom But my digression has been too great and perhaps beyond my design yet I have done it the more willingly to demonstrate to you that foreign force is not to be relied upon so much as ones own subjects nor can ones own subjects be prepared and adapted for the Wars any way so well as by training and exercise Nor can there be any better way of forming an army or establishing a Militia in any place than that which I have prescribed If you have read the orders of the first Roman Kings especially of Servius Tulliâ—s you will find his orders like ours and driving at nothing more than putting the Citizens into such a posture that upon any emergence they might be brought suddenly together and form'd into an army for the defence of the City CHAP. VIII Of what sort of people an army is to be composed Fabritio BUt to return to our levies I say again that being to recruit and old Army I would choose my men of about seventeen but to raise a new one that might be made fit for service in a short time I would take in any betwixt seventeen and forty Cosimo Would you in your election make any difference of their trades Fabritio Many Authors which have written on that subject have made a difference of their trades and will not allow of Faulconers Fowlers Fishers Ruffians or any persons who make sports their profession or are in any manner subservient to pleasure those who they recommend to be chosen are Labourers Husband-men Smiths Farriers Carpenters Butchers Huntsmen and the like But for my own part I should not so much consider the quality of the profession as the goodness of the man and which way he may be employed with most advantage For this reason I think your Plough-men and Day-labourers in the Country are more useful Generally than any other for they take more pains and do more service in an Army than all the rest After them are your Smiths Farriers Carpenters Joyners and such people to be chosen of which sort it is convenient to have good store because their arts are usefull in an Army upon several occasions and 't is a good thing to have Souldiers who have two strings to theri bow and yield you double advantage Cosimo How are those who are fit or unfit for the Wars to be distinguished and known Fabritio I shall speak of the manner of choosing a Militia to form it afterwards into an Army because we shall have occasion again of speaking of the election to be made upon the recruiting of an old Army I say therefore that the fitness of a person to be chosen for the Wars is to be known by experience in some great atchievment or by conjecture This proof and tryal of their courage is not to be found among new raised men it is necessary therefore where this experience is not to be had to have recourse to conjecture which is to be deduced from their age arts and stature Of the two first we have spoken before it remains that we speak now of the third and tell you that some persons as Pyrrhus have been altogether for large and tall men Others as Caesar would have them strong well knit and vigorous which is to be judged by the composition of their members and the quickness of their aspect Wherefore those who treat of that subject have recommended a lively and quick eye a nervous neck a large breast a musculous arm a long finger a small belly round and firm thighs and thin feet this kind of contexture does always import activity and strength which in a Souldier are two things principally to be desired But above all respect is to be had to their manners and that they be indued with honesty and modesty otherwise you choose an instrument of scandal and a beginning of corruption for no body can expect that with brutishness and dishonesty any laudable virtue should consist Upon this occasion it seems to me not impertinent for your better understanding the importance of this way of election to let you know the manner in which the Roman Consuls in the begining of their Magistracy made their elections for the Roman Legions In which levies by reason of their continual Wars being mix'd of new and Veteran Souldiers they could proceed in the Veterans by experience and by conjecture in the new You must know then these levies were made either for present service or to exercise them first and employ them afterwards as occasion was offered And although I have spoken already of what is to be observed in the election of such as are to be disciplin'd and employed afterwards yet my intention being to shew how an Army may be ordered in a Country where there is no military discipline and where men are not to be raised for immediate service I shall speak of it further But in those Countries where it is the custom to raise Forces by the Princes command there they may have them always ready for present service as it was anciently in Rome and is among the Swizzars at this day For if in these kind of levies there be new Souldiers there are many which are old and experienced which mingled with the new will make a good Army Notwithstanding this the Emperors after they began to keep standing Forces and Garisons upon the Frontiers appointed Masters for the training and instructing their new men whom they called Tyrones as may be seen in the life of Maximus the Emperor Which
the whole World being as it were inclosed in the walls of Rome when it grew depraved and corrupted there the whole World became corrupt and the Scythians were encouraged to make their inroads and depredations upon the Empire which had been able to consume and extinguish the virtue of all other places but was not able to preserve it at home And though afterwards by the inundation of those Barbarians it was divided into several Cantons yet for two reasons their virtue was never restored one was because when Laws and Orders are once neglected and disused it is with no little pain that they are reassumed the other our way of living in these times in respect of the Christian Religion imposes not that necessity of defending our selves as anciently it did for then those who were overcome in war either killed themselves or remained in perpetual slavery in which they lived afterwards in continual misery The Towns that were taken were either totally demolished or the Inhabitants banished their Goods plundered their Estates sequestred and themselves dispersed all over the World so that he who was overcome suffered such miseries as are not to be expressed People being terrified by these insupportable cruelties kept up the reputation of military discipline and advanced all those who were excellent therein But at present we are under no such apprehensions no man kills himself for being conquered no man is kept long a prisoner because it is more easie to set him at liberty If a City rebels twenty times it is not immediately razed and demolished the Citizens are continued in their Estates and the greatest punishment they fear is a mulct or a tax so that men will not now submit to military orders nor apply themselves to those labours to avoid a peril which they do not apprehend Besides the Provinces of Europe are under few heads in comparison of what they were anciently for all France is under one King all Spain under another Italy is divided into four parties so that the weaker Cities that are unable to maintain war of themselves defend themselves by alliances with the Conqueror and those who are strong for the reasons abovesaid are in no fear of ruine Cos. And yet within these five and twenty years several Cities have been sack'd and several Kingdoms subverted which example should teach others to reassume and live according to the custom of our ancestors Fabr. 'T is true as you say yet if you observe what those Towns were which have suffered in that nature you will find that they were no capital Cities but subordinate and depending so we see though Tortona was demolished Milan was not though Capua was destroyed Naples was not Brescia was sack'd but Venice was not Ravenna was pillaged but Rome was not These examples do not make him who governs recede from his designs but makes him rather more refractory and obstinate and pursue them with more vehemence to recompence himself with taxes and new impositions This it is that makes men unwilling to expose themselves to the trouble of military exercises â—â—oking upon it partly as unnecessary and partly as a thing which they do â—ot understand Those who are subjects and ought to be affrighted with such example of servituâ—e â—â—ve not power to help themselves and those who are Princes having lost their dominion are unable as having neither time nor convenience Whilst those who are able either cannot or will not choosing rather to run along with fortune without any disquiet than to trouble themselves to be virtuous for believing that all things are governed by fortune they had rather follow her swing than contend with her for mastery And that you may believe what I have said to be really true consider the Country of Germany where by reason of their several Principalities and States their discipline is good and depends upon the example of those people who being jealous of their States and Seigneuries maintain themselves in honour and grandeur as fearing to fall into a servitude out of which they could not so easily emerge This I suppose is sufficient to shew the reason of the vileness and depravity of our present discipline I know not whether you may be of the same opinion or whether my discourse may not have raised some scruple in your mind Cosimo Not at all I am rather perfectly satisfied only I desire returning to our first subject to know of you how you would order your horse with these Battalia's in what numbers you would have them how you would have them arm'd and how officer'd CHAP. IV. What number of horse are to be put into a Battalion and what proportion is to be observed for their baggage Fabr. YOu may think perhaps I forgot it but do not wonder for I shall speak of it but little for two reasons One is because the nerves and strength of an Army 〈◊〉 the Infantry the other is because the horse are not so much debauched and degenerated as the foot for the Cavalry is equal if not better at this day than in ancient times Yet I have said something before of the way how they are to be exercised and as to the manner of arming them I would arm them according to our present fashion both light horse and men at arms But the light horse if I might prescribe should carry cross-bows with some few harquebusses among them which though in other affairs of war they are but of little use are here very necessary to frighten the Country people and force them from their passes which perhaps they have undertaken to defend for one harquebuss will scarre them more than an hundred other arms But to come to their number having undertaken to imitate the Roman Militia I would take but 300 good horse for every Battalion of which 150 should be men at arms and 150 light horse and I would appoint a Captain to each of these squadrons 15 Corporals to each and a Trumpet and Ensign I would allow every ten men at arms five Carriages and every ten light horse two which Carriages as with the foot should carry the Tents Utensils Hatchets and other Instruments and Harness Think not that what I say would be any disorder seeing their men at arms had each of them four horses in their equipage which is a thing much corrupted for now in Germany you shall see men at arms with but one horse and themselves and twenty of them are allowed but one Wagon to carry their necessaries The Roman horse were likewise alone but the Triarii were lodg'd always by them who were obliged to assist them in the looking to their horses which may be easily imitated by us as shall be shewn in the distribution of our lodgments what there the Romans did of old and what the Germans do at this day we may do likewise and we do very ill if we do not These horse being listed and called over may be mustered sometimes with the Battalion at a general Muster of all the
