the whole Kingdome In severall his Messages returned unto their Propositions he repeats and confirms the same judgement of and concerning their full and ample power being lawfully summoned and by a Law consented unto by himselfe in full Parliament Not to be dissolved unless by their own consent Notwithstanding which severall attempts of force and violence were offered as far as his and his parties power could extend it self to the dissolving it by contending to divide and scatter them accusing the remaining part of the Members sitting in the House at Westminster of being Rebells so being divided to account no other of the Parliament at Westminster than he did soone after the Pacification made with his Scotish Subjects of the Parliament in Scotland terming them h The divided Members of that distracted Parliamentary Body remaining at Edinburgh So that as to the Parliament of England it must be confessed that he meaned not what he expressed in allowing to them that lati-tude of Power and Priviledges or that his Party hath since prevailed with him to renounce that judgement which he declared to have had of them That the contentions at the first sitting of the House were upon the point about matters of fact what things were done what projected to be done How the King and his Ministers of Justice had demeaned themselves since the beginning of his Reign how many oppressions of severall kinds had been offered by them how they had offended against the known Lawes in an Arbitrary way of Government which being disputed by all men as they conversed together or within themselves a Division could not be avoided but must break out into contrariety of Opinions and Affections consequently into Partyes and Engagings as their judgements should direct some likely to adhere unto the King contending to make him Absolute to doe whatsoever he pleased others contending on the other hand to have him govern according to the Lawes as bound by his Oath the result from out the differences betwixt them both could be no other than for the one Party knowing what of late had passed to endeavour a redresse to consult a remedy against the like Exorbitances withall that there was no other visible power in being to emulate and check a King 's except a Parliament's i the Power and Priviledges of which Court in Rivalship with the Kings have been many wayes manifested in the actings and contestings betwixt their powers In the present contention betwixt which it is not so much what hath accidentally fallen out in the progresse of this war as what hath been actually and intentionally attempted to be done which foments the quarrell or decides the controversy That this Parliament in contending to maintaine their power their friends and assistants against their enemies confronting them was by an high hand interrupted and opposed and if we take our Neighbour Nation the k Scots their judgment in the stating the occasion of this VVarre and the Enemies designe this Parliament was for no other reason called then to give the King relief and aid against their comming into England This the occasion of the League and union betwixt us and them On these and the like grounds they knowing what had been attempted against their Nationall Lawes and Rights foreseeing what the event was like to be in case they did not bear with patience knowing also in what condition the English at or near that time were what Declarations the King had published against some what severe courses he had taken against other Members of the Parliament of England which the Historian notes the dejected People were enforced to endure with patience and to allow against their own reason the Scots considering withall that if of themselves they made resistance without the aid of friends they were too weak a power that if they delayed their course for remedy too long their friends and strength might have been prevented and knowing before hand that there are but two remedies applyable to the approach of dangers Prevention and Recovery the first the right hand rather the heart of Policy the other the left and after-game They begun before any preparations made for or against a VVar with sending to the Parliament of England a Iustification of their proceedings intreating them to be wary in Vindicating their own Lawes and Liberties to frustrate the designs of those evill Counsellours who had procured this Parliament for no other end than to arme the King with warlike supplies against his Scotish Subjects and by that Warre to enslave if not to ruine both Nations that after many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England This was not to redresse grievances but to be so over-reached if they were not carefull and couragious that no possibility should be left for the future redressing any That so dangerous practises might be well suspected when at the same time a Parliament was denyed to Scotland although promised on the word of a King granted to England when not expected and obtruded upon Ireland when not desired The rise of all which was from the anger which the Scots knew the King conceived against them for some particular acts of theirs charged with Disloyalty as without recounting all other differences and jealousâ—es betwixt him and them That they refused and declared against the Messages sent them to receive the Service-Book obtruded on them for which as for vindicating themselves from the like charged Disloyalties they were accused by the King to have wrote a l Letter to the K. of France Imploring His Protection as weary of their Obedience to their owne King for which disloyall Letter as it was termed a chief m Peer of theirs was imprisoned and condemned to dye That the Pacification had and made to take away all differences past and which might ensue betwixt the King the English and the Scots by the prudent and joynt advice of a select Committee of English and Scotish Lords as to remove all jealousies betwixt both Nations was soone after it was made scoâ—ned and slighted the Scots then complaining in their informations made unto the English their Friends and Brethren of many injuries they had received since the Pacification made and contrary to that Agreement This was the condition of the Scots these the very words of their Remonstrance That the Union and Brotherly League entred into by both Nations was no otherwise construed than an Invitation in the one and invasion of n Forreiners in the other Nation and howsoever the Charge in the 7. Articles exhibited against the 5 Members of the House of Commons and one Lord of the House of Peers was laid to those few onely yet probably it had reached many other of the English Nation had not the first assault of violence in the Kings party miscarried as it did But wherefore were those Articles exhibited against those Members and the King attempt in an hostile array to seize their Persons in the House of Commons which when he could not effect
