he is likely to gain in the greater and essential differences of Religion should he attempt any change therein Surely not much from the Pious and sober party of Protestants for I neither matter nor mention the ruder sort and ignorant rable Nay universall experience hath taught the World that where any kind of Religion is powerfull all force against it is weake and contemptible and much more against the true Reformed Religion as that wise and excellent Historian Thuanus shewes in the Preface to his History The other two are Calv. to his Instit Causaâ—â— to Polybius which is one of those three admirable Dedications to the Crown of France that are worthy to be read by all the Kings and Princes of Europe I might add to these the genious of the English Nation which I know to be zealous in what way of Religion soever they take as hath been observed by severall Authors In times of Popery so addicted thereto that they had given most of their means to the Church Anno 7 Edv. 1.18 Edv. 3.15 Rich. 2. if the Statute of Mortmaine had not prohibited them In the times of Libertinisme when a Republick the Fanaticks were so intoxicated that it was not enough for them to push down the Pope but they would break off all Government for being his hornes Polydor. Virgil. l. 17. and make every thing Antichristian that was not to their humor When the King return'd and Episcopacy with him that Party would not abate the three controverted Ceremonies as a wise and moderate Bishop both foretold and lamented for the universal Peace of the three Kingdoms Surplice Cros and kneeling at St. Brownrig Nay the very common rable would overflow both in drinke and devotion kneel at a pillar and reele at a Post Though I know there are as pious sober and serious Christians of severall perswasions Episcopall Presbyterial and Independants as any are in the Christian Worid but I say this to shew that what way soever they take they are not easily diverted But as groundless jealousie is both uncharitableness and folly so where there is just ground not to be jealous is stupidity It may therefore not be amiss for our further satisfaction to enquire into these Objectors grounds And they are these 1. The increase of Papists at Court especially 2. The Kings countenancing and intrusting them with power 3. His tollerating their Religion 4. Joyning with France against us For the 1 and 2d I can say little of my own knowledge it being many yeares since I saw either England or France But I shall take reports uâ—on the publique faith of England and Holland for this once though it be none of the best security 1. Therefore that Papists increase through the Queens Court the extraordinary correspondence with France the dissentions of the Protestants the Atheisme and irreligion of the Age and other wayes and meanes which might be mentioned is not to be wondred at but rather that there are no more Allthough I am well assured that their number is comparatively small and their Intrest in England and Scotland inconsiderable to effect any change And were they more this will not infer the King is one 2. And much les his countenancing and intrusting them For who ever concluded that the French Kings for their kindnes to Protestants who have served them most faithfully heretofore in their wars were Protestants Or the States Papists for employing the French and others in their Armies A Papist may be a loyall subject a wise Statesman a fit Embassador a good Soldjer and merit his Princes favor though of a different Religion 3. Nor will the Kings indulgence of liberty to those of that Religion conclude more against our assertion then for the States of Hollands being of all the Religions they tollerate or for Amsterdam's being Jewes There may be reasons of State sometimes to connive and sometimes to tollerate that which we neither approve nor would willingly allow even as Moses did divorce to the Jewes Or there may be Articles promises and other engagements upon us whereby we are forced to do that which we would not if free as Joshua to the Gibeonites and our Ancestors to Papists Anabaptists c. who assisted them in the defence of the Countrey against Spaine There are two things doe wonders in the world and are the ordinary pretexts and best apologies for the greatest â—aâ—â—bitances viz v. grot An Jure bel pac l. 1. c. 4. §. 7. l. 2. c. 2. § 6. danger and necessity And yet where these are reall and not feigned they are considered both by God and good men Nature dictates that we should hazard the hand rather then the head and lose a part rather then venture the whole I have for above 20 years observed both where I have lived and where I have travelled that Moderation is rather a speculative notion than matter of practise like a vertuous and beautifull poor Lady that all will commend but none will marry Parties that are under call for it eagerly but when they are upmost neglect it shamefully Seeing then the passions of men and iniquities of the age are so great that I exspect nothing in Religion but either an inquisition or tolleration I am more for the latter and would rather reside at Amsterdam or Constantinople then at Rome or Madrid But to come closer to the particular case If his Majesty therefore had no obligation upon him to do this or were it a liberty to Papists only or a liberty for their worship in publick I should grant the objection was very weighty but it is the quite contrary For he tells the world he was obliged in point of gratitude to the Papists for their service to his Father and to the Presbyterians who had been so instrumentall in his restoration in point of promise allso severall wayes made to them both before and after his returne to his Crowne severall times declaring that he would grant indulgence to them and others of tender consciences And we know that if his Majesty had followed his own inclinations they had been better performed And now that he gives a concession of liberty it is neither soly nor principally to those of the Romish Religion but to all others as well as they and that with this manifest difference that it is to the Protestants publiquely and to Papists in their private houses onely and this revocable at pleasure Declar. March 15. 1672. All though some wise men are of opinion that the King and Rulers will not onely find such ease and safety therein but such eminent advantages many wayes and the people generally such content that it will scarce be revoked 4. His joyning with France against us is matter of Intrest and not Religion And if we judge impartially will no more conclude him a Papist then the Emperor and King of Spaine Protestants because they joyne with us Herein let us eye and owne the Providence of God who
he had to catch at the shadow thereof in the water and so lost all I know some that have more of Mars than Mercurie's temper are all for fighting and therefore I shall desire them calmly to consider these few particulars following 1. What either we or England have gotten by our former Wars when matcht in power I partly know what it hath cost us both in treasure and blood and can demonstrate that if either hath gotten 't is England though not to countervail the cost Let 's but reckon as we must if we go rightly to work the lucrum cessens and damnum emergens or the profit that ceases and loss that accrues and vvhat vve have got vve may put in our eye and not see much the vvorse But if any one say who can reckon that or how I shall freely acknowledge that to pounds and persons we cannot nor no man alive yet in the general we may so far as to make a judgment I have done it for my own satisfaction and shall tell you how that so those that are curious may satisfy themselves therein and not take it upon my credit By the publick Customs the Number of ships the Capital wherewith Trade is driven and by the riches of the Merchants Of these the two former are more easie and certain wherein England hath increased the two latter more conjectural wherein this Republick hath the superiority But hath not gotten it by the wars but arises from several other causes which I could mention and especially from these two following which I think will satisfy any intelligent man As to the Capital ours comes to be greater in regard that as the Merchants grow rich in England they buy land and breed up their sons to be Country gentlemen whereas we especially in Holland continue the stock and our children in the Trade Land being here at 35 and 40 years purchase and in England at 15 or 20 ordinarily And that the Merchants here should be richer than there is no wonder to me who know so well the frugality of the one and the prodigality of the other 2. Let it be considered how difficult and hazardous it is for equal powers to destroy one another and therefore how litle likelihood there is of any thing to be gotten by contesting Nay there are several circumstances in our situations imployments and people that render absolute conquest almost impossible We may like Cooks fight and breath and fight again and crow over one another for some victories but far from a conquest And this we might both have seen long since in the glas of policy which clearly shows that such equal powers fighting for profit is but like Nero's fishing with a golden hook wherein more is adventured than ever is likely to be gotten We have had a Comick-tragedy and a tragick comedy of two wars and England the contrary wherein our enemies indeed have been pleasant spectators and satisfied their envious eyes but what have either of us got but blowes Passion and prejudice are so prevalent in the World and so blind the eyes of men that often they will not see the truth till dear-bought experience makes them even to feel it And this we now both see and therefore England takes this opportunity of breaking down the equality of power and bringing us lower that so we may truckle under them and they be at rest in the bed of security 3. Those that are so much for Mars might do well to consider the advantages and disadvantages of both Nations for carrying on and subsisting under long wars In some things we may happily have the advantage as in bearing the charges number of shipping Caping by Letters of Marque c. And in others England for they have a great and rich Inland Country l'Intrestdes Princes Discours 7. an Hand that cannot be easily diverted by a land-Land-war so that as the Duke of Rhoan saith right l' Angleterre est un grand animal qui ne peut jamais mourir s'il ne se tuë luimesme We subsist wholly on Trade and fetch all things from abroad they have sufficiency of necessaries from their own growth at home When Trade stands still they have cloths for the back and meat for the belly better cheap for the poorer people here not only such accommodations are far dearer than there which can well be born when Trade flourisheth but when that is stopt and it can worst be endured then are they dearest of all Our Seamen which come most from the Northern quarters about the Baltick Sea to serve us in Navigation when they see no hopes of gain but only venturing their lives for the pay of the Wars will remove and serve other Nations whereas the King of England hath three Kingdoms to press out for his assistance according to the custom of the Crown there which is not practised nor indeed practicable in this Free State And although at the first such as are prest be averse to the Wars yet we find and feel by experience that what through the Officers and Gentlemens caressing and encouraging them what through company and conversing with others before-hand this restiness is worn off by degrees and through the principles of self defence and some sparks of the honour of their Country they fight well enough whatever the cause or the quarrel be 4. I wish both Nations would well consider whether whilst we two are so eagerly contesting for Trade others may not carry it away I have reasonably considered what Nation can bid the farest for this in regard of their Situation Havens Genious c. the ad vantages of the Mediterranean and Baltick Seas and let my thoughts stretch themselves as far as both the Indies have observed the French Fleet the darling of the King and Kingdom their hopes with the grounds of them and the probable success thereof as also the communication of Spain with America and find no one Nation alone capacitated to carry away our Commerce but several to have greater shares than they have at present Yea to speak my mind freely I have had far further contemplations and of a far different kind from these upon this Subject in respect to future times And indeed such as have often made me both very sorrowful to see the Christian world so mad and quarelsom about their Commerce and very fearful that God would either blast it to us by taking it away and giving it to Turks and Heathens or not bless us with it giving us herein our hearts desire in his wrath and them the Gospel in exchange thereof As I clearly see he hath done to the Jews the generallest and greatest Merchants of the World and as I think he threatens us Christians in several places of holy Scripture if they be duly considered But because I love not dogmatizing or to be positive in things I am not so fully satisfied in I shall at present say no more of this but leave it to every good Christians
