King himselfe by letters dated at â—iscara-ville to the Queene sufficiently witnessed extolling Sir Roger Williams likewise as another Câ—sar and Sir Matthew Morgan The French King being ouer-whelm'd with these weighty warres againe flies for aide to the Queene of England desiring proâ—ision for Warre and six thousand men for his war in Britaine She condiscendeth to send foure thousand and some pieces of Ordnance and other furniture vpon condition agreed vpon by 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 Delegates for the King of France That the King should not enter into a League with the Leaguers vnlesse they had first submitted themselues and promised assistance to driue the Spaniard out of the Kingdome That hee should not also make a peace with the Spaniard except shee were agreeing thereto That he should allot some harbour and reâ—â—ptacle for the English and ioyne to them foure thousand French footmen and a thousand horsemen that within a yeare hee should pay the charges of their transportations and money for their pay and that this agreement should bee registred amongst the Acts of the Chamber of Accounts Vpon this Captaine Norris who had beene sent for out of Britaine into France to certifie the Queene of the proceedings therein was sent backe againe in October When the English had arriued in France there was not any Frenchmen to ioyne forces with them acâ—ording to the agreements But Captaine Norris cal'd from one place to another sometime to warre in Normandie and Lamaine sometimes elsewhere suffering the Spaniards all this while to strengthen themselues in Britaine at which the Queene was so discontented that had shee not for certaine vndâ—rstood that the Duke of Parma was on another expedition into France to supply the forces in Britaine and to seize vpon some other Hauens certainly she had recal'd her men home againe But whilst the Duke of Parma was in a readinesse for this expedition hee died hauing beene Commander of the Spanish forces in the Low Countries fourteene yeeres He was a Prince most abundant in all vertues hauing purchased loâ—e and respect euen amongst his enemies whom euen the Queene neuer named but very honourably and with commendation but â—et so warily that his praises hurted not The Queene being not ignorant that the Spaniard maintained these warres not trusting vpon his owne strength as the gold of America and that by that meanes hee pierced into all secrets of States corrupted good councell and much impaired many mens loyalty determined to send Sir Walter Raâ—leigh with fifteene men of warre into America to seize vpon Panama where they bring together their gold or to surprize the Spanish Fleet but hauing exceeding contrary windes hee was three whole months before he strucke saile At last hauing out reacht the Promontory of Neriâ—â— hee vnderstood of a certaine that the Spaniard had expresly commanded that none set out of America this yeare Not long after a mighty tempest dispersed the English Fleet and drowned their little Fliâ—-boates so that now the opportunity of following his intent being lost being about to returne againe hee distributedd his Nauy into two parts committing the one to Sir Iohn Borrough second sonne to the Lord Borrough and the other to Martin Fourbisher hee giues â—he one charge to â—oaue about the Spanish coast and hinder ships from entring willing the other to tarry at the Ilands of Azâ—râ—s for the returne of the Carackes out of the East Indies Neither did this purpose faile of a wished successe for whilst the Spanish Admirall at sea rests onely in obseruing and watching Fourbisher hee altogether neglecteâ— his care of the Carackes Borrough to omit some small ships hee tooke from the Spaniard and how valiantly hee winded himselfe out of danger when hee was encompassed betweene the Spanish Coasts and the enemies Nauy hauing arriued at a little towne called Santa Cruce in the â—land Flores within a few daies after espied a Portugall Caracke which three of the Earle of Cumberlands ships lay in wait for but by reason of a sluggish calme they could not come neere them a tempest arising in the night compelled both the English and the Portugals to take vp anchor but on the next morning the English might discerne the Portugalâ—s vnlading at the Iland Flores as fast as they could possibly who discrying the English making after them presently set their ship on fire Borrough hauing vnderstood by one or two Captiues whom he had taken that more and greater Carackes were to come that way seuered all his ships to the space of two leagues distance ouer against the Iland Flores and thereby had 〈◊〉 of viewing farre and neare the Coast about him neither did fortune deâ—aine them long in expectation for behold a great Caracke called the Mother of God which was a hundred and sixty foot long and seuen deckes in height laden with rich Merchandise and manned with six hundred men came in their sight The English set vpon her with many peeces of Ordnance in diuers places and with as diuers successe being indeed more couragious than ordinary by reason of the hope of the expected prey but being equally amazed with the hugenesse of it and the multitude of Souldiers in it they began to desist skirmishing till such time that Robert Crosse twharting the fore-Castle of the Caracke with the Queenes ship called the Prouidence maintained skirmish three whole houres together Then the rest fell so fiercely vpon her on euery side especially on the poope that at the sterne no man durst appeare First of all Crosse brake in and borded and after him all the rest where finding a great slaughter committed dead men being mingled with halfe dead and the whole with the wounded so confusedly that pitty moued them to vse their victory mildly The spoile that was brought home was valued at a hundred and fifty thousand pounds of English money besides those commodities which seuerall Commanders Mariners and Souldiers pilfered and snatched for themselues and when there was a strict inquisition made after these men for those goods that were stolne away in this manner vnder pretence that they had not discharg'd the due â—raight for cariage and afterwards when a Proclamation came forth seuerely threatning to punish those as Robbers and Pirates that brought these pilfred commodities not to light againe yet did their wickednesse easily frustrate the busie industry of the Delegates in this matter and the periury of many of them mocking the publike sâ—uerity of the Proclamation preâ—enâ—ed the execution of it for they stucke not to say That they had rather endanger their soules by periury before God that was exceeding mercifull that their whole fortunes and estates before men that were so vnmercifull Not vnlike to this was the treacherous couetousnesse of many Merchants here who to glut their desire of wealth euen in this time of open warre although not proclaimed yet betweene England and Spaine furnished the Spaniard with Ordnance of brasse and iron both wherewith they stored their wants in
forbidden traffiquing in Germany 190 And those of the Hanse-townes here in England 191 The Embassie of Sir George Carew into Poland ibid. What he effecteth with those of Dantsicke 192 And with the Polacke ibid. And with those of Elbing ibid. An Embassadour from Christian the fourth King of Denmarke ibid. The King of France requesteth aide from the Queene 193 He recouereth Amiens 194 The King of Spaine enclineth to a peace 195 A Parliament assembled in England ibid. The Lord De-la-ware restored to his old place 196 And also Thomas Lord Howard of Walden 197 The death of the Lord Cobham ibid. And of W. Powlet Marquesse of Winchester ibid. The Lord Burrough made Deputy of Ireland ibid. Captaine Norris dyeth 198 The Lord Deputy winnes the Fort at Blackwater 199 The Earle of Kildare dyeth ibid. The Rebels besiege Blackwater Fort. ibid. The Lord Deputy dyeth ibid. Iustices appointed in Ireland in the meane time 200 Tir-Oen presents his grieuances to the Earle of Ormond now Lieutenant of Ireland ibid. Anno M. D.XC.VIII THe King of France would mediate for a peace betweene the Queene of England and the Spaniard Page 202 Embassadours sent ouer about that businesse 203 Cecill Secretary to the Queene sent ouer to France ibid. He ouertaketh the King of France at Andes ibid. The resolution of the King of France about warre 204 Cecils answere in the behalfe of the Queene ibid. The Kings reply and promise to conclude a peace shortly for the benefit of both â—ingdomes ibid. But hee dealeth vnder hand with the Arch-Duke about the said peace whereupon some expostulations past betweene him and the Queene 205 Barneuelts Oration before the French in the behalfe of the Estates of the Low Countries ibid. A difference between Secretary Cecil and some of the French whereupon he is dismissed with faire words onely 207 Sir Thomas Edmonds thereupon is sent ouer by the Queene with Letters which the French King tâ—â—ke not very pleasantly ibid. The King of France stands stoâ—tly for the Queen in the Treatie at Veruins 208 The order of Session amongst the Delegates ibid. The French take exceptions that in the peace there was no mention of the Queene of England 210 The Queene hath a care of her ownâ— estate ibid. A disceptation about a peace with the Spaniard ibid. The reasons which were collected for peace 211 The reasons that were collected against it 213 The reply of those that stood for a peace 215 Burghley Lord Treasurer particularly for the peace 217 The Earle of Essex much against it ibid. Whereupon he writes and publisheth his Apologie 218 A kinde of contention betweene the Queene and the Earle of Essex ibid. The Earle behaues himselfe somewhat irreuerently before the Queene 219 Her distast thereat ibid. His answeres full of indignation to those that gaue him good aduice or counsell ibid. The death of the Lord Burghley Treasurer of England 220 His Natiuity and kindred his education he was Master of Requests and Secretary to King Edward he began to retaine vnder Queene Elizabeth 221 He is made Baron and Treasurer of England and Knight of the Garter 222 His Issue ibid. New articles of agreement between the States and the Queene 223 Sir Thomas Bodley of Councell for the Estates he restored the publique Library of Oxford first instituted by Humphrey Duke of Gloucester 224 The Lord Zouch and Christopher Perkins sent ouer into Denmarke by reason of some contention betweene the Danes and the English 225 Isabella Daughter to Philip King of Spaine betrothed to Albert of Austria ibid. The death of the King of Spaine being aboue seuenty yeares of age ibid. Three places which he was wâ—nt to call the Keyes of the Kingdome of Spaine ibid. George Clifford Earle of Cumberland returnes home from Sea He tooke Porto-Rico and other places but continued not there by reason of a disease that happened amongst his Souldiers 226 The treason of Edward Squire discouered the proceedings therein he is instigated to it by Walpole a Iesuite he bedawbes the pummell of the Queenâ—â— Saddle with poison but to no purpose He besmeared a Chaire of the Earle of Essex's with poison but to no more purpose 227 He is questioned and confesseth all and is hanged 228 Rumors scattered abroad against the K. of Scots ibid. Especially by one Valentine Thomas at the time of his execution 229 The Queenes admonition to the King of Scots in behalfe of this businesse ibid. Bookes written in the behalfe of the K. of Scots ibid. The Contents of those Books about the course of kingdomes 230 The K. himselfe writeth his Booke called Basilicon-doron 231 The affection of the Queene towards good studies ibid. Bookes that she her selfe translated ibid. The death of D. Stapleton Professour at Doway ibid. And of D. Cosins Deane of the Arches ibid. The death of Edmund Spencer the Arch-Poet his buriall at the cost and charges of the Earle of Essex 232 Black-water Fort in Ireland besieged by the Rebâ—ls ibid. The English hauâ— the worst of it in a battle ibid. The Fort not long after yeelded vp to the Rebels 233 All the Prouince of Mounster reuolts from the Queene ibid. Protections hurtfull to the Common-wealth 234 Mounster all spoilâ—d and hauockt by the Rebels ibid. Tir-Oens brags of his successe and victory ibid. Sir Richard Bingham sent ouer againe into Ireland 235 Who died there presently after his arriuall ibid. Anno M. D.XC.IX A Great consultation in England about the choice of a new Lord Deputy to be sent into Ireland Pag. 237 The Earle of Essex secretly desires it himselfe ibid. He is at length made Lord Deputy of Ireland 238 An army allotted him and the number the greatest that Ireland euer saw 238 The summe of his Commission His departure ibid. He marcheth to Mounster against some petty Rebels and neglects the tenour of his Commission ibid. The Queene takes it vnkindly and he as much the making of Sir Robert Cecill Master of the Wards an Office which he himselfe expected 240 The Earle excuses the fault and laies it on the Irish Councell ibid. Sir Coniers Clifford sets forward against the Rebells ibid. He is slaine in the battell with Sir Alexander Ratcliffe 241 A fresh supply sent ouer from England into Ireland ibid. Tir-Oen desires a Parly of the Earle of Essex ibid. Which is at last condiscended vnto at Balla-Clinch Riuers Foord ibid. Tir-Oen and the Earle of Essex talke together almost an houre 242 Tir-Oen desires to haue another conference with the Earle of Essex ibid. Whereupon a truce is made for sixe weekes ibid. Whereat the Queene is angry with the Lord Deputy ibid. She sends letters to him and to the Councell of Ireland 243 The Earle of Essex much discontented at the letters ibid. His secret plots to take some vnlawfull course to subdue his enemies at Court 244 An army of 6000. men mustered in London halfe whereof lay at watch and ward for the safety of the Queene ibid. The Earle of Essex makes an
put to flight his Catholique Maiesties forces the most potent Prince in Europe landed in fowre seuerall places marched with banners displayed in the enemies ground seuen dayes together attempted one of their greatest cities with no small forces lodged three nights together in the suburbes thereof chased the enemy to their owne gates tooke two castles by the sea side and vnfurnisht the enemy of great store of warlike prouision Yet wanted there not some discontented detractors who by interposing the losse of six thousand souldiers and mariners which the violence of the disease swept away sought to discredit the true glory of this noble and heroicke enterprize But certainely by it England hath learned not to feare the conceited power of the Spaniard and is now better flesht against the next occasion of the like seruice It hath beene much controuerted concerning the originall cause of this disease amongst thâ— English whether or no it proceeded from immoderate drinking of wine and excessiue eating of fruit from the naturall disproportion of theirs and our ayre or from all of them And it is an obseruation as worth our wonder as our memory that expeditions from England into Spaine haue beene for the most part euer infortunate to this Nation as was that of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster about the yeere of Grace MCCCLXXXVI wherin of twenty thousand Englishmen ten thousand died And that of the Marquesse Dorset in the yeere 1512. wherin of ten thousand English a disease murthered 1000. in a short space and that in the hithermost coasts of Spaine But the obseruation of the learned may giue this wonder a probability of reason For they argue that an army comming from the South into the North is thereby the more hardened according as the Inward heat is either remitted or intended by the outward ayre and that that of Vitruvius is very true They that remooue out of cold countries into hâ—tter cannot long continue But they that come from hot countreyes into colder in the North doe not impeaâ—h their health by this change of ayre but confirme it When that the tract of small time had acquainted those of the Hanse townes with the vnexpected surprizall of their captiue Hulkes they begin to fashion their discontents into a forme of complaint seasoned with some weake 〈◊〉 which they present to the Queene concerning the violations of their ancient Priuiledges and customes The Queene returnes them this answer That her former admonition to them of not transporting come or any other warlike prouision to the Spaniard had made this surprizall which they complayned of very lawfull and that it could be thought of no otherwise vnlesse that they would haue her preferre their Priuate commodities before the good publique of her owne common wealth That shee ought not to auouch such Priuiledges which are onely Priuate Lawes against the safety of her Dominions whiâ—h is a Supreme Law And that the same Act with which they vrge the violating of their customes doth annihilate their complaints for that in the Priuiledge granted to them by King Edward the First there is this clause interweaued That they should not transport or conuey any 〈◊〉 or merchandize into the countreyes of manifest and notorious enemies of the Kingdome of England That therefore in the heat of any warre their Traffique was wont to be stayed when they furnished eyther enemy And that not onely the English serued them so but euen Charles the fift the King of Sweden and Denmarke and Poland and not long since the Prince of Orange and all iustly euen according to the Law of Nations wishing them heereafter so to vse the benefit of their neutrality that whilest they aâ—â—isted the one they iniured not the other party And lastly gently admonishing them of their vnseemly threats especially to a Prince who in respect of Ability dreaded not the mightiest Monarch breathing yet in respect of her Honour would imbrace a peace with the meanest and most constantly obserue all lawes of Neighbourhood And of this her constancy the King of Nauarre and France was no small witnesse one whereof shee succoured both with money and munition to the suppressing of a difficult warre and the other she established in quietnesse euen vpon the very point of despayre of it Foâ— to digresse yet a little in the way the Duke of Aniou brother to the King dying without issue the King at that time being both without children and the very hope of euer hauing any the kingdome of France was lineally to descend to the King of Nauarre and afterwards to the Prince of Conde both zealous professours of the Reformed Religion Whereupon the Catholike Princes of France not vnknowne either to the Pope or to the Spaniard complotted a diuellish conspiracy wherin they had onely interested the cause of Religion and therefore termed it the Holy League vtterly to ouerthrowe the King by heaping the enuie of the whole land vpon him and so by peruerting the naturall course of succession with that to ruinate also the Reformed Religion They that impiously combined themselues in this conspiracy bound themselues by a strong oath neuer to suffer any one to rule France that eyther had euer or was likely to professe any Religion but the Romane Catholique that they would neuer allow of one that being brought vp and bred in the Reformed Religion should afterwards absolutely forsweare it least hauing once gotten the Kingdome he should change his Religion with his State Who could be so besotted in his iudgement as not to see that this businesse tended onely to excluded Nauarre and the Prince of Conde Yet notwithstanding the mystery of this conspiracy wrought so couertly that it was long ere it could come to ripenesse For first the Duke of Guise the chiefe Head of this villany hauing valiantly defended Poitiers against the Protestants and vanquished the Germane horsemen sent by the Duke of Alenzon and scattered the mighty leauy of Germanes vnder the conduct of Baron D'onawe was so infinitely magnified both by the Laity and the Popish Clergie of France that to the preiudice of the King himselfe he was euery where stiled the Sole defender of the Catholique Religion and the Hammer of the Protestants Vpon but his very 〈◊〉 into Paris at one time there arose such an vproare amongst the inconstant people that the King for the safety of his person was compelled to impeach his owne Honour to retire from Paris and to call a Councell aâ— Bloys In which Councell his necessities droue him to a forced patience of these inconueniences to consent to this Holy League by his expresse Proclamation in Iulie to root out the Reformed Religion to constitute the Duke of Guise the Great Master of the French Warres and to seale to him the confirmation of these Articles with the receipt of the Sacrament The King himselfe now fearing him whom he himselfe had made thus to be feared and so great that no Law could question him or