to be in it self Illusory as to the latter part of it by a precedent act of Parliament to bind and frustrate a future whenas a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it self neither that which is in nature revocable be made fixed no more then if a men should appoint or declare by his Will that if he made any latter Will it should be void the quality of the Statute it self being considered as to the Imprisoning Fining some of the Kings Party for adhering unto for taking part with him against the knowne and fundamentall Lawes seem to be of no use to the present Quarrell betwixt the late King and the People that objected Statute seeming Temporary only whereupon the aforesaid Writer concludes with this Aphorisme that things that do not bind may satisfie for the timâ— But to returne to the occasion of this Warre how unhappily continued how easily the terms of dissention now in being are reconcileable how petty a difference there is betwixt the two Tenents of Independent Presbyterian is easy for any man to know who shal enquire into the quality of either of what growth settlement and extent they are the one the Presbyterian not ripe enough as yet to be established neither the times now fit to entertaine a fixt or established forme of Government to bind all sorts of men many having been left at liberty whether they have or will take the Covenant many who have taken it thinking themselves not obliged forthwith and in all parts to keep it having for some cause discovered since their taking set it aside The other the Independent a seeming rather then a certain abdication or totall renouncing all Government or for ever the Lord General and his army called Independents but why let them that call them so answer for it have solemnly p declared against such disorder and non-Government There are t is to be believed some adhering to the Parliament other of the same sort belonging to or having been of the Army that desire an independent and unlimited Power which neither derives its beginning nor receives its bounds from the Magistrate which kind of humour the Parliament neither q approveth nor admitteth of There are some besides styled Independents and many of them may haply desire to shake off that heavy yoake of Government which growne through the corruption of manners and indulgency of times into abuse exorbitancy and oppressings doth gall and heavily presse their Fellow Subjects necks not by an easy or ordinary course to be taken off yet the granting these proves not that the Parl. maintains or which is lesse allowes Disorder or Nonâ—Government in a Commonwealth the Division between them two Presbyterian and Independent was handsomely hatched and as cunningly carried on by the Common Enemy on purpose by Dividing to overcome them both or as is before observed it befell through their pride of Conquering The main and originall difference first in dispute between the Kings party and the Parliament's arose from matter of Fact which brought in this dispute or question amongst other things unto whose charge the Deluge of blood spilt in this Warre is to be laid The Parliament hath declared That it is to be lâ—iâ— at the King and his Parties doores For instance sake The bloud-guilty and horrid act of hindring the relief of Ireland whereby thousands of his Protestant Subiects have been slain which holds the three heretofore united Kingdomes in a languishing and sad estate even at this day the one divided against the other and many of the People of all three despairing to enjoy their former Pâ—ace the Parliament instancing First in his sparingly anâ— too late proclaming their Enemies Rebells when the Rebellion first broke out By signing Commissions to the chief Actors in the Rebellion r the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland sending unto him a serious Admonition to that purpose and charging him therein to be guilty of the shedaing the â—loud of many thousands of his best Subiects The Parliament of England their Commissioners at the Å¿ Treaty at Uxbridge urging as to the Warre in Ireland his disapproving the subscriptions of the Adventurers and Officers of the Army imployed for the relief of his Protestant Subjects there by meanes whereof the course intended was then diverted his making a Cessation with the Rebells which had it not been in the time of their greatest want and the Forces imployed against them not drawn off they might in all probability have been ere this subdued and the War even finished Instead thereof it is protracted That Kingdome having been by the prowesse of his t Predecessours kept entire united unto and a u Member of this State of England is by his and his Party's abetting it put into a Condition and even invited to invade and conquer This And what was wanting to be further acted by himself and his Councell is now set on and continued by his Party hindring the supplyes and forces sent over by the Parliament to reduce the Rebels raising and fomenting a new Warre between Us and the Scots to divert the Forces intended for the relief of Ireland that by a Warre with Scotland the English may be lesse enabled to prosecutâ— their design in Ireland That the Commissioners sent by the two Houses of Parliament for the better supply and encouragement of the Army in that Kingdome were discountenanced and commanded from the Councell there where the prosecution of the War was to be managed The Houses of Lords and Commons in the debate with the King about the Affairs of Ireland sent him word that his Message then sent to Them wherein He chargeth them with false pretences and a purpose in Them to divert large sums of money collected from the English from the proper use to which it was intended was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament and upon that occasion They declare many particulars of their care for the reliese of Iâ—eland and the Kings hindring it Those particulars there expressed are as followeth They declare that this bloody Rebellion was first raised by the same Counsell that had before brought two great Armies within the bowells of this Kingdome and two Protestant Nations ready to welter in each others blood which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor Commons in England and quietly at last disbanded by Gods blessing on the Parliaments endeavours That this designe failing the same wicked Counsel who had caused that impious Warre raised this barbarous Rebellion in Ireland and recommended the suppressing thereof for the better colour to the Parliaments care who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their Protestant Brethren there not suspecting this horrid Plot now too apparent did cheerfully undertake thâ—t great worke and doe really intend and endeavour to settle the Protestant Religion and a permanent Peace in that Realm to the glory of God the honour and profit of his Majesty and security of his three Kingdomes
But how they have been discouraged retarded and diverted in and from this pious and glorious worke by those traiterous Counsells about his Maiesty will appear by these particulars They there mention the sending over at the first of twenty thousand pounds by the Parliament and that good way found out to reduce Ireland by the Adventure of private men without charging the Subiect in generall which would probably have brought in a million of money had the King continued in or near London and not by leaving his Parliament and making War upon it so intimidated and discouraged the Adventurers and Others who would have adventured that that good Bill is rendered in a manner ineffectuall They mention that when at the sole charge of the Adventurers five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse were designed for the relief of Munster under the Command of an English w Lord and nothing was wanting but a Commission to enable him for the service such was the power of wicked Counsell that no Commission could be obtained from the King by reason whereof Lymrick was wholly lost and the Province of Munster since in very great distresse That when well-affected Persons at their own charges by way of Adventure had prepared divers Ships and Pinnaces with a thousand Land Forces for the service of Ireland desiring nothing but a Commission from his Maiesty that Commission after twice sending to York for it and the Ships lying ready to set saile three weeks together at the charge of neer three hundred pounds a day was likewise denyed and those Adventurers rather than to lose their Expedition were constrained to goe by vertue of an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament That although the Lords Iustices of Ireland earnestly desired to have some pieces of Battery sent over as necessary for that service â—et such Command was given to the Officers of the Tower that nâ—ne of the Kings Ordnance must be sent to save his Kingdome That a prime Engineer and Quarteâ— master Generall of the Army in Ireland and in actuall imployment there against the Rebells was called away from that important service by expresse command from the King That a Captaine Comptroller of the Artillery a man in pay and principally imployed and trusted here by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for