of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
shoulde be taken off but no worde I could heare when I should be deliuered out of captiuitie till it was Saint George his day on which day I was had before the Marshall who declared vnto me that the Kings Maiestie had shewed his mercie and goodnesse towardes mee for his pleasure was that I should be deliuered out of prison to depart into England but no way else So after I had giuen thankes for the Kings Maiesties goodnesse shewed vnto me I desired him that he woulde be a meane that I might haue the remaynder of such thinges as were taken from me restored vnto me againe Hee made me answere that I might thanke God that I escaped with my head and that if euer there came any more of vs through the land they should not so doe The weeke before Easter they deliuered mee my Corobia againe with all thinges that were therein They tooke from mee in money nine Hungers gylderns in golde fiue shillings foure pence in Lettoes money fourtie Altines in Russe money whereof twentie and more were for tokens halfe an angell and a quarter of Master Doctour Standishes with his golde ring Your two pieces of money Master Gray that you sent to your wife and daughter with my two pieces of Boghary money Of all this I had eight Hungers gilderns deliuered mee the thirde weeke of mine imprisonment to paye for my charges which stoode mee in a Doller a weeke So that at the day of my deliuerie I had but three gyldernes left me For the rest I made a supplication to the Captaine and had the like answere giuen mee as the Marshall gaue me So that all the rest of the thinges before written are lost and no recouerie to bee had which grieueth me more for the tokens â—akes then doeth mine eight weeks imprisonment They haue also my sword my bootes my bowe and arrowes that I bought at Smolensco which cost me foure marks my sled my felt the comhold a booke of the Flowres of godly prayers and my booke wherein my charges were written Of all these I can get nothing againe not so much as my two bookes After I had remayned there fiue and thirtie dayes I was had before the Captaine vp into a great chamber to bee examined for letters and of the cause of my comming through the Countrey In the Captaines companie was one of the Lordes of Danske They demaunded of mee where my letters were I declared vnto them that I had none your Officers sayd I tooke me when I was in my bedde they searched mee and tooke all that I had from mee if there be any they shall finde them among my stuffe which they haue They asked mee then for what cause I went home ouer lande I declared vnto them that the Winter beeing a warme season and hauing intelligence that The frozen Sea was not much frozen and supposing this Sommer it would be nauigable I was onely sent to prouide a Shippe to bee sent to passe the sayde Seas to discouer Cataia which if God graunted wee might doe it woulde not onely bee a commoditie to the Realme of Englande but vnto all Christian landes by the riches that might bee brought from thence if the histories bee true that are written thereof Much other communication I had with them concerning the same voyage Then he demaunded of mee what wares wee brought into Russia and what wee carried from thence I declared the same vnto them Then they burdened mee that wee brought thither thousandes of ordinance as also of harneis swordes with other munitions of warre artificers copper with many other things I made them answere that wee had brought thither about one hundred shirtes of mayle such olde thinges newe scowred as no man in Englande woulde weare Other talke they had with mee concerning the trade of Moscouia too long to commit to writing At my comming hither heere were Ambassadours from the townes of Danske Lubeck and Hamburgh as also out of Liefland to desire this king to bee their Captaine and head in their intended voyage which was to stoppe all such shippes as shoulde goe out of England for Moscouia Whereunto the King graunted and immediatly they departed to prepare their shippes So that I am afraide that either these our enemies or the great warres that we haue with France and Scotland will be an occasion that you shall haue no shippes at Colmogro this yeere To conclude although I haue no tokens to deliuer them that the tokens token from me were sent vnto yet I will declare vnto them that I had tokens for them with the mischance And thus I commit you to Amightie God with the rest of the companie who keepe you in health to his holy will and pleasure By yours to commaund THOMAS ALCOCKE A Letter of Master Anthonie Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henrie Lane Agent for the Moscouie companie resident in Vologda written in the Mosco the 18. of September 1559. VVOrshipfull Sir after my heartie commendations prâ—mised with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous successe in all your affaires It may please you to bee aduertised that the fourth of this present I arriued with Richard Iohnson and Robert Iohnson all in health thankes bee to God Wee haue bene as farre as Boghar and had proceeded farther on our voyage toward the lande of Cathay had it not bene for the vncessant and continuall warres which are in all these brutall and wilde countreys that it is at this present impossible to passe neither went thâ—re any Carauan of people from Boghar that way these three yeeres And although our iourney hath bene so miserable dangerous and chargeable with losses charges and expenses as my penne is not able to expresse the same yet shall wee bee able to satisfie the woorshipfull Companies mindes as touching the discouerie of The Caspian Sea with the trade of merchandise to bee had in such landes and counteyes as bee thereabout adiacent and haue brought of the wares and commodities of those Countries able to answere the principall with profite wishing that there were vtterance for as great a quantitie of kersies and other wares as there is profite to bee had in the sales of a small quantitie all such euill fortunes beeing escaped as to vs haue chaunced this present voyage for then it woulde be a trade woorthie to bee followed Sir for that I trust you will be here shortly which I much desire I will deferre the discourse with you at large vntill your comming as well touching my trauel as of other things Sir Iohn Lucke departed from hence toward England the seuenth of this present and intendeth to passe by the way of Sweden by whom I sent a letter to the worshipfull Companie and haue written that I intend to come downe vnto Colmogro to be readie there at the next shipping to imbarke my selfe for England declaring that my seruice shal not be needfull here for that you
of hope of his life and safetie The Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner that part of them which enuironed the Citie by water made towards him with twentie Gallies and thirteene shippes which they commonly cal Cazh seeking to inclose the Kings shippe But by Gods helpe the billowes of the Sea swelling and raging against them and the Kings shippe gliding and passing through the waues with an easie and nimble course arriued suddenly in the hatten of Ioppa the enemies frustrated of their purpose and sixe of the Saracens were hurt and wounded by shot out of the Kings shippe So that the King entering into the Citie and nowe appearing in safetie in all their sightes the spirits of all them that mourned for him and vntil then lamented as though hee had bene dead reuiued because that the head and King of the Christians and prince of Ierusalem was yet aliue and come againe vnto them in perfect health ¶ Mention made of one Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages and a leader among other of two hundred saile of ships of Christians that landed at Ioppa in the yeere of our Lord God 1102. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9. cap. 11. Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur 200. naues Christianorum nauigio Ioppen appulsae sunt vt adorarent in Hierusalem Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae Hardinus de Anglia Otho de Roges Hadewerck vnus de praepotentibus Wesifalorum primi ductores fuisse referuntur c. Erat autem tertia feria Iulij mensis quando hae Christianorum copiae Deo protegente huc nauigio angustiatis obsessis ad opem collatae sunt Sarracenorum autem turmae videntes quia Christianorum virtus audacter facie ad faciem vicino sibi hospitio proximè iungebatur media nocte oâ—biincumbente amotis tentorijs amplius milliari subtractae consederunt dum luce exorta consilium inirent vtrum Ascalonem redirent aut ciues Iaphet crebris assultibus vexarent The same in English VVHile the Sarazens continued their siege against Ioppa two hundred saile of Christian ships arriued at Ioppa that they might performe their deuotions at Hierusalem The chiefe men and leaders of these Christians are reported to haue bene Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia Hardine of England Otho of Roges Haderwerck one of the chiefe noble men of Westphalia c. This Christian power through Gods speciall prouision arriued here for the succour and reliefe of the distressed besieged Christians in Ioppa the third day of Iuly 1102. and in the second yeere of Baldwine king of Ierusalem Whereupon the multitude of the Sarazens seeing that the Christian power ioyned themselues boldly close by them euen face to face in a lodging hard by them the very next night at midnight remooued their tents and pitched them more then a mile off that they might the next morning bee aduised whether they should returne to Ascalon or by often assaults vexe the citizens of Iaphet Chronicon Hierosolymitanum eodem libro 9. cap. 12. continueth this historie of these two hundreth saile of ships and sheweth how by their prowesse chiefly the multitude of the Sarazens were in short space vanquished and ouerthrowen The words are these Ab ipso verò die terriae feriae dum sic in superbia elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Saraceni persisterent multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent sexta feria appropinquance Rex Baldwinus in tubis cornibus a Iaphet egrediens in manu robusta equitum peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus magnis hinc hinc clamoribus intonantes Christiani quoque qui nauigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege Baldwino graui strepitu vociferantes Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt aggressi saeuissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes donec bello fatigati vltra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem inierunt Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes marâ— se credentes intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt Et sic ciuitas Ioppe cum habitatoribus suis liberata est Ceciderunt hac die tria millia Sarracenorum Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inuenti sunt The same in English YEt notwithstanding after the said third day of Iuly the Sarazens persisted high minded and insolent by reason of their great multitude and much annoied the Christian people with their many forceable and terrible weapons whereupon on the sixt day of Iuly early in the morning king Baldwine issued out of Iaphet his trumpets and cornets yeelding a great and lowd sound and with a very strong armie as well of horsemen as footemen who on euery side making great shoutes and outcries with fierce and sharpe battell set on the maine power of their enemies The Christians also who arriued in the nauie rearing great clamours and noyses with loud voices and shoutings in horrible wise together with king Baldwine assaulted likewise with strong battell the Babylonians and afflicted them with most sore and deadly wounds vntill the Sarazens being wearied with fighting nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valure of the Christians fled towards Ascalon And other of them hoping to escape from them that pursued them lept into the sea and were swalowed vp in the waues thereof And so the citie of Ioppa with the inhabitants thereof were freed of their enemies There were slaine this day three thousand Sarazens and but a few of the Christians perished ¶ A Fleete of Englishmen Danes and Flemmings arriued at Ioppa in the Holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Hierusalem Written in the beginning of the tenth booke of the Chronicle of Hierusalem in the 8. yeere of Henry the first of England Cap. 1. AT the same time also in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Baldwine the Catholike king of Hierusalem a very great warrelike Fleete of the Catholike nation of England to the number of about seueÌ„ thousand hauing with them more men of warre of the kingdom of Denmarke of Flanders and of Antwerpe arriued with ships which they call Busses at the hauen of the citie of Iaphet determining there to make their abode vntill they hauing obtained the kings licence and safe conduct might safely worship at Hierusalem Of which nauie the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the king spake to him in this maner Christ preserue the Kings life and prosper his kingdome from day to day Wee being men and souldiours of Christian profession haue through the helpe of God sayled hither through mightie and large seas from the farre countreys of England Flanders and Denmarke to worship at Ierusalem and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord. And therefore we are assembled to intreat your clemency touching the matter that by your fauour and safe conduct we may peaceably goe vp to Ierusalem and worship there and so returne Chap. 2. THe king fauourably hearing their whole
Laus tua prima fuit Siculi Cyprus altera Dromo tertia Caruanna quarta suprema Iope Retrusi Siculi Cyprus pessundata Dromo mersus Caruanna capta retenta Iope Epitaphium eiusdem vbi viscera eius requiescunt VIscera Kareolum corpus fons seruat Ebraldi cor Rothomagus magne Richarde tuum The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius sometime Archbishop of Canterbury BAldwinus Deuonius tenui loco Excestriae natus vir ore facundus exactus Philosophus ad omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus inuenie batur Scholarum rector primùm erat tum postea Archidiac onus eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris fuit praeterâ—à Cisterciensis Monachus Abbas Fordensis Coenobij magnus suorum aestimatione ac vniuersae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus fuit deinde Wigoâ—niensis praesul fuit mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus ac totius Angliae Primas Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè inuigilans egregium se pastorem exhibuit dominicum semen quantum patiebatur eius temporis iniquitas vnique locorum spargens Richardus Anglorum rex acceptis tunc regui insignijs summo studio classem ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit Secutus est illicò regem in Syriam Palestinam vsque Baldwinus vt esset in tam Sancto vt ipse putabat iâ—inere laborum dolorum ac periculorum particeps Prefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesie ferè 6. annis Richardum regem in Syriam secutus anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam finiâ—it vbi sepultus est The same in English BAldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage was a very eloquent man an exact Philosopher and in those dayes very excellent in all kind of studies He was first of all a Schoolemaster afterwards he became an Archdeacon very famous for his learning wisdom in all his doings He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie and the chiefe of all those that were of his order he grew after this to be bishop of Worâ—ester and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted made Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant shewed himselfe a worthy Pastor sowing the feed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth as the iniquitie of that time permitted In his time king Richard with all indeuour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre against the Infidels at Ierusalem taking with him the standerd and ensignes of the kingdome This Baldwine â—ftsoones folowed the king into Syria and Palestina as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes paines and perils in so holy a voyage Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie almost sixe yeres but hauing followed the king into Syria in the yeere 1190â— he died at Tyrâ— where he was also buried ¶ An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwine taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis in his Itinerarium Cambriae lib. â— Cap. 14. Fol. 229. INter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus audita saluatoris salutiâ—â—rae Crucis iniuria nostris proh dolor diebus per Saladinum irrogata cruce â—ignatus in eiusdem obsequâ—js tam remotis finibus quà m propinquis praedicationis officium virilâ—ter assumpsit Et post-modùm iter accipiens nauigiâ—que fungens apud Marsiham transcurso tandem pelagi profundo in portu Tyrensâ—incolumis applicuit inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter obsessum Aconem transiuit vbi multos ex nostris inueniens ferè cunctos principum defectu in summa desolatione iam positos desperatione alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos alios fame inopia grauiter afflictos quosdam verò aëris inclementia distemperatos diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum singulos pro posse vinculo charitat is amplectens sumptibus impensis verbis vitae meritis confirmauit The same in English THis Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket after he had heard y e wrong which was done to our Sauiour and the signe of the Crosse by Saladine the Sultan of Egypt taking vpon him the Lords Character he couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof as well in farre distant Countreis as at home And afterwards taking his iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils hauing at length passed y e Leuant sea he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus and from thence went ouer to Achon vnto our armie besieging the Towne and yet as it were besieged it selfe where finding many of our Countreymen and almost all men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire through the withdrawing of the Princes some of them tyred with long expectation others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie and others distempered with the heate of the weather being ready happily to ende his dayes in the Holy land embracing euery one according to his abilitie in the bond of loue he ayded them at his costes and charges and strengthened them with his wordes and good examples of life ¶ A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Frederike Tilney his ancestor knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour by K. Richard the first as foloweth PErtinult iste liber prâ—ùs Frederico Tilney de Boston in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudae ae anno regis Richardi primi tertio Vir erat iste magnae staturae potens in corpore qui cum patribus suis dormit apud Titrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiuè obuenit quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali deuoluta est quae nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciae Eorum miles vltimus â—uit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae pater genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comltatu praedicto Armigeri cui modò artineâ— iste liber Anno aetatis suae 64. Anno Domini 1556. ¶ The same in English THis booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the Countie of Lincolne who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie in the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first This knight was of a tall stature and strong of body who resteth interred with his fore fathers at Tirrington neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his owne name Tilney The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe custody vntill this very day Also after this mans decease the inheritance of his landes fell successiuely vnto sixteene sundry knights called all