ex his Equis nati pulli non amplius triâ—nnio vivunt Varro de Re Rustica Nay Pliny comes in with his Constat as if he were very sure of the matter Constat saith he in Lusitania circa Olyssipponem oppidum Tagum amnem Equas Favonio flante obversas animalem concipere spiritum idque partum fieri gigni pernicissimum ita sed triennium vitae non excedere Pag. 21. Lin. 6. Iaques Clement a Monke to murther him This is that murther which gaue the first breath to the damnable doctrine of King-killing which first quickened from the mouth of Antichrist himselfe and after that budded in his subordinate Impes the Iesuites for assoone as this horrible murther was committed and the newes of it flowne to Rome our Lord God Sixtus Quintus could not but bewaile the Kings death in this lamentable Elegy Facinus hoc esse which before he had stiled Rarum Insigne Memorabile Non sine Dei Opt. Max. particulari providentia dispositione spiritus Sancti suggestione designatum longé majus esse quam illud S. Iudith quae Holofernem è medio sustulit This sparke did quickly kindle and what effect it tooke you may easily iudge by this of the Iesuite Franciscus Verona Constantinus in his Apology for Iohn Casteele c. Cum eo tempore intolerabilis factus sit Rex condemnatio Clementis neque de Iure neque de Facto comprobari potuit propter tyrannidem Henrici Regis contra Statum Ecclesiam tà m quoad homicidium Blesis perpetratum quà m hostili impetu hodierno quo ad oppressionem religionis est prolapsus mactando Sacerdotes profanando Sacramenta repudiando censuras fauendo haereticis Quibus de causis totum se priuatum reddidit subjectum utrique Iuri tam Civili quam Canonico Actio igitur Clementis neutiquam Illicita fuit quippe quae perpetratâ— contra hostem publicum condemnatum Iuridicè in 〈◊〉 omnis obligatio reverentiae atque debiti sublata fuitâ— Part. 2. cap. 2. c. I cannot but English it The King being become now absolutely intolerable it was neither lawfull de Iure or de Facto to condemne this act of Clement by reason of the tyranny of this Henry both in the Church and the Common-wealth and not onely by reason of those horrible murthers he caused at â—loys but also by reason of his oppressing Religion murthâ—ring of Priests prophaning the Saâ—raments reâ—using submission to Ecclesiasticall censures and openly fauouring of Heretiques by which meanes he became onely a priuate man and subiect both to the Ciuill and Canon law And that vpon these considerations this act of â—lement could not be iudged vnlawfull being committed vpon the body of him that was an open enemy and Legally condemned and from whom all obedience and alleagiance of his Subiects was taken away I know that some of their Historians would make the world belieue that his Clement did the deed without any instigation but of his owne Genius and of that opinion is Platina or Cicarella rather adioyned to him and he would make it also the common opinion Communis erat opinio saith he â—um à nemine ad hoc factum subordinatum sed à sâ—ipsâ— postquam duobus aut tribus mensibus in hoc animi conceptâ— persevâ—raverat ad hoc arâ—uum opus permotum esse instigatum post jejunia longa post orationes ad Deum continuas sese certissimum hoc periculum adijsse c. in vita Sixti Quinti pag. 480. But there Iohannes Mariana a Spanish Iesuite one that hath made the best of this deed that euer any could is not yet of that opinion who in a Narration and prosecution of the Story saith Cognito à Thâ—ologis quoâ—â—â—at sciscitatus Tyrannum iure interiâ—i posse c. For this Iaques Clement although he had often premeditated the matter with himselfe yet at length he imparted it to some Diuines who concluded that it was lawfull for him to doe it because it is lawfull for any man to kill a King that is a Tyrant Marian. lib. 1. de Rege Regis Institutione cap. 6. pag. 53. So little doe they regard the expressâ— Canon of the Councell of Constance to the contrary of Si quis Tyrannus c. which doth strictly forbid any man either by deceit or policy or open armes to take away the life of his Prince yea though he be a Tyrant Pag. 32. Lin. 6. Which we call Pound-men In the Originall the words are The Pound-men but both the Translation and the Originall are false for the words should be thus which we call the Three-pound men as may appeare in the true Manuscript of Mr. Cambden himselfe as also because that the words may very well be so by reason that no man is a Subsidy man whose goods are valued vnder the rate of Three-pounds at which rate most of the meaner sort valuing their goods and estates gaue occasion of the name to be called Three-pound men Pag. 35. Lin. 29. In the Reigne of Francis the first For indeed Francis the first King of France and the third of that name Duke of Britaine in the right of his wife Claude that was eldest daughter to Lewis the twelfth King of France and Anne in the yeare of our Lord God 1532. with the consents of the States of Britaine inseperably vnited the Dukedome of Britaine to the Crowne of France Pag. 36. Lin. 13. That this businesse concern'd her more then that of Edward the third Pâ—â—er de 〈◊〉 in the right of his wife Alice daughter of Constance by the second marriage was the first that being Duke of Britaine made that Dukedome subiect vnto the Soueraignty and homage of the French Kings After him was Iohn the first Sonne to Peter de Dreux after him Iohn the second Sonne to Iohn the first after him Arthur the second Sonne to Iohn the second after him Iohn the third Sonne to Arthur the second This Iohn the thirdâ— dying without heâ—res caused the Right to the said Dukedome to be controuerted betweene Iohn Earle of Montfort the younger Sonne to Arthur the second Charles de Bloys Husband to Ioane la Boiâ—â—use Daughter to Guye second Son to Duke Arthur the second Edward the third King of England aided the first to wit Iohn Earle of Montâ—ort and Philip de Valoys King of France aided the other to wit Charles de Bloys to maintaine his warres But neither side yet prenailing it chanced that Iohn of Montfort died whose Sonne Iohn the fourth surnamed the Valiant after the decease of Charles de Bloys who was ouerthrowne by him and the valour of the English that assisted him at the battaile of Auray became sole Duke of Britaine and so the controuersie ceased Pag. 39. Lin. 22. Iohn Basilides Emperour of Russia The familiar Translation of these words in the Language which Merchants and Trauellers in those Countries vse is â—van Vasilowicke Emperour of all Russia although indeed
affecteth the Kingdome of France ibid. The Queene propoundeth a marriage to the K. of Scots 25 He is betrothed to Anne of Denmarke ibid. He passeth ouer to Norway 26 Tempests raised in his Voyage by Witches ibid. Bothwell accused by them ibid. The Countesse of Sussex dieth ibid. Sir Walter Mildmay dieth ibid. The Earle of Worcester dieth 27 And the Lord Sturton ibid. And the Lord Compton ibid. And the Lord Paget ibid. And Doctor Humphrey ibid. Anno M.D.XC. SVndry Hauens fortified Pag. 29 Charges for the Nauy ibid. Money lent to the French King 30 The rates of the Custome-house raised 31 The Queenes care of the States 32 She restoreth ships to the Veâ—eâ—ians 33 She procureth peace from the Turke for the Poloâ—â—â—ns and Moldauians ibid. She congratulateth the marriage of the King of Scots 34 Her care of France ibid. French Hauens taken by the Spaniard 35 His pretence of right to the Dutchy of Britaine ibid. Aide from England requested 36 The Queene prouides for Britaine ibid. And for all France ibid. Wherefore she heaâ—â—â—neth not to the ill suggestions of some both English and French men 37 Her obseruation ibid. The Earle of Warwickes death ibid. And Sir Francis Walsingham's ibid. The death of Sir Thomas Randolph 38 And of Sir Iames Croâ—â— 39 And of the Earle of Shrewesbury ibid. The death of the Lord Wentworth 40 Tir-Oen strangleth Gauâ—loc ibid. He is sent for into England and pardoned ibid. Hugh Roâ—-Mac-Mahon hanged by the Lord Deputy 41 Whereupon Brian O-Râ—cke rebels ibid. Anno M. D.XC.I THe Queenes care of the French King Pag. 43 She sendeth him aide 44 The conditions and articles that are agreed vpon betweene them ibid. A Proclamation in England against the French Leaguers ib. Sir Iohn Norris is sent into France 45 La-Noue that famous warriour dieth of a wound ibid. Sir Roger Williams behaueth himselfe brauely in the French warres ibid. Anthony Reaux sent ouer to the Queene 46 He demandeth more ayde from her ibid. The Queene sendeth ouer into France the Earle of Essex ib. He is sent for presently to Noyon by the King of France ib. He knighteth many of his followers to the great discontent of some of the English 47 He is disappointed of his promise by the French men ibid. His Brother Walter dieth of a wound at his approach to Roan ibid. He is sent into Champaigne by the French King 48 The French King breaketh promise with the Queene ibid. He sends the Earle of Essex ouer into England to require more aide of the Queene ibid. Hee sends moreouer the Lord Mourney du-Pleffis for the same purpose ibid. The education and behauiour of William Hacket 49 His extraordinary calling and Reuelations ibid. His confederates and who they were ibid. They all seeke to accuse the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Treasurer of Treason 50 Hackets hatred to the Queene 51 His Disciples sent abroad 52 They are apprehended 53 Hacket condemned ibid. His blasphemy at the time of execution ibid. Coppinger starued himselfe 54 Arthington recants ibid. The Queens iurisdiction in spirituall matters impugned ibid. It is defended and maintained 56 Captaine Greenuile in the Reare Admirall called the Reuenge is assailed 56 He is sorely wounded 57 Greenuile yeelded vpon condition ibid. The Reuenge suncke ibid. A requitall for her losse 58 The East-Indie Voyage ibid. Riman drowned ibid. Their returne 59 Cauendish his Voyage to the Magellane Streights ibid A Proclamation against transportation of the prouision into Spaine ibid. The death of Sir Christopher Hatton 60 Brian O-rorke arraigned 61 He is hanged at Tiburne 62 Anno M. D.XC.II BOthwell is proclaimed traitour Pag. 64 The Earle of Murray slaine 66 Bothwels attempt at the Court at Falkland ibid. The zeale of the Ministers in Scotland ibid. Letters and Blanckes taken by them 67 Sir Iohn Perot questioned ibid. He is accused ibid. The Articles of his accusatioâ— ibid. He is condemned 68 He dieth in the Tower of a disease 69 His goods are intailed vpon his Sonne ibid. The Earle of Essex returnes from France ibid. The K. of France requesteth more aide from the Queene 70 She condiscendeth vpon some conditions ibid. Captaine Norris is sent ouer 71 The Duke of Parma dieth ibid. Sir Walter Rawleighs expedition 72 A Portugall Caracke persued by Burrough ibid. He is assaulted by the English 73 The spoile taken and the value of it ibid. The couetousnesse of some English Merchants noted 74 A Proclamation about making of Ordnance ibid. The Queene going on progresse visiteth the Vniuersity of Oxford ibid. The Thames dried vp 75 A discourse about the reason of it ibid. The death of Viscount Mountague 76 And of the Lord Scroope ibid. And of Sir Christopher Wray ibid. Anno M. D.XC.III A Parliament assembled at Westminster Page 77 What Subsidies were granted more then ordinary and the caution about them 78 The summe of the Queenes speech ibid. Henry Barow a Sectary hanged 79 The Queenes care of Scotland ibid. Her admonition to the King of Scotland 80 The L. Burrough sent ouer to Scotland on an Embassie 81 What the Queene demanded by him ibid. What the K. of Scotland answered to the Queens demands ib. Bothwell being demanded of the Queene by the King of Scotland when he lurked in England wherefore not deliuered vp to him 82 Bothwell returneth secretly into Scotland ibid. Hiâ— insolent behauiour there 83 Tumults by him raised in the Court and the Chancellour thence remooued ibid. Libels in Germany against the Queene 84 Which the Queene procureth to be called in ibid. She procureth peace betweene the Turke and the Transiluanian and betweene the King of Sweden and the Muscoâ—ian ibid. Captaine Norris his proceeding in Britaine 85 His returne againe into England ibid. The King of France reconciled to the Church of Rome ibid. The reasons which he gaue for his conuersion 86 The Queenes Letter written in Latine which she sent him so soone as she heard thereof 88 A Booke of Boëtius translated by her 89 The French King excuseth his breaking promise with the Queene ibid. Agreements made betweene the Queene and him ibid. The Queenes care for the Protestants in France 90 She fortifieth her Islands of Garnsey and Iersey and sundry other places 91 A great plague in London ibid. Hesket hanged and wherefore ibid. The death of the Earle of Darby ibid. And of the Earle of Sussex 92 And of the Lord Grey ibid. And of the Lord Cromwell ibid. And of the Lord Wentworth ibid. And of Sir Christopher Carlile ibid. Complaints of the Irish. ibid. Grudges betweene Tir-Oen and Marshall Bagnall 93 Mac-Guir rebelleth ibid. Ineskelline taken 93 Tir-Oen vsurpeth the title of O-Neale 94 Shan O-Neales Sonnes surprized by Tir-Oen ibid. Anno M. D.XC.IV THe Lord Zouch sent Embassador into Scotland Pag. 96 The answer of the King of Scots 97 Bothwell againe rebelleth ibid. The pretence and cloake of his rebellion 98 Bothwell put to flight 99 The Scotch Papists banished the Realme ibid. Their plots
made an example of her iustice for murther begotten of the body of Anne Stanley the daughter of Edward Earle of Darby whom Edward his Brother succeeded Also Henry Lord Compton leauing his heyre his sonne William begot of Francis Hastings the daughter of Francis Earle of Huntingdon and at Bruxeils there died Thomas Lord Paget who fearing some suspition should arise out of his inward well wishing to Mary Queene of Scots couertly dispatched himselfe out of the Land leauing his onely â—sonne begotten of Nazareth Newton and named William his Heyre And euen now Learning it selfe had occasion of griefe for the death of Lawrence Humfrey Doctour of Diuinitie in Oxford who being banished in the dayes of persecution vnder Queene Mary translated out of the Greeke a Tract of Origens concerning a Right Fayth and Philo concerning Nobility hauing also himselfe written three Bookes of Nobility which hee stiled by the name of Optimates After his returne home he was made President of Magdaleâ—e Colledge in Oxford where he was first brought vp Hee was likewise the Regâ—ous Professor of Diuinity where by his publike Lectures and vsuall Sermons for many yeeres together he got great credit to the Church although but small profit to himselfe For he was neuer preferred to any higher place amongst the Clergie then to the Deanery of Winchester the chiefest reason that was to be guessed at being that in matters of Ceremony or Indifferency he altogether consented not with the Church of England THE THREE and thirtieth Yeere OF HER REIGNE Anno Domini 1590. THE Queene who neuer layd aside the thought of warre because her desire was still peace at the beginning of the Spring fearing some asâ—ault from the Spaniard mustereth vp her souldiers heere in England and likewise in the South parts of Ireland In Ireland she fortifies Duncannon lying at the mouth of the Riuer Suire and in Wales repayres the ruines of Milford Hauen with new workes For the mayntenance of her Nauy safe and sound shee alotteth yeerely eight thousand fiue hundred and seuenty pounds sterling of English money And although about three yeeres agoe shee had lent the King of Nauarre an hundred and one thousand fiue hundred and sixty French crownes to leauy an Army in Germany vnder the Baron d'Onaw by Horatio Pallauicine and but the last yeere seuenty one thousand one hundred sixty fiue more vpon Beauoire Buhie and Buzenuales bonds and had spent twenty thousand more in sending ouer her forces to him vnder the Lord Willoughby yet notwithstanding first this yeere she lendeth vpon the Vicount Turenes bond thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three more to muster an army in Germany vnder the conduct of the Prince of Anhault and after that as much more vpon Beauoires bond and Incaruilles Besides all these charges euery two moneths did she pay to the Garrisons in Flushing and Brill an hundred and fiue and twenty thousand Florins and two hundred and threescore more to three thousand horse and foot that seru'd in the Low Countries Shee set out many braue ships shee was at infinite charges to preuent all clandestine machinations of the Pope or Spaniard in Scotland and yet for all this at this time shee repayed to her subiects monies which shee lately had borrowed in so much that many men iustly wondred whence this abilitie should spring she being not in