providing and ordering the Train of Artillery which was to be sent to Dublin and who had received great sums of money for that purpose was Commanded from that Employment and Trust to serve the King in this unnaturall War against his Parliament and when the Parliament had provided many hundred suits of Cloaths and sent them towards Chester the Waggoners that undertook the Carriage of them were assaulted by the Kings Souldiers lying about COVENTRY who took away the Clothes That three hundred suits of Clothes sent likewise by the Parliament for Ireland towards Chester were all taken away by the Kings Troopers under their Captain allowing it As likewise that a great number of Draught-Horses prepared by the Parliament for the Artillery and Baggage for the Irish Army and sent to Chester for that purpose being there attending a Passage were then required by the King for his present service in England whose Forces were so quartâ—râ—d about the Roads to Ireland that no Provision could pass thither by Land with any safety That two other Captains the the Admirall and Vice-Admiral of the ships appointed to lie upon the Coast of Ireland to annoy the Rebels and to prevent the bringing Ammunition and Relief from Forreign Parts were both called away from that employment by the Kings Command and by reason of their departure from the Coast of Munster to which they were designed the Rebels there have received Powder Ammunition and other Relief from Forreign Parts By which z particulars say they it may seem that those Rebells were countenanced there to assist the Enemies of the Parliament here especially considering that those confident Rebels have presumed very lately to send a Petition to the King entituling themselves his Majesties Catholique Subjects of Ireland complaining of the Puritan Parliament of England and desiring that since his Majesty comes not over thither according to their expectation they may come into England to his Maiâ—sty These are the Charges whereof both Houses of Parliament have in these very words accused the King and cannot look back to retract their Charge And what at the beginning of this Warre was imputed to the Kings evill Counsell as their crime in seducing him to an arbitrary and tyrannicall way of Government to the countenancing if not the promoting this Rebellion of the Irish even now mentioned to the refusing to signe the Proposition tendered to him by the two Houses of Parliament as the onely and necessary means for setling a firm and well-grounded Peace with other of the like kinde which might be instanced in the Houses out of tendernesse to his honour would have remitted as to him being willing to abstract and sever his personall Acts from the Acts of such his Counsell yet he refuseth not to excuse his Counsell nor positively or seriously denieth those Charges as to himself only jestingly declines the particular presumptions wherewith he was charged of his privily countenancing that Rebellion in Ireland as not worth the answering Withall whereas the Kings party argue to have the King himself excused his Counsell blamed for his mis-government they must as well distinguish betwixt his Counsell before the Warre and his Counsel since the War began and limit it to whom of that his Counsel were his Seducers so the distinguishing before the War began between the Kings own Acts and those of his evill Counsell seems to be of no value whereby to excuse the King and wholly and in a generall way to charge his Counsell indefinitely named his Evill Counsell ignoâ—ely spoken who they were neither assigning or setting forth as the Arguers in the particulars should for the better compleating their Apology for the King who the Super-intendent and President of that Counsell was Besides the King contending on the one hand to rescue and protect whom the Parliament on the other did contend to punish it was a matter of no small difficulty to discern and judge by the understanding how an abstract and separation might be had betwixt the King and that his Counsell they mutually and strenuously contending to assist and defend one another The Question therefore by way of Argument betwixt the Kings party and the Parliaments as between the Commissioners imployed on either side to Treat admits now no verball or written Answer to or Denying it is to be determined by no other Umpire then the Sword and what the two opposite Parties have a long time strove for the one defending their Cause in their Books and Writings by vehemency and height of Wit the other theirs by solid and substantiall Prudence seems to be left to the Conquerour to determine What the odds is betwixt their Writings because controverted by either side
England to be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blind and brutish formality and that the King reckons himselfe accomptable to none but God which the Parliament objecteth as a maxime and ground for any Tyranny the enacting Lawes are of no value as to the King and then the Question is how far swearing Allegiance is to the Subject as the Oath was therefore and then imposed which is next to be discussed To the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance obje Books seditiously printed and privately dispersed abroad to discountenance and depresse the Parliaments cause to extoll and magnifie their own obtruding their writings on such Authors as they please all to affect the Reader sometimes on the adverse part to render them the more dâ—spicable and ridiculous sometimes on their own Friends to make them the more applauded and famous for their Actions or sufferings as by that one more remarkeably for the King in his name it may appeare of which it may be said as it was of Sampson that it did his Enemies more hurt upon and by the occasion of his death then he could doe when he was alive namely and to instance in one of his parties acts amongst the rest their publishing the Posthume Book called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by some men reputed to be his though unlikely since by the Parliaments Declarations and Proofes convicting him of severall crimes it is made appeare unto those who shall impartially read and judge the transactions mutually passed betwixt him and his accusers either that the Book and those applauded Tracts and Meditations in it are none of his or that his party by setting forth that Book in his name would have him act the part of an exquisite hypocrite in representing such devotions as most of all should consist and be wholly taken up in a serious and reall sincerity so that the Tytle of that Book might be both literally and morally as to the King himselfe or to him who personates such conceptions in his name be entituled the Image and Pourtraiture of a Counterfeit rather than the Pourtraiture of a King the falshood and imposture resting on them alone who thus dresse and sets him forth Whosoever shall read the Parliaments often Declarations and Charges against the King set forth since the beginning of this War not denyed or answered by any of his Party saving in a recriminatory and scoffing way calling the Parliament and their Acherents Rebells or who shall read the n History of the Parliament of England summarily reciting what the Lords and Commons have accused the King of his countenancing and giving way to the Rebellion in IRELAND setting downe at large the strong presumptions against him for his countenancing it although eloquently excused and in a fine and pious Language denyed by the Author of the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} his averseness from calling Parliaments cannot but acknowledg that Book o whatsoever the fair and plausible flourishes in it do pretend of the Kings inclining to and desiring Parliaments to be falsly and injuriously charged on him few or none so indulgent to his Cause as to beleeve the whole Booke both for matter and forme to be of his owne penning however they may thinke some part of it to be his Falsly because they cannot but know how p unwillingly and seldome he called any how q oft