by the name of Tilney who dwelt alwayes one after another at the towne of Boston aforesayd vntill such time as the possessions of the elder brother fell vnto an heire general which was maried vnto Iohn duke of Northfolke The last knight of that name was sir Philip Tilney late of Shelleigh in the Countie of Suffolke predecessor and father vnto Thomas Tilney of Hadleigh in the Countie aforesayd Esquire vnto whom the sayd booke of late appertained In the yeere of his age 64. and in the yeere of our Lord 1556. ¶ The trauailes of one Richard surnamed Canonicus RIchardus Canonicus ad Trinitatis fanum Londini Regularis ab ipsa pueritia bonarum artium literas impensè amauit excoluit ac didicit Qui ex râ—niâ—â—o labore atque exercitatione longa talis tandem euasit orator Poeta quales ea aetas tarissimos mitriebat Ob id Richardo Anglorum time Regi charus longam cum eo peregrinationem in Palestinam ac Sytiam dum expugnaret Turcas suscepit Vnde in Angliam tum demum reuersus omnia quâ—â— pâ—â—â—sens vidit in vâ—bibus agris ac milâ—â—um castris fideli narratione tam carmine quà m prosae descripsit Neque interim omisit eiusdem Regis mores formam per omnia corporis lineamenta de signare â—â—diditque praeclaro suo operi hoc aptissimum pro titulo nomem â—â—ifceâ— Itinerarium Regis Richardi Claruit anno redemptionis nostrae 1200. sub â—oanno Anglorum Regâ— The same in English RIchard surnamed Canonicus an obseruant Frier of Trinitie Church in London was in great loue with the studies of good Artes and tooke paines in them and learned them And at last by his continuall endeuour and long exercise therein hee grewe to bee such an Oratour and Poet as fewe were in that age liuing by reason whereof hee grew in fauour with Richard then King of England and vndertooke that long voyage with him into Palestina and Syria agaynst the Turkes From whence being returned againe into England hee faithfully described both in Uerse and Prose all such things as hee had seene in the Cities fieldes and tentes of the souldiours where hee was present and omitted not to note the behauiour forme and proportion of body in the foresayd king giuing to his notable worke this most apt name for the titleâ— The Iournall of King Richard He flourished in the yeere of our Redemption 1200. vnder Iohn king of England ¶ The trauailes of Gulielmus Peregrinus GVlielmus Peregriâ—us Poeta quidem per eam aetatem excellens genere Anglus florebat literarum vt multi tunc erant amator maximus qui bona tempora melioribus impenderat studijs Hic cum acâ—episset expeditionem in Saracenos per Regem Richardum parari accinxit se ad iter illud non tantum vt miles sed etiam peregrinus Vidit ea quae in Mari Hispanico fiebant vidit quae in Syria Palestina commissa fuerunt in Sultanum Babylonie Regem ac perfidos Saracenos Omnia haec scripsit viuis depinxit coloribus ita vt quasi prae oculis totum poneret negotium idémque Argumentum cum Richardo Canonico non inâ—oeliciter Heroico pertractauit carmine opúsque iam absolutum Huberto Cantuariorum Archiepiscopo Stephano Turnhamo Capitaneo rerum bellicarum expertissimo dedicauit additâ— hoc titulo Odepoâ—icon Richardi Regis Multáque alia edidisse Poetam talem non dubito sed num extent illa eius scripta mihi non constat Hoc ramen satis constat eum fuisse in pretio Anno à salutisero virginis partu 1200. sub Anglorum Rege Ioanne The same in English VVIlliam the Pilgrime a very excellent Poet in those dayes and an Englishman borne was of great fame being much giuen to good letters as many then were and bestowed his good time in the best kinde of studies Hee vnderstanding of the preparation of king Richard against the Saracens prepared himselfe also for the same voyage not onely as a Souldiour but as a Pilgrime also He sawe those things which happened in the Spanish Seas and which were done in Syria and Palestina against the Sultan the king of Babylon and the trecherous Saracens All which things he wrote and expressed them as it were in liuely colours as if they had bene still in doing before his eyes and handled the same Argument in Heroicall verse which the forenamed Richard Canonicus did And hauing finished his worke he dedicated it to Hubert Archbishop of Canterburie and to Stephen Turneham a most expert Captaine of the warres giuing it this Title The expedition of King Richard And I doubt not but that so good a Poet as hee was published many other things but whether they be extanâ— yea or no I know not but this I know that he was a man well accounted of and flourished in the yeere after the birth of Christ 1200. vnder king Iohn The large contribution to the succour of the Holy land made by king Iohn king of England in the third yeere of his reigne 1201. Matth. Paris and Holinsh. pag. 164. AT the same time alâ—o the kings of France and England gaue large money towards the maintenance of the army which at this present went fâ—orth vnder the leading of the earle of Flanders and other to warre against the enemies of the Christian faith at the instance of pope Innocent There was furthermore granted vnto them the fortieth part of all the reuenues belonging vnto ecclesiasticall persons towards the ayd of the Christians then being in the Holy land and all such aswel of the nobility as other of the weaker sort which had taken vpon them the crosse and secretly layed it downe were compelled eft soones to receiue it now againe The trauailes of Hubert VValter bishop of Sarisburie HVbertus Walterus Sarisburiensis Episcopus vir probus ingenióque ac pictate clarus inter praecipuos vnus eorum erat qui post Richardum regem expugnandorum Saracenorum gratia in Syriam proficisce bantur Cum ex Palestina rediens audiret in Sicilia quod idem Richardus in inimicorum manus incidisset omisso itinere incoepto ad eum cursim diuertebat Quem ille statim in Angliam misit vt illic regij Senatus authoritate indicto pro eius redemptione tributo pecuniam colligeret quod industrius fecit ac regem liberauit Inde Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus factus post eius mortem Ioanni illius fratri ac successori paria fidelitatis officia praestitit Longa enim oratione toti Anglorum nationi â—ersuasit quod vir prouidus praestans fortis genere nobilissimus imperio dignissimus eiset quo salutatus a populo fuit aâ—que in regem coronatus Composuit quaedam opuscula ex immenso animi dolore demum obijsse fertur Anno salutis humanae 1205. cum sedisset annos 11. Menses octo dies sex quum vidisset ex intestinis odijs omnia in transmarinis regionibus pessùm ire regnante Ioanne The same in
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good inâ—ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be noâ— of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whoÌ„ he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in AfricaÌ„ traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris desceÌ„sione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
was the 12. of March according to their appointment came the Kings canoas but the winde being somewhat sâ—ant they could not get abord that night but put into a bay vnder the yland vntill the next day and presently after the breake of day there came to the number of 9. or 10. of the Kings canoas so deepely laden with victuals as they could swim with two great liue oâ—en halfe a skore of wonderfull great and fat hogges a number of hennes which were aliue drakes geese eggs plantans sugar canes sugar in plates cocos sweet oranges and sowre lymes great store of wine and aquauitae salt to season victuals withall and almost all maner of victuals else with diuers of the Kings officers which were there Among all the rest of the people in one of these canoas came two Portugales which were of middle stature and men of marueilous proper personage they were each of them in a loose ierkin and hose which came downe from the waste to the ancle because of the vse of the Countrey and partly because it was Lent and a time for doing of their penance for they accompt it as a thing of great dislike among these heathens to weare either hose or shoes on their feete they had on ech of them a very faire and a white lawne shirt with falling bands on the same very decently onely their bare legs excepted These Portugales were no small ioy vnto our Generall and all the rest of our company For we had not seene any Christian that was our friend of a yeere and an halfe before Our Generall vsed and intreated them singularly well with banquets and musicke They told vs that they were no lesse glad to see vs then wee to see them and enquired of the estate of their countrey and what was become of Don Antonio their King and wheâ—her hee were liuing or no for that they had not of long time bene in Portugall and that the Spaniards had alwayes brought them worde that hee was dead Then our Generall satisfied them in euery demaund Assuring them that their King was aliue and in England and had honourable allowance of our Queene and that there was warre betweene Spaine and England and that we were come vnder the King of Portugall into the South sea and had warred vpon the Spaniards there and had fired spoiled and sunke all the ships along the coast that we could meete withall to the number of eighteâ—ne or twentie sailes With this report they were sufficiently satâ—sfied On the other side they declared vnto vs the state of the yland of Iaua First the pâ—entifulnes and great choise and store of victuals of all sorts of all maner of fruits as before is set downe Theâ— the great and rich marchandize which are there to be had Then they described the properâ—ies and nature of the people as followeth The name of the King of that part of the yland was Raia Bolamboam who was a man had in great maiestie and feare among them The common people may not bargaine sell or exchange any thing with any other nation without speciall licence from their king and if any so doe it is present death for him The King himselfe is a man of great yeeres and hath an hundred wiues his sonne hath fiftie The custome of the countrey is that whensoeuer the king doeth die they take the body so dead and burne it and preserue the ashes of him and within fiue dayes next after the wiues of the said king so dead according to the custome and vse of their countrey euery one of them goe together to a place appoinâ—ed and the chiefe of the women which was neerâ—st vnto him in accompt hath a ball in her hand and throweth it from her and to the place where the ball râ—steth thither they goe all and turne their faces to the Eastward and euery one with a dagger in their hand which dagger they call a Crise and is as sharpe as a rasor stab themselues to the heart and with their hands all to bee-bath themselues in their owne blood and falling groueling on their faces so ende their dayes This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer to be strang The men of themselues be very politique and subtile and singularly valiant being naked men in any action they vndertake and wonderfully at commandement and feare of their king For example if their king command them to vndertake any exploit be it neuer so dangerous or desperate they dare not nor will not refuse it though they die euery man in the execution of the same For hee will cut off the heads of euery onâ— of them which returne aliue without bringing of their purpose to passe which is such a thing among them as it maketh them the most valiant people in all the Southeast parts of the worldâ— for they neuer feare any death For being in fight with any nation if any of them feeleth himselfe hurt with launce or sword he will willingly runne himselfe vpon the weapon quite through his body to procure his death the more speedily and in this desperate sort ende his dayes or ouercome his enemie Moreouer although the â—en â—e tawny of colour and go continually naked yet their women be faire of complexion and go more apparelled After they had thus described the state of the yland and the orders and facions of the people they tolde vs faâ—ther that if their king Don Antonio would come vnto them they would warrant him to haue all the Malucos at commandement besides China Sangles and the yles of the Philippinas and that hee might be assured to haue all the Indians on his side that are in the countrey After we had fully contented these Portugals and the people of Iaua which brought vs victuals in their Canoas they tooke their leaues of vs with promise of all good entertainâ—ment at our returnes and our Generall gaue them three great pieces of Ordinance at their departing Thus the next day being the 16. of March we set saile towards the Cape of good hope called by the Portugals Cabo de buena Esperancça on the Southermost coast of Africa The rest of March and all the moneth of April wee spent in â—rauersing that mightie and vastâ— Sea betweene the yle of Iaua and the maine of Africa obseruing the heauens thâ— Crosiers or South-pole the other starres the foules which are markes vnto the Sea men of faire weather foule weather approching of lands or ylands the winds the tempests the raines thunders with the alterations of tides and currents The 10. day of May we had a storme at the West and it blew so hard that it was as much as the ship could stirre close by vnder the wind and the storme continued al that day and al that night The next day being the 11. of May in the morning one of the company went into the top and espied land bearing Northâ— and
whereupon very many commodities are knowen to haue proceeded haue by occasion of pirates rouing vp and downe the sea sometimes heretofore sustayned both the sayd marchants of our of your dominions do abstaine themselues froÌ„ their wonted mutual coÌ„uersation traffique as they haue likewise carefully abstained at sometimes heretofore and especially from that time wherein at the instant request of your messengers being of late before our presence the free accesse of our marchants vnto your territories and dominions of your marchants vnto our realmes hath bene forbidden Sithens therefore our most deare friend such iniuries if any as haue bene attempted against your subiects were neuer committed by our will and consent as we thinke that your selfe on the other side haue done the like sithens also so much as in vs lieth wee are ready to exhibit full iustice with fauour vnto any of your people being desirous to make complaint so that accordingly iustice may equally be done vnto our marchants by you your subiects which marchants haue in like sort bene iniuried wishing with all our heart that the ancient friendship loue which hath continued a long time between our realme and your territories and dominions may perseuere in time to come and that sweet and acceptable peace which is to be embraced of al Christians may according to the good pleasure of the author of peace be nourished mayntained we do most heartily require the sayd friendship exhorting you in the Lord that you would on your behalf consent ordain euen as if you shall so do we for our part wil consent likewise that from this present vntil the feast of Easter next insuing al molestatioÌ„s iniuries which may be offred ceasing on both parts our subiects by your territories dominions your subiects by our realms may peaceably securely trauel that according to their wonted maner they may friendly coÌ„uerse exercise mutual traffick together because we are determined to send vnto you your counsel in the mean time some of our ambassadors friendly to intreat about the foresaid preteÌ„ded iniuries so far forth as they shal coÌ„cerne our subiects At whose ariual we stand in good hope that by the due administration of iustice on both parts such order by Gods assistance shal be taken that mutual peace and tranquillity may be established between vs in times to come Also our desire is in particular that our marchants liege subiects may haue more free passage granted them vnto the parts of Sconia for the prouiding of herrings and of other fishes there that they may there remayne and from thence also may more securely returne vnto their owne home and we beseech you in consideration of our owne selues that you would haue our marchants and liege subiects especially recommended vnto you safely protecting them if need shall require vnder the shadow of your defence euen as you would haue vs to deale in the like case with your own subiects Moreouer whatsoeuer you shall thinke good to put in practise in this behalfe may it please you of your friendship by our faythfull subiect Iohn Browne the bearer herâ—of to giue vs to vnderstand In the sonne of the glorious virgine fare ye well with continuall prosperity and felicity according to your owne hearts desire Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the fift day of Iune and in the fift yere of our reigne Postscriptum RIght reuerend and our most deare friend albeit our welbeloued Arnold de Dassele the procurator of your foresaid messengers being desirous at this time to make his final returne vnto your parts by reason of the affayres for which he hath remained in our realme of England cannot as yet obtaine his wished expedition notwithstanding you of your sincere affection ought not to maruel or any whit to be grieued thereat because troubles of wars arising which in some sort concerned our selues and especially in regard of the continuall assaults of the French men Britons against vs and our kingdome for the offence of whom and our owne defence our liege subiects especially they of whom your subiects damnified haue made their complaints haue armed themselues to combate vpon the sea we could not grant vnto the foresayd Arnold such and so speedy an expedition as he earnestly desired to haue Unto the which Arnold your procurator we haue offered in as short time as may be to administer complete iustice with fauour to y e end that for this cause he might dispose himselfe to remaine in our realme of England yet notwithstanding wee would do the very same euen in the absence of the sayd procurator Giuen as aboue To the most renowmed prince and mighty Lord Henrie king of England c. our gracious Lord. OUr humble recommendations with our most instant and continuall prayers for you being graciously by your Maiestie taken in good part c. Most soueraigne king mighty prince gratious lord and vnto vs most vnfaynedly beloued we receiued of late your gracious letters by your Maiesties liege subiect Iohn Brown the contents whereof seemed to be these following first that of long time heretofore there haue bene between the marchants of your realm of our lands not only quiet peaceable accesse one vnto another but also mutual participation common traffique of their wares being right coÌ„modious auaileable for them both howbeit that now the foresaid profitable conuersation by reason of certain notorious robberies committed vpon the sea by pyrates against both parts the wonted accesse also of your subiects vnto our dominions were altogether forbidden Moreouer you call to remembrance the ancient amity friendship betweene both our lands with the inualuable commodity of sweet amiable peace which are by al faithful Christians to the vtmost of their endeuour to be imbraced Wherupon you of your exceeding clemency do offer your Maiesties ful consent that the foresaid prohibition being released vntil the feast of Easter next ensuing the said marchants of your dominions may in our territories and our marchants likewise may in your realms al molestations ceasing exercise their woonted traffique especially sithens in the mean season your royall wisdome hath determined to direct vnto vs your hono ambassadors in friendly sort to treat and parle with vs as touching the pretended iniuries so far forth as they may concerne your subiects Adding moreouer in particular that when your people shall repayre vnto the parts of Sconia to fish for herrings hauing consideration regard vnto your maiestie we would haue them especially recommended vnto our protection c. Most soueraigne lord king gracious prince wee doe with vnfained and hearty affection embrace the oracles of your maiesties most courteous acceptable offer wherein you haue vsed most diligent effectuall perswasions that coÌ„plement of iustice should be done vnto the parties iniuried that peace friendship should take place making no doubt of your own royall person nor of