one of them consisting of three hundred of the Commons the other of two hundred both Commons and Gentlemen the first was call'd the Council of the People and the second the Common Council The Emperour being arriv'd at Rome he created an Anti-Pope decreed many things to the prejudice of the Church and attempted more which he was not able to carry so that at length he removed with no little disgrace from Rome to Pisa where either disdaining his Conduct or for want of their Pay eight hundred German Horse mutiny'd fortifi'd themselves at Monte Ariaro and as he was departed from Pisa towards Lombardy posses'd themselves of Lucca and drave out Francisco Castracani whom the Emperour had left Governour of the Town Being Masters of that City and their intentions to make what profit of it they could they offered it to the Florentines for twenty thousand Florins but by the advice of Simon della Tosa it was refus'd this resolution would have been much to the advantage of our City had the Florentines persever'd but changing it afterwards it prov'd much to their detriment for refusing it at that time when they might have had it so cheap they bad much more for it afterwards and were denied it which was the occasion that Florence chang'd its Government often to its great inconvenience Lucca being refus'd in this manner by the Florentines was purchased for 30000 Florins by Gherardino Spinoli a Genovese and because People are more slow and indifferent in accepting what is offer'd than in conceiving what is not as soon as it was known to be bought by Gherardini and at how cheap a rate the Florentines were much troubled they had it not themselves and blam'd all those who had any way discouraged them To buy it being too late they sought to gain it by force and to that end sent their Army to over-run and spoil the Country about it About this time the Emperour was return'd out of Italy and the Pope by Order of the Pisani sent Prisoner into France The Florentines upon the Death of Castruccio which follow'd in the year 1328 till the year 1340 continued quiet at Home Intent only upon their Wars abroad In Lombardy upon the coming of Iohn King of Bohemia and in Tuscany upon the account of Lucca they adorn'd their City likewise with many new Buildings and particularly the Tower of St. Reparata according to the directions of Giolto the most Famous Painter in his time Moreover upon an inundation of the River Arnus in the year 1333 in which the Water swelling twelve fathoms high in some places of Florence carried away several Bridges and many Houses were ruin'd they repair'd all with great care and expence But in the year 1340 this tranquillity was disturb'd and they had new occasion of alteration The Grandees of the City had two ways to maintain and increase their Authority One was by ordering the Imborsations so as the Magistracy should fall always either to them or their Friends The other was by making themselves chief in the Elections of the Rettori and thereby obliging them to be favourable to them afterwards in all their determinations And of this second way they were so fond and conceited that not content with two Rettori as they had forformerly A while after they set up a third with the Title of the Captain of the Guards in which Office they plac'd Iacomo Gabrieli d' Agobbio with absolute Power over the Citizens Iacomo in the sight of the Government committed daily many Injuries but more especially to Piero de Baldi and Bardo Frescobaldi Being Nobly descended and by consequence proud they could not endure to have a stranger do them wrong in defiance of their other Magistrates To revenge themselves of him and the Government they enter'd into a Conspiracy with several Noble and Popular Families in the City who were disgusted with their Tyranny The manner concluded upon was that every one should get as many Arm'd Men into his House as he could and that on All-Saints Day in the Morning when all the People were at Mass they should take Arms kill the Captain and the chief of their Governours and afterwards make new Magistrates and new Laws for the State But because dangerous enterprizes the more considered are always the less willingly undertaken it happens that Plots which allow too much time for their Execution are generally discover'd There being among the Conspirators a Gentleman call'd Andrea di Bardi whose fear of Punishment prevailing upon him beyond his desire of Revenge he betray'd all to Iacomo Alberti his Kinsman Iacomo imparted it immediatly to the Priori and the Priori to the Governors And because the design was so near Execution All-Saints day being at hand many of the Citizens assembled in the Palace and judging it unsafe to defer they would needs persuade the Signori to cause the great Bell to be rung and the People commanded to their Arms. Taldo Valori was at that time Gonfaloniere and Francisco Salviati one of the Signori Being Relations of the Bardi they dissuaded the sounding of the Bell alledging it was not secure to Arm the People upon trivial Occasions because Authority given to them without some power reserv'd to restrain them was never known to produce any good and that it was much easier to raise a Tumult than to suppress it They judg'd it better therefore to inquire farther into the verity of the thing and punish it rather Civilly if it appear'd to be true than in a furious and tumultuous manner to corrected it perhaps with the destruction of the whole City But these Arguments serv'd not the turn but with Vilanous language and Insolent behaviour the Signori were constrain'd to cause the Bell to be rung upon which the People immediately took Arms and away to the Piazza The Bardi and Frescobaldi perceiving they were discover'd and resolving to overcome with Honour or die without Shame betook themselves to their Arms hoping they would be able to defend that part of the City beyond the Bridge where their Houses were whereupon they broke down the Bridges and fortifi'd themselves till they should be reliev'd by the Nobility of the Country and other Persons their Friends But that design was frustrated by the People which lived among them in the same part of the City who took up Arms for the Signori finding themselves entermixt and that design not like to succeed they abandon'd the Bridges and retreated to the Street where the Bardi dwelt as stronger than the rest where they made a most valient defence Iacomo d' Agobbio knew well enough that all this Conspiracy was against him and having no great inclination to be kill'd in a terrible fright with his hair standing right up he ran to the Palace of the Signori and secur'd himself among the thickest of the Arm'd Men. The other of the Rettori though not so conscious were much more couragious especially the Podesta call'd Maffeo da Maradi
potent and considerable for the people being admitted to the administration of the Magistracy Armies and Empire equally with the Nobles they became inspir'd with the same Vertue and Magnanimity as they and as their Vertue increased their power increased with it But in Florence the people prevailing devested the Nobility of their Authority and if they had a mind to recover it it was necessary by their conversation and behaviour not only to be but to profess themselves like the people And this was the cause of the changing their Arms the variation of their Titles and Families which was frequent in those times among the Nobility to recommend them to the Commons and make them pass amongst them so that the Eminency of their Arms and the Generosity of their minds for both which the Nobility was formerly famous was spent and expir'd and not to be reviv'd in the people where the least spark of it was not to be found which rendered Florence every day more abject and base And whereas Rome transported with its own Vertue grew to that height of Pride that it could not subsist longer without a Prince Florence was reduced to that pass that a wise Legislator might have form'd the Government according to what scheme and model he pleased All which by perusing of the preceeding books will be obvious to any body Having shewn therefore the foundation of Florence the original of its Liberty the occasion of its Dissention and how the factions of the Nobility and people concluded with the Tyranny of the Duke of Athens and the destruction of the Nobility it remains now I should discourse of the Emulations betwixt the people and the multitude and several accidents which they produced The power of the Nobility being depress'd and the War with the Arch-Bishop of Millan at an end there appeared no respect of future contention in Florence But the ill fate of our City the ill conduct of their Affairs suffered a new Emulation to spring up betwixt the Families of the Albizi and Ricci which produced as great division in the Town as was at first betwixt the Buondelmonti and the Uberti and afterwards betwixt the Cerchi and Donati The Popes who had then their residence in France and the Emperors who resided in Germany to make good their reputation in Italy had many times upon several occasions supplied us with multitude of Souldiers of all Nations English Dutch and Britains The Wars ended and they out of pay being Souldiers of Fortune they were constrain'd to make bold sometimes with one Prince and sometimes with another and force them to contribution In the year 1353 it happened one of the Companies came into Tuscany under the Command of Monsieur Real of Provence and put the whole Country into a fear whereupon the Florentines not only made publick provision of men but several private Citizens and the Albizi and Ricci among the rest furnished themselves with Arms for their proper defence There was a mortal hatred betwixt these two Families each of them aspiring at the Government and conspiring the destruction of the other However as yet they were not come to Hostility only they clash'd and interfer'd in their Counsels and in the executions of the Magistracy But upon this occasion the City being arm'd there happen'd a quarrel by accident in the old Market place to which the People that were near flock'd as they do on all such occasions To the Ricci it was reported the Albizi had fallen upon some of their Family To the Albizi that the Ricci were come out in defiance of them Hereupon the whole City got together and no small difficulty it was to the Magistrate to restrain either of the Families or to put an end to a Conflict which was begun by chance without the fault or contrivance of either This accident though meerly contingent reviv'd their animosity and put them both upon designs of increasing their Parties And because by the ruine of the Nobility the Citizens were reduced to such an equality that the Magistrates were become more venerable than formerly they resolved both of them to advance their interest rather by ordinary means than private violence We have declar'd before how after the Victory of Charles the First the Guelfs were created Magistrates and great authority given them over the Ghibilin Faction which authority and preheminence time accident and their new divisions had so far enervated that the Ghibilins were grown into the Government and exercised the principal Offices as well as the Guelfs Uguccione de Ricci being at that time the head of that Family prevail'd to