any mans debt a vertue which few Princes can boast of and yet of a sufficient competency to maintaine her kingdome against the enemie without admitting any auxiliary forces which none of the greatest of her neighbour Kings could at that time doe Certaine it is she was a most prouident Princesse seldome entertaining any charge which was not either for the maintenance of her Honour at home or the Succour of her friends abroad Besides the Lord Treasurer Burghley bore a prouident eye ouer those that had charge of Subsidies or imposts for many times by the couetousnesse of such subordinate ministers monies receiued for the Queenes vse were imployed to their priuate pâ—ofits and others that should haue beene receiued were omitted by a wilfull ouersight and hir'd negligence About this time the commodity of the Custome house amounted to an vnexpected value For the Queene being made acquainted by the meanes of a subtile fellow named Caermardine with the mistery of their gaines so enhansed the rate that Sir Thomas Smith Master of the Custome house who heretofore farmed it of the Queene for fourteene thousand pounds yeerely was now mounted to two and forty thousand pounds and afterwards to fifty thousand pounds yeerely which notwithstanding was valued but as an ordinary summe for such oppressing gaine The Lord Treasurer indeed the Earle of Leicester Walâ—ingham much opposed themselues against this Caermardine denying him entrance into the Priuy Chamber in so much that expostulating with the Queene they traduced her hearkening to such a fellowes information to the disparagement of the iudgement of her Councell and the discredite of their care But the Queene answered them that all Princes ought to bee if not as fauourable yet as iust to the lowest as to the highest desiring that they who falsely accuse her Priuy Councell of sloath or indiscretion should be seuerely punished but that they who iustly accused them should be heard That she was Queene as well to the poorest as to the proudest and that therefore she would neuer be deafe to their iust complaints Likewise that shee would not suffer that these Toole-takers like horse-leeâ—hes should glut themselues with the riches of the Realme and starue her Exchequer which as shee will not endure so to bee dieted so hateth shee to enrich it with the pouerty of the people Without doubt shee was a great enemy to all extortions and vnreasonable taxes hating to oppresse her poore subiects as many of her Predecessors had done sweetning their owne extortions with the name of the Peoples contribution the Commons liberalitie or their free beneuolence or the like She would not suffer Tolling by the head of liuing creatures once to be proposed as lawfull although it had beene formerly proposed in the daies of Edward the sixt And hence was it that the people paid their subsidies with such alacritie and though that now her necessity had occasioned a greater tax than ordinary yet it seemed onely a voluntary payment Wherefore the Queene by a mercifull Statute to reward her people for their forwardnesse would haue exempted those of the meaner sort and multiplied their payments vpon the richer as was once done in the time of King Richard the second but the euent of this courtesie would haue beene more iniurious to her selfe than beneficiall to the people it being plainly demonstrated by casting vp the accounts that the subsidies would fall far short of their expected value if those of indifferent estates which we call Pound-men should be fauoured with any exception About this time certaine Inhabitants of the towne of Groyning one
was made and 〈◊〉 her Souldiers had not their pay that both she and they were deluded by him being first hurried this way and then that way but euery way exposed to all possible danger vpbraiding him likewise with the not performance of his promise to the discredit of his gratitude and that hee had now made her loose all her former charges Wherefore that now she had resolued to recall her Souldiers out of Normandy vnlesse hee made some better account of his promise and tooke better order for the Souldiers pay from hence forward But the King by the insinuating language of his Letters soone appeased this distast she conceiued against him excusing all things with the necessity hee was in and his tumultuous throng of businesse But in the beginning of Nouember hearing that the Duke of Parma was in a readinesse hee began slowly to buckle himselfe to the siege of Roan and sent the Earle of Essex ouer into England to muster vp more forces for him The Earle quickly being returned on Christmas Eue they set vpon the Fort of Saint Catharine in foure places at once in three wherof the English valour was throughly tried who were alone exposed to the fortune of slaughter And at the same time hee sent ouer the Lord Mournay dâ— Plessis to require of the Queene a new supply to hinder the comming of the Duke of Parma neither did the Queene deny it but first toucht him bitterly about his carelesnesse in delaying the siege of Roan and preuenting betimes the Dâ—ke of Parma's comming Shee desired him a little 〈◊〉 fauourably to deale with the English and not stil to put them alone vpon all his most dangerous exploits But I leaue this to the French Historians who indeed hitherto haue either beene ignorant of it or dissembled their knowledge And as willingly would I leaue to the paines of our Ecclesiasticall Writers the mad frenzie or rather impious blasphemy of William Hacket which about this time first began to peepe forth about which I would more willingly employ my memory to forget that which euen affrights me with repetition but lest by concealing his wickednesse I might seeme either to fauour the cause or to disparage the truth of it take here briefly the summe of his large blasphemy This same Hacket was an ordinary Yeoman of Oundell in the County of Northampton an illiterate insolent and cruell natur'd fellow so prone to reuenge for the smallest iniury that when an ingenuous Schoole-master desired to be reconciled and made friends with him as hee embraced him close he bit off his nose and being greatly intreated by the poore man to restore it againe that hee might haue it sowed on whilst the wound was greene hee like a Dog deuoured it He was so great an alien to all piety and deuotion that whatsoeuer by chance hee had heard at Sermons hee would sit scoffing and gybing at ouer his pots afterwards hauing spent that estate which he had with his wife in riotousnesse on a sudden hee became a very vpright man and one of a most holy conuersation hee was much giuen to hearing Sermons and reading the Scriptures insomuch that in a short time he began to belye himselfe with Reuelations from heauen saying that hee was extraordinarily called by God by which meanes hee insinuated himselfe into the acquaintance of many Diuines who out of a fiery pure zeale tooke sore paines to bring the discipline of the Presbytery from Geneva into England Amongst them was one Wiginton a Minister and a brainsicke fellow one that had already learn'd to contemne the iurisdiction of the Magistrate by this mans means he was brought acqâ—ainted with Edmund Copinger a Gentleman of a good house who had perswaded himselfe and one Arthington a great admirer of his gifts that hee was also eâ—traordinarily called by God to the good of the Church and Common-weale and that hee had order given him immediately from heauen to bring the Queene and her Councell to a better minde to wit to imbrace the discipline of Geneua He confirmed himselfe and the rest the more in this faith hauing beene instructed by some Ministers that God both daily stirre and raise up Labourers in his Church extraordinarily Since that time reioycing in his spirit hee would impart all to Hacket willingly who with his praying extempore fasting on Sundaies boasting how hee had beene buffetted by Satan and faining an ordinary talke with God which hee would take to be true vpon his damnation and with many bitter oathes did so sweare the people into a beleefe of him that they esteemed him greatly beloued of God and greater than Moses or S. Iohn Baptist neither did he obscurely intimate that he was a Prophet of Gods reuenge and iustice wheresoeuer the people imbraced not his mercy also prophecying that from henceforth there should bee no Pope and that this yeere England should bee sorely afflicted with famine pestilence and warre vnlesse the Lords discipline for so hee cal'd it and Reformation were admitted and practised ouer and throughout the Land And for bringing in of this said Reformation they deuised a plot as was found out afterwards to accuse the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chancellor of treason because they cheiefly opposed themselues against this Reformation determining besides to make both of them away and all the rest that in the Starâ— chamber should giue sentence against the promotion of the Reformation or against the Ministeâ—â— that desired it they printed also many rithmes whereby they thought to stir the people to sedition amongst which this was a dogmaticall Teneâ— that it was lawfull for a true Christian although hee were a countrey Swaine or a very Clowne to prescribe a manner of gouernment to his Prince and euen to dispossessâ— the Queene of her Throne if shee promoted not Reformation Indeed Hacket exceedingly hated the Queene as appears in that he durst mutter that she had fell from her right of succession and in that he durst offer violence to her picture in thrusting it through the breast with a Poniard neither was this a great wonder for he had perswaded himselfe already that God had made him King of Europe and that therefore hee ought not to endure a Riuall Likewise hee perswaded both Copinger and Arthington that they were inspired not onely with a Propheticall but euen with an Angelicall spirit and they perswaded therewith exhibited to him all obedience and reuerence as appointed King by God thereby endeauoring to giue fewell to this sedition which they longed to see on flame About Iuly next they came to a Nobleman of the Realme and proffered to him the tuition of the Kingdome vnder the Queene to whom they dedicated the life of Hacket and Arthingtons prophesies but hee either hauing or faining vrgent businesse to doe sleighted both them and their courtesie Shortly after they certified Wiginton that Christ had appeared to them the night before not bodily as hee is
many of their vnprouided ships This as soone as the Queene came to vnderstand shee set foorth her Proclamation forbidding any man hereafter to doe so vnder penalty of aiding an enemy against ones owne countrey withall commanding that they who worke in iron should make no greater peeces that the ordinary Mynions and none aboue sixteene thousand pound weight The Queene hauing gone on progresse this sommer tooke Oxford in her way where shee remained some few daies being entertained with Orations Plaies and Disputations and a costly banquet prouided by the Lord Buckhurst then Chancellour of Oxford At her departure shee gaue them a Latine speech wherein shee professed that shee more esteemed of their true hearty loues than of all other sports and pleasures neuer so delightfull for which she gaue them hearty thankes making a solemne vow and giuing them sound counsell her vow was that as she wished nothing more than the safety of the Kingdome the happinesse and glory thereof so shee wished also that especially the Vniuersity which is one of the eies of the Kingdome might grow famous and flourish for euer Her counsell was that they should worship God first of all not to sute themselues according to the curiosity of many but to the lawes of God and the Kingdome that they should follow the lawes and not goe before them that they should not dispute whether or no better lawes might be but keepe those that already were made that they should obey their Superiours and mutually loue each other This sommer as also last sommer there was such a great drought through England that not onely the fields but euen many fountaines were dried vp and many cattell were choked with thirst perished euery where vp and downe euen the Riuer of Thames the chiefest in all England nay one than whom Europe hath not a longer for it ebbes and flowes aboue threescore miles euery day was euen without water the fift day of September to the great admiration of all that beheld the same in so much that a horseman might easily passe ouer at London-bridge Whether or no this fell out by reason of the great drought or the fierce rage of the North-east winde which had blowne vpon the water two whole daies and either droue away the fresh water or hindred the flowing of the Sea I cannot tell especially the Moone being then in the increase descending to the South and the Aequinox being neere at hand at which times sea-men obserue greater flowing in the Thames than at any other There were those that searcht into the hidden secrets of Philosophy to shew that this accident fell out by a naturall cause and direction arguing that as a quartane Ague comes at her due time and as the Gout at certaine seasons and as a Purge if nothing hinder it keepes it's accustomed time for working and as a womans childe-bearing ordinarily comes within a months reckoning so the waters haue some secret place of respite whither they withdraw themselues and whence they streame out againe that some of them that are lesse may be the better noted that they that are greater are yet certainely so And what wonder should this bee to see Nature her selfe goe on by statutes and degrees The heat of the Sommer comes when the time is the alteration of the Spring and Autumne is when it is wont to be the Solstice and the Aequinox keepe their appointed seasons then let vs not thinke but there are lawes of nature vnder earth which may perchance be lesse knowne to vs but not lesse certaine in themselues Let vs beleeue to bee below whatsoeuer wee see is aboue vs. There died this yeere Anthony Browne Vicount Mouâ—tague sonne to Sir Anthony Browne master of the Horse and Standard-bearer of England whom Queene Mary had before giuen this title to because that his Grandmother was the Daughter and heire of Iohn Neuill Marquisse of Mountague Shee made him Knight of the Garter and sent him to Rome in the behalfe of the whole kingdome to yeeld obedience to that See Queene Elizabeth hauing had experience of this mans loyalty esteemed very well of him although he were a Romance Catholike shee came moreouer and visited him for shee well knew that he was borne and bred in that religion which hee professed and not embraced it as many did onely to further a faction and him Anthony Nephew to his sonne succeeded There died also Henry Lord Scroope of Bolton Knight of the Garter and President of the westerne parts of the Borders of Scotland hauing left Thomas his sonne by Marquisse Howard the sister of Thomas the laâ—â— Duke of Norfolke his successor Neither to bee passed ouer in silence is the death of Christopher Wray Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench a man of great wisdome and skill in the Law one of sincerity and as great constancy hee had much issue but more credit in Magdalene Colledge in Cambridge of which he well deserued whom â—opâ—am the Attourney a man of much noted seuerity succeeded THE SIXE and thirtieth Yeere OF HER REIGNE Anno Domini 1593. IN February this yeare the Peeres of the Kingdome assembled in Parliament at Westminster where they enacted lawes about the restraining of Schismaticks and Papists that would not goe to Church and also enticed others not to goe too also about possessions of Monasteries entailed vpon Henry the eight about relieuing Souldiers and Marriners and about not building within three miles of London and many other matters And when they had weightily considered for I speake out of the Acts of Parliament with what resolute malice the enemy raged against Englands ouerthrow and the Confederates in France to ceaze the Low Countries or Scotland or to surprize any conuenient place for inuading England they adiudged it fit to grant some Subsidies to repell these dangers Wherefore acknowledging and magnifying the heroicke princely minde of their Princesse together with her prouident care and especiall affection to her people that had so happily waged warre against her enemy and to that end she continually exhausted the wealth of her Treasure and neuer offered to burden the poore comminalty with taxations and that not onely in defence of her owne Kindgome but also in easing and relieuing her confederates according to these words and her promise The Clergie granted two entire Subsidies and the Laity three and six Fifteenes and Tenths to be paid at a time with a willing and obedient minde But yet with submission petitioning that since these things were so assigned ouer to Posterity in publike Records that in expresse words there should be this caution added that these so great and the like neuer before heard-of Subsidies being granted vnto so good a Princesse vpon so extraordinary occasions should neuer be made an example for hereafter The Queene being present the last day of the Parliament that by her consent she might giue life to these Lawes to make them of force