is to have such neighbors But otherwise England is nearer us than France and can easilier come to our assistance For the French have not only a long march but through part of the Empire which is their enemie and so liable to obstruction As to the Prince of Liege or Archbishop of Colen Duke of Newburg and others that have permitted this passage they may pay dear enough for it hereafter as their subjects are paying for it at present even to the French themselves Who are so weary of their Company that I perswade my self they will be the first that will endeavour to drive them out when they shall find an opportunity But we are not affraid of all our Adversaries weapons and therefore will enforce their Argument by supposing all they can desire That France will keep these conquered Provinces and in all probability make new acquests by subduing of the Spanish Netherlands So that if we be not subject to him we shall never be at quiet but they will continually be as Thorns in our sides 1. And why may we not as well suppose that if we be under him we shall never be at rest for others For no Potentate in Christendom hath more jealous eyes upon him nor likelier to be continually imployed in Wars Now what will changing help us if we better not our condition For we may easily foresee that if we come under France we shall have England and Spain against us by Sea as we have said and the Germans and Spanish Provinces by Land and so shall be in the same condition though not by the same enemies that we are now ground like Corn betwixt the Mil-stones Yea it is more than probable that knowing the ticklish condition and mutinous temper of the French Nation he will bring his Wars into these Countries and their consines and so we shall again become the Cock-pit of War for all Europe 2. I doubt not but he will attacque the Spanish Provinces and seek to connect them with his conquests and then incorporate all with France But it is uncertain what time this may require before they be all under his power We know not the Articles between the two Crowns nor are we sure that England and Austria will see this work Many things may fall out which no mans eye can foresee The King of France is mortal and may die and the Dauphin young and so uncapable to carry on such mighty designs Or he may meet with a check in his enterprises and be stopt in his further progress of glory France is harrast and weary of Wars may fall to their former mutinies The King of Spain may grow more potent England Sweden and the Cantons of Switzerland may think themselves concerned as well as the Empire and Spain to stop the growing greatness of France The Spanish may divert him in Catalonia and else where Sickness and mortallity may seize upon his Armies Factions in his court discontents in the Country tumults in his Kingdom and many other Accidents may happen to call him off us or at least necessitate him to give us reasonable conditions and confine him to his own Kingdom So that 't is madness to avoid a present mischief to run our selves upon certain ruine 3. If we had the friendship of England we might soon be in a capacity to defend our selves against France and need not fear the power of their Arms. I do not say that we alone are able to recover at present what we have lost without the assistance of others But that these remaining Provinces are able to defend themselves and either let go the other or in time possibly regain them as we shall shew hereafter Fourthly For his Allies they need not fright us For all friendship of the World and especially publick proves often times like winter brooks which run freely when we have least need of them but fail us in drought when we want their Water If the fortunes of France should once decline we should see those that now adore them readily renounce this their idolatry and not only confess their former fault but help to turn the Wheel about and bring them under whom they now exalt And thus we see what small grounds there are of enjoying such great Peace under France as our Adversaries flatter themselves withal and would perswade the World of which will never find credit with wise men who are used to judge by Reasons of State and not by the vain arguments of fancy 4. The fourth argument for France is their having the upper Provinces already which are of such concernment to the Nether that they affirm we cannot want them and therefore we must call in France that he may have them all that so they may be joyned under one Head We cannot want them say they 1. For our Security and 2. for our Commerce Let us therefore examine these things and having so done we shall give a release to your patience in this great Argument of our Adversaries concerning Trade First that we cannot want them for our Security is apparently false Nay upon a Politick account we had better part with them though not in point of Honour and Religion 1. They were a continual charge to those inferior Provinces which yet was willingly born in regard of their being an out Sconse to us which many supposed sufficiently strong for our defence Which yet others have always doubted of and now we find they had sufficient reason Seeing then some of them willingly deserted us and others slightly defended themselves and us consequently and thus laid us open to the invasion of our enemies if we let them go and they suffer thereby they may thank themselves and we must otherwise secure our Country 2. I wonder men should think they can secure us when we see the contrary by our experience Nay indeed this was the great mistake that had like to have ruined us all For we relying on them was unprepared for our own defence whereby the whole was greatly endangered Yea so greatly that if the French had fallen into Holland when they came to Vtrecht I tremble to think what work they might have made amongst us 3. It was apparent that the boundaries of the Common-wealth was too great and our Garrisons too many to defend against such powerful Armies Which at the same time are not only Masters of the Field but able to assault what Places they please This War being far different from our former with Spain or less Potentates wherein we had an Army to ballance theirs for relief of such Garrisons as were at any time attackt by them And this the Author of the Interest of Holland hath long since well observed and experience now shews us Wherein I dare be his second against any combatants that dare encounter him 4. Let any man but recount our Garrisons with their greatness and compute what number of men is requisite for their defence and he will soon see whether I have not clear
absolute and govern only by an Army like the French Kings by an Army of French men is so ridiculous that I thought it not worthy of consideration Can any man in his wits imagine his Majesty of England so senseless as to give his Crown and Kingdoms to the French King For that is all one with this in effect As for that of Revenge either for Chattam or the affronts mentioned in his Declaration of this War or both I considered his Temper which hath so much Clemency that it rather inclines him to lenity than cruelty and revenge As is abundantly apparent not only by passing but even forcing as I know he did against some adicted to the latter extreme the Act of Indemnity or Oblivion for those many and great injuries he had suffered from his Subjects And his government since in conniving at the violation of such Laws as are thought severe in matters of Religion and indulging liberty therein which hath made some that have sufficiently heretofore cried up Parliaments now run into the other extreme and cry them down as fast and instead of the Parliaments formerly now magnifie the Kings favour and Clemency And yet Kings and Princes are men and men subject to like passions with others liable to suggestions from those about them and tender of their honour as the apple of their eye And therefore I will grant this might come in consideration but not so much I dare say as alone to make a War For the Prince of Orange there was not only near Relation and Affection but Interest also to be considered For the Lovesteyns party having been so cross to England upon his account and the correspondent friendship between us so uncertain without his Headship I verily believe that if what is now done therein had been done timously it had wholly prevented this unhappy War Yea besides the extraordinary affection which the people have for the Prince our very Bores had this Policy and were more than ordinary zealous for his promotion as the best means to procure their peace As to the further interest of the Kingdom of England in regard of their Trade and Naval expences I have expressed my thoughts before in the Preface It is true this War was always intricate and hath proved a Game at Hazard for England beyond not only theirs I believe but all the worlds expectation But yet if it be still notwithstanding cautiously played as they may and so far as I can possibly discern mean to play it they can many ways come to save their stakes at the least if not to win more than we imagine by the War and was far fairer at first than France for winning by the game in all humane appearance as I could manifest by many Arguments But because that concerns them two only and us not at all further than our sufferings I shall wave them at least for the present and proceed For I will not hearken to the curious enquiries of those who would here be asking how I think England will play their game for that let them look to it whom it concerns on all sides as doubtless they will for me to express my private thoughts might do more hurt than good which is the only thing I aim at and what I think the issue will be I shall declare hereafter in my Conjectures But here it will be asked seeing it is Englands interest that we fall not into the hands of France and that the Prince is now promoted will they not make peace with us this Winter I must needs say I fear they will not except we should give them such terms as I see we shall not we thinking our condition far better and they thinking it far worse than really it is For the cause of this as of most Wars is complex as I have shewn so that though two of those I assigned may be past yet the 3d of the Kingdoms interest not They are already too far ingaged in the War and with France The Kings Honour is at the stake and the Kingdoms expectation of another issae than the last War And besides all these how can any wise man imagine now that they are engaged with France and have an advantage against us as well as a Hazard from France that if they know how to secure themselves against the latter as I suppose they do they will let go the former For we must needs think they will be at a certainty on one side or the other and not part with France's friendship till they be sure of our satisfaction What it is they demand or how rightly is not now our design to discourse but only matter of Interest all along And yet I can easily foresee that the danger of our becoming French will be a singular advantage to us as an inducement to them for a more easie compliance with us But at present I see no probability of Peace but that they will go through with the War or continue it so long till they have tryed their utmost to obtain their ends I know there are many wise men amongst us that think the King cannot carry on this War as there was that thought he could not begin it The former they find themselves deceived in and will be so in the latter also I have discoursed this with several in Government who argue that the King hath not money of himself to go through with the War and that he will not convene the Parliament or if he do they will not supply him I grant the first but deny the others For if we rightly consider their defign the Parliament must meet and the representation that will be made thereof and the constitution of the Parliament they will grant him supplies though perhaps not with that facility that they did it with in the former War And therefore let us neither flatter nor deceive our selves with vain hopes herein but rather seek timely to accommodate differences before their preparations in the Spring for I fear the longer we delay and the worse it will be with us Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Common-wealths continuation HAving thus declared the condition that we are in and that there is no probability of peace we come now to shew the consequences thereof and what is to be done by us to preserve our selves from ruine and destruction And here to my understanding one of these three things must necessarily follow That we must either continue the War against them both or comply with them both or with one of them alone if possibly we can We shall first declare our thoughts concerning these briefly and then shew with which we both may and must comply 1. Then whether we should continue the War against them both And herein would we do as we might and should it may be this were better than to comply with either of them especially if they will impose upon us unreasonable conditions and much better than to comply with them
we are like to do if we come not to a compliance with England To make these apparent to any wise man would be the lighting a Torch to the Sun Although I know the quite contrary is cast out among us by the friends of France who would perswade us that the French seek only to humble us and the English to conquer us But we know the minding of men is but shooting at random and that he that means to come near the truth must have his eye upon the mark of interest which cannot lye as men do frequently for it If any be so foolish as to be enchanted with such Syrens songs as are daily sung amongst us and have more regard to publick news than the interest of Nations they may go on I cannot hinder them but let me tell them that I fear they will find at last the Poets fiction a real truth and if they stear their own course meet with the Seamens fate in the Fable be sung a sleep for a time that so they may be afterwards with greater facility drowned and devoured 3. Because there is no other way or humane means lest us so far as I can discern of the Common-wealths continuation And this is the conclusion that follows clearly from the premises For if we be unable to withstand them both or satisfie them both we must either break their confederacy and have the help of one of them or the Republick will be ruined It will here be demanded seeing it is both Englands interest and our own to accord why do we not then come to a compliance I will tell you why Because we judge our Condition better and they judge it worse than really it is and therefore stand upon greater terms than we will give them We think things will go better with us in time and they think they will grow worse We flatter our selves with vain hopes and rely upon Brandenburgs Assistance Spains breaking with our enemies the Parliament of Englands not supplying that King to carry on the War and the like when they know the quite contrary in all humane appearance â—or perhaps we are afraid to irritate France if we should make overtures to England and England will not give such an umbrage of jealousie to France as to tamper with us except they be first assured from us of satisfaction But cannot the effecting this be put into the hands of his Highness and a few others as it was lately to be privately transacted by them Here then it is that the shooe pinches We are a popular State the people still think till an enemy comes they can defend themselves and therefore our Governors dare not adventure to tender England such satisfaction as for ought I see they will have lest they either should not be able to perform it or if they do should lose themselves with the people And therefore I foresee the War will be continued till we be reduced to that condition that we shall be necessitated to give them both their demands by publick transaction or at least that way break with one of them And on this foundation I shall now proceed to guess at that which I think is most likely to befal us Sect 11 Conjectures of future affairs The motions of the ensuing summer likely to be quick and great As to this Repulick probably England may get a Bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a supernumerary girth Munster a boss of the Crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A caution for England and the Orange family The Authors fears of what will at last befal us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spain and England sound at heart and will recover ALthough I have sometimes spent almost whole nights at gazing on the Stars and could perhaps erect an Astrological Scheme as well as another yet I never used that way nor never shall for guessing at faturities because I know it is vain to think we cam spell Gods providence by their mystical hieroglyphick Yet let me say it without vanity I do believe I have made as many conjectures concerning Kingdoms States and particular places as any man of my quality in Europe not by any enthusiastick spirit of prophecy or by Astrology from the Stars but reasons of State their interest and the fundamental maxims of their Government sometimes out of curiosity only and sometimes for other ends but such as are honest I assure you for none are either better or worse by it but only my brothers and my self The reason why I adventure to do this publickly now is that I may awaken us out of our security and that we may look about us and see if possibly we can prevent those things which it is very probable are coming upon us Only I desire to do it modestly as it becomes every Christian and neither on the one hand to pretend to that certainty as if we were of Gods Council no on the other hand to fall under Christs rebuke for not discerning the signs of the times Matth. 