he did dissolve or attempt to dissolve them when they were called notwithstanding the great Necessity of that Court for the propagation and maintenance of Justice that it drew on a r Law yet in force to call a Parliament every year in that through the discontinuance of them through the often dissolving them in the time of his Reigne and his Declarations published against some of the Members of either House the Historian reports The deiected People were forced to read with Patience and to allow against their own Reason Whence the Reader may observe an Answer to an Objection which the Kings Party makes r That the Parliaments party did begin the Preparations for a War before the Kings The People 't is true were discontented and greived at the Exactions and Oppressions practised in the time of his Reign they held themselves destitute of any means of redresse and therefore might harbour Heart burnings and thoughts of Rising but could not devise or thinke of any course towards the Preparations for a War the Power of the County being in every Sheriff of the severall Shires and Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies many other suborâ—inate Officers of the Kings upon the first Summons given from him to them in a readinesse to suppresse and check the People in case they should but move or stir up Commotions to the likenesse of a War neither could they build upon the strength of any Power to levy War on their behalf a Parliaments strength they sadly and long since observed was of too frail and uncertain a fabrick for them to trust unto as being awed and dissolved at pleasure so that if they had no thoughts of levying a War wanting the opportunities means of Prevailing if they had entertained such thoughts the first offering of Hostile attempts and acts will lye upon the Kings Parties accompt his aversenesse to call Parliaments his awing and dissolving them when called often and long before any preparations could be thought of for a War may satisfie the Objection when as to adde to the probability of some of his parties hostile and warlike preparations it hath been observed that some of his Friends knowing themselves obnoxious and questionable for their Tenents Demeanours when time should serve have long since before this Parliament was called fortified and furnished their Houses in divers parts of the Klngdome with Armes and Ammuniâ—ion no other notice taken til of late then of adorning them for strength and splendour which with some small addition became strong Garrisons for him the Parliaments Friends had none or not so many Holds so soon or suddenly to be fortified for their defeâ—ce The most wise and happy of Å¿ Kings could tell us by his own practiced Policy That it is not the first Blow that makes the War Invasive for that no wise Power would stay for nor the Voting a War to be Defensive as the t Scots have theirs which makes it so but the first Provocation or at least the first Preparations towards a War Injuriously charged on the King in that the Author and Reader also if a friend to Him and would have the Book reputed his doe unawares and as it were against their Will wound his honour and render the manner of his death the more unchristian then otherwise it might be judged when whilst the life is mortall they make the Vices of Dissembling and Uncharitablenesse to be surviving and immortall moâ—ions The reporting it to be the Kings seems besides to blemish the credit of those penitentiall expressions therein derogating from the serious
of Arms in the defence of the Laws and Liberties was judged by the one side to bee Lawfull and Necessary condemned on the other to be Trayterous and Rebellious the same act could not be Lawfull and Trayterous too the Difference onely is as a long time it hath been concerning the severall objects and matters in dispute as how Peace hath been forfeited how lost now on what terms and by what means to regain and secure it when regained The Kings party say the more moderate from a reluctancy of heart and unwillingness to be Conquered others of a fiercer spirit to be Avenged on their Adversaries the surest and next way to Peace is in the Prince his enjoying what his Father had faintly believing that he will be avenged only on those who were the Authors Contrivers of his Fathers death that he will passe by with a generall Act of Oblivion all other of the People by a light Fining or putting them to Compound for their Estates The Parliament having in their wisdome and experience discerned and foreseen the danger which the Common wealth They and Their Friends are thereby subject to are of a contrary minde to what the Kings party doe give out They doe foresee and know that it concerns them to provide against that the Prince will not onely rest there to be avenged for his Fathers death he will remember his owne being kept out and as it were exiled from out the Kingdome whereunto he aspires and hath engaged so many against this The Scots in maintenance of the Kings Party's judgement contend to aid his Sonne the Prince but whether for tho Covenant as their Motto's doe professe or against through a mis-understanding it or through willfull blindness their Actions doe declare and are here expressed They give out that they have brought the Prince to repentance for his Faâ—hers sinnes and for the sinnes of his Family but that their Prince doth threaten not many moneths before requiring aid to be avenged for his Fathers death and yet to repent and to be humbled for his Fathers sinnes seems inconsistent But doe they mean the Prince in his Person only or his Party they should withall have brought to repentance all the King his Fathers party else their Covenanting to prevent and oppose seems to be of little use the meaning of preventing and opposing carries with it a further progress of motion then to intend onely the person of the King then living the Repentance which they speak of if it should prove feigned and dissembled the Heart is desperately evil who can know it and thereby the safety of many thousands engaged in this Quarrell swallowed up the too late his Partyes construction as to offend Whosoever shal look on in a conflict betwixt two opposite Parties his affections questionlesse incline whatsoever his Actions are more to the one party then to the other So Neutrals such as have not acted for the King being already by his Party adjudged Guilty are subject to the censure may be brought in within the compasse of the Prince his meaning for if upon the late King his Parties good successe in some victories obtained when they kept Garrison at Oxford they in the high tide of triumph construing their fellow Subjects demeanour in relation to the King spared not to bring in all Neutralls if the Prince shall come in Conquerour what shall be judged and who reputed Principalls who Accessaries which is all one if it were Treason to his fathers death when as the Charge of taking away his life Forraigners and strangers beyond Sea reckon to be a Nationall and the Peoples Act because the Parliament is the Representative of the people for they not knowing the reason and exigency of matters here account it not an Act only of the Iudges Advocates and Officers deputed for his Tryall but include the whole English driven on first by the Scotish Nation the English more manifestly in that divers of their Friends and Agents being employed beyond Sea for making good the Amity and correspondence betwixt Them and other States and Nations have been barbarously and inhumanely murdered by the enemies party severall affronts and indignities offered them all to disgrace lessen and discourage the Parliament and their Actings So that it concernes both Nations the English and the Scots rightly to apprehend and rather to have continued in their mutuall League then be led away as the Scots have manifested themselves to be by the power and ambition of the greater ones to engage one against the other The English have sufficiently expressed their averseness from a Warre with the Scots their readynesse to afford them ayd in their