conditioned men to be his witnesses that he had incensed the Lord Deputy himselfe to his destruction that he had laine in wait for his life and not truely or sincerely to haue deliuered his answers to the Queene And truely the Marshall was altogether beleeued about the Court till such time as the Earle Tir-Oen hauing sent Letters into England proffered to come to his triall either in England or Ireland Yet on the other side certaine it is that the Earle had made a League with the Nobility of Vlster very secâ—etly to defend the Romish Religion for Religion was the onely cloaâ—e time afforded for warre and to shut out the Sheâ—â—ffes and all that lay in Garrison within their Territories to defend mutually their owne Rights and propell the Englishmens iniuries The next after O-Donell that encreased the rebellion was Mac-Guir a Nobleman who was thrust out as farre as Fermanagh for his more easier practise Hee was a man of a troublesome spirit and contentious who much complained that he was too much molested and troubled and vndeseruedly by the Sheriffe of that County Wherefore he rushed out preying on his neighbours grounds he enters Conaught hauing Gaurâ—n a Priest accompanying him whom the Pope had created Primate of Ireland This Gauran still egged him on to try his fortune and trust to the helpe of God assuring him that there could be no doubt of victorie But yet it fell out otherwise for by the valour of Richard Bingham Mac-Guiâ— was put to flight and his Primate and many more slaine Hereupon Mac-Guir breakes out into an open rebellion whom Tir-Oen persuing out of a counterfeit officiousnesse receiued a great wound to the praise both of his valour and loyalty Dowdall an Englishman and a valiant Commander beset tooke Iâ—eskelline neere the Lake Erne which was Mac-guirs best and strongest fortresse wherein he slew most that lay at Garrison in it And at that time were the pure Irishmen first chosen to be Commanders and put into Bands who being alwaies disloyall to the English made most thinke it then most vnprouidently done which truely they all found afterward indeed In the meane time the Earle of Tir-Oen keeping a watchfull eye ouer his owne affaires now began to challenge to himselfe the Title of O-Neale in comparison whereof the very Title of Caesar is base in Ireland by reason that Turlogh Lenigh was newly dead who before bore that Title forgetting his oath and promised faith to the Queene and paine of treason Yet it seemes hee forgot it not but would excuse it that hee onely did challenge it to himselfe to preuent others that likely else would doe so much And at last hee promiseth to renounce and disclaime all his right to it but yet earnestly desires that he be not bound thereto by any oath Presently after that he surpriseth one or two of Shan O-Neales sonnes that either by their own craftâ—nesse or some others conâ—iuence had escaped out of prison fearing leâ—t they might be a hinderance vnto him for he well knew in what esteeme they were amongst their owne and how easily they might bee able to crush all his pâ—ots and practises whatsoeuer Therefore when hee was expresly commanded by the Lord Deputy to set them at liberty hee still refused it onely complaining grieuously of the ill will of the Lord Deputy towards him the treachery of the Marshall and the iniuries of them that lay in Garrison yet he so couertly boâ—â— all this as that as if he had forgotten it all he came and professed obedience vnto the Depâ—ty giâ—ing his faith for security thereof and so in an humble submission returned home againe THE SEVEN and thirtieth Yeere OF HER REIGNE Anno Domini 1594. THe Queene perswaded her selfe that she could easily quench this young and modest rebellion that scarce durst shew it selfe in Ireland if that once she had but weakened a little that apparant and open faction in Scotland Wherefore hauing beene asked her counsell by the King of Scotlâ—â—d what she thought of the Decrees made by the States of Scotland for the preseruation of Religion and the peace of the Kingdome She sendeth Edward Lord Zouch into Scotland that he might confirme the Peeres of the English partie in their obedience and exact greater seuerity against those of the Spanish then that which the Decree ordained Since that it was most certainly confirmed that they had beene at Masse that they harboured Iesuites and Priests that they had sent blancks ouer into Spaine with their hands and seales thereto And â—ince that euen the Spaniard was now in contemplation and very neere practise of inuading England by Land-forces through Scotland which before he could not by Sea with all his inuincible Nauy The King made answer thereunto that he would vse all seuerity against the Papists that the Statutes of the kingdome could allow and that if they being giuen warning to shall not obey he would pursue them till such time that he should bring them into order or driue them out of the kingdome if so be that the Queene whom it concerned as much as himselfe would ioyne with him Zouch being somewhat peremptory in vrging seuere persecution of the Papists for indeed some of the zealous Ministers of Scotland continually suggested to the Queene that the King dealt more fauourably with Papists then either the necessity of the time would or his owne conscience if it were vpright could suffer him to doe the King demanded whether or no he were vnder any bodies authority or whether his Queene would prescribe him a forme of gouernment that was an absolute King But withall protesting that he would strongly defend his Religion and inuiolably preserue peace and amity with the Queene Yet againe somewhat complaining that Bothwell a most troublesome Rebell should be fostered vp in England since that hee so readily had deliuered to the Queenes hand the Irish Rebell O-Rorke that lurked in Scotland But Bothwell it seemes staid not long lurking in England but againe hee bore vp his rebellious Ensignes against his King and hauing entred Scotland with foure hundred Horse of Borderers of Scotland hee came as farre as Leeth without any impediment or resistance and hauing come thither after the Art of rebellion that colours fowlest deeds with fairest pretences he published this in writing SInce that the true Religion towards God the safety of the King the Honour the Iustice thereof the Commonwealth it selfe and that commodious friendship betweene the Kingdomes of Scotland and England were now in the extremity of danger by reason of some pernitious Counsellours who had crept into the Common-wealth who had suffered Masse-Priests to wander from Village to Village who had giuen ostages to the Low Countries and sent for Spaniards ouer to oppresse both the Religion and the Common-wealth and to breake the League with England That therefore he with the Nobility the Lords and Burgesses ioyned with him had determined out of their
in conscience and now they set vpon the Fortresse on euery side Latham Smith other English Capâ—aines setting vpon the Westerne part thereof whilest the French men set on the Easterne and others the Wall betweene from noone till foure of the clocke at length the English enioyed the Westerne Fortresse and hauing slaine Thomas de Parades the Gouernour thereof entring the Fort they snatched their Colours and made a passage for all the rest and there they slew about foure hundred that lay in Garrison they razed the Fortresse to the ground euen the very same day that Don Iuan de D'Aquila came to bring them aide Neither was this Victory purchased by the English without losse of bloud for many valiant men were wanting and Martin Fourbisher was shot in the hip with a Bullet and hauing brought backe his Nauy to Plimouth then died Not very long after it being found out that there came some Spanish Commanders into Ireland to stirre vp a rebellion there Norris was recalled from Britaine the ships that should haue brought him ouer hauing arriued at Morlay were forbid entrance to the Hauen insomuch that they were compellâ—d â—o trust to the courtesie of the Sea and a Wintery cold Haâ—en and at length to arriue at Rusco no very saâ—e Bay for them The Queene â—ooke this as she might very well wonderous ill at Marshall D'Aumonts hands that he should denie Morlay Hauen for her ships when according to their owne conditions he did owe the very same place to the Auxiliaries of England assoone as it yeelded And not in France onely but euen in the most seuered part of the world America did the English warre against the Spaniard for Richard Hawkins sonne to that famous Nauigator Iohn Hawkins hauing free leaue and license vnder the great Seale of England to molest the Spaniard in those parts of the World with three ships and two hundred Sea-men set forth for Sea the last yeare His first landing was at the Island of S. Anne where whilest he refreshed the fainting spirits of his Marriners the least ship of the three was by chance fired He tooke a Portugall ship and the fame of him spreading out to Peru the Deputy thereof â—urnisheth his Nauie to surprize him Afterwards by reason of a great tempest one of his two ships returned home but not without the punishment of the Master of it Hawkins being now left alone was taken away from shore by force and carried to the latitude of fifty degrees where he lighted on a fruitful woodish and a Land very full of Hauens holding out in length some threescore Leagues from the West to the North which he passed by till such time that the winde blowing him backe againe he was cast vpon the streights of Magellan about the end of Ianuary this yeare which he found to be nothing but an Ocean full of Islands yet he came as farre in it as to the breadth of six and fifty degrees After that he had spent a moâ—eth and a halfe amongst these Islands and had wandered vp and down according to the vncertaine motions of the same Sea not without much and great danger with great paines at last he got into the open Sea And now â—ayling by the Chiline shorâ— in the Southerne Sea at Villa-Parissa he seized on fiue ships laden with Merchandise he tooke away one of theâ— and the Pilot but dismissed the rest vpon the paiment of 2000. Duckeâ—s when they indeed were valued at more then twenty thousand Afterwards at Arica he was assailed by Bertrand à Castro who with eight ships was sent out by the Vice-Gerent or Deputy of Peru to that purpose but first his munition furniture and tackling for sayling being somewhat scant he ventred on him to his owne losse but afterwards being better prouided he assailed him againe in the Gulfe Attacame but with no better speed for they fought hand to hand very fiercely many being slaine on both sides insomuch that the Spaniard thought it better to skirmish a farre off and to play vpon them with their Ordnance Which when they did three dayes without ceasing Bertrand senta Gloue and in the name of the King profered their liberty to Hawkins and his followers if they would yeeld vp vnto him This condition they all being sore wounded and vnequall for longer skirmish did accept which they found also fulfilled for Bertrand vsed them very courteously But there arose a question notwithstanding whether or no this promise were to be kept because it was questioned whether Bertrand who was not delegated Generall immediatly from the King but mediately from his Deputy could make such a promise to Hawkins who had receiued immediately his authority from the Queene But at length they all fell into this opinion that the promise made in the Kings name should be kept since that Hawkins was no Pirate but a lawfull enemy neither would they that the Spaniard should vse any other martiall Lawes in the Southerne Seas then what were sutable to the rest elsewhere But yet for all this and although that Bertrand to the praise of his honesty much endeauoured that his promise might be fulfilled was Hawkins sent into Spaine and kept prisoner there some few yeares for it seemed good to the Spaniard to vse this seuerity that hee might fright others from attempting those Seas againe But at last the Duke of Miranda President of the Councell gaue him his dismission vpon consideration that such promises made deliberately by the Kings Commanders should be kept because that otherwise no body would euer yeeld But in the other part of America Iames Lancaster that was sent out with three ships and a Brigandiâ—e by the London Merchants whose goods the Spaniard had lately laid hands vpon had farre better fortune against them For hee tooke 39. Spanish ships and hauing associated to himself Venner an Englishman some Hollanders and some French that lay about expecting some prey in those Seas hee determines to set vpon Fernambuc in Brasile where hee vnderstood there had beene vnladed great treasure out of a Caracke that shipwrack't comming from the East Indies But when hee saw the enemy flocke in multitudes very thicke to the shore he chose out some of the English and put them in the ship-boates and rowing with such violence that they brake the Oares the Boates ran a shoare a successe trâ—ely as happy as the counsell was valiant For by their valour the enemies being drouen to the vpper Towne hee enjoyed the lower Towne and the Hauen defending the same thirty whole dayes against all their crafty and deceitfull assaults and refusing all parley he frustrated all their fiery machinations against his ships and at last laded some fifteene ships with the wealth of that Caracke we spake of with Sugar-canes Brafil wood and Cottens and then returned safe home I know not whether or no this may be worth remembrance except to the instructing of more
Queene in about Forty seuen thousand two hundred forty and three Crownes of the Sunne and her charges in sending ouer forces vnder the Earle of Essex Two hundred thousand sixe hundred and forty more both women and men mourning that their Sonnes and Brothers were slaine before and not reserued for to lose their liues in the defence of their owne Country About this time Lomené flies ouer into England and although he dissembled not the taking of Cambray yet he lies hard at the Queenes mercy to send ouer more auxiliary forces into Picardy and afterwards would that there should be Delegates chosen to treate about the manner of the warre Which when it seemed somewhat preposterous both to the Queene and her Councell he being impatient of the very shew of a deniall imputed to the Queene the losse of Cambray obiecting also that she delighted in the miseries of his King and would bring him to a peace with the Spaniard assoone as possibly he could She forthwith answered him presently and the King in her Letters by Sir Thomas Edmonds who then supplyed the place of an Embassadour that she tooke it very sorrowfully that Cambray was lost but yet more sorrowfully that Lomené should impute the losse thereof to her because her assistance was not as ready as their expectation and necessity Demonstrating that the narrow streights of the limited time could not produce those â—orces and that it was no wisdome the French hauing beene once or twise vanquished to cast her Souldiers vpon the triumphing cruelty of the Spaniard leâ—t that while she should so much esteeme his misery she might be compelled to relieue it with the losse of the liues of many of her Subiects and the loue of the rest Yet that she was so farre from reioycing at his vnfortunate misery or driuing him to a peace with their common enemy that neither he himselfe nor any man else without the preiudice of his discretion could light vpon any suspition especially if so be he would but recall to his memory the good Offices wherewith she honoured him the sacred bond of their friendship She promised all aid though not such as his desire yet such as her necessity could affoord confessing that both their fortunes were hazarded vpon one chance That none should need to require helpe from her against the Spaniard who since such time that hee put on hatred against England and vpon no other ground then because his enuy should encrease on the one â—ide as fast as her mercy did on the other in relieuing the distresses of her Neighbours neuer ceased either by Sea or Land to infringe the greatnesse of his power or to bend it from it's proper and assigned obiect euen that now all her thoughts haue beene euen bespoken to be employed against him and his Nauy and that therefore her excuse for not aiding him presently stood warrantable in Iustice vnlesse that she should vncloath her own Dominions of forces to furnish her Neighbours And by reason that she had heard it whispered into a common talke by the French as that she doubted of the Kings constancy in his friendship or beheld his prosperous succeeding with the eie of enuy or sorrow she protested that as such thoughts should be vnworthy of the brest of a Prince so were they of hers and were neuer harboured there Besides this she willed Edmonds to inculcate daily into the Kings memory that it is the part of a King sometimes euen to thwart the resolution of his priuate brest to giue some publike satisfaction to the desires of the people because the goodwill of the people is the rocke of the Princes safety And that since he himselfe had wisely done so for the preseruation of the loue of his people he could not value her good will by her outward performance which she abstained from for the loue she bare to her people to whose duty loue obedience and valour she accounted no ordinary blessing of God Their valour France it selfe could well testifie where many to get credit renowne lost their liues more would haue lost them there but that the dolefull cries of Mothers the grones of Kindreds and the lamentations of young children mourning the losse of their Fathers before they knew them had interceded a little for them and but that the affaires of warre at home or at least great rumour of warre had reprieued them to a longer time of execution That if the King would weigh these things in an vnpartiall iudgement she did not doubt but he would be sufficiently contented with this her answer that he would stop vp the eares of those that for the furtherance of the greater good of the common enemy had occupied all their endeauours to vnbinde their Peace That this is the principall endeauour of many that by their ill Offices they might rob the Prince of the good will of his Subiects and the hearts of his couragious Commons But on the other side the miseries of France multiplying as contiâ—ually as their warres many men incited the King to enter into a League with the Spaniard Perswasions were drawne from the actions of the Queene of England who they said did nothing but feed his eares with empty promises Some on the other side againe busied all their inuentions to deterre him from it especially Catharine of Nauarre Sister to the King the D. of Bulloigne Vmpton the Leager there obiecting incontineÌ„tly that his hope of Peace with the Spaniard would relie but vpon weake grounds if he should consider how long the Spaniard had deâ—ained from him Nauarre his Grandfathers Kingdome how he had molested all France and quartered it out into his owne possessions how he challenged little Britaine as the inheritance of his Daughter and how he hired a faigned Right for her to England against the King of Scots in Bookes set forth to that purpose insomuch that he seemes by the vertue of his vast conceipt to haue swallowed vp vnder his owne gouernment the huge Monarchy of all Europe When the King began to shut his eares against so forceable perswasions the Queene began in her minde much to question his promise and doubt of performance but more especially when she vnderstood out of the Colledge of Cardinalls that the Pope of Rome had entred him into a blessing of the Church vpon these conditions and these words HE shall abiure all heresies he shall professe the Catholique faith in that forme that shall be â—ere done by his Embassadours Hee shall bring in the profession of it to the Principality of Bearne and shall nominate all Catholike Magistrates in that Prouince He shall vndertake within a yeare to bring the Prince of Conde out of the hands of Heretiks and shall see him well instructed and grounded in the Catholike faith Hee shall cause the Decrees of the Councell of Trent to be published and receiued throughout all the Kingdome of France In all Churches and Monasteries hee shall nominate