16. which are both theological and political but I am now only treating of the latter and to that I shall confine my discourse Now that we may be quickned to defend our selves comply with England and free the Spanish Netherlands from their fears and our selves from the neighbourhood of the French there this being one Reason of State why we formerly made peace with Spain lest we should be in continual danger of annoyance from France and also render their maintaining their Conquests among us more difficult by their being kept unconnected with that Kingdom I shall now proceed to the Conjectures I have made not with an Astrological confidence but a Christian allowance of divine providence which strangely alters times and seasons puls down one and sets up another confounds the wisdom of the wise brings to nought the counsels of Achitophels and turns the great designs and preparations for War into a happy compliance and peace as he pleases and all in infinite wisdom though we cannot discern it the knowledge of Gods providence even when past or present and much more when future being to David and therfore far more to us Too Wonderfull for us Psal 139. so high that we cannot attaine unto it and so deepe in the great waters that the footsteps thereof are not to be traced and knowne So that we may well say as of old Psal 77. Dei sapientia hominum stultitia regunt mundum First then if we awake out of our security and looke up in the morning of the yeare we must needs conclude of foule weather the ensuing Summer the skie is so red that we may easily perceive it portends blood and the lowest region is so lowring that we may easily discerne that a tempestuous storme is a gathering except we be so besotted as the foolish Jewes of old with security that
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere
THE INTEREST Of these United Provinces BEING A Defence of the Zeelanders Choice Wherein is shewne I. That we ought unanimously to defend our selves II. That if we cannot it is better to be under England than France in regard of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade III. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may remaine a Republick And that our Compliance with England is the onely meanes for this TOGETHER WITH Severall Remarkes upon the present and Conjectures on the future State of Affaires in Europe especially as relating to this Republick By a wellwisher to the Reformed Religion and the wellfare of these Countries MIDDELBURG Printed by Thomas Berry according to the Dutch Copie Printed at Amsterdam ANNO 1673. A Summary of the ensuing Treatise THe PREFACE Wherein the occasion and reason of this Worke. The Authors feares ballanced with others hopes The necessity of unanimity for and duty of selfe defence SECTION I. The rise and State of that great Question viz. whether upon supposal of inability to defend our selves it is our INTREST to be under England or France and the Zeelanders choice of the former 2. Arguments to prove this choice to be agreable to our true Intrest The first whereof is from our Religious concernements Wherein is shewne how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concernes us to secure our Religion 3. The plea of France's granting us the liberty of our Religion considered 4. Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as allso from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered 5. A 2d Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different Kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued 6. The 3d Argument is the preservation of our Estates in regard of Soldjers violence Governors impositions Publique Debts by obligation and Revenues of the Romish Church 7. The 4th Argument from Trade This viz. Merchandise and Navigation our cheife secular Intrest And friendship with England to secure the same England and we Competitors herein what implyed thereby in point of Intrest and Inference The probability of getting more as allso enjoying the same with greater Peace under France with other Arguments largely debated and the contrary evinced under England 8. Severall other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be preferd before that of France 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remaine a Republick in regard of our owne strength and our Neighbors Intrest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland then let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will goe through and Parliament probably assist therein 10. Compliance with England the onely meanes of the Common-wealths continuation 11. Conjectures of future affaires The motions of the ensuing Summer likely to be quick and great As to this Republick probably England may get a bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a Supernumerary girth Munster a bos off the crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A necessary caution for England another for the Orange Family The Authors feares of what will at last befall us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spaine and England sound at heart and will recover c. 12. France's Ambition Growing greatnes The causes thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be held even and by whom 13. The Conclusion of the whole Discourse To the Impartial Reader ALthough in so small a Tractate it may be thought needless to give an account of the occasion thereof yet I think my self obliged for your further satisfaction to do it briefly The Author having been lately in Holland found what the Zeelanders had done in the late Revolutions misunderstood by some and variously censured by others and therefore thought it worth his pains fairly and modestly to vindicate the same And the rather because he foresees various pretexts will be deduced thence and divers interpretations be made thereof which the Author hopes by his declaring the true intent and meaning to free it from That so all those whose Curiosity or Interest leads them to inquire might be acquainted with the true Grounds and Reasons thereof and that neither the propensity of some to the French nor the prejudice and passion of others against the English might make us run blindfold upon our ruine but that we may discern our true Interest and pursue it as occasion shall require For as all affection to that which is not our real Interest so all aversation from that which is is madness and folly which clouds Reason precipitates Counsels runs us upon extreams and drives us into inevitable destruction many times before we are aware I know some will be apt to say What need of this now The Storm is over and the supposition of inability to defend our felves out of doors If I thought so I assure you I should neither trouble my self nor others any further But whether it be my love to the Countrey and desire of the welfare thereof or my jealousie over the Factions of the Rulers and tumultuousness of the people therein or my comparing and estimating our own strength fidelity and courage with our Enemies or my observing that our former Military Discipline which made us renowned and our Countrey accounted the School of War is in a great measure if not utterly decayed and lost or my hearing how old Officers and Forein Forces have been slighted and such preferred as are unexperienced for conduct and untried for courage or the difference I have observed in the valour of a poor and rich people Poverty always stirring up and whetting Valour out of hopes to better their condition whereas riches makes men fearful of losing what they have and so falling into a worse As may be observed not onely in different people as between the Northern and Southern Nations but also in the same yea in our selves For when poor in our Wars with Spain De Mor. Gern §. 29. we made good the old Character which Tacitus gives us Omnium harum gentium virtute prâ—ecipâ—i Batavi c. Of all the German Nations or People the Batavians were cheif for valour but now that we are grown rich we are affraid to adventure either our Persons or Estates and readier to open our Gates then shut them against our Enemies Or
whether it be my Melancholly temper only or my fears and cowardise if you please to call it so or my fancy from my observation that the third War as this is with England hath ever proved fatal to the one side as is apparent by many examples or what ever other cause it is I must profess freely that I am of another sentiment this War having so black a visage to mine appearance that I fear we are rather in the midst of a Tempestuous Sea of Troubles then discovering of Land much less a safe Harbour of rest I am not ignorant upon how many pins men hang their hopes Some upon the advancement of his Highness the Prince of Orange hope all will be redrest and well at home and that his relation to the Crown of England and the Elector of Brandenburgh will capacitate him to remedy all abroad Others upon conjectures of his marrying with the Duke of Yorks Daughter or some nearly related to the Crown of England or France which hath been an usual way I confess especially among absolute Princes of accomodating differences Some upon our sufficient numbers of Men and Moneys to defend our selves Othersome upon the Assistance of the Emperor and the German Princes Brandenburgh especially And others upon their opinion that now the Pensionary de Wit and his party are broken so that England can confide more in our friendship that the King will break with France and afford his Nephew and these Netherlands assistance especially because they judge that it is the Interest of England and Germany as well as Spain not to see us fall into the French hands for fear they have only Polyphemus his courtesie to be last devoured But yet all these grouds and divers others which are variously discoursed of prevail not so far with me as that my hopes can ballance my fears For although I grant the strength of the remaining Provinces to be considerable both by Sea and Land and the greatest foundation to build our hopes upon next under God Almighties Protection yet if we duly consider the state and condition we are in there is not that just ground of confidence which may free us from fears as many are apt to imagine He is very short sighted that observes not 1. That there are two different parties amongst us and that a Commonwealth muchless then a Kingdom divided cannot stand 2. That we might do much more then we do or for any thing I yet see will or shall do for our own defence 3. That we are destitute of succours from abroad for the present except from Spain which we may happily pay dear enough for if we should be drawn into a League Offensive and Defensive with them in a long and tedious War And 4. that we are full of tumults and distractions at home which is to me a greater presage of approaching ruine then all our Enemies weapons of War and makes me fear that as tumults was the occasion of our rising so they will be of our ruine Hist Gal. l. 2. And that Priols observation of two only Nations that have stood firm by defection the Helvetians at the rise and the Hollanders at the fall of the Rhine those founding and defending their Liberty by the Mountains their Poverty and Equality these by the Waters their Riches and the States with a Captain General may shortly be contradicted in the latter if we be not more unanimous and perhaps ere long in the former also I grant likewise That it is very considerable to have so wise a Conductor as the Prince of Orange is for his years and one of such near Relation to two such great Potentates as his Uncles of England and Brandenburgh But yet if we rightly consider we cannot but conclude 1. That it must be Power as well as Policy that can relieve us and that in the Affairs of the World Interest is preferred above all Relations the whole World turning upon the Hinge of Self-interest and all Princes States Families and Persons eagerly pursuing that which they apprehend their Interest although often mistaking it and oftner the means to obtain it no wonder if they miss thereof 2. And that his Civil Dignities come rather to him by Popular Tumults than Regular Proceedings Which is found an easie way to rise by but a hard way to stand by yea Morally impossible if not backed by power For as it is with sick Persons so with sick States if all things be not quickly redressed that is grievous to them they presently cry Turn me again and think they have power to undo that which they themselves have formerly done It being a true Character which Livy gives the Common People Lib. 24. Plebs aut humiliter servit aut superbè dominatur 3. And that though the de Wits be dead their party lives and if things succeed not well under his Highness will have no small advantage not only from the horrid murder of those two Pillars of their party but from the declining of Affairs to cry him down with the people and make him an Insignificant Cypher of State 4. And lastly There are so many Papists and other Sects of Religion and Malecontents who watch for opportunities to Flieblow the Common People and set them upon Sedition that I much question whether that fresh gale of Affection to the Prince which hath blown so briskly through all these remaining Provinces will last long For if they see that his Highness cannot make Peace as they expected and they feel more miserable effects of a stubborn and cruel War and be forced to greater Taxes the Common People being always covetous what ever the cause or necessity be and find their Trade still obstructed and Land drowned to the impoverishing both of Cities and Countrey I fear we shall find the People so restless and unquiet that they will neither know what to do themselves nor be willing to be guided by their Governors that do but when Extremities press upon us bring all into Confusion and consequently Ruine For besides the Jealousies which many have of his Highness which Bentivoglio long since foresaw and foretold That these Jealousies betwixt the State and their Stadtholder would become the cause of our Ruine the needy multitude which are alwaies enemies to good order and Government when distressed will seek occasion to prey upon the richer whom they constantly envie And the midle sort which are the true Basis of a State whose principal aime is Liberty and Plenty when they see these indangered grow jealous of their Governours upon whom all misfortunes are constantly laid and seeke to pull them downe and set up themseves one after another to the ruine of all For the pompe of Government so dasles the eyes of those that know not the Weight of it that when there is any seeming access thereto all are apt to contend for it and every one to thinke himself as capable as his neighbor and vy with one another without end till they