greatest wants and cannot now be thought forward unlesse provoked to invade their Country or if they do to be gayners by it what the Scots may by invading This all men know who know the condition of Theirs and Ours how sterile the one how fruitfull the other Country is the setting Us and Them at variance the differences and dissentions between Us now flowÌ„ frow one common Source to wit the Enemy his wiles and subtilty who wants no stratagem to bring this contest betwixt him and Us into a fresh debate both by secret and covert acts at home to promote sedition and division amongst those whom he would overcome as by open Acts and solicitings abroad to pursue his attempting to bring in any forraign force how wild or barbarous soever they be how hard to get them out againe out of this plentifull Nation yeelding them all provisions all habiliments of Warre to strengthen themselves in this as to provide for their next attempt elsewhere after they have destroyed and harrased this not knowing how to distinguish between Presbyterian Independent and Royall Party and this to be driven on by him and his accomplices in an hazardous and uncertaine way out of revenge and thirst to regaine unto himselfe his power againe long since forfeited through his mistaken loyalty certainely through disaffection to his native Brethren of the same Nation or without considering which wise men should the price of peace which cannot be had without a War Mony being the sinewes and support thereof the Country-man grudgeth not to pay for seed expecting a plentifull harvest nor the Tenant to contract with his Landlord to disburse great summes for an estate in Reversion for his posterity yet the laying out mony by either of them for that without which the Countrymans harvest nor the Tenants Estate can fall out joyously is irksome to them both The frequent exception which the People make by way of comparison between the payment of Ship-money in the late Kings time and the Impositions and Taxes now required comes fitly to be answered Better say they that the payment of Ship-money should have continued and the like illegall Taxes demanded beyond and above the power of Law easier to be born then so much Bloud spilt then such vast summes of money spent in the maintenance of this War
rests upon the issue of these Questions Whether from Irelaâ—d so erroneously misled and malevâ—lently affected towards England by a two-fold Antipathy both of Nation and Religion and so impetuously set on by three severall parties the Royall Popish and Prelaticall there be not an evident approach of perill to England in case the English be not some way cemented and untâ—ed as the Engagement now in question aymeth at and with a joynt vigour to subdue them and to keep them under when subdued Whether through and by reason of these distractions England be not in danger of losing their ancient Rights and Claims their credit and privilege of Commerce and Traffique which heretofore they have had with other Nations Whether Scotland not remaining in the same condition of Amity and Brotherhood as in their League and Covenant with England they at first United in but rather revolting from it it be not necessary to make up that breach by a closer union amongst our selves and against them when as it appears without recounting the particular actions falling out betwixt the Parliament and Army betwixt divers and private Members and Officers of Both as what this or that particular person by himselfe or by the instigation of some few hath done contrary and against the directions or command of his superiours That the Scots have in the maine broke with us For instance sake in the Article of the large * Treaty betwixt us and them granted and confirmed by the late King and wherein amongst the rest they having covenanted and Declared against Popery and Prelacy which the King and his party hath countenanced and favoured and now endeavouring to helâ— his Sonne into his Fathers power that then he may make good his favour towards Papists and Prelates would excuse themselves and Quarrell to assigne the breach of Covenant to us but how justly let the Reader judge Their insisting on a pretended Loyalty clears them not in the judgment of any who since the beginning of these troubles have observed their Motions their Demands and Treaties neither doth their literall leaning on the words in that Article of the Covenant to defend the Kings Person and Authority excuse their guilt the Kings Person and Authority being but one and an halfe part of that Article the sense and drift of it makes it up which the English according to the End and Meaning do pursue in the preservation of the true Protestant Religion the Liberties and Peace of the three Kingdome c. Now that they give out and threaten to come in an hostile manner into England under their Apologeticall and specious pretence of fighting against the Sectaries thereof of repressing Schisms and Heresies when as they have nothing to do with our Doctrine and Discipline Ecclesiasticall or Civill when as our own Divines can do better service by their Tongues and Pens for the suppressing Schismes and Heresies then can be expected from the Scots their Swords and Arms which if we may speak by experience are by the continuing this Warre more like to increase them both in number and power then to suppresse or lessen them in either and for the English Laity none or a very few and inconsiderable number of them doe tolerate Heresies and Sects as is elswhere set forth in this discourse Moreover when the English have shewn their Aversenesse from a VVarre with Them q their tender and compassionate thoughts towards them when they were at the lowest ebbe and they expecting the like measure of friendship and Brotherhood from the Scots according to their motto and profession to deal as they would be dealt with have assisted them before and even at the beginning of these troubles when they suffered most when by their applying themselves to the King for redress they could have none the English was their only ayd and best support The last Question then falls out Whether whilst these matters be in dispute we may rest secure from an Hostile invasion from them or other Forraigners whether by these unnecessary disputes and dissentions here at home the Commonwealth be not in danger to lose that in a short time which hath cost so much Treasure Industry and Blood For the powers that be once shaken and becomming weake will soon fall most men being apt to lay hold on the r Politicians advice Not to leane on a weak and toâ—tering Wall The judgment and knowledge of deciding these Questions rests in the Prudence and Experience of the State who after a long time casting and consulting what was fittest to be done what the safest course to be taken for the strengthning and support of a firme and present Government have resolved upon an universall Engagement in such manner and forme as to their wisdomes seems most expedient and they have accordingly Declared and Ordained that they knowing the justnesse of their Cause ought in relation to the present security and maintenance of their power to the preservation of a firme and lasting Peace to use all Expedient and Lawfull means against the violence and restlesse opposition of their Enemies none they judge so safe as by an Engagement and Subscription thereunto which if throughly weighed crosseth no former Vow either of Protestation Covenant Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy the subscriber only promising to be true and faithfull to the Commonwealth as it is now Established without King or House of Lords not the Oath of Allegiance or Supremacy as is before observed if you look into the Reason and End of enjoyning the said Oaâ—kes Nor the Proâ—estation taken 1641. for the maintenance of the Kings Honour Person and Estate Nor the Covenant taken 1643 for the preserving his just Power and Greatnesse where his Honour and Power are transitory and personall capacities during life dying with his Person without further respect had unto his successors So the taking the Engagement commencing since the time of the King his death is no breach either of Covenant or Protestation taken for him in the time of his life nor by the words Now Established without a King or House of Lords are the Nobility excluded for ever from their Privileges as to succeeding Parliaments if the Wisdome of the State shall so admit and these continued Divisions beget not an universall ruine taking away the succession of Parliaments all Order and Government to be hereafter had nor from an Envy or Neglect had by the House of Commons to degrade the Lords or lay their Honours in the dust as hath been of late seditiously given out for so the Gentry of which the Parliament themselves consists being in the next ranke to the Nobility may fear their turn is next to be thrown from their station also al become Levelled Such suggestions questionlesse are infused by the Enemy's Factours into the Gentry's ears to draw away the affections of them also as well as of the Nobility to set on those ancient ranks of men against the Parliament and their proceedings endeavouring indeed to turn the