have the Laws against the Ghibilins renewed to which Faction it was suppos'd by many the Albizi were inclin'd whose Original being anciently from Arezzo they transplanted from thence and setled in Florence so that Uguccione design'd by the renovation of those Laws to render that Family incapable of any great Office providing thereby that it should be criminal for any person descended from the Ghibilins to exercise the Magistracy This practice of Uguccione was discovered to Piero Son of Philippo de gli Albizi who resolved to connive at it presuming he should declare himself a Ghibilin if he opposed it These Laws though renewed by the prevalence and ambition of the Ricci substracted nothing from the reputation of the Albizi but were the foundation of many mischiefs Nor indeed can a Republick make any Law so pernicious as a Law of retro spection Piero having rather promoted than resisted those Laws that which his enemies intended as an impediment proved a means and occasion of his preferment for being made the chief person to super inspect the execution of those Laws he exercised more authority than before and became the only favourite of the Faction of the Guelfs And because in these Laws there was no definition of a Ghibilin nor no Magistrate deputed to discover them they were of little importance only the Captains were appointed to inquire them out and to admonish them that they were not to take the Magistracy upon them if they did they should be liable to a penalty Whereupon those who were afterwards incapacitated for the Magistracy were called Ammoniti But at length the Captains growing bold and audacious in their office without any regard whether they were conscious or not they admonished who they pleased as their avarice or animosity directed them So that from the year 1357 in which this Law was renewed to the year 1366 there were more than 200 Citizens admonished By which means the Captains and the Faction of the Guelfs were grown great and considerable especially Piero de gli Albizi Lapo da Castiglionochio and Carlo Strozzi for the fear of being admonished made all people respect them And though the insolence of their proceedings disgusted many more yet none look'd upon it with so much indignation as the Family of the Ricci who had been the occasion of that disorder which was not only like to be the ruine
their young Hostage into Prison and dispatch'd supplies to Bagno and those parts to secure them and made that Country dependant upon themselves Gherardo a Traitor in the mean time both to his friends and his Son had much ado to escape leaving his Wife Family and fortune in the hands of his Enemies This accident was lookt upon as a great deliverance in Florence for had the King made himself Master of those parts he might with little expenso have overrun all as far as Valdi Tevere and Casentino and brought such distraction upon their affairs that the Florentines must have divided their Army and been disabled thereby from attending the Aragonian forces about Sienna with their Army entire Besides the provisions which the Florentines had made in Italy to oppose the confederacy of their Enemies they sent Agriolo Acciaivoli their Embassador into France to negotiate with that King for the sending King Rinato d' Angio into Italy in the behalf of the Duke and themselves and to represent to him that coming thither for the defence of his friends when he was once entred and had settled them he might set up his own claim to the Kingdom of Naples and they would be engag'd to assist him and so whilst in Lombardy and Tuscany the War was carried on as we have related in France the Treaty was concluded and Rinato oblig'd in Iune to come into Italy with 2400 Horse and the League on the other side obliged at his arrival at Alexandria to pay him 30000 Florens and 10000 per men afterwards whilst the War should continue but being ready upon this stipulation to pass into Italy he was obstructed by the Duke of Savoy and the Marquess of Monferrat who were friends to the Venetians and would not suffer him to pass Hereupon Rinato was desired by the Florentine Embassador to march with his Forces into Provence and for the encouragement and reputation of his friends to pass himself and part of them into Italy by Sea leaving the rest in Provence till the King of France should prevail with the duke of Savoy that they might march through his Country and as the Embassador advised it was done for Rinato went by Sea and the rest at the King of France's mediation were permitted to pass into Italy through the Dominions of the Duke of Savoy King Rinato was received by the Duke of Milan with all the demonstrations of Kindness imaginable and having joyned their Forces they assaulted the Venetians with such terror that in a little time all the Towns they had taken about Cremona were recovered and not contented with them they took almost all the Country of Brescia for the Venetian Army not thinking it self secure in the field was retreated under the very walls of that City Winter coming on and the Duke at Verona he thought fit for the refreshment of his men to put them into quarters and consigned Piazenza for the quarters of Rinato where having remained all that Winter in the year 1453 without any action considerable when the spring was come and the Duke resolved to draw into the field and drive the Venetians out of all they had upon the terra firma Rinato signified to the Duke that of necessity he must return into France This resolution of Rinato's was unexpected to the Duke and gave him no little anxiety He went to him immediately himself and endeavoured with all possible importunity to dissuade him but neither prayers nor promises could prevail with him any farther than to leave part of his forces with them and to engage himself to send his Son Giovanni who in his room should continue in the service of the League How unwelcome so ever it was to the Duke Rinato's departure was not at all displeasing to the Florentines for having recover'd what they had lost themselves and being grown fearless of Alfonso they had no maw that the Duke should get more than his own Towns in Lombardy Rinato continuing his resolution departed for France and as he had promis'd sent his Son Giovanni into Italy who staid not in Lombardy but remov'd presently to Florence where he was honorably entertain'd This departure of Rinato dispos'd Duke Francesco to peace the Venetians the Florentines and Alfonso were all weary of the War and ready to embrace it and the Pope desir'd it above all by reason that that very year Mahomet the great Turk had taken Constantinople and made himself Master of all Greece which alarm'd all Christendom but especially the Venetians and the Pope who imagined already they felt his Talons in Italy The Pope therefore desired all the Potentates of Italy that they would send their several Plenipotentiaries to him to negotiate a general peace His motion being accepted and the Embassadors met when they came to the matter so much difficulty arose as there was but small hopes of accommodation Alfonso required that the Florentines should reinburse him for all the charges he had been at in the War and the Florentines expected the same The Venetians demanded Cremona of the Duke and the Duke Bergamo Brescia and Crema of them So that these difficulties seem'd impossible to be remov'd Nevertheless what was so desperate at Rome among so many was easily concluded betwixt two of them at Milan and Venice for whilst the peace was negotiating at Rome and proceeded thus slowly on the ninth of April 1454 it was determined betwixt the Duke and the Venetians that each of them should be restor'd to what they were possess'd of before the War That the Duke should have liberty to recover what the Marquess of Monferrat and the Duke of Savoy had taken from him and that three months time should be allow'd to the rest of the Princes of Italy to come in The Pope the Florentines the Siennesi and other little Potentates came in within the time prefix'd and ratifi'd it and the Venetians Florentines and Duke made a peace betwixt them three for 25 years Alfonso was the only Prince of Italy who seem'd to be refractory conceiving he could not concur without diminution in respect he was to be admitted rather as an auxiliary than a principal upon which score he continued irresolute a good while and would not declare at length upon several Embassies from the Pope and other Princes he suffered himself to be prevailed upon and he and his Son entred into the League for 30 years After which the King and the Duke made several alliances and cross-matches together marrying their Sons and Daughters reciprocally into one another families Yet that Italy might not be left without feed or foundation for a new War Alfonso would not enter into the League till he had leave by consent of the colleagues to make War upon the Genoeses and Gismondo Malatesta and Astorre Prince of Faenza Peace being concluded upon those terms Ferrando Alfonso's Son who had been at Sienna returned into Naples having done nothing considerable in Tuscany but lost many of his Men. This Peace
of his Towns But whilst the War was carried on in that Kingdom with such variety an accident happen'd which rob'd Giovanni of his opportunity of compleating that enterprize The Genoesi were extreamly dissatified with the insolent Government of the French had taken Arms against the Governor and forc'd him into the Castle in this action the Fregosi and Adorni concur'd and the Duke of Milan supplyed them both with mony and men King Rinato passed that way with a fleet towards the relief of his Son imagining by the help of the Castle he might recover the Town and landing his men in order thereunto he was beaten in such sort that he was forc'd back into Provence This news dismaid Giovanni not a little however he gave not his enterprize over but continued the War by the help of such Barons whose revolt from Ferrando had render'd them desperate of pardon at length after many occurencies both Armies came to a Battle near Troia in which Giovanni was routed but his defeat troubled him not so much as the loss of Piccinino who left his side and went back again to Ferrando His Army being broke he got off into Histria and from thence into France This War continued 4 years and miscarried by the negligence of the General when the Souldiers had many times overcome In this War however the Florentines were not publickly concern'd The truth is upon the death of Alfonso his Son Iohn of Aragon being come to that Crown sent his Embassadors to desire their assistance for his Nephew Ferrando according to their obligation by their late League with Alfonso but the Florentines returned that they did not think themselves oblig'd to assist the Son in a quarrel commenced by the Father and as it was begun without their consent or knowledg so without any assistance from them it might be continued or ended Whereupon in behalf of their King the Embassadors protested them guilty of the breach of the League and responsible for all the losses which should follow and having done that in a great huff they departed During the revolutions in this War the Florentines were at quiet abroad but at home it was otherwise as shall be shown more particularly in the following Book THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE BOOK VII IN the reading of the last Book it may appear possibly impertinent and a digression for a Writer of the Florentine History to have broke out and expatiated upon the affairs of Lombardy and Naples Yet I have done it and shall do it for the future for though I never profess'd