had assembled aboue a hundreth small ships called hopes being well stored with victuals which hoyes hee was determined to haue brought into the sea by the way of Sluys or else to haue conueyed them by the saide Yper-lee being now of greater depth into any port of Flanders whatsoeuer In the riuer of Waten he caused 70. ships with flat bottomes to be built euery one of which should serue to cary 30. horses hauing eche of them bridges likewise for the horses to come on boord or to goe foorth on land Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiuport but not so great And at Dunkerk hee procured 28. ships of warre such as were there to be had and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg Breme Emden and at other places Hee put in the ballast of the said ships great store of beames of thicke plankes being hollow and beset with yron pikes beneath but on eche side full of claspes and hookes to ioyne them together Hee had likewise at Greueling prouided 20. thousand of caske which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords and reduced into the forme of a bridge To be short whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of bridges and for the barring and stopping vp of hauens mouthes with stakes posts and other meanes he commanded to be made ready Moreouer not farre from Neiuport hauen he had caused a great pile of wooden fagote to be layd and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a mount The most part of his ships conteined two ouens a piece to bake bread in with a great number of sadles bridles and such other like apparell for horses They had horses likewise which after their landing should serue to conuey and draw engines field-pieces and other warlike prouisions Neere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie ouer the which he had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians of tenne bands of Wallons eight of Scots and eight of Burgundians all which together amount vnto 56. bands euery band containing a hundreth persons Neare vnto Dixmud there were mustered 80. bands of Dutch men sixtie of Spaniards sixe of high Germans and seuen bands of English fugitiues vnder the conduct of sir William Stanlie an English knight In the suburbes of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse and at Waten 900. horses with the troupe of the Marques del Gwasto Captaine generall of the horsemen Unto this famous expedition and presupposed victorie many potentates princes and honourable personages hied themselues out of Spaine the prince of Melito called the duke of Pastrana and taken to be the sonne of one Ruygomes de Silua but in very deed accompted among the number of king Philips base sonnes Also the Marques of Burgraue one of the sonnes of Archiduke Ferdinand and Philippa Welsera Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua being for chiualry a man of great renowne and heretofore Uice-roy in Spaine Item Iohn Medices base sonne vnto the duke of Florence And Amadas of Sauoy the duke of Sauoy his base sonne with many others of inferiour degrees Likewise Pope Sixtus quintus for the setting forth of the foresaid expedition as they vse to do against Turkes infidels published a Cruzado with most ample indulgences which were printed in great numbers These vaine buls the English and Dutchmen deriding sayd that the deuill at all passages lay in ambush like a thiefe no whit regarding such letters of safe conduct Some there be which affirme that the Pope had bestowed the realme of England with the title of Defensor fidei vpon the king of Spaine giuing him charge to inuade it vpon this condition that hee should enioy the conquered realm as a vassal and tributarie in that regard vnto the sea of Rome To this purpose the said Pope proffered a million of gold the one halfe thereof to be paied in readie money and the other halfe when the realme of England or any famous port thereof were subdued And for the greater furtherance of the whole businesse he dispatched one D. Allen an English man whom hee had made Cardinall for the same ende and purpose into the Low countries vnto whom he committed the administration of all matters ecclesiasticall throughout England This Allen being enraged against his owne natiue countrey caused the Popes bull to be translated into English meaning vpon the arriual of the Spanish fleete to haue it so published in England By which Bull the excommunications of the two former Popes were confirmed and the Queenes most sacred Maiestie was by them most vniustly depriued of all princely titles and dignities her subiects being enioined to performe obedience vnto the duke of Parma and vnto the Popes Legate But that all matters might be performed with greater secrecie and that the whole expedition might seeme rather to be intended against the Low countries then against England and that the English people might be perswaded that all was but bare words threatnings and that nought would come to effect there was a solemne meeting appointed at Borborch in Flanders for a treatie of peace betweene her maiestie and the Spanish king Against which treatie the vnited prouinces making open protestation vsed all meanes possible to hinder it alleaging that it was more requisite to consult how the enemie now pressing vpon them might be repelled from off their frontiers Howbeit some there were in England that greatly vrged and prosecuted this league saying that it would be very commodious vnto the state of the realme as well in regard of traffique and nauigation as for the auoiding of great expenses to maintaine the warres affirming also that at the same time peace might easily and vpon reasonable conditions be obtained of the Spaniard Others thought by this meanes to diuert some other way or to keepe backe the nauy now comming vpon them and so to escape the danger of that tempest Howsoeuer it was the duke of Parma by these wiles enchanted and dazeled the eyes of many English Dutch men that were desirous of peace whereupon it came to passe that England and the vnited prouinces prepared in deed some defence to withstand that dreadfull expedition and huge Armada but nothing in comparison of the great danger which was to be feared albeit the constant report of the whole expedition had continued rife among them for a long time before Howbeit they gaue eare vnto the relation of certaine that sayd that this nauie was prouided to conduct and waft ouer the Indian Fleets which seemed the more probable because the Spaniards were deemed not to be men of so small discretion as to aduenture those huge and monstrous ships vpon the shallow and dangerous chanel of England At length when as the French king about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine termes that she should
that an vniuersall peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of the couragious increasing youth of this realme he is much deceiued For there are other most conuenient emploiments for all the superfluitie of euery profession in this realme For not to meddle with the state of Ireland nor that of Guiana there is vnder our noses the great ample countrey of Virginia the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate so rich and abundant in siluer mines so apt and capable of all commodities which Italy Spaine and France can affoord that the Spaniards themselues in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586 and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot as also in their intercepted letters come vnto my hand bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueua Spania it selfe And on the other side their chiefest writers as Peter Martyr ab Angleria and Francis Lopez de Gomara the most learned Venetian Iohn Baptista Ramusius and the French Geographers as namely Popiliniere and the rest acknowledge with one consent that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discouered out of England by the commaundement of king Henry the seuenth and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with diuers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Maiestie vnder the broad seale of England whereof one as yet remaineth for ought we know aliue in the countrey Which action if vpon a good godly peace obtained it shal please the Almighty to stirre vp her Maiesties heart to continue with her fauourable countenance as vpon the ceasing of the warres of Granada hee stirred vp the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile to aduaunce the enterprise of Columbus with transporting of one or two thousand of her people and such others as vpon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their owne charges become Aduenturers in good numbers with their bodies and goods she shall by Gods assistance in short space worke many great and vnlooked for effects increase her dominions enrich her cofers and reduce many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our aduersaries daily in many of their bookes full bitterly lay vnto the charge of the professors of the Gospell No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land and erect one or two conuenient Fortes in the Continent or in some Iland neere the maine but euery step we tread would yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the Gentrie of our nation rather to regard then to follow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimonie and hereafter will doe much more when as our neighbour warres being appeased they are like to haue lesse emploiment then nowe they haue vnlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like expedition And to this ende and purpose giue me leaue I beseech you to impart this occurrent to your honourable and prouident cōsideration that in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eighty and seuen when I had caused the foure voyages of Ribault Laudonniere and Gourges to Florida at mine owne charges to bee printed in Paris which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction had bene aboue twentie yeeres suppressed assoone as that booke came to the view of that reuerend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the lord chiefe Iustice of France and certaine other of the wisest Iudges in great choler they asked who had done such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome as to haue concealed that woorthie worke so long Protesting further that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly followed that action France had bene freed of their long ciuill warres and the variable humours of all sortes of people might haue had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and fruitfull Continent of the West Indies The application of which sentence vnto our selues I here omit hastening vnto the summarie recapitulation of other matters contained in this worke It may please your Honour therefore to vnderstand that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with English shipping to the Ilands of Sicilie Candie and Sio which by good warrant herein alleaged I find to haue bene begun in the yeere 1511. and to haue continued vntill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer But shortly after as it seemeth it was intermitted or rather giuen ouer as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this booke first by occasiō of the Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses or gouernours of the Genouois out of the I le of Sio and by taking of the sayd Iland wholie into his owne hand in Aprill 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with fourescore gallies for that purpose and afterward by his growing ouer mightie and troublesome in those Seas by the cruell inuasion of Nicosia and Famagusta and the whole I le of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall Mustapha Basha Which lamentable Tragedie I haue here againe reuiued that the posteritie may neuer forget what trust may bee giuen to the oath of a Mahumetan when hee hath aduauntage and is in his choler Lastly I haue here put downe at large the happie renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Leuant accomplished by the great charges and speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens Sir Edward Osborne Knight M. Richard Staper and M. William Hareborne together with the league for traffike onely betweene her Maiestie and the Grand Signior with the great priuileges immunities and fauours obteyned of his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately Porch and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Maiestie by her extraordinary fauour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland and other Christian Princes the traffike of our Nation in all the chiefe Hauens of Africa and Egypt the searching and haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta of the Archipelagus by the Turkes now called The white sea euen to the walles of Constantinople the voyages ouer land and by riuer through Aleppo Birrha Babylon and Balsara and downe the Persian gulfe to Ormuz and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa and againe ouer-land to Bisnagar Cambaia Orixa Bengala Aracan Pegu Malacca Siam the Iangomes Quicheu and euen to the Frontiers of the Empire of China the former performed
marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum peregrinorum situate vpon the sea coast and taried there that night and the next day they returned againe toward Acra In the meane season the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of Cyprus desiring them to come with speed to ayd the Christians but they would not come saying they would keepe their owne land and go no further Then prince Edward sent vnto them desiring that at hiâ—â—equest they would come and ioyne in ayd with him who immediatly thereupon came vnto him with great preparation furniture for the warres saying that at his commandement they were bound to do no lesse for that his predecessors were sometimes the gouernors of that their land and that they ought alwayes to shew their fidelity to the kings of England Then the Christians being herewith animated made a third voyage or roadâ— and came as farre as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri and to S. Georgius and when they had slain certaine there not finding any to make resistance against them they reâ—ired againe from whence they came when thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies and that they began to stand in doubt of him they deuised among themselues how by some pollicy they might circumuent him and betray him Whereupon the prince and admirall of Ioppa sent vnto him faining himselfe vnder great deceit willing to become a Christian and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained and vsed of the Christians This talke pleased the prince well and perswaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun by writing againe who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him diuers times about the sâ—me matter whereby no mistrust should spring This messenger sayth mine author was one ex caute nutritis one of the stony hearted that neither feared God nor dreaded death The fift time when this messenger came and was of the princes sâ—ruants searched according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had about him as also his purse that not so much as a knife could be seene about him he was had vp into the princes chamber and after his reuerence done he pulled out certaine letters which he deliuered the prince from his lord as he had done others before This was about eight dayes after Whitsuntide vpon a Tuesday somewhat before night at which time the prince was layed vpon his bed bare headed in his ierkin for the great heat and intemperature of the weather When the prince had read the letters it appeared by them that vpon the Saturday next following his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised The report of these newes by the prince to the standers by liked them well who drew somewhat backe to consult thereof amongst themselues In the meane time the mâ—ssenger kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince questioning further with him put his hand to his belt as though he would haue pulled out sâ—me secret letters and suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife thinking to haue stroken the prince into the belly therewith as he lay but the price lifting vp his hand to defend the blow was striken a great wound into the arme and being abouâ— to fetch another stroke at him the prince againe with his foot tooke him such a blow that he feld him to the ground with that the prince gate him by the hand and with such violence wrasted the knife from him that he hurt himselfe therewith on the forehead and immediatly thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker and slew him The princes seruants being in the next chamber not farre off hearing the bussing came with great haste running in and finding the messenger lying dead in the floore one of them tooke vp a stoole and beat out his braines whereat the prince was wroth for that he stroke a dead man and one that was killed before But the rumour of this accident as it was strange so it went soone thorowout all the Court and from thence among the common people for which they were very heauy and greatly discouraged To him came also the Captaine of the Temple and brought him a costly and precious drinke against poison least the venime of the knife should penetrate the liuely blood and in blaming wise sayd vnto him did I not tell your Grace before of the deceit and subtilty of this people Notwithstanding sayd he let your Grace take a good heart you shall not die of this wound my life for yours But straight way the Surgions and Physicians were sent for and the prince was dressed and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie and the flesh to looke dead and blacke whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter among themselues and were very sad and heauy Which thing he himself perceiuing said vnto them why mutter you thus among your selues what see you in me can I not be healed tell me the trueth be ye not afrayd Whereupon one sayd vnto him and it like your Grace you may be healed we mistrust not but yet it will be very painfull for you to suffer May suffering sayd he againe restore health yea sayth the other on paine of losing my head Then sayd the prince I commit my selfe vnto you doe with me what you thinke good Then sayd one of the Physicians is there any of your Nobles in whom your Grace reposeth special trust to whom the prince answered Yea naming certeine of the Noble men that stood about him Then sayd the Physician to the two whom the prince first named the Lord Edmund and the lord Iohn Voisie And doe you also faithfully loue your Lord and Prince Who answered both Yea vndoubtedly Then sayth he take you away this gentlewoman and lady meaning his wife and let her not see her lord and husband till such time as I will you thereunto Whereupon they tooke her from the princes presence crying out and wringing her hands Then sayd they vnto her Be you contented good Lady Madame it is better that one woman should weepe a little while then that all the realme of England should weepe a great season Then on the morrow they cut out all the dead and inuenimed flesh out of the princes arme and threw it from them and sayd vnto him how cheereth your Grace we promise you within these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad if God permit vpon your horsebacke whole and well as euer you were And according to the promise he made the prince it came to passe to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subiects When the great Souldan heard hereof and that the prince was yet aliue he could scarsely beleeue the same and sending vnto him three of his Nobles and Princes excused himselfe by them calling his god to witnesse