presenâ— judgment of the Corvocation at Oxford dated June 1647. which if weighed with the Arguments in the Letter written by the London Ministers to the Lord Fairfax and his Councell of War dated January 1648. in behalf of the Covenant and the keeping it the Reader will soone discern the odds * Suprema Lex Salus Populi n See the Exhortation to the taking the Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion c. * Livy * Isaiah * Ciceâ—o o See the Exhortation of the Assembly of Divines to the taking the Covenant Printed Feb. 1643. p See the Lords and Commons Instructions for taking the Covenant The unanimous judgment of most part of the Kingdome observed by their severall Petiâ—ions at that time presented especially that of the Gentry and Trained Bands of the County of Essex presented to their Lord Lieut. the Earl of Warwick Likewise Sir Benjamine Rudyard his speech in the beginning of this Parliament about Popery countenanced See Master May his History Lib. 2. Chapter 6. Page 15. q See the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament with Instructions for taking the Covenant r Mr. Alexander Henderson in his reply to the Kings first Paper Å¿ See the Essex Petition before cited t See their Commissioners judgement and intentions concerning Episcopacy Declaring Prelacy to be the cause of all our broilâ— In their Papers dated 24 Feb. 1640. u See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in severall Treatises viz. Upon the Listing Raising Armieâ— against the King Upon the Covenant and elsewhere w See the 6. Article of the Covenant x See the Articles pag. 16 Demand 4 Granted by the King 1641. viz. That none should be admitted to his Councell or attendance but such as should be approved by both Kingdoms y See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 4 and elsewhere in that Book his parties constant 〈◊〉 towards the City of London and upon all occasions of his partâ—s naming it some of them have termed it a Rebellious City a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition raised against their King reproaching it with scornfull Nick-names as they pleased z See their Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643 pag. 14 15. against the suggested irregular and undue procâ—edings of the Common-Councell the Represenâ—ative of the whole City a See in the Letter of the Ministers their notice taking of the Parliament and Armies conceipt had of the Covenant page 8. b See his Parties opinion of the Covenant and the taking of it in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} pag. 113 114 115. whether and how far it is to be kept how little uniformity in the taking or keeping it and for what purpose in the Authors judgment framed at first how ambiguous and hard to be understood how much mistaking or dissembling in the making it at first or mis-representing by those who like it noâ— that howbeit one part thereof is That they had then no intention to diminish the King's just Power and Greatnesse the Authour in the King's name conceives that it was made and intended against the King as in many places of the Treatise against the Covenant the Kings Party complaineth See also the Kings Declaration since the Paciâ—iâ—aâ—ion against the Scots and the Covenant pag 8 which opinion of his see confirmed in the Marquesse of Montrosse his Declaration set forth 1649 As in a Bâ—ok called the History of the Kings affairs in Scotland before cited pag. 6. * Paâ—auâ— * St. Ierome c See their Acts and Ordinances for raising Contribution-money towards the Warrs throughout all Counties exempting the Universities and other Colledges from such Payments * Oxford d See the like observed in the Consecration of the Bishops of England written by Mr. Mason sometimes Fellow of Merton Colledge in Oxford in his Epâ—stle to the Archbishop of Canterbury e See their Remonstrances since the beginning of this War h See their Remonstrance before cited i See the Declaration of the Lords Commons assembled at Oxford c. printed there 1643. p. 24. 26. 27. k In the Treaâ—ise concerning the Kings retirement from Westminster n Written by Mr. Tho. May 1647. beginning at pag. 6. unto pag. 46. o See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 1. on the Kings calling the Parliament p Mr. May his History q Mr. Hollis his Speech r See the 36 Statute of Edw. â— r See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise to upon their seizing the Kings Magazines Forts Navy and Militia Å¿ Hen. the 7. t In their Apology Printed soon after the â—nglâ—sh Army went toward Scotland y Tantum res 〈◊〉 câ—m qu 〈◊〉 satellâ—ith 〈◊〉 Pontific is 〈◊〉 Iewel in Apolog. Eccles. Anglican z The speedy and effectu-suppressing Errors and Schisms is charged on him b K. Iames his Speech before-mentioned c See the Oxford Declaration pag. 19. d In the treatise concerning the Kings going to the House of Commons to surprise the five Members g Marlborougâ— Decemb. 1642. h See the Oxford Declaration page 26. 27. i See the same Declaration page 11. * 25 Edw. 3 l Sir Edward Cooke his Collections concerning the Authority of the Parliament in the fourth Book of his Institut m Quanquam Principes sunt ex numero {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} tamen natura temporis ratione prius sueâ— int Subditi Princ pes veâ—o nisi qui Tyrannidem usurpârint non naturà ut Patâ—es sed suffragio Subditorum gratia constituti sâ—nt Iâ—de illud Domini apud Daniel 4. 32. Scias quod dominetur Altissimus in regno homin um cui volueâ—it dabiâ— illud Ex quâ— sequitur non Regum causâ Subditos nasci sed Reges commodis SubditoruÌ„ inserviâ—e debere Bucan. Institut Theolog. Tractat. de Magistratu Thomas 1 part 1 samma Theolog. quest 9. Art 3 4. n The Author of the Peoples Plea * Aristotle * Tertullian * Treatise 26. p Master Lambards Eirenarch cap. 2. in his Tract on King Edw. the third his Writ directed to the high Sheriff of Kent for the Proclaming Peace where he speaks first of Uâ—iting Minds then of Restraining Hands as a meanes for the preservation of the publick peace * See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} upon the Covenant * See the Covenant * Pag. 16. Demand 4. q At the defeat given them by Montrosse at Kilsyth eveâ— to the ruining the State of Scotland when the Lord Fairfax the English Generall and other Commanders in chief wrote to the Earle of Leven the Scottish Generall that they accounted the calamities of Scotland to be their own and would willingly adventure their owne blood for the Scots as for the English till the Enemies of the three Kingdoms were fully vanquâ—shed See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England r Noli in caducum parietem inclinare Lipsius Politic. * In sapientem non potest cadere Injuria Seneca Å¿ See the exhortation for and touching the taking the Covenant annexed to the Covenant Printed 9 February 1643 t Commonly discoursed in the Diurnalls and Occurrences Printed in Aprill and May 1651. * Psal. 19.