to write the transactions of Italy yet I never bound my self up from giving a relation of such important and memorable passages as would make our History more grateful and intelligible especially seeing from the actions of other Princes and States wars and troubles did many times arise in which the Florentines were of necessity involved for example the War betwixt Giovanni d' Angio and King Ferrando proclaimed in them so great a hatred and animosity one towards the other that it was continued afterwards betwixt Ferrando and the Florentines and more particularly the House of Medici For King Ferrando complaining not only that they had refus'd him their assistance but given it to his Enemies that resentment of his was the occasion of much mischief as will be shown in our narration And because in my description of our Foreign affairs I am advanc'd to the year 1463. being return'd to our domestick it will be necessary to look back for several years But first by way of introduction as my custom I shall say that they who imagine a Commonwealth may be continued united are egregiously mistaken True it is dissention does many times hurt but sometimes it advantages a State It hurts when it is accompanied with parties and factions it helps when it has none Seeing therefore it is impossible for any Legislator or founder of a republick to provide there should be no piques nor unkindnesses betwixt Men it is his business what he can to secure them against growing into parties and Clans It is then to be consider'd that there are two ways for Citizens to advance themselves to reputation among their Neighbours and they are either publickly or privatly The Publick way is by gaining some battle surprizing and distressing some Town performing some Embassy carefully and prudently or counselling their State wisely and with success the private way is by being kind to their fellow Citizens by defending them from the Magistrats supplying them with mony promoting them to honors and with plays and publick exhibitions to ingratiate with the People This last way produces parties and factions and as the reputation acquir'd that way is dangerous and fatal so the other way it is beneficial if it sides with no party as extending to the publick And although among Citizens of such qualification there must needs be emulations and jealousies yet wanting partisans and People which for their advantage will follow them they are rather a convenience than otherwise to a Government for to make themselves more eminent and conspicuous than their Competitors they imploy all their faculties for its advancement prying and observing one anothers actions so strictly that neither dares venture to transgress The emulations in Florence were always with faction and for that reason always were dangerous nor was any party unanimous any longer than it had an adverse party in being for that being overcome and the predominant party having no fear nor order to restrain it subdivided on course Cosimo de Medici's party prevail'd in the year 1434 but the depress'd party being great and many powerful Men amongst them for a while they continued unanimous and supportable committing no exorbitance among themselves nor injustice to the People which might beget them their hatred Insomuch as when ever they had use of the People for their readvancement to any place of authority they found them always ready to confer it upon the chief of that party whether it was the Balia or any other power which they desir'd and so from the year 1434 to 55 which was 21 years they were six times created of the Balia by the Counsels of the People There were in Florence as we have many times hinted two principal Citizens Cosimo de Medici and Neri Capponi Neri had gain'd his reputation in the publick way and had many friends but few partisans Cosimo on the other side had advanc'd himself both ways and had friends and partisans both and these two continuing friends whilst they lived together they could ask nothing of the People but it was readily granted because unanimity went along with the Power But Neri dying in the year 1455 and the adverse party being extinct the Government found great difficulty to recover its authority and Cosimo's great friends were the cause of it who were willing to detract from his authority now his adversaries were suppress'd This was the beginning of the divisions in 1466 in which year in
their differences with the Pope Siena being free they delivered from their apprehensions of the King by the Duke of Calabria drawing away with his Army out of Tuscany and the War continuing with the Turks they pressed the King so hard to the restitution of such places as the Duke of Calabria at his departure had committed to the keeping of the Sanesi that he began to fear the Florentines might desert him and by making War upon the Sanesi hinder the assistance which he expected from the Pope and the rest of the Princes of Italy whereupon he caused them all to be delivered and by several new favours reobliged the Florentines to him from whence we may observe that it is interest and necessity not their hands or their words which make Princes keep their promises These Castles being restored and the new League confirmed Lorenzo de Medici gained greater reputation than the War first and after the peace when they were jealous of the King had taken from him For at that time there wanted not those who calumniated him openly as one who to preserve himself had sold his Country and as by the War they had lost their Towns by the peace they should lose their liberty But when the Towns were restored and honorable peace concluded with the King and the City returned to its ancient reputation the People who are generally greedy to talk and judge of things more by the success than the Counsel changed their note presently and cryed up Lorenzo to the skies as one who had gained more by his management in that peace than their ill fortune had got them by the War and that his prudence and judgment had done what all the Armies and power of their Enemies could not This descent of the Turks defer'd the War which the Pope and the Venetians upon provocation of that peace had designed against them but as the beginning of the Turkish invasion was unexpected and produced much good so the end of it was unlooked for and the occasion of much mischief for Mahomet the Grand Signore died suddenly and difference arising betwixt his Sons those who were landed in Puglia being abandoned by their Lord came to an agreement with the King of Naples and delivered up Otranto into his hands This fear therefore being removed which kept the Pope and the Venetians quiet every one began to be apprehensive of new troubles On the one side the Pope and the Venetian were in League and with them Genoesi Sanesi and other lesser Potentates On the other side were the Florentines the King of Naples the Duke of Milan and with them the Bolognesi and several other little States The Venetian had a design upon Ferrara they thought they had reason enough to attempt it and hopes enough to carry it The reason was because the Marquess had declared himself obliged no longer to receive either their Visdomine or their falt for by compact after 70 years that City was to be exempt both from the one and the other to which the Venetians replyed that so long as he retained the Polesine so long he was to receive the Visdomine and the Salt but the Marquess refusing they thought they had just occasion to take Arms and their opportunity was convenient seeing the Pope in such indignation both against the Florentines and King to oblige him the more Count Girolamo being by accident at Venice was honorably treated made a Gentleman of that City and had all the priviledges and immunities of a Citizen conferred upon him which is a particular favour and shows always the great esteem they bear to the Person which receives it In preparation for this War they laid new taxes upon their subjects and for their General they had chosen Roberto da San Severino who upon some difference betwixt him and Lodovick Duke of Milan fled to Tortona and having made some tumults there he got off to Genoa from whence he was invited by the Venetians and made General of their Army The news of these preparations coming to the ears of the League they prepared themselves accordingly The Duke of Milan chose Federigo Lord of Urbin for his General The Florentines Costanzo di Pesaro and to sound the Pope and discover whether these proceedings of the Venetians were by his consent King Ferrando sent the Duke of Calabria with his Army to quarter upon the Tronto and desired leave of his Holiness that they might pass thorow his territories from thence into Lombardy to the relief of the Marquess which being absolutely denied the Florentines and King thinking that a sufficient declaration of his mind resolved to attempt it by force and try if that they could make him their friend or at least give him such impediments as should hinder his supplying of the Venetians who had already taken the field invaded the Marquess overrun most of the Country and clap'd down with their Army before Figarolo a Castle of great importance to the affairs of that Prince The King and the Florentines having in the mean time concluded to fall upon the Pope Alfonso Duke of Calabria marched his Army towards Rome and by the help of the Collennesi who were joyned with him in opposition to the Orsini who sided with the Pope he committed great spoils all over that Country On the other side the Florentines under the command of Nicolo Vitelli assaulted the City of Castello took it turned out Lorenzo who had kept it for the Pope and gave it to Nicolo as Prince the Pope was at this time in very great anxiety Rome was full of factions within and the Enemy in the Country without Nevertheless like a couragious Prince resolved to overcome not to yield to his Enemies he entertained for his General Roberto da Rimino and inviting him to Rome where he had assembled all the forces he could make he represented how great an honor it would be to him if he could rescue the Church from the calamities which were upon it and that not only himself and his successors but God Almighty would reward him Roberto having taken a view of his Army and all the Magazines he persuaded the Pope to raise him what foot he could more which was done with great diligence and expedition The Duke of Calabria was all this while forraging about that Country and making his inroads to the very walls of the City which netled and provoked the Citizens so as many of them came freely and offered their service to remove them which Roberto with many thanks and great expressions of kindness accepted The Duke understanding their preparations thought fit to draw farther off from the City supposing that Roberto would not venture to follow him at any distance from the Town besides he had some expectation of his Brother Federigo who was to come to him with fresh supplies from his Father Roberto finding himself equal in Horse and superior in foot drew his Army out of the Town and directing towards the Enemy he encamped within two