Authority will ever take away our Estates except we forfeit them through misdemeanors but when the Sword brings such a Commission I would gladly know who dare deny it And whether the poor man then that hath all his money in his purse-pocket be not both fafer in his person and more secure of his Estate than the rich Merchant whose bags and warehouses are filled with his wealth Craesus was rich even to a Proverb yet shewing to Solon all his Treasures Solon told him that if any came with better iron than he wore they would be master of all that Gold Now in regard of plundring depedrations and all manner of violence by Souldiers both to our persons and estates I think we are far more secure from the English than French And for this I shall appeal to the Common experience of all ages and places where their Armies have come which bear witness to the great exorbitances of the latter more than the other in the violation both of womens chastity and mens estates and frequent desolations by fire and sword Yea I will make their own Historian Comines judge of the controversie who having shown how unjustly great ones govern and the innocent people are opprest Lib. 5.6.18 both by them and the Souldiers whose flagitious lives petulant carriage and violent rapines are intollerable professes that he mentions these things for France's sake which of all the Principalities he had known was most afflicted with them Whereas on the contrary he says England excel'd them all in these three particulars respect to the common good the peoples freedom from injury and the little spoil their Souldiers and Armies made in their Wars the last whereof he repeats and enlarges a little after in the same Chapter 2. But we will suppose the best in all uncertainties and therefore hope we shall escape all plundering and violence from the Souldiers in a time of confusion and make no doubt thereof in a setled condition But yet we know we shall not escape paying such Taxes as indeed justly deter us both in regard of their greatness and also the arbitrarines of their Imposition In both which we know no people in Europe more miserable than France nor none happier in the contrary than the Subjects of the Crown of England Which partly occasioned that known saying of the Emperour Maximilian the first that he was Rex regum the King of Spain Rex hominum the King of France Rex asinorum and the King of England Rex diabolorum For he could have nothing but what the Germain Princess consented to Spain only what the Laws allowed him France all that he pleased and England nothing that pleased not the people As touching their greatness 1. I willingly grant that Subjects must afford their Soveraigns assistance and in times of extremity and utmost dangers it is hard to determine how far their power may not lawfully be extended Secondly I know that the grandeur of the French Court is great Politiicke Weegschaal l. 3. c. 3.4 5. which is lately shown us in our own Language That their Armies are often numerous and some always necessary both for defence of the Government from their domestick enemies and of the Frontiers from foreign in the adjacent Countries And that these require vast sums to support them Yet notwithstanding thirdly Moderation ought to be used so that the common people may enjoy the fruit of their labours But to shew how far the Government of France hath been from this would be an endless work We should but tire our selves to read what their own Historians have related and be weary with the rehearsal of the many tumults and rebellions that have arisen from their gabels It would fill any one with sorrow to hear of the great complaints and out cries that the people have made in former Ages and fright us to hear those of the present which yet their Governors are so used to that they count them but the old fa fa of France and oppression the sin of the old World What remorse of Conscience several of their Kings have had for their extortion is well known to those that have read their Histories Some in their life time as Charles the eighth some at their death as Philip the fourth who remitted the Taxes he had unjustly required and commanded his Sons to ease the people But above all Lewis the eleventh who resolved to reform but it was too late and therefore charged the Dauphin against that oppression he had practised And indeed it was highly necessary for he had reduced the common people to such poverty that many of the Farmers were forced with halters about their necks to draw their own Plows except they would steal and once for all stretch both themselves and ropes on the Gallows But I should not once mention any of these things if I thought it not better for us both to know and believe them before hand than experience them afterwards to our cost For I fear if we come once under the French there will be no end of paying contributions until we be brought into the condition of the Andrians of old Plut. in vita Themistocl ex Herodoto who when Themistocles demanded money telling them he had brought two Goddesses to require it perswasion power answered that they had two great Goddesses also who taught them to deny it which were poverty and impossibility And then the Hollanders may do that living Procopius decad 6. lib. 6. which Saladinus the Emperor of Asia did dying shew their winding sheets and say These are all the rich Hollanders have left But should we part with some of our Estates though it were a good share so we were sure to enjoy the rest it was less matter but when we are always obnoxious to an arbitrary power still to be squeased like Spunges at the pleasure of others we can scarce call any thing our own and are rather procuratores than Domini divitiarum I know well that some of the French Kings Sueton. in vita Tib. Bussieres Hist Franc. L. 15. have like good Shepherds fleeced not flead their flocks according to Tiberius his saying Boni pastoris est pecus tondere non deglubere especially Lewis the twelfth who therefore as the Jesuite well observes had no rebellion in all his raign which is a rare blessing as he says and extraordinary in that Realm And the great wisdom and generosity of his present Majesty puts me out of all doubt of his elemency but a good a great a wise Solomon may have a Reboboam to his son and successor whose little singer may be heavier than his Fathers loyns By which example in Sacred History we are shown that what ever Prince will force his Subjects to open their purses to his pleasure shall quickly find their hearts shut and though for the present they may supplicate and outwardly seem to adore him as the Indians their dieties ne noceant yet they hate him worse
acquaint you that when we mention Trade we mean not every particular kind of negotiation wherein the several sorts of Artificers and Shop-keepers are imployed to speak of which would be both an endless an a bootless work Herein perhaps some might fare better with the French the Mercers and Tailers especially for the à la mode Monsieurs when they have money affect to change their fashion as often as the Moon doth her face and to wear as many ribbands on their breeches as ordinary Pedlers bear on their backs as if all the fortunes of France hung at their ends and all their own happiness followed their heels And happily Butchers and Cooks would fare better with the English for a piece of good Beef or a Shoulder of Mutton And we might instance in many others with merriment but we have no mind to be pleasant upon so serious a Subject In short therefore we mean Maritime Trade as our Adversaries do this being the great Diana of the Netherlands which brings them in their Silver Shrines 1. Then we shall lay down this as a fundamental and undoubted Maxim which all I think will take for granted that trade by Sea is the great secular interest of these Provinces the Maritime especially by which they most flourish and without which they cannot subsist Let Amsterdam and the other Cities be as rich or richer then they are imagined yet will they in a few years if their Trade be obstructed become as poor as their Neighbours at Gant or Antwerp For who will build at such excessive charges where the foundation sometimes is half to the superstructure or pay such rents for their habitation and live in such expensive places if there be not freedom of Trade But those that can will remove some hither and some thither as their interest and affection shall incline them Essay or Sermo fidelis 19. rather then spend their Capitalls here If ever Merchants were or are in any place of the world the vena porta as Bacon stiles them of any publick body it is certainly the Belgick If they fraight not their Ships whereby the Marriners may be imployed if they furnish not the Tradesmen shops whereby they may follow their Vocations if they lade not the poor mens backs whereby their Families may fill their bellies finally if they distribute not their Merchandise through the various Seas and Rivers of the Vniverse we may linger a while but it is as impossible we should live long as for a body deprived of food whose parts languish for want of nourishment which should be brought them in the veins by the bloods regular circulation 2. Merchandise being our chief concernment it will necessarily follow that that Nation that can most obstruct the same can do us most injury Now that England can do this more than France or any other whatsoever I think none will deny if any do there is enough said hereafter that will make it sufficiently apparent 3. Of all our neighbouring Nations England being most potent by Sea and France by Land it will clearly follow that a Peace with these two above all others is our great concernment With the former for getting and with the latter for keeping and enjoying our Estates But if we cannot have this from them both which of them is to be preferred comes next in consideration 4. This Common-wealth consisting of Maritime and Inland Provinces the former being by far the most considerable the friendship of England is more to be valued than that of France And this the wisest men that this Republick ever had formerly never doubted of Prince William the First founder of this Common-wealth laid down these three principal maximes of State which were approved by all as sound and rational beyond contradiction 1. To do justice to Strangers For great Nations may be upheld by Power but small Territories must be maintained by Justice 2. To hold a fair correspondence with France For Spain being then the grand Monarchy of Europe and our dreadful enemy the assistance of France was greatly necessary for our supportation 3. To preserve an inviolable Peace with England In regard that this is absolutely requisite for our freedom of Commerceby Sea and the English were our friends in affection as well as Interest whereas the French only upon the latter account For the greatest obstacle that stood in the way of France's greatness was the Spanish power in these Netherlands which being once broke down they well knew they could dilate their Empire at their pleasure as we see it now to our sorrow It is true of later times the Lovesteiners to free themselves from the Headship of the Orange family which sought as they imagined either an absoluteness or at least to infringe the liberty of the Common-wealth have been rather inclined to France and England but they were not so blinded with passion but that having a Peace with Spain and being sensible of France's prevalency and raising their Fortunes upon the Spanish ruines it was their Interest to comply with England rather than France Which plainly appears in that no sooner was those unhappy differences between us and England composed at Breda but immediately the Tripple Alliance was designed and concluded upon by that great States-man de Witt the Head of their party and Sr. William Temple on purpose to put boundaries to the boundless ambition of the French Nation 5. To the reason of State already mentioned together with the judgment of our greatest Politicians both in former and later times let me add that Terrestrial war hath always been accounted more eligible than a Naval yea by some our absolute interest as the Duke of Rhoan observes In so much that Zeeland never to this day consented unto l' Intrest des Prine Est discour 6. but absolutely protested against these Provinces making Peace with Spain And here it is observable how our Adversaries prevaricate in granting this Assertion and yet preferring France I foresee their evasion of conceding a Land-war with a lesser Potentate denying it with France But this is both easily obviated and outed for as I am well assured that if England had not assaulted us by Sea France had never done it by Land so I have reason to believe that if he had we should have found him sufficient work If we had the Sea free for our inferior Provinces the charges of a land-Land-war for the superior were easily borne And we should not want men enow for our money to fight for them with France or any other whatsoever so long as we should think them worth the fighting for Nor let any wonder that I insert such a conditional for I shall afterwards make it appear how the Common-wealth may be well secured though these Provinces should be let go or lost And as for the inferior they are so situated in the water and thereby so inaccessible that we need not fear what all the force of France can do if we be resolved to