opposite against them Yet notwithstanding Baskeruile hauing placed his Souldiers in the ship-boats endeauoured strongly for a passage hee burnt one or two of the Spanish ships but being driuen backe with a shower of bullets that rained about him he listed not to renue his purpose against so stormy a violence So that hauing put from thence towards the continent or firme land they set fire on Rio de la Hach a little Village whose Inhabitants offered 34000. Duckats for their redemption Then they set fire also on St. Martha but found not one dramme of gold or siluer there Thence they went and tooke Nombre de Dios as empty of riches as Inhabitants which they burnt also From thence going towards Panama with 750. armed Souldiers they were so intangled with by-paths so ensnared in durty wayes and so pelted with shot out the woods about so abashed to finde a Fortreâ—â—e iust against them in these narrow wayes to heare that there were two more within that blocked vp the way that being quite tyred they returned to their ships againe From thence they turned their course to Scudo an Island and from thence to Porto Bello in the meane time Sir Francis Drake hauing beene sorely molested with the bloudy-fluxe and grieued at these vntoward proceedings yeelded vp the ghost and being let downe into the Sea with a peale of Ordnance after the manner of Sea Funeralls he was buried euen in the same place almost where in his prosperous Voyages he began to be famous And now hauing begun to returne by the South side of Cuba ouer against the Island Pinor the Spanish Nauy that had tarried for them now met them but on the first onset if we may belieue them that did it Baskeruile and Throughton one in the Admirall the other in the Vice-Admirall so molested the Spaniards that they offered more harme then they receiued Afterwards some 8. moneths being expired they returned home with spoile poore enough in respect of the death of those men of worth their greatest riches being that they had made their enemy poore by burning many of his petty Townes and more of his ships Whilest these things were thus in action in the Westerne world there arose a kinde of distaste which indeed had but now growne vp to a controuersie between the States confederate of the Low Countries and the Queene Which by this meanes grew vp and as well withered away againe Burleigh the Queenes Treasurer had demonstrated to her what summes of mony from the yeare 1585. had beene spent in their warres what summes of gold and siluer had beene new stampt by them to their great gaining aduantage what store of English bloud had beene lost to keepe their cause vpright what costs and charges were necessarily to be employed to extinguish the fire of rebellion in Ireland and the practises of the Spaniard in England Besides hee shewed how the States had not onely defended themselues by the helpe of the Queene but also offended their enemies how they had now established firmely their tottering Common-wealth how they had encreased their wealth by traffiques and their power by subduing more Territories to their gouernment and then how that the Queene with the long continuance of warre and the excesse of charges was euen tyred to a kinde of pouerty The Queene considering duly these things sent Sir Thomas Bodly her Embassadour to the States to acquaint them with all these passages as first that England was now euen drawne dry both of men and money by reason of warre against the Spaniard who in no other matter professed himselfe her enemy but for that she was their friend Wherefore â—he demanded that they would ease her of the cost of her auxiliary forces and that they would repay some part of her charges and chuse some Delegates to giue account and take order how the money that had been spent in their cause which was due indeed to Sir Horatio Pallauicine of whome it was taken at Interest should be repaid him The States acknowledging these infinite courtesies receiued from the Queene professed themselues beholding to her vnder God for all their good fortunes But withall they protested they had been at such charges in eighty eight last against the Spanish Armada and in the next yeare in the Portugall expedition and after that in the expedition at Brest and besides that they had suffered such losse by vnaccustomed iâ—undations that they were so brought behinde hand that they could not discharge the debt vnlesse they should oppresse the poore people and vndoe their owne cause also protesting that by reason of those Townes and Territories which they had gotten from the enemy their charges were not eased but are multiplyed and encreased by reason that now they are faine to fortifie them and place new Garrisons in them And for their traffiques they shewed how equally they hung betweene losse and gaine by reason of the Arrests in Spaine and the Pyracies both of the English and of the Dunkerks Indeed they confessed that they gaue some aide to the French King but not out of the abundance of their ability or out of a foâ—d insolent arrogancy or any way to rob England of the glory of succoâ—ring France or to draw France from England into their Patronage but onely to diuert the enemy and bring it to passe that the French made not a League with Spaine which his necessity domesticke discords and ill counsels would quickly aduise him to Yet notwithstanding they promised her some part for the present of the monies in present paiment But when as the Queene demanded a greater summe the States contended out of the agreement made 1585 that there should not be present present payment of the money backe againe till such time as the warre was ended and that if the Queene would but take as much counsell from her royall Honour as she did from some ill members that put this first into her head they knew she would not fall from her agreâ—ment For all this the Queene continued in the contrary opinion relying vpon the Oracles of her Lawyers and Politicians such as were these THat all contracts and agreements made betweene Prince and Prince are vnderstood to be interpreted bonâ fide Neither is a Prince bound by any contract when that contract on iust cause occasions hurt to the Common-wealth That the Peace is not broken when a Prince breaks the contract when he is occasioned to doe it by cases of contingency or when the matter is come to a new case which should haue otherwise beene prouided for if the said case had beene thought vpon That the Leagues and agreements of Princes ought not to be occasions of cauilling neither ought they to be in vertue to those who breake the couenants That in case it turne to the damage and preiudice of his Subiects a Prince is not bound to stand to couenants made or if it but
little with Tir-Oen O dâ—nell and the rest of the Rebels and perswade them to peace Now these other Rebels rendred vp their grieuances and occasions of trouble likewise their seuerall petitions man by man Tir-Oen complained that H. â—agnall Marâ—hall of the Irish forces had 〈◊〉 the right intent of all his labours that with 〈…〉 defamâ—tions he had thrust him out of fauour with the Queene and almost from his ranke and degreâ— toâ— that to his great preiudice also he had intercepted his Letters sent to Captaine Norris and concealed them that hee detained his wiues dowry that wâ—s allotted 〈◊〉 Witâ—â—ll protesting that before hee was â—roclaiâ—â—â— Tâ—aitour â—e neuer 〈◊〉 with any forreine Prince He humbly beg'd pardon for him and his that they might be restored to their former estates That he might freely exercise his Religion For indeed as yet there was scarce any inquisition made about religion Neither did the Rebels harbour any thought of that when they first ioyned into a faction Intreating also that Marshall Bagnall might pay him a â—housand pounds of English â—â—ony in dowrie for his Wife decealed That there mightlye no men in Garrison in the County of Tir-Oen nor Sheriffe nor any such like Officers That he might be restord to his wing of fiftie Horse at the Queenes pay as before he was Leader of That those that shall prey vpon any of his may be subiect to punishment Which things if they were granted he promâ—â—sed not to omit any duty of a good Subiect also to 〈◊〉 to the Archbishop of Armagh and the 〈◊〉 that they may vse and enioy their owne rightâ— and posseâ—â—ions O donell hauing first reâ—urned to their memories the loyalty of his Father and his Ancestours to the Kings and Queenes of England sorely complained that Bome an Englishman and a Commander of Souldiers vnder pretencâ— of informing the people in hâ—mility and ciuility was sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deputy into their Prouince where he was courteouâ—ly 〈◊〉 by his Father and certaine Townes alloâ—â—d him but yet for all this that hee behaued himselfe most Deputy they would not yeeld vnto them But the misery of a few daies â—iege soone quelled their hot courages the Castle being taken and euery one of them slaine Norris and â—enton being gone into Conaugh could hardly perswade the Rebels to a peace who being hainously incensed against Bingham did for a time nothing but dally and delay the time and at last concluded but an vnfaithfull peace in all probability being counselled to it by Tir-Oen For he began now to cast about doubtfull speeches that he could not but suspect that he was dealt deceâ—â—fully with in that the L. Deputy and Norris agreed no better togethâ—â— in that they that went to the Deputy in his name concâ—â—ning a peace were but in a manner sleighted by him in that the Deputy was all for warre encreasing his forâ—â—s daily with supplies from England in that hee detained the Spaniards Letter which he sent vnto him so dutifully and in that the Marshall his greatest enemy had newly returned with a new Commission from England So that vpon this he began to spoile his neighbouring Lands and diâ—ide them into preyes but shortly afterwards being troubled with the conscience of his villany and being giuen to vnderstand that there was likely to be a peace with England and Spaine he made great shew that he earnestly desired peace with all his heart It were too tedious to examine all the particular couerings of this his dissimulation but to speake in a word whensoeuer there was any danger hâ—ng ouer him from the English he would so craftily countenance his dissimulation both with gesture of face and humble words that the counterfeit repentance which he seemed to haue of his wickednesse coâ—sened all with the beliefe of a serious one till such time as that opportunity of persuing was lost and his forces necessarily to be seuered and dismissed But there was no greater reason of his so much belieued submission and of his continuall pardon then the sluggish gaine of the Irish Commanders the neere parsimony of the Counsellours in England and the inbred mercy of the Queene which alwaies desired to end these rebellions which she neuer thought worthy the name of a warre without warre and rather to lose the prosecution on her due iustice then any subiect should in the passion thereof lose his life But how full the heart and hands of Tir-Oen were of perfidious treachery doth easily hence appeare in that the very same moneth in which he receiued his pardon He O-donell 〈◊〉 Mac-Williams and the Family of Clan-shees sent secretly their Letters to all the Nobility in Munster that sauoured of the Romish Religion wherein they most sacredly promised the assistance of their vtmost helpe for the defence of the Roman Catholike religion withall solemnly vowing and protesting that they would neuer enter into any peace with the English wherein besides all of the confederacy were not also comprehended Also a little after Tir-Oen when Feagh Mac-Hugh came suppliant for the like pardon as Tir-Oen had incensed him to awaken that drowsie rebellion in Leinster which he did presently for forthwith he seised vpon the Fort ouer against Ballencure demolished it and still with a continuall preying runnes ouer all Leinster although the Lord Deputy followed close at the heeles Besides this hee stirred vp also Peter and Iames Butler Nephewes to the Earle of Ormond to continue in their rebellion And these things he dealt vnder hand in and secretly but the Winter comming on apace displayed his villany which so long had gone apparalled in innocency for then he publikely forbad that prouision should be carried to the Garrison at Armagh against the expresse conditions of their agreements he murthered some priuily that were carrying and others that purueyed for wood Nay and he himselfe so violently assaulted the Garrison that thirty of them were slaine He sent forth Henry Oge-Man-Shan his sonne in Law to set fire on the Villages thereabouts and to follow the prey about the Riuer Boyne and he himselfe most treacherously attempted the surprizall of Carlingford Câ—stle When the Deputy and the rest of the Counsellours expostulated with him about this admonishing him that if he â—â—â—eemed of the safety of his hostages or willed not againe to be proclaimed Traytor that he should not any way molest the Garrisons or hinder prouision to be brought vnto them To them he replied that he stood to his agreements but that the Deputy if not against his couenants yet against his promise had sorelâ—â—y molested Feagh Mac-Hugh and that the Garrison at Kelly had slaine vnworthily Owen Mac-Collâ— that thereupon he doubted what also might become of him and his Wherefore he entreated that there might be a new Coâ—â—oquâ—e or Parley appointed for him either with the Deputy or with Norris for a better composition of affaires which were troublesoâ—e on both sides And whilest there is a consultation thereof he suffereth
prouision to be carried into the Garrison at Armagh but O donell with great hostility runs ouer Conaugh euen till the time of Parley wherewith Norris had been long wearied the hopes of which now by long delay were mocked into nothing In the mean time the Lord Deputy ceaseth not his vnwearied persuit of Feag Mac-Hugh till at length hauing slaine most of his rebellious route and put the rest to flight Sergeant Milburne found him almost breathles in a lurking hole and hauing wounded him in many places at last cut off his head which was sent to Dublin to the great reioycing of the people a little before the Deputy gaue ouer his Office About which time the head also of Iames Butler was sent to him by Thomas Lea and Peter his Brother being taken by his Vncle the Earle of Ormond although he were the neerest heire of his family was hanged In the middest of all these troubles in Ireland Albert Archduke of Austria and Cardinall whom the Spaniard had set ouer his affaires in the Low Countries sodainly calls away the Queenes minde from prosecution of her affaires in Ireland For he assoone as he had enioyed his authority hauing vnited together all the Spanish forces as if he had intended to raise the siege at La-â—ere in Picardy against all eâ—pectaâ—ion â—urnes his course to Callis and besiegeth it and in the first day hauing taken Newnhaâ— Castle possesseth himself of the Hauen Which so soone as the Queene vnderstood from the fearefull message of the French euen on Sunday when most were at Church she commanded Forces to be mustered to aide the French and the better to prouide for England for she could not but suspect but that England would perish in her Neighbours fires She makes the Earle of Essex Generall of these Forces but before they tooke ship she certainly vnderstood that both Towne and Castle were taken by the Spaniard For when as Albert had so 〈◊〉 shaken the Towne walls with his continuall 〈◊〉 the noise whereof we heard euen as farre as Greenwich the Townsmen betake themselues into the Castle which afterwards to the great slaughter of many Frenchmen was easily vanquished So that hereupon the Army is dismissed and monies lent to the French at the security of the Duke of Bulloigne and the Lord Sancy Within a few dayes after there was a greater Muster in England of an Army wherein many Nobles and good Gentlemen went voluntaries by reason that a very credible rumour possessed euery mans eares that the Spaniard intended a warre against England and Ireland which was the more belieued because he had newly possessed himselfe of Callis from whence is the soonest and shortest passage ouer into England and because Hawkins and Drake's expedition did not succeed well and lastly because the Irish Rebels hastned their aide from out of Spaine as fast as they could The Queene to remoue away this tempest that hung hoâ—ering about her thought it fittest to set vpon the enemy in their Hauens wherefore she sets out a Nauy of 140. ships out of which there were 18. of the Queenes and 22. of the that those of the Councell should freely speake what they thought fittest and not rent themselues into faction but either to prosecute or giue ouer a thing according to the plurality of voyces giuen in that matter And if so be that they chance to ouercome or destroy their enemies ships and prouision that then they should send out some men of warre to surprize the Indie Caraques if they chance to heare of any comming Lastly she added to these a forme of Prayer which she willed to be vsed in euery ship daily to call vpon God for his assistance in this great enterprise The Prayer I thought fit to adde and that was this MOst omnipotent Maker and Guider of the Worlds Masse that onely searchest and â—adomest the bottome of our hearts conceits and in them seest the true Originals of all our actions intended thou that by thy foreâ—ight doest truely discerne how no malice of reuenge nor quittance of iniury nor desire of bloud-shed nor greedinesse of lucre hath bred the resolution of our nâ—w set out Armie but a heedfull care and wary watch that no neglect of â—oes nor ouer-surety of Hauen might breed either danger to vs or glory to them these being the grounds wherewith thou doest inspire the minde we humbly beseech thee with bended knees prosper the worke and with the best fore-windes guide the iourney speed the victory and make the returne the aduancement of thy glory the triumph of their fame and surety to the Realme with 〈…〉 losse of the English bloud To these deâ—out 〈◊〉 Lord giue thou thy blessed grant There were those that much disliked this expedition as seeming loth that so many men and so many ships and so many Marriners should be put vpon the hazard of a warre lest peraduenture the Spaniard that is so diligent vpon all occasions and that was growne somewhat proud with the ill successe of Drake and Hawkins should come in in the meane time or vanquish the English Naâ—y anâ— so bring England in most apparant danger But for all this in the beginning of Iune the Nauy â—ets forth from â—limmouth the first day the winde being against it but the next being very prosperous so was it carried downe farther towards the West and beyond the 〈◊〉 of Portugall onely on purpose to be not espied for if once it had beene but espied in the hithermost coasts of Spaine or in Portugall presently by a sodainly crying vp to armes their proiect had beene annihilated For they intended indeed to assay Cadiz that by the Poet is called When as his iourney he hath runnâ— The welcome lodging of the weary Sunne And by some ancient Geographers the bound of the earth which is a very famous place of Merchandise and Traffique which could easily haue beene defended and could haue as easily hurt the assaulters if it had beene but a very little warned of the danger ensuing but none or few knew of it For that place was appointed them in their Coâ—â—issions which were sealed and giuen in seuerall ships and not to be opened before they had out-reached the Promontory of Saint Vincent vnlesse by necessity if percâ—ance they had been set vpon by the enemy or had beene sâ—â—ttered from the rest of the Nauie and that then they should â—â—st them into the Sea As they sailed against this Promontory they lighted vpon an Irish ship where they vnderstood that all was safe and secure at Cadiz from whence that newly put forth that there was not a word of any English fleet and thaâ— there were few or none at all Souldiers but some that lay at Garrison in the Island and that in the Hauen there were now Gallions Gallies Men of warre and many more ships of Merchandise laded with traffique for the 〈◊〉 voyage Vpon the twentieth of Iune which was Sunday aâ— breake of day they