but in the carelesness or defect of the Magistrate of which we have a fresh and memorable example There is scarce any body ignorant that of late years the English invaded France and entertained no Souldiers but their own and yet though England had had no wars of thirty years before and had neither Officer nor Souldier who had ever seen a Battel they ventured to attack a Kingdom where the Officers were excellent the Souldiers very good having been trained up for several years together in the Italian wars This proceeded from the prudence of the Prince and the excellence of that Government in which though in times of peace the exercise of Arms is not intermitted Pelopidas and Epaminondas having relieved Thebes and rescued it from the tyranny of the Spartans finding themselves in the middle of a servile and effeminate people they so ordered it by their virtue and discipline that they brought them to the use of Arms took the field with them against the Spartans and overthrew them From whence that Historian infers that there are Souldiers not only in Lacedemon but where-ever there are men if there be any body to exercise and train them which Tullus performed most exquisitely among the Romans and is most excellently expressed by Virgil in these words Desidesque movebit Tullus in arma viros No soft unactive people Tullus knows But trains up all promiscuously to blows CHAP. XXII What is to be observed from the Combat betwixt the three Roman Horatii and the three Alban Curiatii BY Articles betwixt Tullus King of Rome and Metius King of Alba it was agreed that whichsoever of the two sides should overcome that King should have the dominion of the other The Curiatii were all killed but one of the Horatii being left Metius and his Albans fell into subjection to the Romans Horatius returning in great triumph into the City and meeting a Sister of his who was married to one of the Curiatii lamenting the loss of her Husband in a great passion he killed her for which inhumanity being brought to his trial he was after many arguments discharged but more upon his Fathers intercession than his own merits In which accident there were three things considerable that we are never to venture our whole fortune upon the success of a Party another is that offences and deserts are not equally rewarded a well-ordered City the third that no compact is well made where the performance is or ought to be suspected For to become servile and in subjection to another City is a thing of such moment and importance that it is not to be believed that any Prince or State whatsoever should be content that their liberty should be exposed to the success or courage of three of their Citizens and this was evident in Metius for though upon the Victory of the Romans he seemed to acquiesce and promised obedience as by Articles was agreed yet in the first Expedition the Romans undertook against the Veientes 't is manifest he would have deceived Tullus as one who repented of the covenants which he had made but because of the third we have spoken largely already in the next two Chapters we shall speak only of the other two CHAP. XXIII That our whole fortune is not to be ventured upon part of our force and that for that reason the keeping of passes is many times dangerous IT was never thought discretion to put your whole fortune in danger unless your whole force was ready to defend it This error is committed several ways one is when like Tullus and Metius they commit the fortune and virtue of so many men as either of them had in their Army to the fortune and virtue of three particular persons which was but a pitiful part of either of their strength not considering how by that agreement all the pains which their Predecessors had taken to establish their liberty and enable their fellow Citizens to defend it was rendred vain and ineffectual by putting it into the power of three persons to destroy it than which in my judgment those two Kings could not have done worse Another great error is when upon the approach of an enemy we trust all to the keeping of an avenue or the defence of a pass unless it may be done with our whole force in that case indeed the resolution is good but if the passage be narrow and not room enough for your whole power it is uncertain and dangerous and that which persuades me to be of that opinion is the example of such as having been invaded by a potent Enemy though their Country was environed with Mountains and Rocks yet they would not attend and engage the Enemy upon the passes or Mountains but marched out of their holds to encounter him or else which is as bad they forsook their advantages and expected him in some plain or convenient place within And the reason is as aforesaid because many men cannot be brought to defend such places as are Rocky for want of subsistance and the passage being streight it can receive but few people and by consequence is not able to sustain the insult of a very great Army and the Enemy may bring as may as he pleases to attack it because his business is not to fix there but to pass thorow and be gone whereas he who is to defend it cannot be in any considerable Body being by reason of the uncertainty of the Enemies approach to lie there continually though as I said before the places are both barren and streight Having lost therefore that pass which you imagined to keep and upon which your Army and People did wholly rely the remainder of your Army and Subjects are possessed with such a fear that you can have no farther trial of their courage but all goes to wrack and your whole fortune lost but with part of your Army With what difficulty Hannibal passed the Alps betwixt France and Lombardy and betwixt Lombardy and Tuscany there is no body ignorant nevertheless the Romans chose rather to attend him upon the Tesin and afterwards in the plain of Arezzo where the danger was equal both to the Enemy and them than to carry their Army up into the clouds upon the Rocks and the Snow to be consumed by the incommodity of the place before the Enemy came at them And whosoever shall read History deliberately shall find few great Captains that would coop themselves up in such passes and streights not only for the reasons abovesaid but because all of them cannot be stop'd the Mountains in that respect being like the fields having not only their Roads and High-ways but by-paths and passages which though not observed by Strangers are well enough known to the Inhabitants who will be always ready to conduct the Enemy to remove them farther off who lie constantly upon them Of this a late Example may be brought in the year 1515 when Francis King of France design'd to pass into Italy for the recovery of
contrary receive Money from it 't is as infallible a sign of its weakness If one reads the Roman History he shall find the Massilians the Edui the Rhodians Hiero of Syracuse and Massiâ—issa as they were Neighbors so they were Tributaries to the Romans contributing to their expences and Taxes as there was occasion without expectation of any other recompence but protection Where a Prince or Commonwealth is weak it is otherwise as it appeared by our own City of Florence which in former times when it was in its greatest reputation paid annual stipends to most of the little Governments in Romania besides what was received by the Perugians Castellans and all their other Neighbors whereas had it been strong and well Armed it would have been quite otherwise and all the rest would have given Florence Money for her protection Nor were the Florentines singular in this case the Venetians did the same and so did the King of France who notwithstanding the greatness of his Kingdom was tributary to the Swizzers and the King of England which proceeded from his having disarmed the people and preferring a present opportunity of squeezing them and avoiding an imaginary danger before the doing those things that might have secured his State and made it happy for ever which practice though for some time it may produce quiet and repose yet the end is troubles and losses and ruine without remedy It would be too tedious to recount how often the Florentines the Venetians and the Kingdom of France have bought off their Wars and submitted to such dishonorable terms as the Romans could never be brought to but once It would be too tedious to recount how many Towns the Florentines and the Venetians have brought with their Mony which have been the occasion of great disorders afterwards and prov'd that what is gotten by gold is not to be kept with iron This point of generosity and this manner of living the Romans observed very punctually whilst they were free but after they fell under the Government of Emperors and those Emperors grew bad they began to degenerate too and prefer the shadow before the Sun They began to be Pensionaries first to the Parthians then to the Germans and by degrees to all their Neighbors which was the first step to the ruine of that great Empire and â—ll these inconveniences proceeded from the disarming of the people and neglecting to train them up to Military Discipline from whence a greater mischief does arise and that is That the nearer the Enemy approaches the weaker and more unable he finds you and therefore not being strong enough of your self to repel the Enemy from your borders you are forced to pay tribute to your Neighbors to undertake it for you which being to be raised and extorted from your Subjects renders them more feeble and impotent By which means it happens sometimes that those States which are in this condition may perhaps make some little resistance upon the Frontiers but if the Enemy passes that all is gone without remedy But all this is disorderly and unnatural for as nature in all animals has fortified the vital and principal and not extream parts of the body because the body can subsist without the one but not without the other So 't is in all Governments the heart and center is to be fortified rather than the Frontiers But this was very ill observed by the Florentines for whenever an Enemy had past our borders and took his way towards the City there was no body in a condition to oppose him It was the same with the Venetians not many years since and had not their City been as it were swadled with the Sea it had been certainly destroyed This indeed has not been seen so frequently in France because it is so great a Kingdom and too strong for most of its neighbours nevertheless when in the year 1513 they were invaded by the English the whole Kingdom trembled and the King of France himself and many others were of opinion that if he lost one Battel the whole Kingdom was gone With the Romans it was quite contrary the nearer the Enemy approached the City the stronger he found it this was evident in Hanibal's invasion though he had forc'd his way into Italy fought three great Battels with the Romans and beat them in every one though they had lost so many brave Souldiers and Officers yet they were not only able to continue the War but to conquer them atlast and all by fortifying the heart and center of their Country and leaving the extremities to shift for themselves for the vitals and fundamentals of their State was the People of Rome the Country of the Latins the neighbouring Cities that were in League and their Colonies from whence they drew so many Souldiers as were able to fight and entertain the whole World And this Hanno the Carthaginian understood very well for when after the Battel at Cannas Hanibal sent Mago to Carthage to give them an account of the particulars of the Victory Mago having exceedingly magnified the exploits of his Brother and debased the Condition of the Romans Hanno interrupted him and enquir'd whether any of the Roman Cities or any of their Confederates had revolted whether any of their Senators were come in to Hanibal or whether they had sent any Embassadors to him to treat and when Mago denied that any thing of all this had passed Hanno replyed Hostium ergo multum superest bellum tam integrum habemus atque habuimus qua die Annibal Italian est ingressus There is work enough behind and the War is as entire as when Hanibal passed first into Italy It is apparent therefore both by what is said in this Chapter and what has been said often before that there is great difference betwixt the present and ancient methods of the Romans and if we seriously consider it we shall not wonder that so many Towns are taken and lost and so many Governments subverted as we have seen in our days for where discipline is neglected and military virtue laid aside all things are committed wholly to Fortune which being various and unconstant produces various mutations and this vicissitude and unconstancy of affairs will continue till some excellent person arises to restore the ancient discipline and restrain fortune from giving such evidences of her power every hour of the day CHAP. XXXI How dangerous it is to believe Exiles too far I Think it not amiss in this place to shew how much it imports all persons not to give too much credit to those who are banished for many times they are but the practices and stratagems of Princes and States We have a memorable example of their inconstancy in Livy though something improper When Alexander the Great passed into Asia with his Army Alexander of Epirus his Kinsman and Unckle passed with another into Italy invited by the Exiles of Lucca who put him in hopes that by their means he should be Master of that whole