defend them It being therefore apparent that Traffick is our principal concernment and England of all others most able to obstruct it we may conclude in point of interest as Prince Maurice I have heard used to say that were the English Devils we must have peace with them These being the Approaches which I think no sallies of our Adversaries can prevent we shall now being got nearer them take a better view of their strength Were we free and had our choice whether we should war with France or England you see our interest should carry us against France But the case alas is far otherwise with us for they both make war upon us by what error of policy one of them which could best was not taken off and diverted if it had been possible or whether it was impossible and so no error or omission in us is not now our enquiry But seeing they both threaten us with destruction upon supposition that we are unable any longer to resist them both whether of them we should choose to be under in regard of our Trade This then being the Question our Adversaries give their suffrage for France and think themselves impregnable in this point of interest Let us therefore impartially represent the strength of their reasons and weigh them duly in the true ballance of interest and then we shall find them you shall see not only many grains but ounces too light 1. It is better for us say they to be under France because England and and we are Competitors for Trade It is very true England and these Countries by their situation genious and interest are set for Trade and this naturally begets an enmity between us and a vying with one another for the same But this was always and will be so whilst men are men and what will follow hence Surely one of these things either that we must willingly yield to them or they to us which is madness to imagine or that we must fight with them for the whole which if they mean of our selves is the next degree to dotage seeing we are about matches and Peace in their trade is always the interest of a trading people if they mean jointly with France we shall speak to that in the following Argument and shew what a hazard even that will be and much more singly or that we must compound with them for our share that so each Nation may have what Gods blessing may give and their own industry may procure them And this in my opinion will have the vote not only of all the Cowards but all the wise men of both Nations But because this Argument is much insisted on both in former times and this juncture of affairs we will more particularly consider the same in reference to this Common-wealth as to England absolutely without respect to France And thereby we shall see what corrivals in Trade implies in point of Interest whether the power be about equal as we shall here suppose England and this Common-wealths or unequal and in point of inference Now in regard of Interest we shall find in my judgment that 't is clearly this for us as equal in power 1. That we must vigorously defend our Trade as that on which our temporal welfare depends 2. That we must for this purpose maintain a naval power equal at least to theirs That so we may hold them up to the just and due terms and bounds of Commerce and Navigation 3. That for this end the league of the Maritime Provinces be kept inviolable If the band of the bunch of arrows be either cut or broken so that they fall out of the Lions paw he will soon have his skin pull'd over his ears So that to make several Common-wealths of them is but to make them so many morsels to be the easilier devoured by their enemies And therefore I wonder at the Author of the Interest of Holland herein who c. 41.42 c. asserts the power of that Province sufficient by Sea and jointly with Vtrecht by Land to wage War with all other Potentates Seeing these Maritime Provinces entirely considered are but the match at Sea for England And the reasons that he gives c. 37. are now refuted by experience I acknowledge it also an error in policy for Zeeland to break this bond of Amity if possibly they can help it But if their Enemies sword cuts this asunder what shall they do And this is the case only that I defend 4. That we should rather yield to them in Punctillioes of honour that being a Crown this only a Common-wealth Such I mean as the Flag although I reckon not that any dishonour to us seeing they have not only always challenged it but our Ancestors also given it and other Nations as well as we pay the same acknowledgment to that Crown The first time that we have ever refused it was in the time of King James the circumstances whereof Sr. Anthony Welden in his Court relates and the effects both their and our Historians It is not my design to speak of this particular which would swell to a discourse larger then this whole Treatise but only instance therein as a known example concluding that if they will War for it it is our wisdom to yield it and except we were far stronger than they folly to fight for it 5. Rather to dissemble lesser injuries than seek to revenge them Which holds in all equalities of power whatsoever 6. But if they will unjustly incroach upon us to ruine our Commerce then to War with them For 1. Our traffick being our subsistence who ever would spoil us thereof necessitates us to defend it and gives us a just cause of contest 2. We being a match for them in power may in point of wisdom as well as justice try it out with them and leave the issue to Gods Providence Wars being the last appeal to Heaven when justice cannot be had on earth 3. If success attends our Armies we secure our selves at least if we better not our condition and if the contrary we do but drown and die a little the sooner A destructive peace and unsuccessful War are both fatal in the issue the former being a Chronical the later an acute disease of State It is not so material whether by a lingring Consumption of Peace or by the Hectick Fevor of War the gray hairs of Government be brought with sorrow to the grave 7. Yet if we can enjoy the freedom of Commerce and fruit of our labours upon reasonable terms it is better to sit down contented with our share then to War for the whole For 1. What wise man ever doubted but that Peace is the interest of a rich and trading People if it can be had upon tollerable conditions 2. Is not a competent certainty preferable to a greater good that is wholly hazardous and uncertain for how often doth that happen to men which did to the greedy and covetous dog in the Fable who let go that
freedom that will to remove formerly and that hath made so small an alteration as to the ballance of Trade that it is inconsiderable For if I make my calculation right there is not much difference of the English here and the Dutch in England Others argue we are Corrivals for Trade that is the Mistress we both Court and therefore one must marry it But this is but a toyish Sophism when men will compare Commerce to a Mistress that one only can marry For 1. The world is wide enough and the Sea large enough for both Nations to exercise their skill and industry 2. If we think to betroth all Trade and ingross it to our selves alone other Nations will come in and forbid the banes as well as England as I shall shew hereafter 3. If we two could so happily agree and so settle Commerce as it might perhaps be setled we might bid fair for carrying it or at least for retaining it betwixt us And so far as my short sight can reach this seems to me the mark aimed at on both sides by those who have the direction of affairs which I do not despair to see effected Seeing then we are in as much danger that I say not more to lose that part of Trade we have as to gain more by our contesting I hope all rational men will grant it our Interest that England and we so compound for it that each of us may have what Gods blessing and justice and equity gives to eithers industry And this I am sure was the wisdom of former times I have shown it already in part on our side and could much more largely both for us and the English In Queen Elizabeths time we were not grown up to our present greatness In King James's time who all the world knows was no Martial man but in his temper as well as motto truly pacifick the Cautionary Towns that England possest in these Countries were A. 1616. ransomed and we grew up to that greatness of being an equal match for them in power at Sea And this the English account the great error of Political Interest although they must needs acknowledge it but fair and honest dealing King Charles the First that Prince of blessed and immortal memory seeing how he grew up not only kept a fair correspondency with us but having experience how cross Parliaments were to the Court so that no o War could be carried on did by a fair correspondence keep friendship with us and not only so but married his eldest Daughter to the Prince of Orange for this reason of State amongst others For being jealous of this Common-wealth's favouring that party in his Kingdoms which was then called by the Court Puritans and seeing the growing greatness of this State by Sea did for these two reasons of State engage the Prince and this Common-wealth by that Marriage And this was also the reason of State in Oliver's time when Peace was made that we must accord for our mutal Trade How it hath been since we all know and therefore I need not mention it And this is the first weapon our enimies use which you see if we measure rightly is too short to touch much less mortally to wound the truth of that cause that we maintain Yet we must do our Adversaries right the wiser sort of them upon the supposal of equal powers as we have formerly been and which is that I have hitherto spoke of are for peace and judge it the Interest of both Nations but they think our coming under France will render England so unequal and inferior a match for us that we cannot in all humane appearance miss of marrying our beloved Lady Trade and clearly carrying her from our Corrival And I confess ingenously if there be any thing of moment to be said for France 't is this 2. Therefore our Adversaries are for France because thereby we should be able to beat England out of their Trade and so become masters of the whole or the greatest part at least of the Sea negotiation Now because they so much triumph in this though before the victory we will examin it thorowly and see what probability there is of obtaining the greatest part of Trade by this means 1. We grant that England and this Republick being about an equal match at Sea the accession of France would clearly make us an overmatch for England if all was true which they suppose 2. But therein is their mistake that they take these two things for granted which are both false First that these Maritime Provinces should entirely become French And secondly that all other Nations will stand neutral so that we shall have no more to do but France and we entirely to deal with England alone Now how far this is from truth we shall make abundantly apparent and by ballancing of powers how little probability there is of these their designes becoming practicable and such as will effect their desires 1. Hereby they suppose a War and such a long and tedious one as perhaps we may not live to see ended For we cannot rationally imagine the English such tame animals that they will easily part with their Trade but must suppose they will set all at stake before that jewel of the Land be lost Now let us but calmly consider how destructive such a War will be to our Trade and what advantages they have above us of subsisting under a long War some of which we have before mentioned and I do believe no wise man will think this our Interest except there was a greater likelihood of a sudden subduing them then is rationally to be exspected as we shall presently make apparent Now on the contraty if we come under England there is no fear of a War with France at Sea that Kingdom being so much inferior in maritime power to either of us and much more to both And should we have a Land-war with France yet that is more eligible for us than one by Sea in the opinion of all wise men as we have formerly shown and shall have occasion hereafter more fully 2. A War with England being supposed as it must for we must either say we can and will have the Trade alone or the greatest part thereof invitis Anglis or we say nothing to the purpose the readiest way to see what probability there is for conquering them and consequently carrying the Trade will be first by ballancing of powers and then by some other Consideratitions The former of these we shall do with respect to Zeeland and then with respect to other Nations For the first it must be considered that Zeeland hath expresly decare that they will not come under France but that if they cannot defend themselves they will then submit to England It is true as I have said it is the interest of these maritime Provinces to keep their League but if their enemies Sword cuts it assunder and they will not venture the loss of their Religion and Liberty