the great losse of the Merchanâ—s There was great store of wâ—rlike prouision found in the City and greater store of money whilest euery one grew master of what he could snatch for himselfe The wisest men of iudgement considering the losse of the Spaniards ships that were fired and that were taken his great pieces of Ordâ—ance that were 〈◊〉 and that were taken and his prouision of victuals thâ—â— was spâ—nt haue adiudged the dammage to amount to twenty times 1000000. Dukats No man amongst the English of any note was loâ—t besides Captaine Wingfield who was most honourably buâ—ied in the chiefe Church there with militarie obsequies For a reward for their approued 〈◊〉 there were about some threescore braue men knighted the chiefest whereof were Robert Earle of Sussex Count Lodowicke of Nassaw Don Christophâ—râ— a Portugall and Sonne to Don Antonio William Lord Herbert and Sommerset The Lord Bourke an Irishman William Howard Son to the Admirall Robert Dudley George Deuereâ—x Henry Neâ—ill Edwiâ— Ricâ— Richard Leuison Anthony Astley Henry Lenâ—ard Hâ—ratiâ— Vere Arthur Throgâ—â—â—rton Miles Corbet Edward Conway Oliuer Lambert Anthony Cooke I. Tounsend Christopher Heydon Francis Popham Philip Woodhouse Alexander Clifford Maurice Berkley Charles Blunt George â—ifford Robert Crosse. Iames Skidmore Vrian Leigh I. Lee. Richard Weston Richard Wainman Iames Wotton Richard Rudall Robert Mansell William Mounson I. Bowles Edward Bowes Humphrey Druell Aâ—ias Prestoâ— Robert Remington Alexander Ratcliffe â— Bâ—cke I. Morgan I. Aldridge William Ashinden Matthew Browne Thomas Acton Thomas Gates I. Stafford Gill. Mericke Thomas Smith William Pooly Th. Palmer I. Louell I. Gilbert William Heruey I. Gray Iohn van Duâ—enuâ—rd Melchior Lebben Peter Redgemort N. Medkerke Afterwards they treated of redeeming Captiues on either side and then argued whether they should leaue Cadiz or retaine it still Essex thought good to retaine it because then they should be like vnto a naile vpon a sore to the Spaniard he himselfe vndertooke to remaine there with foure hundred Souldiers if they would but furnish him with prouision for three moneths But the rest disagreed from him for euery man hauing gotten wealth and credit enough thought long till hee was at home againe insomuch that they would not allow him prouision for one moneth nor one ship but vnwillingly droue him to leaue Cadiz But before they went they ransackt all the Island demolished the Fortresses set fire on most of their houses and on the fift of Iuly hauing bagg'd vp their spoiles the whole Fleet set from Cadiz with these Testimoniall from the Spaniards THat the English in religious matters shew themselues Heretiques but in all other affaires warlike prouident and truely noble From thence first they come to the Towne of Pharâ— whence the people all fled where a ready furnished Library fell as a prey to the Earle of Essex and there about some Spanish Gallies that followed a farre off began to draw neere but being commanded by the Admirall to depart they forthwith obey and turning away bid the English ioyfully God buy An impetuous and violent Northâ—winde hauing clearely droue the Fleet into the maine Sea at the Promontory of S â— Vincent the Counsell sat vpon it whether or no they should goe vnto the Islands Azores and there expect the returne of the Indy Caraques â—ssex propounded to them a dimission of all the Land-forces and ships by reason of want of prouision of victuals and of diseases that had sorely taken the Marriners onely desiring two of the Queenes ships and ten other wherewith he would go to the Islands Azores and there expect the Carackes returne from the Indies This no man else assented to but Thomas Howard and the Low-Country men So that when Essex could not obtaine this by much perswasion he got euery man to testifie his opinion in the matter with his owne hand if perchance the not doing of it should be obiected as a crime to any of them At last he very hardly preuailed so much with them that they would goe to the Grâ—ine but there was not one ship espied nor in the next harbour Faroll When hee throughly vrged them that they should land their Forces and set vpon the Groyne or going by the shore side of Galitia set vpon the ships that lay in St. Sebastians Hauen and Sr. Andrewes they would not so much as heare him talke thereof but euery man with full sailes hastned into England and left him with some few more behinde who complained much that there was nothing more done obiecting to them many errours in the Councell of warre which they quickly satisfied thinking themselues masters of wealth and glory enough that hauing giuen such damages to the Spaniard they returned safe with great spoiles and not one ship lost or cast away If that there were any errour by reason of them it seemed onely to be so because all things were not at ones command But the Admirall ioyned himselfe with the Earle of Essex with good deliberation that thereby he might well temper his young heat and courage and his desire of glory with his mature moderation and well aduised resolution Although out of this that haue beene already said it doth sufficiently appeare how great glory and profit redoundeth to the Queene and Kingdome by this expedition and how great damage to the Spaniard yet it shall not seeme amisse to reckon out of the Earle of Essex his memoriall or Iournall these things more amply First For the glory of the English England expected not the Spaniard that mighty puissant Prince threatning and preparing a most dreadfull warre against her but challenged him in his owne dunghill they dispersed and vanquished his so readily furnished Nauy and the very greatest ships among them they brought home two great Galleons in triumph and with a few of their ships put to flight fifteene Spanish Gallies They set many English Gally-slaues at liberty and to the praise of the mercy of the Nation let goe many Spanish Captiues They ouercame one of the best fortified Cities of Spaine almost asâ—oone as they saw it continuing 13. whole daies in the enemies ground Secondly For the profit of the English besides those two great Galleons to encrease the English Nauy they took 100. great Brasse pieces of Ordnance and many other spoiles both Souldiers and Marriners returned well fleshed with spoile to their better encouragement for the like expedition Thirdly For the losse of the Spaniard He lost thirteene of his best Men of warre forty Merchants Indie ships and foure other for traffique besides he lost great store of warlike prouision both for ship and victuals insomuch that not vnder a long time he seemed able to furnish another Nauy He lost all occasion of trading this yeare into Noua Hispania in America And which is a thing of no small moment thereby the English haue learned what an easie thing it is to surprize the Spanish Sea coasts at any time The Queene very courteously entertained
themselues The Spanish side would not admit thereof as being reiected by the King of Spaine thinking it also now a great preiudice to their honour if that if onely but by reason they were but guests among them the chiefe place were not granted to them by reason that they came to a towne of the French Kingdome which they would neuer haue done had it not beene to shew their obseruancy and respect to the Bishop of Rome and the Legate that represents him At length the Popes Legates much striuing in the matter it was agreed vpon that he should sit at the vpper end of the board and the Popes Nuncio should sit by him on the right hand then this choyce was giuen to the French whither or no they would sit nearest the Nuncio on the right hand or the Legate on the left The French they chose the left as nearest to the Legate The Spanish side willingly tooke the right hand because they thought it the best and because the Nuncio was none of the number of the Delegates and thereby they thought they sufficiently maintained the honour of their King For if so be that Caligarton the Generall of the Franciscan Friers who had chosen the lowest part of the boord out of his humility the badge of his profession who tooke great paines in this businesse had beene preferred before them and set on the left-hand neerest to the Legate they had determined to protest publikely and aloud that they knew well enough the place fitting for a Catholique King also that they would defâ—nd the same if they had beene delegated from the Catholique King but since they were onely Delegates for the Arch-Duke who would not equall himselfe with the most Christian King of France and that since in their Letters of Protection which they haue receiued from the most Christian King they were onely stiled the Delegates for the Arch-Duke they said they would willingly giue place to the French For the Spaniard prouidently carefull to maintaine his owne honour had resigned authority ouer to the Arch-Duke whereby he might delegate others for the matter that so the Spaniard himselfe might not immediately come to contend with the French for superiority which was worse for him to maintaine then a warre Assoone as the businesse was composed and the Charters of the Delegation on both sides exhibited the French tooke it very â—einously that in that of the Arch-dukes there was no mention of the Queene of England bâ—ing that there was of the Duke of Sauoy And the answer was that she was comprehended vnder the number of confederates but when this little contented the French they were faine to pretend this reason that she was alwaies an enemy to the King of Spaine and that euen at this present time she did molest him with a Nauy And yet all their pretences could not quiet the French till such times as they passed their faith that the Spaniard should try to make peace with her if she gaue but any hopes thereof vnto him The French King hauing how concluded this Peace although he was most famous for warlike glory yet now setled all his desires vpon quietnesse whereby he so rowzed vp the affaires of France which had beene for many yeares ouerwhelmed in ciuill warres both by assisting the Romane Religion and the Reformed by restoring ancient rightes by fostering of good learning by recalling Traffiques and by adorning the Kingdome with stately edifices that he far surpassed all the Kings of France before him as in misery lately so now in glory insomuch that he bare the name of Henry the great The Queene now more inwardly hauing a care of her own estate sent Sir Francis Vere ouer to the States to know of them whither or no they would condâ—scend to a Treaty with Spaine if not what they would bestow on the warre also earnestly to deale with them to repay those monies and charges which she had beene at for their sakes And in the meane time there was great disceptation in England whither or no to conclude a peace with the Spaniard were commodious either to the Queene or the Realme They that were desirous of peace vsed these and the like perswasions thereto First That a peace besides that that it is both pleasant and holesome would now take away that aspersion that is cast vpon the English as disturbers of the whole world as if so be that they thought themselues happy in other mens calamities and secure by others dangers Secondly That the Queene would be thereby more secure from forreigne practises Thirdly That an end of the cost and charges of warre against the Spaniard and Archâ—Duke would be thereby made Fourthly That the rebellion in Ireland would soone be lull'd asleepe when they should once perceiue no helpe would come to them out of Spaine Fiftly That Traffiques would be better and oftner vsed to the profit of Prince and people Sixtly That Spaine that lately was so fruitfull to the English Merchants would be open againe to them where they might exchange away Corne for Gold and Siluer Seuenthly That thereby the Emperours Proclamation against English Merchants would be reuoked Eightly That the danger of tumults at home and often taxes tributes and pressing of Souldiers would be thereby taken away Ninthly That the League of Burgundy would be renewed Tenthly That they need feare nothing then from the French Eleauenthly That England might take breath thereby and heape wealth together against future fortunes Twelfthly That thereby the credit and estimation of the Queene would be well prouided for in that she in An. 1585. when the States offered her the dominion of the Low Countries publikely and in print protested that by ayding the Low Country-men she meant nothing but their liberty and the peace and security of England For if so be that then it seemed great wisedome as the times then were to aâ—â—ist them and great equity to refuse the dominion and gouernment of so many Prouinces for the bearing of her charges in the warre certainly now would it seeme great indiscretion to pursue warre when that peace is offered on the one side by the Spaniard and nothing by them that so greatly desire the warre Besides that these things ought to be considered whither or no England were of sufficiency enough to wage warre in Ireland the Low Countries and elsewhere against Spaine Then whither or no by this nourishing of a warre there would be hope of bringing the Spaniard to better and more reasonable articles and conditions then now were proposed and that then it was most exactly to be considered since without doubt it was most conuenient for the English to haue an offensiue warre for woe to them that defend at home in what place they should haue it whither or no in the Sea coasts of Spaine or Portugall and then that indeed the Townes therein might be taken and ransacked with easie paines but not be retained but with great charges and
no profit or then whither or no in the Azores and that then they truely might be brought vnder the Queenes power to the Spaniards great losse for the time but not continued therein without greater cost and charges or then whither or no in America then that there were ships euery where ready furnished and disposed about the Sea that the Sea coasts were better fortified with Garrisons then they weâ—e wont to be and that not a â—ot of Gold Siluer Pearles or precious Stones could be expected there without great danger that those Regions are stuft with well fortified Cities euery one whereof would hold out a long siege and then that the States were so weake for assistance that with the aide of England too they could onely wage a defensive warre till such time as the Spaniard turned from them to France lastly that the old axiome of policy was not to be neglected Who are equally able to wage warre let them make peace who are not let them neuer Then were produced the sad examples of the Athenians and others that refused peace when it was offered Some added but out of an ill will and hate to the men that the States what colour soeuer and maske of defending liberty and Religion they put on yet had they taken away the piety of true Religion by suffering any but the Romish That they did nothing but what they could to further and encrease their own commodity by imposing heauy tributes and toles for prouision by counterfeiting monies by encreasing the value of them at their pleasure and many the like trickes whereby also in this warre they would cunningly nourish it and grow rich by it when other Nations impouerish themselues thereby Besides that by their Monopolies granted almost euery where they haue spoiled the good vse of Trading that being Democraticall gouernours they extreamely hated Monarchies That they had droue away all of the Nobility from amongst them besides one or two that stood them in steed in the warres and that most certainly they intended nothing else but to an ill example against all Princes as the Switsers against the Habspurge Family so they against the Family of Austria that is the same They who were against the peace perswaded themselues with these and the like arguments First That out of a peace the Spaniard would heape vp to himselfe such infinite store of wealth that if perchance he should afterwards breake out into a warre he would be too strong for all his neighbours Secondly That a true and solid peace cannot be had but by the dispensation of the Bishop of Rome since the Spaniard heretofore in 78. onely mocked them at Bourburgh and thought that no faith was to be kept with Hereticks and excommunicated men Thirdly That the Spaniard is of such a nature that he neuer can digest an offered iniury but boyles continually for a reuenge Fourthly That thereby the Queene must forsake both the States of Holland and Zeland and also lose all her monies laid out for their warres except she would offer to deliuer those Townes that were pawned to her into the hands of the enemy that the one would be a disgrace to her the other a dammage Fiftly That the States being forsaken of the Queene must needs be reduced to the Spaniards gouernment and that thereby hee will be more apt and readie to inuade England also that those Regions are the most fit places of warre against his Neighbour Kingdomes for to constitute his Spanish