French at the Seige of Novarra where they were attacht and beaten by the Swizzers CHAP. XI One person that has many Enemies upon his hands though he be inferiour to them yet if he can sustain their first impression carries commonly the Victory THe power of the Tribunes of the people was great and necessary in the City of Rome to correct the ambition of the Nobility who otherwise would have debauch'd the said City much sooner than they did But as it happens in other things so it happened in this in the best and most beneficial thing to the Commonwealth there was an occult and remote evil that lay snug which required new Laws and new methods to suppress For the insolence of the Tribunitial authority grew so great that it became terrible both to the Senate and people and had doubtlesly produced some great mischief to the Commonwealth had not Appius Claudius by his great wisdom found out a way to temper and ballance their fury by the intercession of their Colleagues and the way was by choosing out some person among the Tribunes whom either out of fear or corruption or love to his Country they could dispose to withstand the designs of his Brethren and oppose himself against them whenever their resolutions were tending to the diminution of the Nobility or prejudice of the State Which way of restraining the petulancy of the Tribunes was for a long time of great advantage to the Romans and may give us occasion to consider whether a combination of several great persons against one less powerful than they whilst united is like to be successful against him that is alone or whether the single person has the advantage against the Confederacy I answer That those whose Forces are united are many times stronger but their performances are seldom so great as the single persons though he be nothing so strong for committing an infinite number of other things in which the single person has the advantage he will be able with a little industry to break and divide and enfeeble them To this purpose there is no need of going to antiquity for examples where there is plenty enough the passages of our own times will furnish us sufficiently In the year 1484 all Italy confederated against the Venetian who when they were so over-powr'd and distress'd that they were unable to keep the field found a way to work off Count Lodavic Governor of Milan from their League by which means they not only obtained a Peace and restitution of what they had lost but they got a good part of the Dutchy of Ferrara so that they whose Forces were too weak to appear before the Enemy when they came to treat were the greatest gainers by the War Not many years since the whole Christian world seemed to conspire against France yet before the end of the War the Spaniard fell off from the League made his Peace with the French and forced the rest of the Confederates one after one to do the same And from hence we may easily collect that as often as many Princes or States are confederated together against any single Prince or Commonwealth if the single Prince and Commonwealth be strong enough to withstand their first impression and spin out the War he will certainly prevail but if his force be not sufficient to do that he is in extraordinary danger as it happen'd to the Venetians for had they been able to have sustained their first shock and protracted the War till they had debauched some of the Confederates the French had never done them so much mischief and they had preserv'd themselves from ruine But their Army being too weak to confront them and their time too little to divide them they were undone and this is evident by what happen'd afterward for as soon as the Pope had recovered what he had lost he reconciled himself and became their friend the Spaniard did the same and both of them would have been glad to have continued Lombardy to the Venetians rather than the French should have got it and made himself so considerable in Italy The Venetians at that time might have prevented a great part of their calamities had they given some small part of their Territory to the Enemy and thereby have secured the rest but then they must have given it in time and so as it might not have appeared to have been done by necessity as they might well have done before the War was commenced when that was begun it would have been dishonourable and perhaps ineffectual But before those troubles there were few of the Venetian Citizens that could foresee a danger fewer that could remedy it and none at all that could advise To conclude therefore this Chapter I do pronounce that as the Roman remedy against the ambition of their Tribunes was the multitude of them out of which they always found some or other that they could make for the interest of the Publick so it is a ready remedy for any Prince that is engaged against a confederate Enemy when he can break their League and work any of the Confederates to a separation CHAP. XII A wise General is to put a necessity of fighting upon his own Army but to prevent it to his Enemies WE have formerly discoursed of what use and importance necessity is in humane Exploits and shown how many men compelled by necessity have done glorious things and made their memories immortal Moral Philosophers have told us That the Tongue and the Hands are noble Instruments of themselves yet they had never brought things to that exactness and perfection had not necessity impelled them The Generals therefore of old understanding well the virtue of this necessity and how much more desperate and obstinate their Soldiers were rendered thereby made it their care to bring their Soldiers into a necessity of fighting and to keep it from their Enemies to which end they many times opened a passage for the Enemies Army which they might easily have obstructed and precluded it to their own when they might as easily have passed Whoever therefore desires to make his Garrison stout and couragious and obstinate for the defence of a Town or to render his Army pertinacious in the Field is above all things to reduce them into such a necessity or at least to make them believe it So that a wise General who designs the besieging of a Town judges of the easiness or difficulty of the expugnation from the necessity which lies upon the Citizens to defend themselves If the necessity of their defence be great his enterprize is the more difficult because the courage and obstinacy of the besieged is like to be the greater but where there is no such necessity there is no such danger Hence it is that revolted Towns are much harder to be recovered than they were to be taken at first for at first having committed no fault they were in fear of no punishment and therefore surrendered more easily But in the other case
them all to the sword that they might have taken no revenge but he took the middle way Quae neque amicos parat neque inimicos tollit Which neither multiply'd his friends nor lessened the number of his foes Which way has always been pernitious in matters of state as has been shewn elsewhere CHAP. XLI That ones Country is to be defended by all means and whether honourable or dishonourable it imports not 't is well defended THe Roman Army and their Consul as is said before were block'd up by the Samnites who having proposed terms to them which were very dishonourable as that they should be dismissed sub jugum and disarm'd in token of bondage and then sent back again to Rome The Consuls were amazed at the motion and the whole Army was in despair when Lentulus the Roman Legate stood up and told them that in his judgment no conditions were to be scrupled at that time when their Country was at stake for the safety of Rome consisting in the safety of that Army the Army was to be preserved and that Country which is defended is well defended let the way be as it will honourable or not honourable it matters not for if that Army was preserved in time Rome might work off that disgrace but if it were lost though it perished never so bravely Country and Liberty and all would be lost with it and so his Counsel was followed And this ought to be considered and observed by every man whose office it is to advise for the good of his Country for where the safety of that is in question no other consideration ought to be coincident as whether the way be just or unjust merciful or cruel honourable or dishonourable but postponing all other respects you are to do that which shall procure the safety of your Country and preservation of its liberty And this is effectually imitated by the French both in their words and deeds whenever the Majesty of their Prince or the interest of their Country is at stake For there is nothing they bear with less patience than to hear a man say such a thing is dishonourable for their King for they believe their King uncapable of dishonour be his Counsels or his fortune what they will because whether he wins or loses or whatever is done all makes for the King CHAP. XLII That forc'd Promises are not binding THe Consuls being returning to Rome with their Army disarmed and a scandal upon them for the dishonourable conditions to which they had submitted the first who spake against the keeping them was S. Postumius the Consul who persuaded the Senate that only himself and those who accepted them were obliged thereby and that they did not extend to the people of Rome wherefore if the people of Rome would be never so exact the most that could be expected from them would be but to deliver up him and all those who had engaged themselves into the hands of the Samnites and this he maintained with so much obstinacy and zeal that the Senate was â—onvinced and sent him and the rest back Prisoners to the Samnites with a protestation against the Peace as not extending to them and fortune was so favourable to Postumius in the business that the Samnites not retaining him he return'd to Rome and was in greater reputation there after his loss than Pontius was among the Samnites after his Victory And here there are two things more particularly remarkable One is That there is no action but is capable of producing honour and renown in victory there is nothing more frequent In loss it is possible by making it appear that it came not by your fault or else by doing some action presently after that may recompense and repair it The