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
at the ende of this discourse hereunto annexed which letter and present with one from the grand Signor was sent by M. Edward Bushell and M. William Aldridge ouer-land the 20 of March who passed through Vâ—lachia and Moldauia so through Poland where Michael prince of Valachia and Aron Voiuoda prince of Moldauia receiuing letters from the ambassador entertained theÌ„ with al curtesie through whose meanes by the great fauour which his lordship had with the grand Signior they had not long before both of them bene aduanced to their princely â—ignities Hee likewise presented Sigala the Admirall of the Seas with Abâ—im Bassa who maried the great Turkes daughter and all the other Uizirs with diuers pieces of plate fine English cloth other costly things the particulars whereof to auoid tediousnesse I omit All the presents thus ended the ship shooting ten pieces of ordinance at the Seraglio point as a last farewell departed on her iourney for England the first of Nouember my selfe continuing in Constantinople vntill the last of Iuly after This yere in the spring there was great preparation for the Hungarian wars and the great Turke threatened to goe himselfe in person but like Hellogabalus his affections being more seruiceable to Venus then to Mars he stayed at home Yet a great army was dispatched this yere who as they came out of Asia to goe for Hungary did so pester the streets of Constantinople for the space of two moneths in the spring time as scarse either Christian or Iew could without danger of losing his money passe vp and downe the city What insolencies murders and robberies were committed not onely vpon Christians but also vpon Turks I omit to write and I pray God in England the like may neuer be seene and yet I could wish that such amongst vs as haue inioyed the Gospel with such great and admirable peace and prosperity vnder her Maiesties gouernment this forty yeeres and haue not all this time brought forth better fruits of obedience to God and thankfulnesse to her Maiesty were there but a short time to beholde the miserable condition both of Christians and othere liuing vnder such an infidell prince who not onely are wrapped in most palpable grosse ignorance of mind but are cleane without the meanes of the true knowledge of God I doubt not but the sight hereof if they be not cleane void of grace would stirre them vp to more thankefulnesse to God that euer they were borne in so happy a time and vnder so wise and godly a prince professing the true religion of Christ. The number of souldiours which went to the warres of Hungary this yere were 470000 as by the particulars giuen by the Admirall to the Ambassadour hereunder do appeare Although all these were appointed and supposed to goe yet the victories which the Christians in the spring had against the Turks strooke such a terrour in many of the Turkish souldiours as by report diuers vpon the way thither left their Captaines and stole away The number of Turkish souldiers which were appointed to goe into Hungary against the Christian Emperour May 1594. SInan Bassa generall with the Saniacke masould that is out of office with the other Saniackâ— in office or of degree 40000. Achmigi that is Aduenturers 50000. The Agha or Captaine with his Ianisaries and his Giebegies 20000. The Beglerbeg of Graecia with all his Saniacks 40000. The company of Spaheis or horsemen 10000â— The company of Silitari 6000. The company of Sagbulue and of Solbulue both together 8000. The Bassa of Belgrad 80000. The Bassa of Temiswâ—r 80000. The Bassa of Bosna 80000. The Bassa of Buda 80000. The Saniack of Gersech 80000. Out of Asia The Bassa of Caramania 120000. The Bassa of Laras 120000. The Bassa of Damasco 120000. The Bassa of Suas 120000. The Bassa of Van or Nan. 120000. The Bassa of Vsdrum 120000. Of Tartars there be about 100000. Thus you may see that the great Turke maketh warre with no small numbers And in anno 1597 when Sultan Mahâ—met himselfe went in person into Hungary if a man may beleeue reports he had an army of .600000 For the city of Constantinople you shall vnderstand that it is matchable with any city in Europe aswell in bignesse as for the pleasant situation thereof and commodious traffike and bringing of all maner of necessary prouision of victuals and whatsoeuer els mans life for the sustentation thereof shall require being seated vpon a promontory looking toward Pontus Euxinus vpon the Northeast and to Proponâ—s on the Southwest by which two seas by shipping is brought great store of all maner of victuals The city it selfe in forme representeth a triangular figure the sea washing the walles vpon two sides thereof the other side faceth the continent of Thracia the grand Signiors seraglio standeth vpon that point which looketh into the sea being cut off from the city by a wall so that y e wall of his pallace conteineth in circuit about two English miles the seuen towers spoken of before stand at another corner Constantines olde pallace to the North at the third corner The city hath a threefolde wall about it the innermost very high the next lower then that and the third a countermure and is in circuit about ten English miles it hath foure and twenty gates and when the empire was remooued out of the West into the East it was inriched with many spoiles of olde Rome by Vespasian and other emperours hauing many monuments and pillars in it worthy the obseruation amongst the rest in the midst of Constantinople standeth one of white marble called Vespasians pillar of 38 or 40 yards high which hath from the base to the top proportions of men in armour fighting on horsebacke it is likewise adorned with diuers goodly buildings stately Mesquitas whereof the biggest is Sultan Solimans a great warriour which liued in the time of Charles the fifth but the fairest is Santa Sophia which in the time of the Christian emperours was the chiefe cathedrall church and is still in greatest account with the great Turke it is built round like other Greekish churches the pauements and walles be all of marble it hath beneath 44 pillars of diuers coloured marble of admirable heigth and bignesse which stand vpon great round feet of brasse much greater then the pillars and of a great heigth some ten yards distant from the wall from which vnto these pillars is a great gallery built which goeth round about the church and vpon the outside of the gallery stand 66 marble pillars which beare vp the round roofe being the top of the church it hath three pulpits or preaching places and about 2000 lampes brought in by the Turke Likewise vpon one side in the top is the picture of Christ with the 12 Apostles but their faces are defaced with two or three ancient tombs of Christians to the West sticketh an arrow in the toppe of the church which as the
done with them William Cretton and Edward Selman were of the opinion that it should be good either to carry them into Spaine and there to make sale of the goods or els into Ireland or to returne backe againe into England with them if the winde would permit it But I waying what charge we had of our Masters first by mouth and afterwards by writing that for no such matter we should in any case prolong the time for feare of losing the voyage and considering that the time of the yeere was very farre spent and the money that we should make of the wines not very much in respect of the commodity which we hoped for by the voyage perswaded them that to goe into Ireland the winde being Easterly as it was might be an occasion that we should be locked in there with that winde and so lose our voyage and to cary them into Spaine seeing they sailed so ill that hauing all their sailes abroad we kept them company onely with our foresailes and without any toppe sailes abroad so that in euery two dayes sailing they would haue hindered vs more then one and besides that the winde being Easterly we should not be able to seaze the coast with them besides all this the losse of time when we came thither was to be considered whereupon I thought it not good to carry them any further And as for carying them into England although the winde had bene good as it was not considering what charge we had of our Masters to shift vs out of the way for feare of a stay by reason of the warres I held it not in any wise conuenient But notwithstanding all this certeine of our company not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know his opinion therein who made them a plaine answere that to cary them into any place it was not the best way nor the profit of their Masters And he tolde them further that if the time were prolonged one moneth longer before they passed the Cape but a few men would go the voyage All these things considered we all paused and determined at the last that euery man should take out of the hulks so much as he could well bestow for necessaries and the next morning to conclude what should be further done with them So we tooke out of them for vs foureteene tâ—â—nes and a halfe of wine and one tunne we put into the pinnesse More we tooke out one hogshead of Aquauitae Sixe takes of rozzen A small halser for ties and certeine chesnuts The Christopher tooke out Ten tunnes of wine and one hogshead A quantity of Aquauitae Shall-lines Chesnuts Sixe double bases with their chambers And their men broke vp the hulks chests and tooke out their compasses and running glasses the sounding leade and line and candles and cast some of their beefe ouer boord and spoiled them so much that of very pity we gaue them a compasse a running glasse a lead and a line certaine bread and candles and what apparell of theirs we could finde in their ship we gaue them againe and some money also of that which William Crompton tooke for the ransome of a poore Frenchman who being their Pilot downe the Riuer of Bordeux they were not able to set him a shore againe by reason of the foule weather The Tyger also tooke out of the smaller hulke sixe or seuen tunnes of wine one hogshead of Aquauitae and certeine rozzen and two bases he tooke out of the great hulke The first day of February in the morning we all came together againe sauing W. Crompton who sent vs word that he was contented to agree to that order which we should take Now Edward Selman was of this opinion that it was not best to let the ships depart but put men into them to cary them into England which thing neither we nor our Master would agree vnto because we thought it not good to vnman our ships going ouâ—ward considering how dangerous the time was so that in fine we agreed to let them depart and giue them the rest of the wine which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens for the fraight of that which we had taken and for their ordinance rozzen aquauitae chesnuts and other things which the company had taken from them So we receiued a bill of their handes that they confessed how much Frenchmens goods they had and then we let them depart The 10 day we reckoned our selues to be 25 leagues from the Grand Canarie and this day about nine of the clocke our pinnesse brake her rudder so that we were forced to towe her at the sterne of the Minion which we were able to doe and yet kept company with the rest of our ships About eleuen of the clocke this day we had sight of the Grand Canarie The 11 day when we came to the Iland we perceiued that it was the I le of Tenerif then in deed wee had sight of the Grand Canarie which lieth 12 leagues to the Eastwards of Tenerif and because the road of Tenerif is foule ground and nothing was there to be gotten for the helping of our pinnesse hauing the winde large we agreed to go with the Grand Canarie The 12 day we came into the roade of the towne of Canarie which lieth one league from the same towne And after we had shot off diuers pieces of ordinance to saluâ—e the towne and the castle the gouernour and captaines of the Iland sent to vs which were the captaines of the ships requiring vs to come a shore And when we came to them they receiued vs very frendly offering vs their owne Iennets to ride to the towne and what other friendship they could shew vs and we went to the towne with two English Marchants which lay there and remained in their house that day The second day following we came aboord to deliuer our marchandise and to get our pinnesse mended The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which was bound to the Emperours Indies which were in number nineteene saile whereof sixe were ships of foure hundred and fiue hâ—ndrâ—d a piece the rest were of two hundred an hundred and fifty and of an hundred When they were come to an ancre they saluted vs with ordinance and so we did them in like case And afterwards the Admirall who was a knight sent his pinnesse to desire me to come to him and when I came to him he receiued me friendly and was desirous to heare somewhat of the state of England and Flanders And after he had made me a banquet I departed and I being gone vnto the boat hee caused one of his gentlemen to desire Francisco the Portugall which was my interpreter to require me to furle my flagge declaring that hee was Generall of the Emperours fleet Which thing being come aboord Francisco shewed me and because I refused to furle it and kept it foorth still certaine of the souldiers in the ships shot diuers harquebush
Receiued your letters in the harbour of Damaon by a carauell of aduise that came from Malacca which brought shot powder and other prouision for the furnishing of foure gallies and a great gallion which are now in building to keepe our coast for feare of great store of men of warre being Moores which trouble vs very sore At that instant when I receiued your letters I was newly come from the kingdome of Pegu where I had remained one yeere and an halfe and from thence I departed to the city of Cochin in October 1587. The newes which I can certifie you of concerning these countreys are That this king of Pegu is the mightiest king of men the richest that is in these parts of the world for he bringeth into the field at any time when he hath warres with other princes aboue a million of fighting men howbeit they be very leane and small people and are brought vnto the field without good order He is lord of the Elephants and of all the golde and siluer mines and of all the pearles and precious stones so that he hath the greatest store of treasure that euer was heard of in these parts The countrey people call him The God of trueth and of iustice I had great conference with this king and with the head captaine of the Portugals which is one of the countrey They demanded of me many questions as touching the law and faith of Iesus Christ and as touching the Ten Commandements And the king gaue his consent that our Order should build a Church in his countrey which was halfe builded but our peruerse and malicious Portugals plucked it downe againe for whereas it is a countrey wherein our nation gaine very much by their commodities they fearing that by the building of this Church there would be greater resort thither and so their trade should be impaired if their great gaines should be knowen vnto others then those which found this countrey out first therefore they were so vnwilling that the building of this Church should goe forward Our Portugals which are here in this realme are woorse people then the Gentiles I preached diuers times among those heathen people but being obstinate they say that as their fathers beleeued so they will beleeue for if their forefathers went to the diuell so they will Whereupon I returned backe againe to our monastery to certifie our father prouinciall of the estate of this New found countrey It is the best and richest countrey in all this East India and it is thought to be richer then China I am afrayd that the warres which his Maiesty hath with England will be the vtter vndoing and spoile of Spaine for these countreys likewise are almost spoiled with ciuill warres which the Moores haue against the Gentiles for the kings here are vp in armes all the countrey ouer Here is an Indian which is counted a Prophet which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon arise in a strange countrey which will do great hurt to Spaine How it will fall out onely God doth know And thus I rest from this monastery of Cochin the 28 of December 1589. Your good cousin and assured friend frier Peter of Lisbon A voyage with three tall ships the Penelope Admirall the Marchant royall Viceadmirall and the Edward Bonauenture Rereadmirall to the East Indies by the Cape of Buona Speransa to Quitangone neere Mosambique to the Iles of Comoro and Zanzibar on the backeside of Africa and beyond Cape Comori in India to the Iles of Nicubar and of Gomes Polo within two leagues of Sumatra to the Ilands of Pulo Pinaom and thence to the maineland of Malacca begunne by M. George Raymond in the yeere 1591 and performed by M. Iames Lancaster and written from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich his lieutenant in the sayd voyage by M. Richard Hakluyt OUr fleet of the three tall ships abouenamed departed from Plimmouth the 10 of April 1591 and arriued at the Canarie-ilands the 25 of the same froÌ„ whence we departed the 29 of April The second of May we were in the height of Cape Blanco The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde All this time we went with a faire winde at Northeast alwayes before the winde vntill the 13 of the same moneth when we came within 8 degrees of the Equinoctiall line where we met with a contrary winde Here we lay off and on in the sea vntill the sixt of Iune on which day we passed the sayd liâ—e While we lay thus off and on we tooke a Portugal Carauel laden by marchants of Lisbon for Brasile in which Carauel we had some 60 tunnes of wine 1200 iarres of oyle about 100 iarres of oliues certaine barrels of capers three fats of peason with diuers other necessaries fit for our voyage which wine oyle oliues and capers were better to vs then gold We had two men died before wee passed the line and diuers sicke which tooke their sicknesse in those hote climates for they be wonderful vnholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude vnto the line at that time of the yeere for we had nothing but Ternados with such thunder lightning and raine that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres together which was an occasion of the infection among them and their eating of salt victuals with lacke of clothes to shift them After we passed the line we had the wind still at Eastsoutheast which caried vs along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues from the maine til we came in 26 degrees to the Southward of the line where the wind came vp to the North at which time we did account that the Cape of Buona esperansa did beare off vs East and by South betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues Passing this gulfe from the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape we had the wind often variable as it is vpon our coast but for the most part so that we might lie our course The 28 of Iuly we had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona esperansa vntill the 31 wee lay off and on with the wind contrary to double the Cape hoping to double it so to haue gone seuentie leagues further to a place called Agoada de S. Bras before we would haue sought to haue put into any harbour But our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes we thought good to seeke some place to refresh them With which consent we bare vp with the land to the Northward of the Cape and going along the shore we espied a goodly Baie with an Iland lying to Seawards of it into which we did beare and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in This Baie is called Agoada de Saldanha lying 15 leagues Northward on the hither side of the Cape The first of August being Sunday we came to an anker in the Baie sending our meÌ„ on land and there came vnto them certaine blacke
dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his owne home a thing needlesse to proceed by inuasion against him a thing of too great moment for two subiects of their qualitie to vndertake And therfore did not so aduance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good successe therof The chances of wars be things most vncertaine for what people soeuer vndertake them they are in deed as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other For which purpose it hath pleased him to giue some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against some whom he had in purpose to ruine But if we consider what wars they be that haue made their name so terrible we shal find them to haue bin none other then against the barbarous Moores the naked Indians and the vnarmed Netherlanders whose yeelding rather to the name theÌ„ act of the Spaniards hath put them into such a conceit of their mightines as they haue considerately vndertaken the conquest of our monarchie consisting of a people vnited alwayes held sufficiently warlike against whom what successe their inuincible army had the last yeere as our very children can witnes so I doubt not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what they are euen vpon their owne dunghill which had it bene set out in such sort as it was agreed vpon by their first demaund it might haue made our nation the most glorious people of the world For hath not the want of 8 of the 12 pieces of artillerie which were promised vnto the Aduenture lost her maiestie the possession of the Groine and many other places as hereafter shal appeare whose defensible rampires were greates then our batterie such as it was cold force and therefore were left vnattempted It was also resolued to haue sent 600 English horses of the Low countries whereof we had not one notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither and that may the army assembled at Puente de Burgos thanke God of as well as the forces of Portugall who foreran vs 6 daies together Did we not want 7 of the 13 old Companies which we should haue had froÌ„ thence foure of the 10 dutch Companies 6 of their men of war for the sea from the Hollanders which I may iustly say we wanted in that we might haue had so many good souldiers so many good ships and so many able bodies more then we had Did there not vpoÌ„ the first thinking of the iourney diuers gallant Courtiers put in their names for aduenturers to the summe of 10000 it who seeing it went forward in good earnest aduised themselues better and laid the want of so much money vpon the iourney Was there not moreouer a round summe of the aduenture spent in leuying furnishing and maintaining 3 moneths 1500 men for the seruice of Berghen with which Companies the Mutinies of Oftend were suppressed a seruice of no smal moment What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out which should haue bene the 1 of February did lay vpon vs too many can witnes and what extremitie the want of that moneths viâ—tuals which we did eat during the moneth we lay at Plimmouth for a wind might haue driuen vs vnto no man can doubt of that knoweth what men do liue by had not God giuen vs in the ende a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath bene often seen where our owne force fortune reuictualled vs largely of which crosse windes that held vs two dayes after our going out the Generals being wearie thrust to Sea in the same wisely chusing rather to attend the change thereof there then by being in harborough to lose any part of the better when it should come by hauing their men on shore in which two dayes 25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were scattered from vs either not being able or willing to double Vshant These burdens layed vpon our Generals before their going out they haue patiently endured and I thinke they haue thereby much enlarged their honour for hauing done thus much with the want of our artillery 600 horse 3000 foot 20000 li. of their aduenture and one moneths victuals of their proportion what may be coniectured they would haue done with their ful coÌ„plement For the losse of our men at sea since we can lay it on none but the will of God what can be said more then that it is his pleasure to turne all those impediments to the honor of them against whom they were intended and he will still shew himselfe the Lord of hosts in doing great things by theÌ„ whom many haue sought to obscure who if they had let the action fall at the height thereof in respect of those defects which were such especially for the seruice at land as would haue made a mighty subiect stoope vnder theÌ„ I do not see how any man could iustly haue layd any reproch vpon him who commanded the same but rather haue lamented the iniquity of this time wherein men whom forren countries haue for their conduct in seruice worthily esteemed of should not only in their owne countrey not be seconded in their honorable endeuors but mightily hindred euen to y e impairing of their owne estates which most willingly they haue aduentured for the good of their countries whose worth I wil not value by my report lest I should seem guiltie of flattery which my soule abhorreth yet come short in the true measure of their praise Onely for your instructioÌ„ against them who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you hold of such men you shal vnderstand that General Norris froÌ„ his booke was trained vp in the wars of the Admiral of France and in very yong yeeres had charge of men vnder the erle of Essex in Ireland which with what commendations he then discharged I leaue to the report of them who obserued those seruices Upon the breach betwixt Don Iohn the States he was made Colonell generall of all y e English forces there present or to come which he continued 2 yeeres he was then made Marshall of the field vnder Conte Hohenlo and after that General of the army in Frisland at his coÌ„ming home in the time of Monsieurs gouernment in Flanders he was made lord President of Munster in Ireland which he yet holdeth from whence within one yeere he was sent for sent Generall of the English forces which her maiestie theÌ„ lent to the Low countries which he held til the erle of Leicesters going ouer And he was made Marshall of the field in England the enemy being vpon our coast and when it was expected the crowne of England should haue bene tried by battel Al which places of commaundement which neuer any Englishman successiuely attained vnto in forren wars and the high places her maiestie hath thought him woorthy of may suffice to perswade you that he was not altogether vnlikely to discharge that which he vndertooke What fame general Drake
in any order or time except we had for euery drunkard an officer to attend him But who be they that haue runne into these disorders Euen our newest men our yongest men and our idelest men and for the most part our slouenly prest men whom the Iustices who haue alwayes thought vnwoorthily of any warre haue sent out as the scumme and dregs of their countrey And those were they who distempering themselues with these hote wines haue brought in that sicknesse which hath infected honester men then themselues But I hope as in other places the recouerie of their diseases doeth acquaint their bodies with the aire of the countries where they be so the remainder of these which haue either recouered or past without sicknesse will prooue most fit for Martiall seruices If we haue wanted Surgeons may not this rather be laid vpon the captaines who are to prouide for their seuerall Companies then vpon the Generals whose care hath bene more generall And how may it be thought that euery captaine vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war which was alwaies wont to be maintained by the purse of the prince But admit euery captaine had his Surgeon yet were the want of curing neuer the lesse for our English Surgeons for the most part be vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot because England hath not knowen wars but of late from whose ignorāce proceeded this discomfort which I hope wil warne those y t hereafter go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill From whence the want of cariages did proceed you may coniecture in y t we marched through a countrey neither plentiful of such prouisions nor willing to part from any thing yet this I can assure you that no mā of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for And that the General commanded all the mules asses that were laden with any baggage to be vnburdened and taken to that vse and the earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to cary mē vpon pikes And the earle whose true vertue and nobilitie as it doeth in all other his actions appeare so did it very much in this threw down his own stuffe I meane apparel necessaries which he had there from his owne cariages and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sicke men vpon them Of whose honorable deseruings I shall not need here to make any particular discourse for that many of his actions do hereafter giue me occasion to obserue the same And the great complaint that these men make for the want of victuals may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of the war for if to feed vpon good bieues muttons goats be to want they haue endured great scarcitie at land wherunto they neuer wanted two daies together wine to mixe with their water nor bread to eat with their meat in some quantitie except it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to stir out of their places for food of whom we had too many who if their time had serued for it might haue seen in many campes in the most plentifull countries of the world for victuals men daily die with want of bread and drinke in not hauing money to buy nor the countrey yeelding any good or healthful water in any place whereas both Spaine and Portugall do in euery place affoord the best water that may be and much more healthful then any wine for our drinking And although some haue most iniuriously exclaimed against the smal prouisions of victuals for the sea rather grounding the same vpon an euil that might haue fallen then any that did light vpō vs yet know you this that there is no man so forgetfull that will say they wanted before they came to the Groine that whosoeuer made not very large prouisions for himselfe his company at the Groine was very improuident where was plentiful store of wine biefe and fish no man of place prohibited to lay in the same into their ships wherewith some did so furnish themselues as they did not onely in the iourney supplie the wants of such as were lesse prouident then they but in their returne home made a round commoditie of the remainder thereof And that at Cascais there came in such store of prouisions into the Fleet out of England as no man that would haue vsed his diligence could haue wanted his due proportiō thereof as might appeare by the remainder that was returned to Plimmouth and the plentifull sale thereof made out of the marchants ships after their comming into the Thames But least I should seeme vnto you too studious in confuting idle opinions or answering friuolous questions I wil addresse me to the true report of those actiōs that haue passed therein wherin I protest I will neither hide any thing that hath hapned against vs nor attribute more to any man or matter then the iust occasions thereof lead me vnto wherein it shall appeare that there hath bene nothing left vndone by the Generals which was before our going out vndertaken by them but that there hath bene much more done then was at the first required by Don Antonio who should haue reaped the fruit of our aduenture After 6 daies sailing from the coast of England the 5 after we had the wind good being the 20 of April in the euening we landed in a baie more then an English mile from the Groine in our long boats and pinnasses without any impeachment from whence we presently marched toward the towne within one halfe mile we were encountred by the enemie who being charged by ours retired into their gates For that night our armie lay in the villages houses mils next adioining and very neere round about the towne into the which the Galeon named S. Iohn which was the second of the last yeeres Fleet agaynst England one hulke two smaller ships and two Gallies which were found in the road did heate vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne found the same defended on the land side for it standeth vpon the necke of an Iland with a wall vpon a dry ditch whereupon he resolued to trie in two places what might bee done against it by escalade and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some artillery to beat vpon the ships and gallies that they might not annoy vs which being put in execution vpon the planting of the first piece the gallies abandoned the road and betooke them to Feroll not farre from thence and the Armada being beaten with the artillery and musketers that were placed vpon the next shore left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the companies and other
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
he might be Uiceroy But when he once had receiued his patent with full power authoritie from the king to be Uiceroy he changed so much from his former behauior that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before hee departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera that the Englishmen had takeÌ„ a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies w t aduise to the Uiceroy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8 besides other wares It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. met with the Englishmen with whoÌ„ for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lisbon where the captaine was committed prisoner but he excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladeÌ„ with gold 2 ships laden with pepper spices that were to saile into Italy the pepper onely that was in them being worth 170 thousand duckets all these ships were caried into England made good prise In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael which continued froÌ„ the 26 of Iuly to the 12 of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting praying with great sorow for that many of their houses fel down and a towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the cloisters houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The land in some places rose vp and the cliffs remooued from one place to another and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea shaked as if the world would haue turned round there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of 4 daies there flowed a most cleare water after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder noise vnder the earth as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera sâ—ooke 4 times together so that it seemed to turne about but there hapned no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake wherein a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Tercera being in all 30 ships Biskaines Portugals and Spaniards and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serue the king besides other small ships pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the seas This nauie came to stay for and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy them to Lisbon The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay staying for the Spanish fleet whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But wheÌ„ they perceiued the kings army to be strong the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them nor any of them once to separate their ships from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to do notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish fleet and shot among them doing them great hurt thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed which they did not but left him there sailed away the cause why could not be knoweÌ„ Which the Spaniards perceiuing with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes and Admiral of the Flieboats the other a Biscain but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men and of the English were slaine about 100 Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was caried into the ship called S. Paul wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondering at his courage and stout heart for y t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour but feeling the houre of death to approch he spake these words in Spanish and said Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful quiet mind for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do that hath fought for his countrey Queene religion and honor whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great stout courage no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England had great yeerely reuenues of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind and greatly affected to war insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene he had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowen of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue â—ailed away for it was one of the best ships for saile in England and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them folowed not after commanded the great