what they fought about a form of Government which hath not nor can take root until the Warre which confounds and overthrows all Government be ended The direct and certain issue in the tryall of the first Contention betwixt the King and Parliament was Whether the King having by his Creatures actually invaded the Subjects Liberties the other differences in Church and State are collaterall accidentally emergent out of the grand Difference about the first and more principall viz. the Subjects Liberty The Court of Parliament should sit as Scepticks to look on onely without purposing or endeavouring to redresse the same or to be so confined in Their Consultations and Resolutions as their Enemies should prescribe or the extreamest of all be so driven to new Councels to extraordinary high and severe proceedings to courses seldome practised the passages and quality of the persons with with whom they had to deal being weighed withall as where the disease is imminently dangerous the mischief desperate the Cure must be answerable or the whole Body perish for want of a timely and prudent remedy to be applyed The Parliaments actions if therefore rigid and severe as to their Enemies if variable and uncertaine as to their selves may in these streights and exigencies whereunto they are driven and forced for safety be dispenced with It seems to fare with them as with Seafaring men in a boysterous Storme who are fain to steer their vessell which way they may best secure their Fraught and Charge sometimes Northerly sometimes plain North sometimes Northwest sometimes Northeast sometimes plain South sometimes North againe so from one cross point unto another having still the Harbour and End of their Voyage in their eye so with Them encountring with such uncertainty and variety of oppositions from their Enemyes yet all meeting in one Center to the subversion of their power and strength such Non-conformity dissention even amongst themselvs friends that They cannot yet Act within a direct certain and constant compasse to please all lookers on Their ayme and end notwithstanding may be one and the same the defence of the Lawes the peoples liberties and the maintenance of the supremest Law the Peoples safety yea Their Edicts Orders and Ordinances devised and made in jealous and troubled times cannot well be free from all exception Many of their adversaries being knowing and prudent men if their animosity and height of Spirit would give way to the exercise of their knowledge upon their consulting and conferring their observations to what they have known and read can no doubt frame exceptions against the Parliaments proceedings as the acute and more witty sort can deride and make sport at Them in their looser jests and Poems Neither will any man imagin that in the fiercenes and heat of preparations for a War when their chief thoughts of providing to assaile and to defend were most attentive and wholly taken up that then They could devise so punctually exact and perfeâ—t Laws and Ordinances as perpetually to bind or such as no specious Objections might be urged against the consonancy of some of Their late Ordinances to former and wholsome Lawes yet whilst their endeavours are to maintaine and defend the main Principles viz. God's Honour the Subjects liberty the one in danger to be born downe the other by severall arbitrary actâ— of power invaded and the Laws and Ordinances for maintenance of both by the same power made in-effectuall and neglected when the Parliament in defence thereof saw how They were interrupted in Their proceedings how compassed about with a potent Enemy surrounded with many advantages of power and policy to bend his forces against Them under the calumny of being Rebellious Subjects They were to provide alike how to preserve and secure by all possible means what he did attempt to overthrow wherein they could not tread so even and precise a way in making all their Acts and Ordinances as to be free from being quarrelled with that no Reasons might be framed and arguments raised by such as were likely to prove their adversaries against some of such Their Ordinances yet the intent and ultimate end of Their undertaking may be one and the same the preservation of the Lawes the maintenance of the chief and supremest Law the Peoples h safety wherein if They shall faile or not be able to make it good we know by some late years since experience how barbarously and cruelly their enemy's malice did shew it self against Them as being reputed Rebells in case he shall recover his power againe how a desperate Revenge added to will second his first and furious cruelty and to Crown his glory as for the better exalting his pretence he shall impute it unto Gods justice saying It is the Lord's doing it may be his suffering it through their divisions and it is marvelous in our eyes that he hath wrested the Sword out of our enemies hands and put it into ours for no man he will say can think that Rebellion as he takes it shall for ever passe unpunished thâ—n when he hath regained his Power he will not want Arguments from his own nor from a neutrall party siding with him upon his conquering to bring whom he pleaseth within the compasse of Treason and Rebellion to make the Parliament mens Persons and Acts his i sport and scorne those Proclamations of his lately accusing and proscribing many of both Houses of Parliament as guilty of High Treason with other Edicts of his to be revived those sentences and judgments seriously denounced against Them and Their proceedings the scoffs and flouts jestingly pass'd on the Parliament and Their friends and by the wiâ— and power of Their adversaries made good against Them whey They have lost Their Power which Power is visible yet Their strength not shortned the great difficulties the fierce conflicts which They have wrestled with the Revolting of Their Friends the multiformity of Opinions amongst Themselves might have have abated Their successe and weakned Their strength had not an Almighty hand supported Them amongst those difficulties never so many stratagems policies and falshoods practised by an Enemy to impaire the Parliaments strength to advance his own but that the God of Truth hath discomfited and dispelled them all in which whither â—he hath done it in favour to the justice of Their Cause or in his fore-knowledge of Their Enemy's malice to be avenged if he could have got the upper hand I leave to the judgment of the cryed up k Author who hath more fitly observed That Gods wise providence often permits what his revealed Word approves not then he hath suited his resembling of the Parliaments successes to prosperous winds filling the Sailes of Pyrates to iustifie their Pyracy when as the giving or denying victory and courage in the day of Battle is a more immediate and effectuall work of God's Almighty Power acting and taking an especiall care in the affairs of War The Reasons l offered against the Covenant