other is That it is not scandalous to break such promises as are extorted by force For in promises relating to the publick if they be obtained by force when the force ceases the promise ceaseth with it and may be neglected without any disgrace Of this all History is full of examples and there is not a day but presents us with new For as we see Princes make no Conscience of performing any thing that they are obliged to by force especially if the force be removed so they are as little tender of their promises in other things when the cause which press'd them to promise is taken away which whether commendable or not in a Prince or binding or not binding I shall not determine in this place having spoken of it so largely in my Treatise called The Prince CHAP. XLIII Those who are born in the same Country retain almost the same Nature thorow all the variety of times WIsemen were wont to say and perhaps not unworthily That he who would know what will be must consider what has been already because there is nothing in the world now nor will be hereafter but what has and will have conformity with the productions of former times and the reason is because proceeding from men who have and have had always the same passions they must necessarily have the same effects 'T is true indeed their actions are sometimes better and more virtuous in this Province than in that and in that more than in another according to the difference of their Education for from the manner of their breeding people take the first rudiments of their conversation and it makes it more easie to conjecture future events by what is passed when we see some Nations retaining their humours and peculiarities a long time So one Nation has been always covetous another fraudulent and so on the other side one has been constantly famous for one virtue and another for another He who peruses the passages of old in our very City of Florence and compares them with our modern will find that it has been all along exposed to the avarice pride cruelty and falshood of the Germans and French Every one knows how unfaithfully we have been dealt withal How often Charles VIII of France received our Money and promised to restore the Citadels at Pisa but never perform'd which was a great instance of his infidelity and avarice But to wave such recent examples every one knows what hapned in the War betwixt the Florentines and the Visconti Dukes of Milan The Florentines being destitute of other expedients resolved to bring the Emperor into Italy to fall upon Lombardy with all his power and reputation The Emperor engaged to bring a great Army into Italy to make War upon the Visconti and to defend Florence against them upon condition the Florentines pay'd him 100000 Ducats by way of advance and as much more when they came into Italy The Florentines agreed paid their first Money down and the rest when they enter'd Italy yet when he had marched as far as Verona he turned back without doing any thing complaining of the Florentines for want of performance So that had not Florence been under some extraordinary necessity or passion or had they
be fighting but if you do not find it convenient in respect of the number of your Army the disadvantage of the place or some other consideration you would do well to turn them from that inclination It happens again that necessity or occasion constrains you to fight when your Souldiers are diffident or adverse in one case it is necessary that you affright them in the other that you excite them In the first case when remonstrances and exhortations will do not good the best way is to suffer some of them to be cut off by the enemy that those who have fought and those who have not may believe you another time What Fabius Maximus did by accident may be done on purpose and by art You know the Army of Fabius was very fierce to be fighting with Hanibal and his Master of the Horse was of the same mind with the Army Fabius was of another opinion and thought it better to protract and this diversity of opinions occasioned the dividing of the Army Fabius kept his division in his trenches the Master of the Horse went out fought was worsted and had certainly been cut off had not Fabius relieved him by which example the Master of the Horse and the whole Army were convinced that their wisest way was to have obeyed the orders of Fabius As to the other point of animating your Souldiers and raising their courages to a pitch it is good to incense them by possessing them of the contumacy and insolence of the enemy by pretending intelligence among them and that you have corrupted a considerable party by posting your Army so near them that they may see one another and skirmish with them slightly every day for things which are done daily we easily despise by counterfeiting your self angry and in a solemn and grave oration reprehending and upbraiding their backwardness and telling them that if they leave you you will charge the enemy alone But to make your Souldiers bold and couragious you are by no means to permit any of them to send any thing to their own houses or to deposit it any where else till the war be done that they may know that though in running home they may save their lives yet it must be with the loss of their prize the love of which renders people commonly as valiant as the love of their lives Zanobi You say that Souldiers may be encouraged and disposed to fight by a speech or oration do you intend it should be delivered to the whole Army or only to the Officers CHAP. IX A General ought to be skilful and eloquent to persuade or dissuade as he sees occasion Fabr. IT is an easie matter to persuade or dissuade any thing with a small number of persons because if words will not do you have force and authority to back them but the difficulty is to remove an opinion out of the heads of the multitude when it is contrary to your own judgment or the interest of the publick for there you can use nothing but words which must be heard and understood by every body if you would have every body convinced For this reason it is requisite an excellent General should be a good Orator to inflame or asswage the courage of his Souldiers as he has occasion for unless they can tell how to speak to a whole Army there is little good to be expected and yet in our times this way of haranguing them is quite laid aside Look over the Life of Alexander the Great and see how often he was put to it to speak in publick to his Army and had he not done it he would never have been able to have conducted it when laden with so much riches and prey thorow the deserts of Arabia and in India where it endured so much misery and distress for there is scarce a day but something or other happens that causes confusion and ruine to an Army where the General is either ignorant or careless of speaking to them The way of making speeches to them takes away their fear quickens their courage augments their confidence discovers their cheats secures their rewards remonstrates their dangers and the ways to avoid them In short by those kind of Orations a General reprehends entreats threatens encourages commâ—nds reproaches and does every thing that may either enhance or depress the passions of his men wherefore that Prince or that Commonwealth that should design to establish a new Militia and give it a reputation is to accustom his Souldiers to the harangues of their chief Officers and to chuse such Officers as know how to accost them CHAP. X. Certain considerations which encourage Souldiers and make them as virtuous as valiant Fabritio THe worship which the ancients paid to their Gods though they were false Religion and the Oath which was taken before they were listed in the Army was in those days sufficient to keep their Souldiers to their duty for upon every misdemeanor they were threatned not only with such punishments as they were to expect from their Officers but such as could be inflicted as they thought by nothing but their Gods which opinion being tempered with other religious ceremonies and superstitions made all enterprises easie to the Generals of those times and would do so still were we as careful and observant of our Religion as they were of theirs Sertorious knew how to make his advantage that way pretending conference with a white Hart which as he gave out among his Souldiers came from Heaven to assure him of Victory Sylla to make his designs the more credible pretended to discourse with an Image that he had taken out of the Temple of Apollo which directed him how he was to steer Others have pretended dreams and visions that have commanded them to fight in the days of our Fathers Charles the Seventh of France during his wars with the English pretended to be advised by a maid that was sent from Heaven to give him instructions which maid was called the Pucelle d' Orleans and gained him many a Victory There are other ways of making an Enemy contemptible Agesilaus the Spartan having taken several Persians strip'd them naked and shew'd them to his men to the end that seeing the delicacy and tenderness of their contexture they might have less occasion to fear them Some have by design brought their men into extremity that they might be necessitated to fight as having taken from them all hopes of preservation but in Victory which indeed is the surest and best way to make your Souldiers fight and to infuse courage into them and then this courage and obstinacy is highly encreased by their confidence in their General and their love to their Country Their love to their Country is natural their confidence in their Captain is more from his experience and conduct than from any thing else There may be many other obligations but none so strong as that which binds you either to conquer or dye THE FIFTH BOOK CHAP. I. How
and it continued in that Agony several years under three Berengarii successively during which time the Pope and the Church were under no the less perturbation having no refuge to fly to by reason of the dissention among the Western Princes and the impotence of the Eastern The City of Genoa and all its Territory upon the Rivers were over-run by the Saraâ—ens which by the resort of multitudes driven thither out of their own Countrey was the foundation of the Grandeur of Pisa. These Accidents happen'd in the year DCCCCXXXI But Ottone Son of Enricus and Matilda and Duke of Saxony coming to the Empire and being a man of great reputation for his Conduct and Prudence Agabito the Pope addressed himself to him imploring his Assistance in Italy against the Tyranny of the Berengarii The States of Italy in those days were Govern'd in this manner Lombardy was under the Jurisdiction of Berengarius the Third and Albertus his Son Tuscany and Romania under the Dominion of a Governour deputed by the Emperour of the West Puglia and Calabria were part under the Greek Empire and part under the Saracens In Rome two Consuls were created out of the Nobility every year according to ancient Custome to which a Prefect was added to administer Justice to the people They had moreover a Counsel of Twelve who provided Governours annually for all Towns under their Jurisdiction The Pope had more or less power in Rome and in all Italy according as his favour was more or less with the Emperour or other persons which were more potent than he Ottone to gratifie his request came into Italy with an Army fought with the Berengarii drove them out of their Kingdom which they had injoy'd 55 years and restor'd the Pope to his former dignity Ottone had a Son and a Grand-Child of his own Name both which one after the other succeeded in the Empire and in the time of Ottone the