with all things appertayning to the voyage which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer I began therefore to saile toward the Northwest not thinking to finde any other land then that of Cathay from thence to turne toward India but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North which was to mee a great displeasure Neuerthelesse sayling along by the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that turned I found the lande still continent to the 56. degree vnder our Pole And seeing that there the coast turned toward the East despairing to finde the passage I turned backe againe and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctiall euer with intent to finde the saide passage to India and came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida where my victuals failing I departed from thence and returned into England where I found great tumults among the people and preparation for warres in Scotland by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique king and Queene Elizabeth which being aduertised what I had done intertained me and at their charges furnished certaine ships wherewith they caused me to saile to discouer the coastes of Brasile where I found an exceeding great and large riuer named at this present Rio de la plata that is the riuer of siluer into the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land more then sixe score leagues finding it euery where very faire and inhabited with infinite people which with admiration came running dayly to our ships Into this Riuer runne so many other riuers that it is in maner incredible After this I made many other voyages which I nowe pretermit and waxing olde I giue my selfe to rest from such trauels because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners of good experience by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the fruit of my labours and rest with the charge of this office as you see The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the thirde volume of the Nauigations writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot IN the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of Iohn de Vararzana Florentine and of a great captaine a Frenchman and the two voyages of Iaques Cartier a Briton who sailed vnto the land situate in 50. degrees of Latitude to the North which is called New France which landes hitherto are not throughly knowen whether they doe ioyne with the firme land of Florida and Noua Hispania or whether they bee separated and deuided all by the Sea as Ilands and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea vnto the countrey of Cathaia As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by Sebastian Cabota our Countrey man a Uenetian a man of great experience and very rare in the art of Nauigation and the knowledge of Cosmographie who sailed along and beyond this lande of New France at the charges of King Henry the seuenth king of England and he aduertised mee that hauing sailed a long time West and by North beyond those Ilands vnto the Latitude of 67. degrees and an halfe vnder the North pole and at the 11. day of Iune finding still the open Sea without any maner of impediment he thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaia which is in the East and would haue done it if the mutinie of the shipmaster and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne homewards from that place But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue this great enterprise for some great prince to discouer this voyage of Cathala by this way which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into Europe were the most easie and shortest of all other wayes hitherto found out And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious and of most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great and fame immortall to all ages to come farre more then can be done by any of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are vsed in Europe among the miserable Christian people Another testimonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and Northwest taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria SCrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus sed à parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus vti moris est Venetorum qui commercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites transportatus penè infans Duo is sibi nauigia propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit primò tendens cum hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem donecetiam Iulio mensâ— vastas repererit glaciales moles pelago natantes lucem ferè perpetuam tellure tamen libera gelu liquefacto quare coactus fuit vti ait vela vertere occidentem sequi tetendÃtque tantum ad meridiem littore sese incuruante vt Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus equarit ad occidentémque profectus tantum est vt Cubam Insulam à laeua longitudine graduum penè parem habuerit Is ea littora percurrens quae Baccalaos appellauit eosdem se reperisse aquarum sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem ait quos Castellani meridionales suas regiones adnauigantes inueniunt Ergò non modò verisimilius sed necessatio concludendum est vastos inter vtrámque ignotam hactenus tellurem iacere hiatus qui viam praebeant aquis ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem Quas arbitror impulsu coelorum circulariter agi in gyrum circa terre globum non autem Demogorgone anhelante vomi absorberique vt nonnulli senserunt quod influxu refluxu forsan assentire daretur Baccalaos Cabotus ipse terras illas appellauit eò quod in earuÌ„ pelago tantam reperierit magnorum quorundam piscium tynnos aemulantium sic vocatorum ab indigenis multitudinem vt etiam illi interdum nauigia detardarent Earum Regionum homines pellibus tantum coopertos reperiebat rationis haud quaquam expertes Vrsorum inesse regionibus copiam ingentem refere qui ipsi piscibus vescantur Inter densa namque piscium illorum agmina sese immergunt vrsi singulos singuli complexos vnguibúsque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant comedunt Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait Orichalcum in plerisque locis se vidisse apud incolas praedicat Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum contubernalem interdum Vocatus namque ex Britannia à Rege nostro Catholico post Henrici Maioris Britanniae Regis mortem concurialis noster est expectátque indies vt nauigia sibi parentur quibus arcanum hoc naturae latens iam tandem detegatur The same in English THese North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot a Venetian borne whom being yet but
preparation a great masse of substance wherby his estate was impaired his minde yet not dismaid he continued his former designment purpose to reuiue this enterprise good occasion seruing Upon which determination standing long without meanes to satisfy his desire at last he granted certaine assignments out of his coÌ„mission to sundry persons of meane ability desiring the priuilege of his grant to plant fortifie in the North parts of America about the riuer of Canada â—o whoÌ„ if God gaue good successe in the North parts where then no matter of moment was expected the same he thought would greatly aduance the hope of the South be a furtherance vnto his determination that way And the worst that might happen in that course might be excused without preiudice vnto him by the former supposition that those North regions were of no regard but chiefly a possession taken in any parcell of those heathen countrâ—ys by vertue of his grant did inuest him of territories extending euery way two hundred leagues which induced sir Humfry Gilbert to make those assignments desiring greatly their expedition because his commission did expire after six yeres if in that space he had not gotten actuall possession Time went away wâ—thout any thing done by his assignes insomuch that at last he must resolue himsâ—lfe to take a voyage in person for more assurance to keepe his patent in force which then almost was expired or within two yeres In furtherance of his determination amongst others sir George Peckam knight shewed himselfe very zealous to the action greatly aiding him both by his aâ—uâ—ce in the charge Other gentlemen to their ability ioyned vnto him resoluing to aduenture their substance liues in the same cause Who beginning their preparation from that time both of shipping munition victual men and things requisit sâ—me of them coÌ„tinued the charge two yeres coâ—plâ—at without intermission Such were the difficulties and crosse accidents opposing these procâ—edings which tooke not end in lesse thâ—n two yeres many of which circumstances I will omit The last place of our assâ—mbly before we left the coast of England war in Causet bay neere vnto Plimmouth then resolued to put vnto the sea with shipping and prouision such as we had before our store yet remaining but chiefly the time and season of the yeere wâ—re too farre spent Neuerthelesse it seemed first very doubtfull by what way to shape our course and to bâ—gin our intended discouerâ— either from the South Northward or from the North Southward The first that is beginning South without all controuersie was the likeliest wherein we were assured to haue commodity of the current which from the cape of Florida setteth Northward and would haue furthered greatly our nauigation discouering from the foresayd cape along towards cape Briton and all those lands lying to the North. Also the yere being farre spent and arriued to the moneth of Iune we were not to spend time in Northerly courses where we should be surprised with timely Winter but to couet the south which we had space enough then to haue attained and there might with lesse detriment haue wintred that season being more milde and short in the South then in the North where winter is both long and rigorous These and other like reasons alleged in fauour of the Southerne course first to be taken to the contrary was inferred that forasmuch as both our victuals and many other needfull prouisions were diminished and left insufficient for so long a voyage and for the wintering of so many men we ought to shape a course most likely to minister supply and that was to take the Newfoundland in our way which â—as but seuen hundred leagues from our English coast Where being vsually at that time of the yere and vntill the fine of August a multitude of ships repairing thither for fish we should be relieued abundantly with many necessaries which after the fishing ended they might well spare and freely impart vnto vs. Not staying long vpon that Newland coast we might proceed Southward and follow still the Sunne vntill we arriued at places more temperate to our content By which reasons we were the rather induced to follow this Northerly course obeying vnto necessity which must be supplied Otherwise we doubted that sudden approch of Winter bringing with it continuall fogge and thicke mists tempest and rage of weather also contrariety of currents descending from the cape of Florida vnto cape Briton and cape Râ—se would fall out to be great and irresistable impediments vnto our further proceeding for that yeere and compell vs to Winter in those North and colde regions Wherfore suppressing all obiections to the contrary we resolued to begin our course Northward and to follow directly as we might the trade way vnto Newfoundland from whence after our refreshing and reparation of wants we intended without delay by Gods permission to proceed into the South not omitting any riuer or bay which in all that large tract of land appeared to our view worthy of search Immediatly we agreed vpon the maner of our course and orders to be obserued in our voyage which were deliuered in writing vnto the captaines and masters of euery ship a copy in maner following Euery shippe had deliuered two bullets or scrowles the one sealed vp in ware the other left open in both which were included seuerall watch-words That open seruing vpon our owne coast or the coast of Ireland the other sealed was promised on all hands not to be broken vp vntill we should be cleere of the Irish coast which from thencefoorth did sâ—rue vntill we arriued and met altogether in such harbors of the Newâ—oundland as were agreed for our Rendez vouz The sayd watch-words being requisit to know our consorts whensoeuer by night either by fortune of weather our fleet dispersed should come together againe or one should hale another or if by ill watch and steerage one ship should chance to fall aboord of another in the darke The reason of the bullet sealed was to keepe secret that watch-worâ— while we were vpon our owne coast lest any of the company stealing from the fleet might bewray the same which knowen to an enemy he might boord vs by night without mistrust hauing our owne watch-word Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to be obserued by the fleet of Sir Humfrey Gilbert FIrst the Admirall to cary his flag by day and his light by night 2 Item if the Admirall shall shorten his saile by night then to shew two lights vntill he be answered againe by euery ship shâ—wing one light for a short time 3 Item if the Admirall after his shortening of saile as aforesayd shall make more saile againe then he to shew three lights one aboue another 4 Item if the Admirall shall happen to hull in the night then to make a wauering light ouer his other light wauering the light vpon a pole 5 Item if the fleet should happen to be scattered
latitude not a little grieued with the losse of the most puissant ship in our fleete after whose departure the Golden Hind succeeded in the place of Uizadmirall and remooued her flagge from the mizon vnto the foretop From Saturday the 15 of Iune vntill the 28 which was vpon a Friday we neuer had faire day without fogge or raine and windes bad much to the West northwest whereby we were driuen Southward vnto 41 degrees scarse About this time of the yere the winds are commonly West towards the Newfound land keeping ordinarily within two points of West to the South or to the North whereby the course thither falleth out to be long and tedious after Iune which in March Apriell May hath bene performed out of England in 22 dayes and lesse We had winde alwayes so scant from West northwest and from West southwest againe that our trauerse was great running South vnto 41 degrees almost and afterward North into 51 degrees Also we were incombred with much fogge and mists in maner palpable in which we could not keepe so well together but were disseuered losing the companie of the Swallow and the Squirrill vpon the 20 day of Iuly whom we met againe at seuerall places vpon the Newfound land coast the third of August as shal be declared in place conuenient Saturday the 27 of Iuly we might descry not farre from vs as it were mountaines of yce driuen vpon the sea being then in 50 degrees which were caried Southward to the weather of vs whereby may be coniectured that some current doth set that way from the North. Before we come to Newfound land about 50 leagues on this side we passe the banke which are high grounds rising within the sea and vnder water yet deepe enough and without danger being commonly not lesse then 25 and 30 fadome water vpon them the same as it were some vaine of mountaines within the sea doe runne along and from the Newfound land beginning Northward about 52 or 53 degrees of latitude do extend into the South infinitly The bredth of this banke is somewhere more and somewhere lesse but we found the same about 10 leagues ouer hauing sounded both on this side thereof and the other toward Newfound land but found no ground with almost 200 fadome of line both before after we had passed the banke The Portugals and French chiefly haue a notable trade of fishing vpon this banke where are sometimes an hundred or more sailes of ships who commonly beginne the fishing in Apriell and haue ended by Iuly That fish is large alwayes wet hauing no land neere to drie and is called Corte fish During the time of fishing a man shall know without sounding when he is vpon the banke by the incredible multitude of sea foule houering ouer the same to pray vpon the offalles garbish of fish throwen out by fishermen and floting vpon the sea Upon Tuesday the 11 of Iune we forsooke the coast of England So againe Tuesday the 30 of Iuly seuen weekes after we got sight of land being immediatly embayed in the Grand bay or some other great bay the certainty whereof we could not iudge so great hase and fogge did hang vpon the coast as neither we might discerne the land well nor take the sunnes height But by our best computation we were then in the 51 degrees of latitude Forsaking this bay and vncomfortable coast nothing appearng vnto vs but hideous rockes and mountaines bare of trees and voide of any greene herbe we followed the coast to the South with weather faire and cleare We had sight of an Iland named Penguin of a foule there breeding in abundance almost incredible which cannot flie their wings not able to carry their body being very large not much lesse then a goose and exceeding fat which the French men vse to take without difficulty vpon that Iland and to barrell them vp with salt But for lingering of time we had made vs there the like prouision Trending this coast we came to the Iland called Baccalaos being not past two leagues from the maine to the South therof lieth Cape S. Francis 5. leagues distant from Baccalaos between which goeth in a great bay by the vulgar sort called the bay of Conception Here we met with the Swallow againe whom we had lost in the fogge and all her men altered into other apparell wherof it seemed their store was so amended that for ioy and congratulation of our meeting they spared not to cast vp into the aire and ouerboord their caps hats in good plenty The Captaine albeit himselfe was very honest and religious yet was he not appointed of men to his humor and desert who for the most part were such as had bene by vs surprised vpon the narrow seas of England being pirats and had taken at that instant certaine Frenchmen laden one barke with wines and another with salt Both which we rescued tooke the man of warre with all her men which was the same ship now called the Swallow following still thâ—ir kind so oft as being separated from the Generall they found opportunitie to robbe and spoile And because Gods iustice did follow the same company euen to destruction and to the ouerthrow also of the Captaine though not consenting to their misdemeanor I will not conceale any thing that maketh to the manifestation and approbation of his iudgements for examples of others perswaded that God more sharpely tooke reuenge vpon them and hath tolerated longer as great outrage in others by how much these went vnder protection of his cause and religion which was then pretended Therefore vpon further enquiry it was knowen how this coÌ„pany met with a barke returning home after the fishing with his fraight and because the men in the Swallow were very neere scanted of victuall and chiefly of apparell doubtful withall where or when to find and meete with their Admiral they besought the captaine they might go aboord this Newlander only to borrow what might be spared the rather because the same was bound homeward Leaue giuen not without charge to deale fauorably they came aboord the fisherman whoÌ„ they rifled of tackle sailes cables victuals the men of their apparell not sparing by torture winding cords about their heads to draw out else what they thought good This done with expedition like men skilfull in such mischiefe as they tooke their rocke boat to go aboord their own ship it was ouerwhelmed in the sea and certaine of these men there drowned the rest were preserued euen by those silly soules whom they had before spoyled who saued and deliuered them aboord the Swallow What became afterward of the poore Newlander perhaps destitute of sayles and furniture sufficient to carry them home whither they had not lesse to runne then 700 leagues God alone knoweth who tooke vengeance not long after of the rest that escaped at this instant to reueale the fact and iustifie