under France who shall hinder them They are free surely to dispose of themselves as well as Vtrecht or the other Provinces For in coordinate Powers when their confederacy is broken either by themselves or their enimies each are at liberty and in their former freedom to dispose of themselves as they shall think fit And though Freesland hath not declared so that if they should come to the utmost extremity we know not but they might happily incline to England also yet because that is uncertain we will be liberal in granting our Adversaries even that which they cannot prove and take to our selves only that we can and so proceed upon infallible grounds Nor let any one here stop me and say that in taking it for granted that Zeeland will be English I may be mistaken for they may beat off their enemies and defend themselves I grant it although by the way let me say it I see but little likelihood of that for of above 100 Companies they pay there is as yet not one in their principallest Ilands though how it comes so becomes not me to enquire but the thing is to me matter of admiration But I will shew you how I reason not from the War that England will conquer Zeeland nor from the Agreement betwixt the two Crownes which yet is generally said brings us under that but upon supposal that we are tired out with the War and come to treat with our enemies for I hope no man is so mad as to think these Provinces will as Vtrecht call them in and after make what tearms we can get but treat with them with our weapons in our hands Zeelands not only Declaration but Inclination carries them for England So that which way soever we take conquest by our enemies their disposing of us or our own disposal of our selves Zeeland is still English So that upon the supposition of inability to defend our selves we are morally certain that Zeeland will fall to England and our Adversaries uncertain that Holland and Friesland will choose France But we will grant them all they can reasonably desire viz. that these two Provinces make such a choice and thereupon proceed to the ballancing of Powers Now in Naval strength Zeeland hath the proportion of a sixt part in this Republick there being 5 Admiralities wherein Amsterdam hath a double rate we will suppose any number for a Fleet greater or less to be set out by them For example the States equip a Fleet of 72 Sail herein The Admirality of Rotterdam and the Mase is 12 The Admirality of Amsterdam 24 The Admirality of North Holland 12 The Admirality of Zeeland 12 The Admirality of Friesland 12 Â 72 Yea in the last War I find in the List A. 1666. which by the way I wonder any Admiralities should publish and perceive there is none now that Zeeland was a greater share than Friesland both in Ships and Men. Zeeland 15 Ships 676 Canon 2268 Seamen 807 Souldiers Friesland 11 638 2748 260 Although I know in the quota or Tax to the Publick Friesland is more but that is because of their greater share in the Land which is a certain revenue and Trade only a contingency In strength then at Sea we see that Zeeland at lest ballances Friesland if not more should that Province prove French and this is sufficient for my present purpose Now let us look abroad and we shall as clearly find that Spain comes into the English seale For which way soever France take Spain must take the contrary Nay in this case Spain is as much concerned as England For if France have these Provinces entirely how shall they alone be able to bring home their American Treasure They know to their sorrow what they have lost formerly by the Dutch taking their Plate-fleets and what an extraordinary charge and hazard they had to defend them And shall we not then think that they will rather venture to the utmost with the English than let us intercept their Treasure and after some years be master of their Mines It is true if I was led as the world is usually to judge by news which hath been for some months that Spain and England are breaking all this was frivolous but I make my measures from reasons of State which tells me that they will not because they must not and they must not because it is their mutual Interest and it is their Interest because otherwise they cannot ballance France but will both in time be ruined So then you see clearly that upon supposition that Holland be French it will be England and Spain against France and Holland and so we are again ballanced We are thus far upon sure grounds we shall now proceed to that which is not much less certain if we rightly consider And that is that Denmark in all probability will become also our Enemies if we take France so far for our Friends as to make him our Master Let us but well observe a few fundamental Maxims of State which every Nation according to their Interest frame for their Government and it will much help us to make a right judgment in all such cases Now this is one of that Kingdoms Not to suffer any one to be absolute Soveraign of Trade and Navigation if they can possibly prevent it For the revenues of that Crown mostly consisting of toll in the Sound we cannot imagine the Danes such dullards but they know who ever is so will soon open that passage and make it as free as the water it self between the North and Baltick Seas And then the King may sit in 's house at Gluckstadt and take toll of Boats that pass in the Elve instead of Copenhagen and his Castle of Croneberg where now he takes toll of all ships in the Sound I foresee it will be said that Sweden will ballance Denmark if that should be so But see then what work this Trade will make in the world And this is wholly uncertain nay Interest will rather incline to the contrary For though Sweden be none of the richest in Trade yet have they their share to lose as well as the rest And the Revenues of that Crown consisting much in Copper which hath occasioned their Armies spoiling all the Mines of that Metal in Germany and wheresoever they could on purpose to enhance their own they know very well that pains might have been spared if Commerce should have an absolute Monarch and that with all the Chimistry that they can use they shall not be able to extract silver and gold out of that Mettal when one only Chapman comes to the market Besides their Bremish and other Territories on this side the Baltick will soon lye a bleeding they know if France's Sword comes to wound the Roman Eagle and his race It may be some may say the Dane dares not for fear of losing that we are indebted to him But who knows not that it is better to lose a part than the whole And if blows
power in the Soveraign Sect. 5. the less liberty in the Subject as we have already shown So that the more numerous his Armies and so much the worse Doth not France groan under this burden and shall we desire to do so or help to ease them by bearing part thereof on our backs If we be so kind I dare engage we may have it all and a thousand thanks from that Kingdom Which is so wearied with it that above one half of them if my intelligence greatly deceive me not would rejoyce to see it lessened though it were with some loss to the honour of the Nation But because I write not to be known but to better the world and with my bucket of water to help to quench the Flames that threaten destruction to the Protestant Interest I shall desire all intelligent persons to enquire of those that understand France or have come lately thence and then let them consider if their condition be desirable If a numerous Army lies quartered upon us shall we not both be kept under by them and eaten up of them And although they be paid in the Kings name yet must not we find our share of the money I never yet read or heard of any wise people that desired their Prince so potent for fear he should oppress them A due Mediocrity hath always been counted best Let any one read the Greek and Roman Historians or any others that are wisely writ and he shall find if he duly observe that the Princes Potency hath always been the peoples jealousie 2. It is also true that he hath been successful in his Arms against us beyond most mens imaginations and perhaps even his own hopes and expectations But if all things be rightly considered it is no such wonder as the world makes it Our Wars by Sea our intestine Divisions the cowardise of some the corruption of many and our multiplicity of Garrisons whereby our Forces were so parcel'd that fighting severally they were easily vanquished together wiâ—â— several other causes which concurr'd under the hand of Divine Justice makes it no wonderment to wise and considerate men Nor is it any new thing in the world but that which hath befallen most of the Nations in Europe as all their Histories abundantly witness 3. Nor will this evince our defence For it hath often been experimented that those that have won much in a little time have lost it again in less How did the same French Nation under Charles the 8. over-run most part of Italy in a little time and quickly lost it as the many Historians of both Nations relate And in our days how did the Swede like lightning pass through Poland which was quickly extinct and came to nothing And so may this if it please God and we manage our work wisely like a thunderclap and sudden flash of lightning afright and astonish us more than hurt us as I shall shew hereafter 4. If France goes on the world grows so jealous of their greatness that they may possible have work enough when their hand is against every one and every one against them and then where shall be our peace and defence It is known by all that know former times how in the Roman Monarchy when they were distressed at home they still called their Forces from abroad and left their conquered Provinces to shift for themselves as I might instance in Spain France England and many others both Eastern and Western And indeed it always is thus so that should France be fallen into by Spain or England or the Empire or Italy or other several of these joyntly or should they fall into Civil Wars which are more frequent there than any yea I think I may say all the Kingdoms in Europe in what condition should we then be Truly I will tell you I think fighting with the French and more eager to be rid of them then many are now to receive them If any one say but would you have us entertain the English I say no but preserve our own freedom by complying with them as I shall shew hereafter 5. If we will espouse all the quarrels of France we may possibly have more than enow and such as may prove our ruin rather than safety and security Our Marriners have their Wars by Sea our citizens and Souldiers by Land Our Merchants Trade to pay their money and all to raise France to the universal Monarchy to the ruin of the Reformed Religion and also the greatest part of Christendom And though now his friends be many yet if he once comes to receive a check his enemies will be more 6. I see no need we have to fear all his power and prevalency if we will do our duty and quit our selves as men for our Country And if we do upon our friendship with the Crown of England we may have Souldiers enow out of those 3 Kingdoms which are as good Infantry surely as French by their own Historians Confession and it is Foot we want if any for the defence of our Garrisons And besides that they are not so likely to be remanded as those of France those Kingdoms being Ilands less liable to invasion and less likely to be engaged in foreign or to be involved in Domestick Wars Secondly for his treasure it cannot be denied to be very great But this is rather against than for our Adversaries For the richer the Soveraign the poorer the subject And I never knew any people yet that desired to have their Prince so rich especially when it comes out of their own pockets I will not meddle with the dispute of the Greeks Ostracisme nor that of Politicians whether poverty or riches in the Soveraign be better for the subject A due mean wise men have allways accounted best When neither the Prince may be jealous of his people for their Riches nor they of him for his Treasures but that they may mutually depend on each other for the good of the whole For as it is difficult to determin what the Magistrate may not demand in case of necessity so is it easie to conclude that he ought not to impoverish his people when there is none and make himself rich by their ruins That being tollerable but this intollerable oppression Nor is it imaginable that he will make France poor to make us rich Nor is it credible that if they remain poor we shall remain rich For in all Princes there remain some jealousies of a conquered people that they may upon some revolution of affaires or other revolt And therefore it is their usual practice by all ways possible to drain them and draw their riches home as the Romans into Italy and other Conquerors their own Kingdoms either by bringing it into their own Treasuries or Native subjects purses or rather both that so they may command it upon all occasions Thirdly for their nearness unto us we know it too well And if the subdued Provinces remain in their hands shall find what it
Fame sound their praises and the Infantry to have their marches beaten through succeeding Ages and Generations I wish that the eccho of Fame may follow them with a clearer sound than the hoarse clamour of the People and hope that the imbellick Bores that are ready to start at the report of a Gun and stoop at the whistling of a Bullet may by having dangers familiarized to them become as the Fox did with the Lion undaunted at last and under their brave General and Commanders regain our reputation and shall heartily pray both for our Senators prosperity and Souldiers success The only consideration that sways with me for contesting for them if we cannot have them otherwise is that of Religion If therefore this policy I have pleaded should prove Apocryphal and that our League and Alliance with them obliges us for them recovery or that the rules of Christian Charity require us to adventure our own loss for their safety God forbid that I or a any man else should be against it and I hope there are none so degenerate but will contribute their best assistance both in purse and person to so good a work If the Turks will redeem the caged birds to set them at liberty let us much more willingly our Christian Brethren and so committing our cause to God pass thorow the Temple of Vertue that we may happily come to that of Honour Having thus shewn the impregnableness of the truth of our cause against the assaults of its Adversaries and fought it out with them in their representing the Advantages of being under France and disadvantages of being under England and our Replying It comes now to our turn to be Assailants wherein we hope to obtain an absolute conquest by shewing them the quite contrary Now herein we might be very large if we would argue from all the suasory and dissuasory topicks as the Honesty of being under England rather than France for the common Interest of the Protestant Religion the Honorableness thereof for the common good of Christendom whose Interest it is to oppose the greatness of France as we shall shew hereafter the Equity of this for assisting our Allies against France the possibility or practicableness of this only now that his Highness is both General and Stadt-holder and also from the contrary of these if we seek to come under France But we shall only insist upon that of Vtility because that is most petswasive and that with respect to our selves only the most part of men being so selfish that they prefer their particular before the publick good The disadvantages of being under France and advantages of being under England 1. Our being under France brings us infallibly unto a War with England and Spain in some short time at least if not presently as we have already shown Now how destructive such a War is to our maritime Negotiation I leave all wise men to judge and Merchants espcially who have the experience thereof Whereas on the contrary our being under England gives us Peace and freedom of Trade by Sea at least inconsiderable disturbance in comparison yea very probably by Land also in regard we can spoil France's Trade disturb his coasts divert his designs and ballacne his power For France cannot fight with all Europe If we be under England we have Spain the Empire c. with us and if France will fight we need not fear him But if that which is said be not sufficient as I suppose it is I am ready to make it apparent that a Land War is more eligible for this Republick then one by Sea with