vniuersall Monarchy that can be Sixtly Grant that it is very hard to wage an offensiue war in Holland that it is dangerous and doubtfull at the Islands Azores that it is fruitlesse in the coasts fo Spaine and Portugall and that it is very chargeable in all yet would warre very compendiously and profitably be made in America which being a vast Country is peopled by the Spaniard so scarcely and one place so farre off from another that they cannot possibly helpe one another So that if so be a perfect entire Armie of ten thousand English were sent out thither hauing all determination to inhabite there vnder any expert Commander it could not be doubted but that Carthagenian Castilla Aurea Ciagre the Riuer that is portable of little Vessels as farre as Panama and Panama it selfe and Puertâ— Bella would be all taken by assault and consequently the wealth which by these places is sent to Spaine from Peru and Castilla Aurea would be surprized or else detained there still That hereby the Spaniards traffique would be stopâ— and bard vp and the Custome much diminished to the great losse and dammage of the King and that there is no feare of the Americans that are by nature â—lothfull and effeminate by reason of the pleasant aire much lesse of the Spaniards that shall be sent thither who being wearied with the long voyage and a diseased stomacke will finde it a hard matter to dislodge the old weather-beaten English out of their well fortified Forts That they need not also feare supply of Victuals or warlike Munition which would be as easily conuâ—ied out of England as Spaine For assoone as once it shall be blazed about that they haue come to inhabite there all kinde of people will flocke thither with necessaries to trade with them especially since those of Europe haue nothing more greatly desired then to haue their Traffique free in America And then concerning the religion of the States and the Monopolies they say that they were bare calâ—mnies of those that hated the reformed Religion affirming that the States did liue very religiously in that Christian liberty as their Grandfathers haue done and that they beleeued all fundamentall points alike with the Reformed Churches of all the Christian world that for other indifferent matters there ought to be respect had to the time which might very well tolerate them seeing that in the Primitiue Church the Tares were euen suffered to grow vp with the Corne. Concerning other particular obiections against the States they answered that a particular offence ought not to be made Epidemicall and ascribed to the whole Nation and that there was wickednesse euen in the Angels of God and chiefest Apostles Lastly that we ought not to enuy or speake ill of a Common-wealth that is industrious and sparing if she haue that great happinesse as to grow rich by warre They that were for the peace endeuoured to refell these arguments by these reasons that the Queene also and States might aswell heape riches by this peace and as valiantly prouide themselues for Defence as the Spaniard can for Offence That now they might looke for a true and solide peace from him who hauing sustained greater dammages may now at length learne how much hee is mistaken by pursuing his warres in the administration of the Low Countrie Common-wealth That peace with the Dukes of Burgundy and the Kings of Castile the Spaniards Ancestors was alwaies very sound and solide and if euer any was healthfull to
England Grant it that the Spaniard treatied not for a peace at Bourburgh which would not seeme honourable for his affaires yet would it not hurt vs although we are ready to fight to treate now about it That peace was alwaies kept with Heretiques by Popish Princes excepting onely the Pope ancient examples sufficiently testifie as of Charles the fifth and his successour in the Empire who alwaies kept their words with the excommunicated Protestants of Germany although they esteemed them as Heretiques Of Francis the first King of France who performed Fuâ—erall rites for Henry the eight of England at Paris although before he had beene excommunicated by the Pope Also of Henry the fourth now King of France who hauing beene reconciled to the Pope and surnamed the eldest sonne of the Church and his dearest Sonne yet he entred into both an Offensiue and Defensiue League with the Queene of England That the Spaniards heat of reuenge will be quickly cooled when his strength and forces shall faile him That the Queene might iustly forsake the States being she onely bound her self to aide them till such times as the Spaniard would propose equall conditions and a reasonable peace for their liberty which conditons if they refuse she is not bound to aide them That it is not fit for to giue to them againe those Townes which are pawned to her which they in reason cannot require And that once if there were a peace concluded there would be a speedy course taken for recouery of her monies That the States could not be so easily reduced vnder the Spaniard againe being that in tract of time many things fall out vnexpectedly and if so be they were peaceably reduced they could take no better care for themselues then that except they would resist their best commodity and profit But howsoeuer whatsoeuer became of them England and France conioyned in a solide and firme league would easily poise Spaine between them Lastly they deriued their reasons for peace from the very Law of Nature which chiefly intends the conseruation of it selfe and from the Law of Nations which commandeth the highest Law to be the safety of the people and lastly from the piety of true Christianity that they might spare bloud and confirme the Christian affaires against the Infidels The reasons for the warre against this peace were deduced onely from humane policy to driue away dangers farther off which indeed were better to be left to Gods disposing who would direct their counsels and consultations alwaies to the publike good by meanes which might be vsed with a good conscience and not by warres which are neuer commendable but when they are necessary And thus haue wee heard the matter on both sides largely enough discussed Burghley Lord Treasurer weighing well what wee haue said enclined to the peace by reason he knew the hazard of warre to be doubtfull and yet of infinite charges he knew the Treasure of the Exchequer was much impaired also that the disposition of the English were very prone to sedition if so be they were once taxed a little more then ordinarily he knew also the in-bred malic of the Commonalty against some of the Nobility and the poore hopes that were from Holland that our Neighbours were suspitious to trust to on euery side and that our owne people were hardly loyall enough at home also that the wealth of the Spaniard was inexhaustible wherefore he concluded that by this warre there could redound nothing to England but the turning away of euill which was but the smallest good that could be Essex on the other side being bred vp in Military affaires not allowing talke of this peace argues for the warre resolutely vrging it out of the cunning sleights of the Spaniard his desire of the vniuersall Monarchy and his inâ—eterate hate against the Queene and all England the diuersitie of his religion and the Axiome that Faith is not to be kept with Heretiques the power of the Pope to dispence with him if he breake the peace with many the like reasons insomuch that Burghley said he nothing but breathed warre and out of a strange presaging minde giuing him the Psalme booke secretly light vpon this verse Bloud-thirsty men shall not liue out halfe their daies Yet were there many that honoured much the spirit of Essex as one that greatly aimed at the honour and securitie of his Country But on the other side many also that whispered it to be for nothing but to fulfill his ambition and serue his owne turne But Essex hauing vnderstood of these calumnies writes his Apologie wherein he amplifies himself in this matter and besides shewes that Anthony Rolstoâ—â—n English run-away had bin lately sent ouer by the Spanish â—â—ction and Creswell a Iesuite vnder the colour of reconciliation and peace but in truth and deed as hee did confesse himselfe to espie what prouision there was for war to confirme the Papists and both by monies and promises to seduce from their loyalty any of the Nobility and the Earle of Essex by name Concerning this businesse of peace and the choosing of one fit to looke into the affaires of Ireland there was a great contention betweene Essex and the Queene no man being present but the Admirall Cecill the Secretary and Wiâ—debaâ—cke Keeper of the Seale The Queene she adiudged William Knolles Vncle to the Earle of Essex most fit to be â—ent into Ireland Essex to remoue him from the Court very stoutly affirmed that George Carew was farre fitter Which when he could not effect or perswade the Queene to being too much vnmindfull of his duety very vnciuilly as out of contempt he turnes his backe to the Queene in a manner scoffing at her The Queene growne very impatient thereupon gaue him a box on the eare and bid him be gone with a vengeance He forthwith layes his hand vpon his pummell the Admirall stepping into him he vowed and swore that he would not put vp so great an indignity nay that he could not euen at Henry the 8 ths hand forthwith in a chafe flew from the Court. And afterwards being admonished by the Lord Keeper of the great Seale in very graue Letters that he would supplicate to the Queenes mercie and giue place to time that he would remember that of Seneca That if the Law punish a man iustly he must giue way to Iustice if vniustly he must giue way to his Fortune That if hee had iustly done wrong to his Prince he could not giue her any satisfaction and if the Prince had done him any wrong that both his discretion duety and religion would command him to submit himself to so good a Queene seeing that betweene a Prince and a Subiect there is no proportion Essex answered all this at length very stomackfully his answer being afterwards aduisedly diuulged about by his followers appealing from the Queene to God Almighty riuetting into his discourse these and the like sentences THat no tempest rageth more then the
of his Will were Gabriel Goodman Deane of Westminster an vpright man and Thomas Bellot Steward of his Houshold to whom he left great summes of money to be bestowed vpon pious vses which was done accordingly Although the earnest desire which Burghely had of peace effected not the same yet it greatly eased the costs charges of the warre for in the time of sicknesse the States sent ouer I. Duuenword Admirall of Holland I. Oldenbarneuelt Keeper of the Seale to whom they ioyned Natales Carrone their Agent here in England and all they preferring warre before peace agreed vpon these conditions in August which Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper Essex the Admirall George Lord Hunsdon Buckhurst Knolles Cecill and Fortescâ—e Delegated by the Queene First That the League made in 1585. except onely some Articles concerning the administration of their Kingdome should be still in force and vertue Secondly That the States of the vnited Prouinces should pay the Queene 800000. pounds of good money of England viz. as long as the warre lasted against the common enemy 30. thousand pounds yearely till such time as they had payd 400. thousand pounds But if so be the peace were concluded by the Queene and Spaniard of that which remained they should pay twenty thousand pounds a yeare till they had payd eight hundred thousand pounds Thirdly That the States should pay one thousand one hundred and fifty English men at Garison in Flushing Brill and the adioyning Forts thereto Fourthly That they should presse English Souldiers vnder English Leaders which they should giue pay to Fiftly If it should chance that the Spaniard should inuade England the Isle of Wight Garnsey Iarsey or the Sillin Ilands that the States should aide England with fiue thousand foot and fiue hundred horse Sixtly That if so be England furnished a Nauie out against Spaine that the States should ioyne ship for ship therto As also if that any forces of the English were sent ouer into Flanders or Brâ—bant that they should ioyne iust as many and as much prouision Lastly That for the monies that are due to Pallauicine from the Queene which she borrowed for them the Queene should write to the Prouinces of Brabant and Flanders and the rest that are out of the Leagues By these Couenants was the Queene eased of infinite charges who euery yeare was at more or lesse then twenty thousand pounds charges with them which now she was eased of by the discretion of Burghley and the care of Sir Thomas Bodley and George Gilpine who succeeded him in the Councell for the States For Bodley being now eased of these troublesome affaires wholly commended himselfe to the care prouision for good learning worthy indeed the care of the greatest King for he began to restore the publike Library at Oxford first instituted by Humphrey Duke of Glocester but afterwards in the daies of Edward the sixt rob'd of all the Bookes almost This Library hee hauing bought with his money and other mens beneuolence the choicest Bookes that were so furnished it with them and dying left such reuenewes to it that he is worthy to be celebrated eternally and liue as long as Learning Whilest these businesses are in hand betweene England and the States the Queene sends into Denmarke the Lord Zouch and Christopher Perkins to congratulate with him his marriage with the Daughter of the Prince Elector of Brandenburgh Where with much difficulâ—y they regained the paiment backe of thirty thousand Dollers for Merchandizes which the Danish had laid hands vpon that were worth an hundred thousand Dollers And about this time also Philip the King of Spaine made sure his Daughter Isabell to Albert Cardinall of Austria and with her as a Dowry he bequeathed to him the Prouinces of the Low Countries and the County of Burgundy Whereupon the Cardinall hauing duely sent backe to Rome his Cardinals Cap and his consecrated Sword being receiued of the Pope he makes haste into Spaine But in the meane time the King of Spaine aboue seuenty yeares of age in September departed this troublesome life with great patience A Prince he was certainly whose Dominion extended so farre and neere beyond all the Emperours that he might truely say in his Motto Sol mihi semper lucet the Sunne c. he atchieued great wisedome from his fathers counsell which he improued with long experience in the affaires of this world but commonly as hee mannaged many warres so was he vnfortunate in most of them for the most part by reason that he himselfe being of a milde weake nature was gouerned by others wary counsels and his warres followed by them and not by himselfe Whereupon it came to passe that the three keyes of the Spanish Empire which his Father so called and willed him before all things to keepe diligently to wit first Gulet in Africa Flushing in Holland and Gadez in Spaine were neglected The first taken in by the Turkes the second by the Low Country confederates of the vnited Prouinces and the third much impaired and its strength much impouerished by the courage of the English not so much to the losse as disgrace of so great a King which it is likely his Father foreseeing in his life time is reported to haue admonished him to make peace with the English and the States of the Low Countries And euen much about this time George Clifford Earâ—e of Cumberland returned home into England who had at his proper cost and charges furnished a Nauy of eleuen ships to surprize some Portugall Caracks that set forth from the Riuer Tagus to the East Indies But it being heard that he houered about the costs of Portugall the Caracks tarried so long vnder Saint Iâ—lians Fort furnished with a hundred great Peeces of Ordnance that they lost the opportunity of that yeares voyage Wherefore the Earle hee bends his course towards the Canary Island and hauing taken and ransackt Lancerata and the towne after that he landed at Boriquene and setting his troopes in order hee assaulted Porto Ricâ— and hauing taken by force one or two Forts he at last got the towne not losing hardly thirty of his men in the skirmish although there were three or foure hundred souldiers at Garison besides the Townesmen And here the Earle determined to seat all his warre by reason that it was such a fit place that it was called by the Spaniard the Key of America wherefore he remooued all the Inhabitants although for ransome of that place they offered great store of Merchandise and Gold and Siluer But the bloudy 〈◊〉 and the griping in the belly did so rage amongst the English that in forty dayes for so long he continued there it consumed away seuen hundred which compelled him necessarily to returne home againe with great spoiles but greater victory yet in his spoiles hauing some threescore peeces of Ordnance of Brasse Certainly this voyage was occasion of great dammage done to the Spaniard by reason that