preuented of their euill purpose by ayde which the saide ships receiued from their countâ—eymen in the other harborough For the next morning which was the twentieth of Iune very earely there were gathered togâ—ther out of all the ships in boâ—h harboroughs at the least 200 Frenchmen and Britons who had planted vpon the shore three pieces of Ordinance against vs and had prepaâ—ed them selues in al readinesse to fight with vs which so soone as we had discried them gaue the onset vpon vs with at least an hundred small shot out of the woods There wâ—re also in readines to assaulâ— vs about three hundred Sauages But after we had skirmished a while with them we procurâ—d aparley by one of them â—n of Saint Malo whose ship rowed hard by vs In which parlâ—y they required some of our mâ—n to come on shore vnto them whereupon wee râ—questâ—d M. Ralph Hill and the Boatswaines mate to go on shore to them whom what they had they detainâ—d as prisoners and then required the powder and munition which we had of the Baskes in possâ—ssion which we surrendred vnto them in safetie as our intent alwayes was which done theâ—e came aboord vnto vs one Captaine Charles who was captaine of the great ship of Saint Malo which â—ode in the other harborough who challenged our great boate which we had at Farrillon to be his And whilâ— we were in talke with him about the two Baskes which at first we thought to be Spaâ—iaâ—ds wee had almost bene betraied For the said Captaine Charles wiâ—h halfe a dozen more of his company kept themselues aboord of our ship and held vs in a talke while thirtie or fortie others should haue entred our ship vnawares from one of the ships of S. Malo which professed to be our fâ—iâ—nd vnto whom we shewed all courtesie But we perceiuing their treachere us intent threatned to set fire on the said ship which was then thwaâ—t ouâ— hawse from which they would haue â—nâ—râ—d By whiâ—h resolution of ours God did discourage theÌ„ from effecting their mischeiuous puâ—poâ—es Now the said captaine â—haâ—leâ— when he saw himâ—elf preuented of his wicked intents â—ook his boat presently to go on shore and promised that all things should be ended in peacâ— betweene vsâ— and that hâ— would send vs our two men againe But when he was on shore he presenâ—ly sent for our gâ—eat boat which he claimed to be his withall commanded vs out of thâ— haâ—borough but he sent not oâ— men as he promised we being now the weaker side did not only deliuer his boaâ— but also deteâ—mined to be gon and then requested them to help vs with our anker which was on shore but they would not Then we desired them to cut the bent of the cable vpon the anker on shore for we durst not send our boat lest they should haue kept from vs both our boat and men which they promised to do for vs as alâ—o to send our men but when they were on shore they would do neither We therefore seeing their falshood in euery thing durst no longer tary for feare of farther treachery wherefore we concluded to cut our cable in the hawse which we did so departed the harborow about 9 of the clock leauing two of our men with our cable anker and 20 fadoms of a new hawser behind vs. And as we were going away they made great shewes of friendship and dranke vnto vs from the shore but more for feare then loue and requested vs to come on shore for our men whom then they deliuered The same morning in passing ouer the barre before the harborowes mouth and by that time that we had all our men aboord our ship came on ground vpon the sands where we lay some 8 houres during which time at low water we trimmed our ship without boord and by the great prouidence of God found our leake which then we stopped About six of the clocke at night we got our ship on float againe and that night ankered within part of the barre which then because of the wind we could not passe But it pleased God to send vs faire weather all that night and the next day by noone we had gotten our ship cleane ouer the bar The 21 day after we got ouer the barre the wind arose at east east southeast we blew right into the bay which if it had come before we were cleere of the bar we had both ship and men perished in the sands The same day because the wind kept vs within the bay we went to the Isle Blanch where the ships of the other harborow had their stages but it was at least two leagues from their ships where we hoped by friendship to procure a shallope assurance of our cable and anker againe But when we had approched nere the shore with our ship weaued them with a white flag they in sted of coÌ„ming vnto vs sent their message by a bullet out of a piece of great ordinance which they had placed on shore of purpose against vs so that they would neither speake with vs nor permit vs to come nere them Thus we departed and would haue put to sea that night but there was much wind at East which kept vs within the bay inforced vs to come to an anker vnder Isle Blanch. The next morning being the 22 we put to sea and about 12 of the clocke the same day the wind being at Northeast and foule weather the master sayd he could not ply vp to Grande Coste because of the leeshore the wind against vs and therefore asked what we should do I asked then how farre we had to the riuer of cape Briton he sayd a little way Then sayd I If it be not farre we were best to go thither to trade with the Sauages while the wind is contrary and to take in water balist which we wanted To which the master sayd that if I would he would cary vs thither I thinking it to be the best course sayd I was content so farre forth as that from thence we tooke the first faire wind for Grande Coste Hereupon the master willed him at the helme to keepe his course southeast and southeast and by south Presently after I asked him how many leagues we had to the sayd riuer and from the sayd riuer to Grande Coste He then sayd that we had 40 leagues to the riuer and from the riuer to Grande Coste 120 leagues Hereupon I said I would not consent to go so far out of our way but willed him to keep his directest course for Grande Coste which he did Within one halfe houre afterwards the 23 day the gunner and company of the ship presented me the master with a request in writing to returne for England or to goe for the Islands of Açores for a man of war for they would not proceed on their voyage to Grande Coste and therefore do what I could they
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
departure of our men to Croatoan and assoone as they were departed digged vp euery place where they suspected any thing to be buriedâ— but although it much grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods yet on the other side I greatly ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan which is the place where Manteo was borne and the Sauages of the Iland our friends When we had seene in this place so much as we could we returned to our Boates and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes with as much speede as wee could For the weather beganne to ouercast and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue Therefore the same Euening with much danger and labour we got our selues aboard by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde vntill Morning wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with fiue lusty men who could swimme all well and sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour to bring aboard sixe of our men who had filled our caske with fresh water the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde vnpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates for this night prooued very stormie and foule The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe with the Master and others to wey anchor and goe for the place at Croatoan where our planters were for that then the winde was good for that place and also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill our returne So then they brought the cable to the Capston but when the anchor was almost apecke the Cable broke by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a chanell of deeper water closer by the shoare then wee accompted of wee could neuer haue gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts Being thus cleare of some dangers and gotten into deeper waters but not without some losse for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left vs of foure and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler our victuals scarse and our caske and fresh water lost it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water And it was further purposed that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries either at Hispaniola Sant Iohn or Trynidad that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one and at our returne to visit our countrymen at Virginia The captaine and the whole company in the Admirall with my earnest petitions thereunto agreed so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the Moone-light our consort would doe herein But when we demanded them if they would accompany vs in that new determination they alledged that their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it wherefore the same night we parted leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad which course we kept two dayes On the 28. the winde changed and it was sette on foule weather euery way but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest and blewe so forcibly that wee were able to beare no sayle but our fore-course halfe mast high wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce the due course for England for that wee were dryuen to change our first determination for Trynidad and stoode for the Ilands of Açores where wee purposed to take in fresh water and also there hoped to meete with some English men of warre about those Ilands at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of our wants And thus continuing our course for the Açores sometimes with calmes and sometimes with very scarce windes on the fifteenth of September the winde came South Southeast and blew so exceedingly that wee were forced to lye arry all that day At this time by account we iudged our selues to be about twentie leagues to the Wâ—st of Cueruo and Flores but about night the storme ceased and fayre weather ensued On Thursday the seuenteenth wee saw Cueruo and Flores but we could not come to anker that night by reason the winde shifted The next Morning being the eighteenth standing in againe with Cueruo we escryed a sayle ahead vs to whom we gaue chase but when wee came neere him we knew him to be a Spanyard and hoped to make sure purchase of him but we vnderstood at our speaking with him that he was a prize and of the Domingo fleete already taken by the Iohn our consort in the Indies We learned also of thie prize that our Uiceadmirall and Pinnisse had fought with the rest of the Domingo fleete and had foed them with their Adâ—irall to flee vnto Iamaica vnder the Fort for succour and some of them ran themselues aground whereof one of them they brought away and tooke out of some others so much as the tâ—me would permit And further wee vnderstood of them that in their returne from Iamaica about the Organes neere Cape Saint Anthony our Uiceadmirall mette with two Shippes of the mayne land come from Mexico bound for Hauana with whom he fought in which fight our Uiceadmirals Lieutenant was slaine and the Captaines right arme strooken off with fâ—ure other of his men slaine and sixteene hurt But in the ende he entred and tooke one of the Spanish shippes which was so sore shot by vs vnder water that before they could take out her treasure she sunke so that we lost thirteene Pipes of siluer which sunke with her besides much other rich marchandise And in the meane time the other Spanish shippe being pearced with nine shotte vnder water got away whâ—m our Uiceadmirall intended to pursue but some of their men in the toppe made certaine rockes which they saw aboue water neere the shoare to be Gallies of Hauana and Cartagena comming from Hauana to rescue the two Ships Wherefore they gaue ouer their chase and went for England After this intelligence was giuen vs by this our prize he departed from vs and went for England On Saturday the 19. of September we came to an Ancre neere a small village on the North side of Flores where we found ryding 5. English men of warre of whom wee vnderstood that our Uiceadmirall and Prize were gone thence for England One of these fiue was the Moonelight our consort who vpon the first sight of our comming into Flores set sayle and
message further that vntill the party who had thus murdered the Generals messenger were deliuered into our hands to receiue condigne punishment there should no day passe wherein there should not two prisoners be hanged vntil they were all consumed which were in our hands Whereupon the day following hee that had bene Captaine of the kings Galley brought the offendor to the townes ende offring to deliuer him into our hands but it was thought to be a more honourable reuenge to make them there in our sight to performe the execution themselues which was done accordingly During our being in this towne as formerly also at S. Iago there had passed iustice vpon the life of one of our owne company for an odious matter so heere likewise was there an Irishman hanged for the murthering of his Corporall In this time also passed many treaties betweene their Commissioners and vs for ransome of their Citie but vpon disagreements we still spent the early mornings in fiering the outmost houses but they being built very magnificently of stone with high lofees gaue vs no small trauell to ruine them And albeit for diuers dayes together we ordeined ech morning by day breake vntil the heat began at nine of the clocke that two hundred Mariners did nought els but labour to fire and burne the said houses without our trenches whilst the souldiers in a like proportion stood forth for their guard yet did wee not or could not in this time consume so much as one third part of the towne which towne is plainely described and set forth in a certaine Map And so in the end what wearied with firing and what hastened by some other respects wee were contented to accept of fiue and twentie thousand Ducats of fiue shillings sixe pence the peece for the ransome of the rest of the towne Amongst other things which happened and were found at S. Domingo I may not omit to let the world know one very notable marke token of the vnsatiable ambition of the Spanish king and his nation which was found in the kings house wherein the chiefe gouernour of that Citie and Countrey is appoynted alwayes to lodge which was this In the comming to the Hall or other roomes of this house you must first ascend vp by a faire large paire of staires at the head of which staires is a handsome spacious place to walke in somewhat like vnto a gallery wherein vpon one of the wals right ouer against you as you enter the said place so as your eye cannot escape the sight of it there is described painted in a very large Scutchion the armes of the king of Spaine and in the lower part of the said Scutchion there is likewise described a Globe conteining in it the whole circuit of the sea and the earth whereupon is a horse standing on his hinder part within the globe and the other fore-part without the globe lifted vp as it were to leape with a scroll painted in his mouth wherein was written these words in Latin Non sufficit orbis which is as much to say as the world sufficeth not Whereof the meaning was required to be knowen of some of those of the better sort that came in commission to treate vpon the ransome of the towne who would shake their heads and turne aside their countenance in some-smyling sort without answering any thing as greatly ashamed thereof For by some of our company it was tolde them that if the Queene of England would resolutely prosecute the warres against the king of Spaine hee should be forced to lay aside that proude and vnreasonable reaching vaine of his for hee shoulâ— finde more then inough to doe to keepe that which hee had alreadie as by the present example of their lost towne they might for a beginning perceiue well inough Now to the satisfying of some men who maruell greatly that such a famous and goodly buiâ—â—ded Citie so well inhabited of gallant people very braue in their apparell whereof our souldiers found good store for their reliefe should afoord no greater riches then was found there herein it is to be vnderstood that the Indian people which were the naturals of this whole Island of Hispaniola the same being neere hand as great as England were many yeeres since cleane consumed by the tyrannie of the Spanyards which was y â— cause that for lacke of people to worke in the Mines the golde and siluer Mines of this Island are wholy giuen euer and thereby they are â—aine in this Island to use Copper money whereof was found very great quantitie The chiefe trade of this place consisteth of Sugar and Ginger which groweth in the Island and of Hides of oxen and â—iâ—e which in this waste countrey of the Island are bredde in infinite numbers the soyle being very fertile and the sayd beasts are fedde vp to a very large grouth and so killed for nothing so much as for their Hides aforesayd Wee found heere great store of strong wine sweete oyle vinegar oliues and other such like prouisions as excellent Wheate-meale packed vp in wine-pipes and other caske and other commodities likewise as Woollen and Linnen cloth and some Silkes all which prouisions are brought out of Spaine and serued vs for great reliefe There was but a little Plate or vesell of Siluer in comparison of the great pride in other things of this towne because in these hotte Countreys they vse much of those earthen dishes finely painted or varnished which they call Porcellana which is had out of the East India for their drinking they vse glasses altogether whereof they make excellent good and faire in the same place But yet some plate we found and many other good things as their houshold garniture very gallant and rich which had cost them deare although vnto vs they were of small importance From Saint Domingo we put ouer to the maine or firme land and going all alongst the coast we came at the last in sight of Cartagena standing vpoÌ„ the sea side so neâ—re as some of our backs in passing alongst approched within the reach of their Culuâ—rin shot which they had planted vpon certaine platformes The Harbour mouth lay some three miles toward the Westward of the towne whereinto wee entred about three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone without any resistance of ordinance or other impeachment planted vpon the same In the Euening wee put our selues on land towards the harbour mouth vnder the leading of Master Carliell our Lieutenantâ— Generall who after hee had digested vs to march forwarde about midnight as easily as foote might fall expresly commanded vs to keepe close by the sea-wash of the shore for our best surest way whereby we were like to goe through and not to misse any more of the way which once wee had lost within an houre after our first beginning to march through the slender knowledge of him that tooke vpon him to be our guide where by the night spent on which