such potent enemies and take the utmost interruption France can make of our Sea-traffick into the ballance 2. If we come under France we shall either do it entirely or partially If the former we are ruined in a great measure in our Commerce for supposing that the Spanish Netherlands fall under France also as in all probability they will and that speedily as even our Adversaries themselves take it for granted the Scheld will be open and free and so Antwerp Bruxels Mechlin Loven Lier and the other Cities of Brabant by this means recover part of their former Commerce which now we deprive them of by Vlissing and Rammekens below and Lillo above on that River and Ghant Cortrick Riissel and other Cities of Flanders a part by the former River being free and by opening the other passage to them which is now obstructed at the Sas van Ghant Now of how great consequence this is to us especially in regard of Amsterdam which bears now a double proportion in the Admiralties and almost the half of the burden of the Taxes of Holland which is almost the half of the whole Republick I leave any one to judge and especially those that know the principles of interest for that great and flourishing City I could be very large upon this in shewing how the fall of Antwerp was the rise of Amsterdam how this City prevailed that the other should not be taken by the Arms of this Republick as also what some say it cost them to prevent it that this was a great inducement to the States not to enlarge the Republick on the side of Flanders and Brabant and what a great motive it was to make peace with Spain that so they might prevent so Potent a Prince as France from coming so nigh them upon that quarter and doing it by power and how Holland gave security for maintaining the peace when Zeeland protested against the same But these are so well known in Holland and the objections against it so answered Schookius de Pace that I need not lanch into this Ocean Now who is so purblind but he may foresee that if we come under France the Flemish Merchants especially Papists will return and carry their Trade to Antwerp and many French also setle themselves there the River being much better the City fit for traffick every way and having the Popish Religion publickly profest so that it will soon contest with Amsterdam for Trade and carry it ere long and then Amsterdam may say of Antwerp as the Ice of the Water Mater me genuit mater mox gigniture exme For we must think those Cities and particularly Antwerp are nearer the Confines of France than Holland and will be more confided in being Papists so that they will become both the care and Crown of that King and Kingdom for their Trade in these Northern parts of the World Yea let me say it for I know it to be true this is that the Trading Flamens long for seek for and should above all things be glad to see so that in stead of hindring they shall help all they dare Frances conquest for this their Interest And if some of these Provinces only come under France and othersome under England what a miserable condition shall we be in by having two such potent Princes continually contesting in the midst of us so that by such strong fits of
two rather than keep them and render many thanks to the buyer into the bargain Whereas on the other hand if we come under England they have formerly had and still have a considerable share in the East India Trade Their Company and ours accord well and frequently accommodate each others correspondence His Majesty in the former War in his Declaration and the Papers past between the States General A.D. 1664 1665 and his Envoy Sir George Dawning infists upon Poleron one of the Banda Islands satisfaction for injuries past with deduction of what we had suffered and regulation of Trade for the future A.D. 1671 2 and his Majesty in his Declaration of this present War only mentions the last The Regulation of Trade in the East-Indies Now I perswade my self that neither the States nor East-India Company will stick upon these For Polleron if they have it it can now neither be any great profit to them nor prejudice us For a just accompting with them what just man can be against it Or against a due and equal Regulation of Trade that so all occasions of contests between the two Nations may be cut off and wholly prevented for the future It is true that reaches not the supposal of our being under them but only standing upon equal terms with them for Trade and therefore we will come close up to the supposition in hand And herein we shall proceed with such franckness that we shall grant more than our adversaries can reasonably be jealous of and that is that the English should have half of that Trade with us and yet shew that it is better for us then to take in France For 1. The English have a considerable part already and France but an inconsiderable so that we must in all probability part with much more to the latter and need part with less to the former Our first capital of the East-India Company is 64 Tun of Gold and the English 40. It is true we have Traded both longer and more and so have a greater improvement suppose 70 Tun of Gold there which ordinarily is reckoned about three times in the value when returned hither and suppose as much or more here in goods or money which vastly exceeds the English yet it must be considered that we are at greater expences there several ways than they that we have money at interest though inconsiderable to what formerly having pay'd off the last year above 50 some say 60 Tun of Gold I must here ingenuously confess that I have but the forementioned calculations from the curâ—osity of discourse and the credit of others not upon the authentick authority of the books of both Companies which I have not leisure now nor indeed pleasure to enquire into and yet I think I am near the truth having had these things from very good hands I will therefore proceed and here we are certain that besides a great sum of money our Company hath lent the States to carry on this War which I reckon as an honourable gift we are like to part with a far greater to purchase our peace And though our Actions be far more worth than theirs for example a capital Action that gives right to a suffrage in the election of the Directors of that Trade being originally 100 l Vlamish or 1800 g and in times of peace 400 l Vl. or 2400 g and sometimes 500 l Vl. or 3000 g and with them not worth two or twelve yet this arises not so much from the great emolument that the Participants here receive more than there as from the plenty of money here which several have and know not how otherwise to improve the small Interest usually under 4 per Cento to those of good credit and the dearness of Land all which are contrary in England So that I leave it to any competent and impartial man to judge should it be so which yet I think none need to fear whether it is better for us to supply the English with a less part or the French with a greater of that our Trade For I dare say that if England hath a fourth of ours France hath not an eighth part thereof 2. How easie is it for us and England to beat France out of the East-India Trassek if we have Wars or if the French seek to incroach upon us 3. Under England we keep our own Chambers of Trade whereby thousands of Families subsist in our Cities All manner of Trades for Shipping and navigation Carpenters Smithes Sail-makers c. All manner of Tradesmen for victuals Bakers Brewers Butchers c. by their labours at least All manner of Shopkeepers for selling them Provisions that are sent and buy commodities that return Besides the poorer sort as Boatsfolk Labourers c. which are exceeding many that wholly depend on the Company for their livelihood Whereas if we come under France and the Spanish Provinces also as we may reasonably suppose a great share will be removed to Antwerp there being so large and magnificent an East-India house and that being nearer France by far Whereby our Trade being taken from us our Cities will be impoverished beyond imagination 4. The impositions of the Crown of England is with consent of the people in Parliament the rates both inward and outward being set by law and so would be here with consent of the States Those of France arbitrary and inhansible at pleasure And how great an alteration Customs make in Commerce I leave all knowing Merchants to judge I foresee it will be said that were we under France we should beat England out of the East India Trade and so have it wholly to our selves If they would make either the â—ntecedent or Consequent good the Argument deserved consideration bue I know they cannot for they are both impracticable First We cannot beat them out there till we have conquered them here for how shall we in Wars with them spare Ships Souldiers c. to do that Now what probability there is of conquering them is formerly declared The English are reasonably fortified and provided and will doubtless be better if they see danger approaching And not only so but being in good amity as I have heard with those Nations where they reside they would never suffer our enmity to prevail so far against them Nor those Nations with whom we both Trade for knowing how low one chapman makes the market they will assist the weaker rather than lose their advantage by them Nor if we should conquer them there will all the spoils fall to our selves as some may possibly think whose hopes are postilion to the Sun and therefore fancy things beyond the Moon and bring such booties from East to West upon the wings of their windy imaginations For instead of hoping to have half we have reason to fear should it be so that France will have all the parts of the Prey 5. If we be under France what shall become of our Fishery upon the Coast of England and those
Conveys and particularly of the East India Companies I know very well they will have them return round about on the back of Ireland lest they should touch at any of these Northern places especially in the Chanel and so Trade and will send out Ships with fresh men and take out the Mariners that return to prevent their trading for themselves but yet the extraordinary Charges of our men of War might be spared Nay the States General bring in these to be diducted in the Accompt with England as the occasion thereof in their List of damages Article the 5. before the last War A. D. 1664. 5. Such as are Rich and weary of Trade or love their ease honour or pleasure may if we were under England more easily remove thither and be made liege subjects and free Denizens of England by the Crown or be naturalized by the Parliament and so buy possess and inherit Lands and revenues at half the price here and live upon their Rents as Country Gentlemen in a cheap and pleasant Land enjoying as great civil Liberty as any where in Christendom and also the freedom of their Religion Or let out their money not only at far greater interest but also upon bypothece or real security I have often thought this 20 years whether it might not be better for England to give this Liberty by Law to strangers especially those of the Reformed Religion and of these Countries and of which side the interest lay betwixt us for this Now that England hath so many and great Plantations in the West Indies for their poorer people now that money is so plentiful now that this Common-wealth was so increased upon them now that the Number of Merchants is every where so multiplied and now that Trade is beaten so low almost in all the known parts of the World But this would be both a large and unnecessary digression and I am very sensible that I have been already too long in this Argument Yet industriously I confess because I foresee that many will diligently peruse this who perhaps will negligently pass by the rest and mine Opposites so much glorying herein I thought best to give them full measure and rather abound to curiositie than be deficient in satisfying the least nicity Trade being the Crown of that Kingdom and this Common wealth Sect. 8. Several other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be prefered before that of France ALthough what is said of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade be sufficient to prove this hypothetical problem yet I shall give as over measure some other enducements for England briefly 1. The different humor and genious of the French and Dutch which is well known to those that know them both to be far greater than between us and the English Which makes not only a stâ—angâ—ness but alienation of affection begets a disgust and nauseating of each other brings forth many contests and quarrels and nourishes a continual discontent uneasiness and unquietness of life 2. The affection which the generallity of the English and Dutch Nation have for each other So that if the Controversies of late years and at this present between us had been or were refered to the body of the people in both Nations although I well know what both their Representatives have done I dare say upon reasonable satisfaction for the mutual miscarriages which cannot but some times happen towards each other there never had been nor would be War betwixt us more And that his Majesty and the Prince of Orange would have more Voluntiers in one day to fight the French than they have in twenty to fight each other 3. The way of France is only Gentry and Paisantry the former lording it over the latter which have allways lived more miserably than any common people in Europe In Caesars time there was nibil plebe contemptius as he tells us and hath continued so as Bodin acknowledges and is so at this day we all know C. 1. C. 10. Whereas in England and these Countries there is a middle sort of people that live freely and independently on their own Lands and Farmes that will never endure the insolency of such Lords much less to be their slaves and least of all to be ruined by them 4. Now that the Prince of Orange is advanced and his party upmost so that the Crown of England may confide more in our friendship it is not to be doubted but through his Highness interest in his Uncles we shall better accord hereafter when these unhappy differences are once ended And thus I have done with this great Question of the times Sufficiently I thinke to satisfie any rational man though nothing is sufficient nor will satisfie I know such as are either so resolvedly prejudiced against the English or Princes interest that if they can but ruin them they matter not though they ruin both themselves and the Nation or so partially passionate for the French that they desire them though it be to their own destruction For all the Arguments in the World will never prevail against passion and prejudice It is only experience that can convince such of their error and make them with Damocles when the drawn Sword is over them desire to depart finding they were deceived in their opinion of Happiness I shall therefore conclude with a brief reflection upon some of these Arguments and the Corollary which naturally flows from them That seeing England and We are of the same Religion Both free people and affectionated to each other Both imbarqued in the same Interest of Trade though in different bottoms It not only becomes us but is our mutual concernment that we take heed we dash not one another to pieces but fairly and Christianly comply with each other for the safeguard of our Religion preservation of the Protestant Interest our own and others also Liberties and the just and equitable course of Commerce that so each Nation may happily enjoy their Religion Liberty Estates and Trade with Gods blessing on them all Sect. 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remain a Republick in regard of our own strength and our neighbours interest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland than let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will go through and Parliament probably assist therein WE have hitherto discoursed upon the supposal of inability to defend our selves because it becomes wise men always to suppose the worst condition that may probably befall them with the consequences thereof and accordingly to make provision and in regard of the endless curiosity of mens minds which are always restless under miseries and still inquisitive after futurities We shall now proceed to shew that we are not yet through Gods mercy towards us come to the extremity supposed nor reduced to