made Lord Deputie of Ireland very mightie in his power either to prosecute or conclude by composition the warre to pardon any offence of treason or any thing against the Queene or any bodie euen to Tir-Oen himselfe the arch-rebell This power with great importunitie he obtained for himselfe although that this the said power in all the other Letters Pattents of the Lord Deputies were formerly restrained in these words All Treasons touching our owne Person our Heires or successours being excepted And very prouidently did hee importunâ— this wide and ample authoritie of forgiuing and pardoning by reason that the Lawyers were of opinion that any kind of rebellion touched the Queenes person His armie was allotted him as much as he would desire neither euer saw Ireland a greater 16000. Foot 1300 Horse which number afterwards in all was compleat 20000. And to see the secret working of malice there was nothing that the Earle desired but the officious and more treacherous industry of his aduersaries quickely obtained it for him And the better to intangle him vnawares in vnknowne nots they laid spies round about him that should take notice of his doings obserue his sayings and alwayes make the worst of either In his Commission hee had authoritie for I omit the ordinary priuiledges and that too not to knight any one but the well deâ—eruing to omit the rest of the Rebells and bend all his forces only against Tir-Oen and as soone as hee could possible for to oppresse him with the garisons at at Lake-Foyle and Balshanon And this hee himselfe was alwayes wont to hold very necessary to bee done heretofore obiecting it as a great fault in the former Deputies to prolong the warre by often parlies and colloquies About the end of March the Earle departs from London being accompanied with the chiefe flowers of the Nobilitie the people accompanying and following him with their heartie acclamations and shouts of ioy but the skie being cleare there was great thundering and verie much raine vshered downe by it In his voyage being tost hither and thither by a crosse tempest at last hee arriued at Ireland and hauing taken a sword according to the custome although there was no such matter in his commission he made the Earle of Southampton gouernour of the horsemen And after that by the perswasion of some of the Queenes Councell there that too much intended the good of their priuate affaires hee neglects the Arch-rebell Tir-Oen and marched against some pettie rebels in Mounster and there he tooke Cahir Castle the Lord Edmund Butlers of Cahir encompassed with the riuer Swire and which was a famous receptacle to the Rebels He spread farre the terror of his comming by driuing away great store of the cattell scattering the rebels out into the woods and forrests thereabouts Neither returned till towards the latter end of Iuly many of the Souldiers diminished and all sorely wearied and he himselfe very much angred that the Queen hauing fed his credulous hopes with expectation of it had now made Sir Robert Cecil Master of the Wards The Queen taking this lossefull voyage very ill at his hands vrged him eagerly to post to Vâ—ster after Tir-Oen The Earle in his letters laid the fault vpon the Irish Councell to whom hee could not chuse but condescend by reason of the great experience in the Irish affaires most solemnely promising that very speedily he would march into Vister These letters being scarce deliuered he sent others wherby he signified that he must necessarily turne aside a little to Affalla neere Dublin against O-conore and Ol-Moyle two rebels there and those indeed he quickely vanquished But returned againe he found his armie so diminished that by letters signed and sealed by all the Irish Councell he requested more supply from England against his voyage towards Vlster which he was now about And now being fully resolued to turne all the warre vpon Tir-Oen he commandeth Sir Coniers Clifford gouernor of Conaugh to go to Belick with his bands and troupes ready furnished thereby to distract the enemies forces whilest he set vpon them on another side Clifford forthwith marching on with 1500. men hauing wearied them sorely and finding a great want of powder commandeth them to come ouer the Cunlew mountaines and hauing got ouer the greatest part of them the Rebels vnder the conduct of O-rocke his sonne that was hanged on a sudden rusht vpon them But the English at the first driuing them before them easily kept on their way The Rebels notwithstanding kept not far off but vnderstanding that they wanted powder set again vpon them and what by reason of their faintnesse in the tedious way and vnequalitie of resistance they put them to flight hauing slaine Clifford and Alexander Ratcliffe of Orsdal Knights and many old Souldiers In the meane time the supply of Souldiers in England that Essex craued was mustered and sent ouer But not many daies after he sent ouer other letters thereby signifying that all that he could doe this yeere would be with 1300. Foot and 300. Horse to come to the borders of Vlster The Earle hauing come thither with these forces he perceiued Tir-Oen now and then for a day or two to shew him seâ—fe from the hils a farre off and shortly after Hagan comes from him and â—ntreats of the Deputie a parley The Depuputie denied it but said that if Tir-Oen desired a parâ—ey he would parley the next day with him in battell The next day there being onely a small skirmish one of Tir-Oens horsemen openâ—y cries out that Tir-Oen would no longer fight but would parley with the Deputie but yet by no meanes betweene both the armies The next day the Deputie Essex marching forwardes troupe by troupe comes the Hagâ—n and meetes him and tells him that Tir-Oen did earnestly desire the Queene mercie and peace and onely requested that he might but be heard speake Which if so be the Lord Deputie would but grant vnto him that he in all obseruancie neere vnto Balla Clinch Riuers Foord would expect him a place not far from Louth the chiefest towne in the Countie Thither sent Essex some to view the place first and they find Tir-Oen ready at the Foord who told them that although the Riuer had ouerflowed them a little they might easily heare one another speake of either side Hereupon Essex hauing set in order a troupe of horse on the next hill alone comes downe Tir-Oen riding vp his horse to the belly comes and salutes Essex on the banke side with great obseruancie there hauing had many words without any arbitrators they spent almost an houre Within an houre or two after Cone the base sonne of Tir-Oen following after the Deputie beseecheth him in his Fathers behalfe once more to parley with him and to haue some of the chiefest on both sides present The Deputie therewith condescended vpon condition that they should not be aboue â—ixe On the day appointed Tir-Oen with his brother
with Tir-Oen hee answered That Tir-Oen being potent proudly refused any conditions almost except hee would forgiue all the Rebels too in Ireland except the Irish should be restored into their possession which the English had and except the Romish religion might bee with libertie professed through all Ireland But when as these things were adiudged by the Councell uery heinous and then his returne into England againe especially with such company as he did grew also somewhat suspicious and the more being aggrauated by the varietie of plots laid by his potent aduersaries the Queene thought it fit to confine him to some custodie but yet not to any prison lest she might seeme thereby to cut off all her former fauours towards him but she confined him to the Lord Keepers house that so not being at libertie he might not be led away with euill counsell The Earle tooke it very vnkindly that both his and his friends returne should be so misconstrued to a suspition of ill For I haue seene his owne hand-writing wherein in a very faire method he digested and heaped together whatsoeuer he did thinke would be obiected against him To wit that first neglecting his instruction he delayed his expedition into Vlster by losing fit opportunities both wasting and wearing the Queenes Forces elsewhere Secondly that he had made couenants and a truce most beneficiall to the Rebels Lastly that the affaires in Ireland being not set in good order that contemning the forbidding of the Queene hee had left Ireland and returned with so many warlike men To these things hee adioyned this answere I Before I left Ireland set all things in that order as now they are that there hath beene no hurt done these nine moneths That there was no reason why his companions that came with him should be suspected they being few and hauing good occasions of their returne and that no more then sixe accompanied him to the Court What hurt could hee doe with so small a company It had beene an easie matter for him to haue thought or done any hurt when he had the armie and all Ireland at his command If he were desirous of reuenge that he needed not any others helpe For he is quickely master of anothers life that is a conteÌ„ner of his own But I knew saith he who said to me Vengeance is mine and I c. Shall so great a calumnie fall vpon mee that my returne should be suspected who haue worne away my body in my Princes seruice that haue spent my fortunes that haue lyen suppliant at my Princes feet Equitie and charitie ought to admit of these things but vpon very good grounds against them especially whom the profession of the same religion and the noblenesse of birth would free from the like suspition Shall such suspition fall vpon me Who haue lost my father and brother in the seruice for this Land Who for thirteene of the three and thirtie yeeres I haue seene haue serued the Queene and for seuen of them thirteene haue beene of her priuie Councell Who haue beene hated of all those that either enuied the Queene or her religion Who haue so exposed my selfe to euery ones reuenge out of my dutie to her and my paines against her enemies that no place but this Kingdome and no time but while shee liues can secure me from them Neither did he alone thus complaine but many also euery where some of them conspiring together by violence and force to set him at libertie but he out of his honest and true noble mind would not suffer it But let vs returne to Ireland and leaue Essex that hath left it The times of the truce are scarce gone out once or twice but Tir-Oen with an enemies courage assembling his Forces prouides againe for warre From England was Sir William Warren sent to him by the Councell to know wherefore he brake the truce To whom hee loftily answered that hee indeed brake not the truce but gaue warning fourteene dayes before his renewing of the warre And that the occasion of his renewing the warre was very iust by reason he vnderstood that Essex the Deputie in whom hee had reposed the trust of his life and goods had beene committed in England and that now hee would not haue to doe with the Counsellors of Ireland who dealt but scuruily and deceitfully with him before And that now if he would he could not renue the League againe because already he had sent forth O-Donell into Conaugh others of his coÌ„federates into other quarters of the kingdom In the meane time there were rumours spred vp downe ouer Ireland not without Tir-Oen being the Authour of them that shortly England should be vexed againe with new commotions and truely they were prepared reasonable well for the matter for the wickeder sort in Ireland encâ—eased daily in number and strength they which were of the Irish stocke now looking after nothing but their ancient liberty and Nobility The honester sort of the English bloud being daily cast downe more and more to see so great charges of the Queene spent in vaine complaining also that now they were excluded from any offices in the Common-wealth and vsed like meere strangers and Forreigners But Tir-Oen he was very cheerefull and couragious boasting and bragging vp and downe that now hee woâ—ld restore to Ireland it 's ancient liberty and Religion He receiues to his protection all tumultuous persons furnisheth them with succour confirmes the doubtfuller sort and eagerly laboureth to weaken the Command of the Engish in Ireland bâ—ing lull'd on with hope of the Spaniards aide and money and prouision which once or twise was sent him and thereto also not a little encouraged by the promises and Indulgences of the Pope who had now sent vnto him the Fether of a Phoenix it is like because Pope Vrban the third a great while ago sent to Iohn the Sonne of Henry the second Lord of Ireland a Crowne of Peacockes Feathers In the meane time many men that had but little to doe and some suggested thereunto extolled the Earle of Essex for all this wounding the Councell in their disgracefull bookes and sometimes the Queene too through their sides as all neglecting the good of the Kingdome and taking no care for Ireland Whereupon the Councell the day before the â—nd of Michaelmas Tearme meeting according to their custome in the Starre-Chamber the Lord Keeper hauing admonished the Nobler sort to retire into the Country and keepe good Hospitality among the poore and willed the Iustices of Peace not onely seuerely to punish the transgressours of the Peace but by all meanes to preuent all transgressions Then greatly accusing the â—uill language of those back-biters and calumniators that had traduced all the Councell hee declares vnto them how carefull the Queene hath beene in prouiding for Ireland and appeasing the tumults therein and how preposterously Essex went to worke with the Rebels and how base couenants with Tir-Oen he had
and brother to the King of Spaine and was also the husband and head of the most Puissant Princesse Isabella Infanta eldest daughter to the Spaniard was well worthy to bee honoured by all Princes with the title of most Puissant The English answered that an Arch-Duke ought not to bee equalled in Honourable Titles with a King besides that hee was no otherway titled then Most Illustrious in the ancient treaties betweene Philip the Arch-Duke the father of Charles the fift and Henry the eight The Spaniards answered that it was no wonder if that title onely were giuen to him when the very same and no greater was also giuen to Henry the eight himselfe On the other side the English found these faults in their King that the forme of their subdelegation was wanting that it was much obscured by the intermingling of other Commissaries that it was sealed but with a Priuate Seale when the Queenes was sealed with the Broad Seale of England Lastly that this clause was wanting that the King should ratifie whatsoeuer was concluded vpon They answered that their formall subdelegation was comprehended in those words Par trattar y hazar trattar That there is no such name in Spaine as the Broad Seale and the Priuate but that this was their Kings owne hand-writing in the presence of the Secretary and signed with the publike Seale of the King and Kingdome and that lastly by these words Estar y passar y estare y passare all was Ratified Within some few dayes after the English desired that they should meet for as yet they had onely dealt with the Arch-Dukes Delegates by writing also demanding the prioritie of the place for the Queene the Spaniards being angry somewhat with that that the English should first challenge the first place as if in such affaires Le premier demaundeur estoit le vaincueuer They answered that it was newes for the Kings or Queenes of England to stand vpon the tearmes of Equalitie with the Catholike King but that it was vnheard of to speake of Prioritie The English answered that the Precedencie of the Kingdome of England was very well knowne to all the world and strengthened with good and sound reasons and that besides the Embassadour Resident for the Queene hauing a double power ought to be preferred before him that comes onely with the bare title of a Delegate Edmonds was very earnest and assured them that before hand hee had informed Richardot that the Queene would not lose her Prioritie and when hee vrged him to answere he indeed denied it not but said that he would answere him when they met together and that hee did not thinke that the Treatie should haue broke off for that matter After this there were inuitations on both sides to their priuate houses vnder the pretence of familiaritie and talke together but indeed to worke them out of the conceit of the Prioritie But this effect was well enough shunned on both sides although the Low-Countrey men had enough to doe to mollifie the Spaniards a little who would not endure to heare that the Catholike King should once acknowledge the Queene for his Equall for because that thereby he must necessarily acknowledge the French his Superiour being it is on all sides confessed that England yeelds prioritie to France The English still doe continue strong in their resolution defending their ancient priuiledges saying that the Spaniard hath no cause to bee angrie thereat For he that vseth onely his owne Right not a whit preiudices another mans and that there was no reason why the Spaniard should not acknowledge the Queene as his Equall since shee is as Absolute a Monarch as hee is and hath as ample if not more ample Iurisdiction in her Maiesties Kingdomes Afterwards Edmonds was sent ouer into England returned with these Instructions to their Demands If there bee any equalitie in the Prerogatiue of honour that is not deceitfull or preiudiciall to the Queene let it be admitted and that they should not so strictly stand vpon their first Instructions That the Peace should be perpetuall both to the partie now contracting as also the further Succession for euer That there would be no mention of Tâ—uces That traffiques and trading should be recalled to the state wherein it was in 1567. That there should be a Couenant made that no ships be stayed without the consent of that Prince whose subiects those ships are That they should no way admit of that the Spanish men of warre should come into any Hauens of the Queenes That if the traffique into Indie were denied they should not stand vpon it but passe it ouer as the French did at the Treatie of Cambray and at Veâ—uins and so euery man should venter thither on his owne perill for by admitting of any Restriction or Limitation the voyages of many thither might much bee preiudiced That as the French did in the Treatie at Bloys and Veruins they should hold their tongue in the matter of Rebels and Run-awayes That they should promise that the English Garrisons in the townes pawned to her should onely defend the said townes and not warre against the Spaniard And that they should enforme them that the Queene had fully resolued that her Subiects might haue free â—rading in the Arch-Dukes Prouinces and that the English seruing now the States should not be recalled againe Lastly that they should fit themselues to Time and Place and to businesses accordingly which sometimes giues better counsell to the men then the men can to them also that they should carefully obserue to what end this Treatie tended whither or no it were to keepe the Queene in suspence whilest they either inuaded England or Ireland or whether it were not to draw to themselues the Vnited Prouinces and disâ—oyne them from England In the meane while the Arch-Duke being somewhat molested with his great warres in Flanders complaines that succour and Subsidie was sent by the Queene to the States and that ships were rigging for the Indies The Delegates made answere that they knew not of any such matter but if it were true that this was no Innouation of new stirres but a continuation of those things that were begun before the Treatie and that therefore they must bee borne withall patiently till such time as the peace be concluded Blaming the Spaniards againe that publikely they had furnished the Rebels in Ireland with prouision and money that hee had receiued of them Hostages and promised his succour that these things were to be seene extant in the very letters themselues of the Spaniards which were sent ouer to curry fauour from the Queene to the Rebels and could presently be produced Besides that that was a plaine innouation For his Father neuer assisted them but secretly if he did that Whilest these things were in controuersie and suspition on either side daily increased that the peace indeed is propounded but a worse thing treacherously intended The Spaniards declare that their Master the