villa Antiquitas commercij inter Angliam Norwegiaâ— The antiquity of traffique betweene England and Norway Maior Communitas stapulae Charta anno regni sexto conâ—ecta A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne Eâ—â—seri seatres The first war mooued against the Prussian infifidels anno â—om 1239. The Prussians abandon Christianitie A memorable stratageme 4000â— This man sent an ambassage to Richard the second The great master ouercommeth the king of Polonia The king by treason ouerthroweth the Master The ancient assistance of the kings of England against infidels Edward the 3. The arresting of the English goods and marchants 1388. An ancient custome The priuiledges of the English marchaÌ„ts in Prussia 1403. 1405. 1406. These ships were taken by the English y e 20. of Iuly 1404. Hamburgh Bremâ— Stralessund Lubec Gripeswold Campen 1403. ‡ Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at Câ—leis The ship of Tidman Dordewant and Tidman Warowen at Orwel and Zepiswich Note well 1403. The anâ—cient friendship betweene England and Prussia Margaret queen of Denmarke 1403. The coÌ„plaints of the Liuonians Note well 1400. Newcastle An English ship of 200. tunnes â—ull Hull Hull Hull Hull Yorke Yorke London London Colchester Yermouâ—h Norwich Yermouth Longsound in Norway Yermouth Yermouth Selaw in Norway Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley â—â—â—eton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Lenne Lenne 21. houses of English marchants burnt at Norbern in Norway The Vitalians Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Note the 〈◊〉 treasons of the Hanâ— The ancient customes of wools Pence for the towne of Cales The great charter of marchants A speciall Charter The customers of the pety custome 1405 The customers of the subsidie The Hans societie determineth the ouerthrow of English marchaÌ„ts Statutes against y e English marchants in Norway and in Suedland How many which be the Hans townes A meting at Hage the 28. of August 1407. Here relation is had vnto y e king of the Romans Septem 27. 1408. A motion for a perpâ—tuall league A ship of the burthen of 300. Tonnes ‖ 1404. ‖ Notaâ— Naues maximae Henrici quinti. Incipit liber de custodia Maris praesertiâ— arcti inter Doueram Galisiam Sigismond died 1438. He was here 1416. Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caeteras Angliç scilicet Calisiam Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suoâ— oculos ait regi Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor considerâ—ntur in monetâ— aurea Anglicâ— quae dicitur Nobile scilicet Rex Nauis gladius Mare Quae designant potestatem Anglicoâ—um super Mare In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores Flandrenses alij dicunt Anglicis Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem imponite onem Intendentes quod sicut quondam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris modo his diebus sunt vâ—â—ordes victi ad bellâ—ndum Mare obseruandum velut oâ—es Figges â—aisins Wine Bastard Datâ—s Lycoâ—as â—iuil Oyle Graynes White Pastel Sopâ— Waxe Iron Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell Saffron Quickesiluer Flemish cloth made of English Wooll The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders Wine Osey Waxe Graine Figs Reisens Hony Cordeweyne Dates Salt Hides Note well The Britons great Rouers and Theeues Historia oâ—â—endenâ— quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra depraedatores marinos Britanniae minoris ad debellandum eos subiugandum Britannos minores Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14 Pitch Tarre Board Flexe Collein threed Fustian Canuas Cardes Bokeram Siluer-plate Wedges of Siluer and Metall ‖ 〈◊〉 Woad An example of deceite ‖ Or loue Note diligeÌ„tly A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants The pâ—aâ—se of Richard of Whitingdon marchant Mader Woad Garlicke Onions saltfish What our marchants bye in that coste more then all other Of Hankin lions Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause False colouring of goods by Lombards Alas for bâ—ibes gift of good feasts other means that sâ—oppen our policie This is the very state of our time It to a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of y e land may haue no remedie of so many as take heÌ„selues wise men of gouernance * Or hunting Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland This is now to be greatly feared This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter that he would vndertake iâ— nâ— pain of losse of al his liuelihood But this proffer could not be admiâ—ted Ergo malè The trade of Bristow to Island The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. Thâ— ioy of Sigiâ—mond the Emperour that â—aleâ—s was English Harflew was loâ—t in the yere 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth * Dieit Chronica quod isle Edgaru cunctis praedâ— ceâ—io ibu â—uiâ— faelicâ—or nolli sâ—â—utaâ—â— inferior omnibus moâ—um 〈◊〉 are prellantior lucr◠〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t◠〈◊〉 quam Cyris Persia Catolin Fâ—anci Homulus verò Romanis Dicit Chronica preparauerâ—t naueâ— rob utissi nas numero â—ria millia sexcenta in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retrorem extraneoeuÌ„ a suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu ciâ—cumnauigate consâ—euerno Dicit Châ—onica c. vt non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita boâ—orum operum mercolem donauerit cum aliquando ad maximâ—m cius festiuitatem reger comites mulâ—aâ—umque prouineiarum protector es conuenissent c. Caleis was yeâ—lded to y e English 1347. King Edward has 700 English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis The battell of Scluse by sea The great ships of Henry the fift made at Hampton Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford 1416. The French name thus onerâ— Hâ—owen was of fiue hundred saile The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost Exâ—ortaâ—io generalis in cuslodiam toâ—lus Angliae per diligentiam custodiae circuirus maris circa littoâ—a eiusdem quae debeâ— esse per vnanimiâ—aâ—é Consiliaâ—ioâ—um regis hominum bonae vâ—luâ—tâ—tiâ— Tâ—â—â—â—unâ— câ—uâ—ae predictae custodiae sâ—ilicet hoâ—oâ— commodum â—egni opproâ—â—â—m iâ—iâ—â—iâ—is Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur Cum placuâ—â—ine Domino viae hominis eius inimicos ad pacem conuertet Vibs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke 1462 A secrete The discouery of the North. By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right yere of his reigne And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo that came to S. Domingo Note Nauigation vnder the Pole Tartaria China New found land discouered by y e English Doctor Leys
These seeme to be the mountains of Imaus called by the people Cumao The apparel of the Tartarie marchants Cowe tailes in great request Bacolâ— Serrepore Sinâ—ergan Sundâ—ua Island Nâ—graiâ— Cosmin Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts Dwelling in boats Medon Dela Cirionâ— Maâ—â—o Coches caried on mens shoulders Pegu. Foure white elephants The king of the white elephants Odia a city â—â— Siam This maner of cariage on mens shoulders is vsed in Peru and in Florida Paper of the leaues of a tree An excellent colour with a root called Saia Woollen clotâ— and scarletâ— sâ—lde in Pegu. The money of Pegu. The seuerall merchandiseâ— of Pegu. The forme of their Temples or â—arellaes The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu. The apparell of their priests Obseruation of new moones Iamahey fiâ—es twenty dayes iourny Northeastward from Pegu. They burne their dead Caplan in the place where the rubies and other precious stones are found Anthony Colâ—ano writeth of these baâ—s The people of Pegu we are no beards Malacca The voyage to Iapan Eight hundred thousand cruâ—adors in siluer imployed â—erely by the Portugals in Câ—ina The writinâ— of the people of China c. Laban Diamants Iambâ— Golde Bima He returneth from Malacca Bengala Ceylon Blacke people Caâ—e de Comori Coulam Cochin People with swâ—llâ—n legges menâ—ioned also by Ioh. â—idâ—gen â—ow pâ—pper groweth Blacke people ‖ Or Calicut or Cananor Goâ— Chaul Ormâ—s The pepper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs maces Camphora Lignum Aloeâ— Long peppeâ— Muske Amber Rubies saphires and spinels Diamants Spodium Basora Babylon Mosul Merdin Orfa Bir. Aleppo Tripolis Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before Anno. 1581. The Arabian tongue generall in the East The description of Tripolis in Syria Store of white silke The city of Hammah Cotton wooll Gall trees Aleppo Birrah Euphrates shallow Eight twenty dayes iourney by riuer Arabians vpon the riuer of Euphrates The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels Euphrates described Felugia The ruines of olde Babylon New Babylon The riuer Tigris â—afts borne vpon bladders of goats skins Seldome rain Eight twenty dayes iourney more by riuer from Babylon to Balsara Cuma castle Balsara Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo Their prouision of victuals A Carauan of foure thousand Camels William Barret Consul in Aleppo M. Wil. Barret Two voiages more made to Babylon What a rotilâ— is Note that 4 roâ—es make a quintall Muske of Tartaria by y â— way of China * Or by the Camels burden Note Marchandize good for Pegu. Note Note Note Tunis The description of Alexandria Cayro Carthage Argier Goleta Malta Zante Patras Striualia Candie May. The Islands of Milo in olde time called Sporades Sio Singonina â—ichiâ—ri The English house in Alexanâ—â—iâ— The monuments of Alexandria Rosâ—etto The Turkeâ— Lent Câ—yro The English Consul aâ— Aâ—gier A fight of fiue houres The second Spaniâ—h fleete lying in waite for the English The letters of the Prince of Moldauia to the Quâ—ene Letters of the Chanceler of Poland to the Queene The marchaÌ„ts aboue named be made a felâ—â—wship and coâ—panie â—or 12 â—â—â—res by 〈◊〉 naâ—e of tâ—e Gouâ—â—nor aâ—d â—ompanie of â—â—e marchants of the â—â—uant Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Gouernour A priuiledge for the East Indies Candie The Ascension arriued at the 7 towers The ship saluteth the grand Signior The cause of staying the Present An Arz to the grand Signior The great hall of â—ustice Reconciliation with the Uizir â—ade The ambassador goeth to the court witâ— the present The Ambassâ— came to the Seraglio * All these are captaines of hundreds and of fifties The ambassador receiued by the Vizir with all kindnesse Diuer brought in Diner taken away Gownes of cloth of gold for the ambassador and his gentlemen The Present The Present viewed The ambassador kisseth the grand Signioâ— hanâ— The ambassadors demands granted The Sultanas present The Sultanas present to the Queene Letters sent for England The other Vizirs presented The Ascension departeth Great preparation for the Hungarian warres Santa Sophia Pompeys pillar Gallipoly Troy Zio Patmos Cos. Rhodes Sidon Ezek. 26.5 Antioch Aleppo Nicosia A great iudgement of God vpon the noble men of Cyprus Indians skilfull in Astronomy The seuen precepts of Baniâ—nes This Sultana is mother to Mehemet which now reigneth as Emperor Ann. Dom. 1594. Madera first discouered by one Macham an Englishman Macham made there a chapel naming it Iesus chapell | These writings are in the Tower The first cause of this ambassage The second cause The third cause The English had an ordinary trade to the Canaries 1526. English men at the first conquest of the Canaries Ciuitas Palmarum The planting and growth of sugar canes The making of sugar Wine Plantano Lime Orchel good for dying Santa Cruz. The only vineyard in Hierro planted by Ioh. Hill of Tauoton Asafi Santa Cruz. The English were at Santa Cruz the yeere before being 1551. Tunis Bugia Tripoli Numidia Ilands of Tunis Malta The desers of Lybia Barbarie Mauritania The kingdom of Fes Marocco Tremisen Oram Mersalquiber Sala Azamor The Ilands of Canaria Guinea Aethiopians Marocco Fes Tremisen Guinea Africa y e great Africa the lesse Carthage Prester Iohn Cape de Bona Speranza Alcair Amacaiz From whence the Queene of Saba came The earthly Paradise The trees of the Sunne and the Moone Pinteado Brasile Guinea The Ilands of Madera The castle of Mina The Ilands of Canarie The Iland of S. Nicholas The riuer of Sesto Graines The thirst of gold The castle of Mina The quantitie of gold Furie admitteth no counsel The Rossia Rotting heat Benin Francisco Nich. Lambart The king of Benin his court Reuerence toward the king The communication between the king of Benin and our men Pepper The kings gentlenes towards our men The death of Windam Pinteado euill vsed of the mariners This Lambert was a Londiner boâ—ne whose father had but Lord Maior of London The death of Pinteado Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage of Guinea Seuen hundred reis are ten shillings Alcayre is halfe a bushell Robert Gâ—inâ—h was master of the Iohâ— Euangelist The I le of Madera The I le of Palmes Teneriffaâ— The Canariesâ— From Madera to the Isle of Palmes Gran Canariâ— Foâ—teuentura The â—land of Gomera Teneriffa Snow The coast of Barbarie Cape Blanke The riuer del Oro. The croâ—sâ—ers or crosse stars Rio Grandeâ— Cape MeÌ„surado The riuer of Sesto The riuer of Sesto Rio Dulce Cape de Monte. Cape de las Palmas The land of Cakeado Shauo Croke S. Vincents harborow The riuer Dulce Cape de las Palmas The coast of Guinea The castle of Arra The towne of Samma The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Nephew Cape Corea The castle of Mina perteining to the king of Portugall Perecow Perecow grand Monte Rodondo The currants From Mina homeward Rio de los Potos Iuory Cabo de las Palmas
Currants The I le de Flores The I le of Coruo Where they lost the sight of the North starre How the compasse doâ—th varie The Primrose The towne of Samma Golde Gold foure hundreth â—â—â—â—gâ—â— Graines Elephants teeth The head of an Elephant Sir Andrew Iudde The contemplations of Gods worâ—s The description and pâ—â—â—â—â—â—ies of the Elephant Debate betweene the Elephant the Dragon Sanguis Draconis Cinnabaris Three kinds of Elephants Workes of Iuorie The people of Africa Libya interior â—â—tulâ—â— AEthiope Nigrite The riuer Nigritis or Senega â— strange thing Garamantes People of Libya Prester Iohn Regnum Orguene Gambra Guinea Cabo Verde The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile Aethiopia The 7 Bank of Meroe The Queene of Saba Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia People of the Eastside of Africa People without heads Myrth Azania Regnum Melinde Aethiopia interior White Elephants Habasia Iâ—â—â—hiophagi Anthropophagi Monteâ— Lunae Gazatia Cap. bonç Spei Africa without colde The winter of Africa Flames of fire and noise in the aire The middle region of the aire 〈◊〉 cold The sâ—â—â—â—e of Elements Winde The heate of the Moone The nature of the starres Spoutes of water falling out of the aire Cataracts of heauen Uehement motions in the Sea A strange thing The power of nature They rase their skinnes Fiue iewels A bracelet Shackles Kings Dogs chaines of golde A muske cat Their houses Their feeding Flying fishes A strange thing Their bread Their wheat The Sunne Their drinke Graines â—â—els that â—leaue to ships Barnacles Bromas A secret The death of our men Fiue blacke Moues brought vnto England Colde may be better abiden then heate September October Nouember Porto Santo Madera Tenerif Palma Gomera Ferro Riuer del Oro. A Caruell taken Great store of fish vpon the coast of Barbary The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe Cape Blanke Cape Verde The coast of Guinea The Currant setting Eastward Riuer S. Vincent Cloth made of the barke of trees The Negroes race their skinnes Graines of Guinea Elephants teeth The description of their Townes and houses Diago the name of a Captaine The latitude of S. Vincent riuer is 4. degrees and a halfe Leaues of exceeding length Long pease stalkes Long womens breasts The language about the Riuer of S. Vincent The tides and nature of the shoare The point of Palmas * That was the yere 1554. The tides running Eastward A Towne Many Palme trees Cape Tres puntas Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea Two townes Cape Tres puntas The towne of Don Iohn Their weapons 60. Portugales in the castle of Mina The English in anno 1554 tooke away 5 Negroes This language seemeth partly to be corrupt Sight of the castle of Mina Don Iohns towne described The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men The towne of Don Iohn de Viso Foure men taken away by the English A great towne The like they doe in the countrey of Prete lanni Master Roberâ— Gainshes voyage to Guâ—â—ea uâ— anno 1554. The English were offered to buâ—â—d a towne in Gâ—â—ne A Portugale Brigandine Februarie They returne for England Cape de Monte. March Cape Verde in latitude 14 degrâ—es a halfe Aprill May. Their arriual â—t Bristoll Nouember December Sierra Leona The riuer of Sestos They admit certaine Frenchmen into their companie An assault vpon elephants Rio de S. Andre Captaine Blundel the French Admirall Allow Dondoâ— a great towne The castle of Mina Cape de Tres puntas Bulle Hanâ—a Shamma The Negros brought â—ome by our men * Note Robert Gaynsh Hanta Fiue sailes of Portiugals descried The fight with the Portugals The French foâ—sake our men Februarie George our Negro Two Portugalâ— slaine by the Engliâ—h The Frenchmen bridled by the English Iâ—ing Abaan The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort. A towne in circuit as big as London A pretie deuise to descrit the enemie The kings friendly entertainment of oâ—r men Their ceremonies in drinking Mowâ—e Lagoua They returneâ— Ships of Portugall Cape Mensâ—rado Two small Ilands by Sierra Leona Note A Freâ—ch bâ—as uado It is to be vnderstood that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpoâ— the losse of Tales Two English Marcâ—ants Ligiers in the Grand Canary The Spanish West Indian fleet oâ— nineteene saile Rio del Oro. Francis Castelin Cape verde Foure Ilands A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape â—erde A faire Iland where the French trade Elephants teeth muske and hides Cabo de Monte. The riuer de Sestos Rio de Potos They descrie fiâ—e saile of the Portugals The fight Lagua Periâ—nen Weamba Peâ—ecow Egâ—â—nd The English boord the Frenchmen Fifty pound of golde taken in the French prise Benin Our men die of sicknesse Sicknesse Mowre The great towne of Don Iohn Cormatin A fight with the Negros Note They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pinnesse Shamma burnt by the English Their returne homeward The currant S. Thome Iland The description of the â—le of S. Thome The Iland of Salt The great inconuâ—nience by late sâ—aying vpon the coast of Guinie The Tyger giuen vp Extreame weaknesse of our men The English marchants intend to fortifie in Ghinea in the king of Habaans countrey The king of Haban Capo verde Rio de Sestos The Minion Rio de Potis Rio de S. Andre Cauo das palmas Cauo de tres puntas Anta Equi Two galies Mowre Cormantin Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder They returne Rio de Barbos The blacke pinnasse Rio de Sesto The Minion of the Queene The firing and sâ—nking of the Merline bound for Guinea They meet their Admirall againe A good caueat Cape Verde The foolish rashnes of Wil. Bats perswading the company to land vnarmed Ciuet muske gold grains the commoditieâ— of Cape Verde The Negros trecherie A French interpreter for Cape Verde The danger of poisonâ—d arrowes The answere of the Negros Bona vista A good admonition Banished Portugals Great store of goates The I le of Maiyo S. Iago The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men The Isle of Fuego Mill. Cotton in Fuego The Isle of Braua They returne March Aprill Woad May. A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship Iune A Portugall ship notwithstanding all their vilanies defended by one men from Rouers M. Hogan his arriual at Azafi in Barbarie May. â—n Barbary theâ— haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water The singular humaniâ—ie of the king to our Ambassadour The Spaniards and Poâ—â—â—gales were coÌ„mandeâ— by the king in paine of death to â—eete thâ— Enâ—lish Ambasâ—adour The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene heâ— Ambassour The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians A rich gift bestowed vpon our Ambassadour Iune The