Third Pope Gregory the Fifth was expelled by the Romans Ottone undertook a new Expedition into Italy in his behalf and having once again re-establish'd him in his Chair the Pope to be reveng'd of the Romans took from them the power of Creating the Emperours and conferr'd it upon six German Princes Three Bishops 〈◊〉 Treves and Colen and Three temporal Princes the Duke of Brandenburg the Prince Palatine of the Rhine and the Duke of Saxony and this happen'd in the year 1002. After the death of Ottone the Third Enrico Duke of Bavaria was created Emperour by the said Electors and was Crown'd twelve years after by Stephanus the Eighth Enricus and Simeonda his Wife were eminent for their Piety having as a Testimony of it built and endow'd several Churches and among the rest that of S. Miniato near the City of Florence In the year 1024 Enrico died was succeeded by Corrado of Suevia and he by Enrico II who coming to Rome and finding a Schism in the Church and three Popes in being at the same time he degraded them all and causing Clement II. to be elected was Crown'd Emperour by him Italy was then govern'd partly by the People partly by Princes and partly by the Emperours Ministers the chiefest of which to whom the rest did in all matters of importance refer had the Title of Chancellor Among the Princes the most powerful was Gottifredus Husband to the Countess Matilda who was Sister to Enricus II. She and her Husband had the possession of Lucca Parma Reggio and Mantua with all that Countery which is now call'd the Patrimony of the Church The Popes at that time had no small trouble upon their hands by reason of the ambition of the people of Rome who having at first made use of the Papal Authority to free themselves of the Emperours as soon as the Popes had taken upon them the Regiment of the City and reform'd things as they thought good themselves of a sudden they became their Enemies and they receiv'd more injury from the people than from any other Christian Prince whatsoever Rebelling and mutining at the same time the Popes by their Censures made the whole West to tremble nor was the design of either of them less than to subvert the Authority and Reputation of the one and the other Nicolas II. arriving at the Popedom as Gregory V. had taken from the Romans the priviledge of creating the Emperour so he depriv'd them of their concurrence to the Election of the Pope restraining it wholly to the suffrage of the Cardinals nor contented with this by agreement with the Princes which Govern'd at that time in Puglia and Calabria for reasons which shall be mentioned hereafter he forc'd all the Officers sent thither by the people to assert their Jurisdiction to pay Allegiance to the Pope and some of them he displaced After Nicholaus was dead there happen'd a great Schism in the Church The Clergy of Lombardy would not yeild obedience to Alexander II. who was chosen at Rome but created Cadalo of Parma Anti-Pope Enrico detesting the extravagant dominion of the Popes sent to Alexander to resign and to the Cardinals that they should repair into Germany in order to a new Election so that he was the first Prince which was made sensible of the effects of their Spiritual Fulminations for the Pope calling together a new Council at Rome depriv'd him both of his Empire and Kingdom Some of the Italians following the Pope's and some of them the Emperours party was the foundation of that famous Faction betwixt the Guelfs and Ghibilins in so much that for want of forreign inundations by the Barbarians they turn'd their Arms upon themselves and tore out their own Bowels Enrico being Excommunicated was forc'd by his own Subjects to come into Italy where bare-footed and upon his knees he begg'd his Pardon of the Pope in the year MLXXX Notwithstanding all this not long after there happen'd a new quarrel betwixt Enrico and the Pope whereupon provok'd by a new Excommunication he sent his Son Enrico with an Army who by the Assistance of the Romans whose hatred the Pope had contracted besieg'd him in his Castle but Roberto Guiscardo coming from Puglia to his relief Enrico had not the courage to attend him but rais'd his Siege and retir'd into Germany However the Romans continued obstinate and Robert was forc'd to sack the Town and reduce it to its ancient Ruines from whence by several Popes it had been lately restor'd And because from this Roberto the Model of Government in the Kingdom of Naples did proceed it will not in my judgment be superfluous to give a particular Narrative both of his Countrey and Exploits Upon the differences betwixt Charlemain's Heirs as is said before a new Northern people call'd Normans took occasion to invade France and possess'd themselves of that part of it which is now call'd Normandy Of this people part went into Italy in the time when it was infested by the Berengarii the Saracens and Hunns setling
it a reputation the first thing they did was to ratifie the peace which Lorenzo had made with the King and they appointed Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi Embassadors to the Pope Notwithstanding this Peace the Duke of Calabria departed from the Country of Siena with his Army pretending he was retained by the dissentions of that City which were so great that being quartered not far off he was invited into the Town and their defferences referred to his arbitration The Duke accepted the overture fin'd several of the Citizens imprisoned several banished some and some he put to death so that he became suspicious not only to the Sienesi but to the Florentines also that his design was to make himself Prince of that City nor could they devise any remedy seeing they had entred into a League with the King and thereby made both Pope and Venetians their Enemies And this suspicion was not only got into the brains of the multitude in Florence a subtile interpreter of affairs but into the minds also of the Governors so that it was generally concluded the liberty of that City was never in more danger but God who has always had a particular care of it in all its extremities averted that evil and by an unexpected accident gave the King the Pope and the Venetians a diversion which imported them more than their advantages in Tuscany Mahomet the great Turk was with a great Army encamped before Rhodes and had lien before it several months though his forces were numerous and his diligence great yet the valour of the besieged was not to be mastered for they defended themselves so bravely he was forced to draw off and quit the siege with a great deal of dishonor Having left Rhodes he sent part of his Fleet under the command of Giacometto Bascia towards Velona and either upon consideration of the easiness of the enterprize or express command from the Grand Signore to that purpose coasting about Italy on a sudden he landed 6000 Men assaulted the City of Otranto took it plundered it killed all the Inhabitants and when he had done fortified both the Town and the harbour as much as possibly he could and with a good party of Horse scowred the whole Country about it The King being much alarmed at this invasion as knowing how great a Monarch he had to deal with sent his Embassadors about to every Body to let them know his condition and to beg their assistance against the common Enemy besides which he pressed the Duke of Calabria with all imaginable importunity to leave his designs at Siena and come back with all his forces this invasion though it was very dreadful to the Duke and all the rest of Italy yet it was welcome to Florence and Siena the one thinking its liberty most miraculously preserved and the other themselves as strangely delivered from those dangers which would of necessity have destroyed them Which opinion was much encreased by the unwillingness wherewith the Duke departed from Siena complaining and cursing his fortune which by so unreasonable and an unexpected accident had defeated him of the Dominion of Tuscany The same thing changed the Counsels of the Pope and whereas before he would never admit any Embassador from Florence he was grown now so meek he would hear any body speak of a general Peace and word was sent to the Florentines that when ever they found themselves enclined ask pardon of the Pope they would be sure to have it The Florentines thought not fit to slip so fair an occasion and therefore sent 12 Embassadors to the Pope who entertained them with diverse practices after they were arrived at Rome before he admitted them to audience yet at length it was adjusted how all Parties should comport for the future and what every one should contribute in time of Peace as well as in War after which the Embassadors were admitted to the feet of the Pope who was placed in great Pomp with his Cardinals about him The Embassadors to extenuate what had passed laid the fault sometimes upon their own necessities sometimes upon the malignity of other People sometimes upon the popular fury sometimes upon their own just indignation as being so unhappy to be forced either to fight or to die and because death is the most terrible of all things and all things will be tried before that will be embraced they had endured the War the excommunications and all the ill consequences which followed rather than suffer their liberty which is the life of a Commonwealth to be taken from them and extinguished nevertheless if their necessity had run them upon the rocks and forced them to do any thing which was displeasing to him they were ready to make him satisfaction and did hope according to the example of their gracious Redeemer he would be as ready to receive them into his most merciful Arms. To which excuses his Holiness replyed with great heat and indignation reproaching them by all the mischiefs which they had done to the Church nevertheless to preserve the Commandments of God he was contented to grant them their pardon as they desired but intimated withal that they were to be more obedient for the future and if again they transgressed that liberty which now they were only like to have lost should be then taken wholly and that justly away because they who deserved to be free were such as practised good things and not bad and liberty abused was destructive both to themselves and other People for to neglect their duty either to God or his Church was not the office of good Men but of such as were dissolute and lewd the correction of which belongeth not only to Princes but to all that are Christians so that for what was to be passed they were to lay the fault upon themselves who by their ill deeds had given occasion of the War and continued it by their worse but now that was at an end yet it was attributed more to the goodness of other People than any merit in them after which he gave them his benediction and the form of the agreement to which he had added besides what had been debated and concluded on in Counsel that if the Florentines expected any fruit from his blessing they should furnish out fifteen Gallies and keep them in their pay till the Turk was beaten out of Italy The Embassadors complained grievously to have an article of that weight superadded to what was concluded in the Treaty but by all the friends they could make and all the arts they could use they could not prevail to have it expunged whereupon returning to Florence that Senate to perfect the Peace sent Guid Antonio Vespucci who not long before was returned from France their Embassador to his Holiness and by his prudence he brought the terms to be tolerable and as a greater sign of his reconciliation received several other marks of his Holiness favour The Florentines having put an end to all