Directory and Negative Oath are learnedly penned if as appositely applyed To the two first let the Scots maintain what they were the first contrivers of themselves yet thus much may be said on their and our part joyntly that the signification of the termes Tyrant and King being opposite although in m Homers time the word Tyrant was taken in the better part the one the desolation the other the n foundation of a people both Nations declaring and accusing the King of Tyranny neither of them could think that the frequent Petitions in the Common Prayer book for and in the King's behalfe were to be used by his people himself being in open arms against them The Common Prayer book was confirmed by a Statute Law in a Princes time who at the beginning of her Reigne having redeemed the protestant Religion out of the bondage of Popery and superstition did by her piety and prowesse keep her people in peace and plenty and therefore might deserve their prayers when and as often as the Liturgy prescribes The Ordinance for laying aside the Service book for enjoying the Directory is an act of their present Iudgment who have done it as the arguing against the Directory from Oxford is an act of theirs which they so represent as if their after-Iudgement and second thoughts might admit what for the present they have reasoned against who with a cautious modesty have argued and styled it their present Iudgment If positive Lawes be subject to alteration and repeale Ordinances which bind only for the present may likewise be so then a set form of prayer may be resumed and used according to the Orthodox and true Church discipline admitting also the most principall and necessary parts of divine service prescribed in the Liturgy So the Negative Oath That none shall assist the King against the Parliament and his People c. where a thing is commanded or forbidden by any Powers the withstanding and doing contrary to the command of such Powers is a transgression punishable at their pleasure and discretion whether it be by Fining Imprisoning according to the degree of the offence wherefore the urging Cap. 11. Hen. 7. seems not applyable to the condition of this present Quarrell for admit that neither of the three viz. The Covenant the Directory the Negative Oath be in the judgement of the Convocation at Oxford and of many others free from being excepted against as that neither the Covenant nor Negative Oath are to be imposed upon the Subjects yet the distinction being made between the times of Peace and these of Warre takes off from the value of the exceptions where two Parties are extremely opposite each Party striving to make good their Interest if the one may impose what Oathes they please as the Kings party did at Oxford to enjoyn all within their power whether satisfied in their Consciences of the truth therof or no to swear that he was a Just Pious and Protestant Prince the present Powers may enjoyne what they think fit in their prudence and knowledge of him to abrogate this latter Oath and to forbid the assisting him In the Convocation House at Oxford their examining the Ordinance for enjoyning all the Three particulars forementioned they should as wel have examined the Reasons of the Ordaining them they should have premised and stated the occasion the beginning of the Warre how it came to be waged by whose means on which side the Offensive on which the Defensive was For to measure the thing enjoyned by the particular events by the subsequent and emergent actings as what hath since fallen out what hath been done what required to be done is no good or adequate rule had the matter occasioned been more suitable to the occasion their exceptions against those Ordinances had more availed their Cause The urging the transgression of a known Law viz. the 11 of Hen 7. 18. That none that shall attend upon the King do him true service shall be attainted or forfeit any thing fitteth not this present case neither do they who urge the same rightly examine the occasion and ground of enacting it the Parliaments imprisoning fining their Enemies is no transgression of that Law if rightly and formally understood and wherefore t was made The reason of enacting that Law is to be weighed It was not with the late King as with Henry the seventh the late King had no forraigne or domestique VVarres none stood in Rivalship with him for his Crowne he came in Peace and by a lineall succession to it when that Law was made in the eleventh of Henry the seventh his Raigne and after his conquest made many the like Lawes were made in severall Parliaments from his first comming to the Crown in relation to the security and attendance upon his person meeting with a Rebellion in the Kingdom of Ireland mutinous and male-contented Subjects in the Kingdom here ready to bid battell to him the Parliament called when that Law was made therefore styled by a learned o Writer a Parliament of Warre being indeed in substance a Declaration only of a War against two potent Kings Charls the eighth of France Iames the fourth of Scotland two Neighbouring Enemies of Henry the seventh and then enacted with some Statutes conducing thereunto as the severe punishing mortpayes and keeping back Souldiers wages by their Captaines the like severity for the departure of Souldiers without Licence strengthning of the Common-Law in favour of protections for those that were in the Kings service and setting the gate open and wide for men to sell and morgage their Lands without Fines for alienation to furnish themselves with money for the War and lastly the voyding all Scottish men out of England So the reader may observe wherefore that Statute so much urged against this present Parliament and on the Kings behalfe was enacted which also the aforesaid Writer judgeth to be more just then legall more magnanimous than prudent his reason was That it was both agreeable to reason of State that the Subiects then should not enquire of the Iustice of the Kings Title or Quarrell as also to good Conscience that whatsoever the fruits of War were the Subiects should not suffer for their obedience besides it did the better take away the occasion for the people to busie themselves to pry into the Kings Tytle or Quarrell for that however it fell their safety was already provided for withall it could not but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts of his people because he seemed more carefull for them then for himself the Writer excellently disputes the quality of that Statute setting forth the reason for the inconvenience against the making it observing also that it did take off from his party that great tye and spurre of necessity to go Victours out of the field coâ—sidering their lives and fortunes were put in safety and protected whether they stood to it or ranne away concluding the force and obligation of the Law