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
we cannot discerne as Christ tells them the signes of the times Can all Europe allmost be arming and we a sleepe in the Bed of Security dreaming of Peace Besides the incredible preparations of France is not England Sweadland and all our Neighbors allmost up and at worke and can we thinke they would be at that cost for a Comedy of Peace have we not all the reason in the World to thinke it will be to us a Tragedy of War Let others enjoy their opinion and not take the alarme till they see Hanibal ad portas for my part I must needs profes I cannot from what I observe but conclude that the affaires of the ensuing Summer are like to be great and the motions thereof quick and such as will highly concerne us in these Countreys As to this Republick which hath at this time these four declared Enimies England France Colen and Munster I shall briefly speake my thoughts with reference to them all England probably will get a bridle to curb us I have shewne in the Preface what they account the Intrest of the Kingdome We see notwithstanding the Prince of Orange his promotion they still pursue the War and must we not then conclude that they seeke some thing further Whether they will by Sea attacque our Coasts or by marching their Armie about over Land is not for me to determine much les what particular places below they may fall upon or what succes they may have Yet I conclude they will have some hanke or other upon our Navall power one way or other before they make Peace with us otherwise they will continue the War the following Summer to try their utmost to get that which we will not give them France that is allready got into the Sadle will there sit and ride us though we flatter our selves we shall by one means or other shake him out of it and off our backs Truly I cannot but wonder often times to heare what vaine hopes men expres and there 's no contradicting them allthough some times I cannot conteine my selfe from smiling or shakeing my head that France must be content with one or two of our Cities which we can best spare and with a confidence allmost as large as if they was ready to run way or resolved to march out and quit those Cities they have at our pleasure As if the French were such sooles to be at that vast expence great paines even the King himselfe personally and have such advantage upon us and quit the same for a thing of nothing For my part I am affraid they will rather get more then lose that they have gotten already And I know their designe is to get all at last It is true if we comply with England and so strengthen our selves by them and Spaine we may thereby hope either to obteine better conditions by Treaty or compel them thereunto by Force But I am speaking of the state of the War as now it stands Colen that pretends to some of those Cities which we held about the Rhyne that are now in the power and possession of the French may possibly for his paines and permission of their passage c. get some supernumerary girth one place or other that may be of no great concernment to France either for their designes upon us or the Empire and must be contented therewith And perhaps for some time his Counsellors may have their Pensions continued from France Munster that is mercinary and fights for Money will get a bos off the crupper French Lewis's made and minted of Dutch Ducats For elective Princes as Bishops that are onely for life seek more to enrich themselves then to enlarge their Territories as those doe that are hereditary And this is likely so far as I can see to prove our condition except 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appeare in the Tragedy or God Almighty by some wonderfull providence make a change in the Scene of this War Which I confess is very deplorable which way soever we look and we are not so sensible of it now as we shall be hereafter I had thought here to have sit downe a little with a lamentation but I have been so large already that I shall wholly wave it for the present And yet it is a had wind that blows no good we may make this advantage of our miseries so long as we remain amidst our enimies when a Peace is once concluded that we may hold them both fair to us and so secure our selves a little more in quiet then we perhaps think by being ready to close with either to the great prejudice of the other And therefore let me freely insert this important and necessary Caution for England That they take heed they do not overdo their work and so far irritate this Republick that out of a present prejudice and passion and also desperation of their future quietness from them they call in the French to be revenged of them though it be to their own ruine I know many are jealous that this whole War is onely to make the Prince of Orange a Monarch and the two Crowns will have no more to do with the States although I profess I am far from thinking that those two Kings and Kingdoms would be at all this expence of blood and treasure for that end onely and doe believe that if that would set us in our former condition it would soone be assented unto not onely by the multitude but the wiseft men amongst us who know the extraordinary abilities and great capacities of his Highness Therefore let me say it freely without offence either of Him or his Enimies that I perceive many lay this for a fundamental maxim Better a Prince that hath power to defend us then one whom we must onely defend And except my eye-sight fail me some are fast at work in preparing materials to build thereon A word is enough to the wise and therefore I will say no more Nay I will not dissemble my further fears That if France keeps those places on the South Sea and should get others lower either in Holland or Frieslands as may capacitate him to incommodate their Trade though we should have a peace for some time with him we shall fall into his hands at last For the French are already so near us on every side that they hover over us as a Hawk over the grey watching onely an opportunity how they may grasp us in their talons If any shall here aske me Why may we not then as well now become French I also shall aske such one Question which when they satisfie me in I also shall them You know certainly you must die at last whereas here is onely uncertaine fears and yet when you are sick why do you take physick and use means for recovery Is it not because you desire to live as long as you can Doe you not account him a mad man that will cast away his life although he must lose it at
the last And rightly because who knows what God may doe and whether he may not recover him though the disease be desperate Having spoke our thoughts concerning these united we shall now speak of the Spanish Provinces I have as much smattering skill in Physick I confess as would serve me to make Charon a fraight of old Wives yet am I far from being arrived at the confidence which I have observed in Vrinal-Doctors And yet for once I will adventure to try the little skill I have with those State-Mountebanks that are so secure concerning the Spanish Netherlands For my part I have shak't their Water again and again and can find nothing but symptoms of death I shall onely premise that I shall not with an Emperical confidence tell you the time Kingdoms and States as well as private persons sometimes languish out rather then live their last But that they are so sick that I see no hopes of their recovery if this War continues And I will tell you my feares for the ensuing Summer 1. The incredible preparations that France makes this Winter both of Men and Money as if they would set all at stake for carrying on the following Summers Wars 2. The Empire 's Army is overmatcht with Turens They know that we are not in a capacity to recover the Cities we have lost and that they cannot conquer those that remaine so that their Armies cannot be designed either for strengthning their owne Garrisons or forcing of ours Except they will spend a Summers Expedition upon some inconsiderable out Garrisons which I cannot imagin 3. I have looked round about in Europe where this storme should fall and can see no place it hovers over except those Provinces and our selves 4. I consider the eminent advantage France hath at present by their friendship with England which I feare he will take 5. Allthough I doe not thinke France will prevaile by all his endeavors with England to breake with Spaine yet I thinke England will either be employed in doing their owne worke or not so quickly breake with France to stop his carriere in over-running those Netherlands 6 We shall either have the Wars continue or a Peace If the former as they are though England helps not therein for they profes in their Declaration to maintaine the Treaty at Aken yea though they would hinder it yet I doe not see how they can practically if they have not prevented it before-hand by their Treaty nor we to be sure the Wars continuing If a Peace be concluded we shall be forced to forsake them this being the main ground of the quarrel For if we would have helped France to have ruind them we might have been quiet for some time at least but because we had rather quench then set our neighbors house on fire lest ours follow in the flames France hath fallen upon us and shall we not then thinke that he will cudgell us into such conditions It is true indeed if England and we come to understand one another and our joynt intrest better we may succor them for some time but that 's not my supposal of the Wars continuing as they are which in that case implies a strange complication of diseases which to me who knows not their Treaty seems incurable 7. And where else they should have assistance to save them if France will fall upon them I see not For the Empire cannot it is well if they can save themselves Spaine is at a great distance May make perhaps some diversion in Catalonia or some small from Millan c. But what 's that to save those Provinces 8. We must therefore consider if they can stand on their owne legs so as to withstand their enimies power and not to be throwne downe thereby And here we shall find the number of Spanish inconsiderable the Dutch very wavering and uncertaine Some Popish Zealots thinking France can best carry on their designes others betwixt hopes and feares wishing they might see an issue and others plainely despairing of resistance desiring they were over Their Cities great and untenable severall of them requiring allmost as many to man them well as they have Spanish in the Countrey If they can make good Bruxels Antwerp Namur and Oostend for some time to see if the affaires of Europe may not alter it is all I expect But what shall become of the whole Countrey and the rest of the Cities Descriptio Lovani Bruges Mechlin Gant Lovaine c. Some of them as large as most Cities in Europe Three Noblemen An. 1427. as Guicciardine tells us with great charges had five of the greatest Cities on this side the Alpes measured and found but 18 Rods or Perches difference Of which Lovaine and Gant the greatest Paris within the Walls and Liege alike Colen the least But neglecting to mention the just measure Guicciardine tells us they are 6 Italian miles within and above 8 without the walls And though this be enough yet I must needs thinke them more For having had the curiosity to measure one of them for all I found it upon a warme walking within the Walls three full hours by my watch And besides this Paris and Liege are most populous Colen next but these of the Netherlands least so that I leave any rationall man to judge what number of men they require to maintaine them for I will not now stand to make that calculation Now if he takes these two great Cities he is in the heart of Brabant and Flanders so that all the rest will fall of themselves I conclude therfore that except the treaty between France and England secure them which is unknowne to me or that God in his all-wise Providence make some wonderfull chang in the scene of affairs in Europe the Spanish Netherlands are lost Having therefore thus tolled their passing bell we will leave them to Gods mercy and the King of France's clemency and hast us out of them to France and England And here many perhaps will thinke me litle better than madd to cross the current opinion of Christendom when I say that the Friendship of France and England is sick at heart and cannot live long and the contrary of that betwene England and Spaine But I matter not that other men have their way of making their measures and I have mine And indeed I thought to have communicated it but this worke having allready exceeded my intentions and that would be a great digression I would onely tell you my grounds or reasons for the present why I thinke so and may happily make a particular discourse of the other hereafter How France and England came to be so great friends as to agree to commence and carry on a War thus far against us is not now mine enquiry but to shew there is no such ground to dispaire of complianee with England notwithstanding their present league with France is my designe And for this end I shall first shew that though this friendship is faire
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords