want the blessing of Peace but grow subject to the oppression charges and injuries incident to a VVar. V. The Parliament could not but foresee that in case a VVar were to be waged their own Countrey-men both Officers and private Souldiers must fight it out Souldiers of Fortune when they have gained will sometimes desist their undertakings and leave off the service VI That the English were unaccustomed to War and by reason of their easie and soft way of breeding not fitted to the discipline and managing thereof neither able to endure the hardship and duties of a VVar howbeit experience hath otherwise proved it VII That the English gallantry and their courage unacquainted with the conditions of a warfare and the temper requisite to a Souldier might make them upon every discontent as apt to Mutiny and Resist as fight VIII The Parliament could not but be sensible withal of their fellow subjects that the apprehension of Engaging would carry with it a sad aspect all men unwilling to and wary how they did Engage that if they did Engage the Engaging parties on either side when they see the face of a VVar inevitably approaching would and must for their better strength and union betake themselves to what Policy Pacts and Leagues they could Defensive and Offensive as to bind themselves and friends by Vow and Covenant which being to consist of severall Heads and Parts to be without much study or delay framed for fear of their Enemies gaining time on them could not be so exactly and entirely devised but might admit of a doubtfull sense how to be understood in part or in the whole so consequently divide the Covenanters within themselves IX That when they should have gained a power they must to maintain the same Engage and Enforce all men to acknowledge and conform unto their Power thence hazarding the repute and censure of becomming Usurpers over their fellow-subjects of exercising an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall power over the Peoples estates and consciences X. They could not but withall know that which side soever should prevail both sides would be losers the King and Kingdome vast sufferers in the losse as they in an humble and dutifull x Message although contrariwise interpreted did in the sadnesse of their hearts foretel the King XI That in this War the prevailing Power would be to seeke to carry an even well tempered hand how to deal with the vanquished their own Countreymen and mistaken fellow-subjects for 't was a Misunderstanding which first made the rent between them scorn to acknowledge and retract their Errour widened and continued it amongst which doubtings if they did inflict too heavy a punishment either pecuniary by Mulct or corporall by Imprisonment 't would seem unjust and harsh from the Conquerour being of their own Nation and keep off the hopes of reconcilement and re-union if too gentle and remisse 't would leave and allow the Conquered a power and means of recovering their power again XII That if the Parliament should in any degree prevaile there would want no Policy or Stratagems to disturb and interrupt their further prevailing all Falshoods Impostures Counterseitings Semblances of friendship of busines Commerce to be practised against them and their successe as by Forrein Tenders from abroad Private Addresses here at home all from the same dis-affected and troubled Fountain moved and stirred by the Enemy on purpose to divert their thoughts and counsels to retard and hinder their progresse and successe XIII That above all in the doubtful events of War as it was likely to fall out betwixt Persons offending on the part hating to be reformed and a Court of Parliament on the other chosen and set apart to redresse Grievances in a Commonwealth Offendors would apply themselves for refuge to the King a supreme Power whom if he did protect y making thereby the Offendors faults his own would without dispute revert to his dishonor and consequently begâ—t a Jealousie and Difference betwixt him and his People and if the Parliment should take ill his protecting them there would issue a Contest kindling and preparatory to a War thence if the King engaged and the Parliament resisted or fought they could not hope if they were subdued to avoyd the Charge of high-High-Treason nor think it an easie thing in the first beginning of their strength to prove Conquerours over a King seated a long time in an ancient Monarchy invested with many advantages of power and guarded with Courtiers Friends of all sorts Servants and Favourites all of which had their retinue also and traine of Freinds to assist in case of needing such Besides the King if resisted and opposed and thence a War fall out betwixt him and his subjects They could not hope soon or suddenly to overcome him but the War must be of some continuance the seat thereof in the bowels and best parts of the Kingdome nor to be onely an intestine War at home but forreign Forces to be expected from abroad for that the King to maintain his cause would endeavour to engage other Kings in his Quarrell to take part with him upon this suggestion That their Subjects by the example of his may doe the like how treasonable and dangerous a President it is for Subiects to rise in Armes against their King when as unto them who have known the state and government of other Kingdoms the case between other Kings and their Subjects is far different from This both in the manner and frequency of his Offendings as the Charges and Remonstrances of both Houses of Parliament published to the world have declared touching his actions and demeanour during or neer the time of his whole reign as also in the condition and quality of the Government of this Kingdom different by many Notes of distinction limited from all other throughout EUROPE all States and Kingdomes having their peculiar Laws Constitutions Forms of Government Degrees of Subjection in the Governed This having been no absolute but a limited and mixt Monarchy where the King was as a great z Lawyer takes his Dimension Singulis maior universis minor c. Wherefore if amongst other Nations our neighbouring a Kingdome by reason of the Commotions and Civil broyls in it shall as some of them do object That the Subiects of this having taken up Arms against the Kings Parties attempts and force have infected the Subiects of that Kingdome with the like disposition and designe of disobedience and rebellion 'T is answered the Government of That differs in their Laws Manners Constitutions and Policies as much from This as two Christian Kingdoms may in theirs and as to the matter of Freedom the old received saying mentions the different wayes of Government betwixt Us and Them betwixt the King of that Realm commanding on his part whatsoever he pleaseth and the Subjects obeying on theirs in that it is commonly said howbeit with too acute and bold a censure that their King is Asinorum Rex the King of England
Hominum for no other reason than that the People of the one are subject and obedient to the Will and Arbitrary Government of theirs the People of England pay a known and limited obedience by the Lawes which the King is alike sworn to keep by his practice in his own Person and by his power to maintaine it towards others as the People to obey The Lawes Customes and Constitutions of England as a b Noble Prince and Peer of France observes are of another Forme of Government differing from all other Nations some being Free-States others simply and absolutely Monarchies having Power and as they think also Right to inforce and conform all under them to slavery and vassallage XIIII That if the Parliament notwithstanding these attempts and practices against Their Power should prevail They would and must to keep up Their Power lay Taxes and Payments on the People who when the War did seem or was neer an end their complaint would be and that with repining and murmuring The War is ended the Taxes and Payments yet continued not considering that it is of as great concernment to keep as to gaine a Victory nor sensible of the quiet and safety which through the counsel and vigilancy of the higher Powers they doe enjoy and other Countries infested with the like Civil Wars doe want when as the Parliament in case of Their prevailing were to weigh withall the doubts and dangers attending Them the care jealousie and fears which no men but would avoid the troubles of and such as They must be subject to untill the Conquest be fully made the cares against the surprizall of their Enemy the Jealousie of friends proving false or falling off the feares of losing what They should gaine all these being passive more serious and anxious than the hopes of the adverse part Feares more deeply seizing and disquieting the Conquerours spirits especially whilest their Victory is accompanied with study and thoughts of mercy towards the Conquered hopes in the vanquished being more bold and active raising thoughts working still how to recover what they have lost XV Again They could not but consider that in a War with Them the King Their Enemy would have some of his Party fit and able to inveigh and declaim against Them as being Rebels for contending with him wherefore in case of the Parliaments prevailing untill a full Conquest made They being subject to the charge of Rebellion Treason and accused thereof as by several Edicts and Declarations published it hath fallen out and that the King with the help of his c Chronicler hath in a continued tone named Them the Rebells at Westminster Perjured and nothing since of pardon to assoil them from such guilt to repeale such censure could not but expect to be dealt with by their Enemies thirsting after Revenge and Conquest with Vices of as sharp an edge to revenge and wound as with Dissembling Treachery Falshood Perjury whilst the Parliament and their friends are in the state of Traytors as the Kings party counteth Them and nothing done by him to clear Them from such guilt t is held but just to recompence Treason with Treachery Forswearing with Forswearing and all held honest means in order to the chastising Rebells and good enough to be practiced against the Power of Traytors casting and scattering the seeds of those Vices even amongst the Parliaments own Friends to divide Them within Themselves to cut asunder the Tyes and Ligaments which should strengthen their Accord that being weakned they may be overcome at last So the Dissembling Fraud and Art which the Loser practiseth as his means of recovering his loss may teach the Winner as his means to keep what he hath got XVI That all disasters and evils whether Sicknesse Dearth or what Calamities soever happening through and by reason of such numerous bodies as an Army consists of what Enormities and Errors committed or suffered either in Church or State an Army can by their strength defend and justifie none daring to question them so all the evils and injuries done to be laid to the charge of the present power which Governs and Rules no better in the peoples account thence reckoning all the disasters of the war to flow not looking on the first occasion and Authors of the war Neither doth the peoples Regreet and Iealousie cease in this surmise for that moreover there are to be Agents and Officers belonging to and providing for an Army Receivers Expenditors Treasurers others too many to be here recited who in troubled waters will bring in to their private banke what is to be raised for the publique use and that the Warre and Calamities thereof are protracted through their corruption and privy gainings XVII That in a Battle fought which side soever should prevaile there would fall ouâ— enough to disturbe and divide the thoughts of either side the Conquered and Conquerour fears and doubtings in the Conquered whether they should wholly yeeld unto the Conquerour or entertaine hopes of recovering their losse againe Pride and Insolence in the Conquerours dividing them likewise into variety of opinions what course were fittest to be taken for their next atchievement the distractions thereof have sometimes overthrown an Army the Commander in chief being not at al times present nor his judgment at any time infallibly certain to direct and when a d victory shall be gained which naturally is proud and by Pride comes contentions emulations and variances in actions as well as in opinions the Conquerors strength would be thereby weakned and thence in danger to be lost XVIII That untill a compleat and full conquest made which could not be without much pressure and heavy sufferings on the vanquished without charge and payments layd on all Enemies Friends Enemies in being fined for their Delinquency Friends burthened by reason of their expence and charge in the publique service of providing for the common peace for the maintenance of the Souldiery and the like an Army was to be continued and maintained to prevent Insurrections here at home inroads and invasions from abroad that the Army was to consist of multitudes of Souldiers those multitudes would have their severall humours and opinions tending to divisions consequently to the destruction and ruine of the whole that without an extraordinary care to please and satisfie them in their demands there would be mutinying revolting and inconstancy in the private Souldiery for want of judgment to discern for what they fought XIX That if the Conquerours power should at any time abate before a full and totall conquest made he would be put to it what course to take to encrease it againe Forcing and Impressing men to fight in a cause so intricate as unto some it seemed then and for a long time controverted as this hath been would prove harsh and irksom and would meet with resistance in a people made and born free unlesse their pay and reward be answerable to yea beyond their meritings XX That in the confusion
which Party doth declare and argue more prudentially the Reasons of their severall undertakings in this Quarrell as which Party the Kings or the Parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their Proceedings in this Warre whose Writings and Declarations have been more true whose most seditious and false which Party hath in their severall Books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending which more genuinely and sincerely have argued let the Reader judge So because there may not want Fuell for Contention 't is debated concerning the actions of Violence and Terrour to the People on either part the Kings and the Parliaments which did act with more Cruelty by putting all sorts of People to the Sword spoyling consuming with sire laying wast Houses Villages Towns 'T is known that a a County not farre distant scituate in the chiefest part of the Land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad Record As to the Writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest First the Letter to the Governour and Councell of War at Bristol that City being then a Garrison for the Parliament from the Lord Lieutenant-Generall of the Kings Forces c requiring the Governour and Councell there to forbear the putting to death the two Citizens threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some Gentlemen of the Parliaments Party kept Prisoners by the Kings with the resolution and Answer of the Governour and Councell to such Message The quality of which Answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d Print to be an insolent Pamphlet with other words of scorne which Letter and Answer being here set down the Reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either PATRICK Earl of FORTH Lord ETTERICK and Lord Lieutenant-Generall of all his Majesties Forces I Having been informed that lately at a Councell of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriffe of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expresing their Loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his service according to their Allegiance and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others taken in Rebelion against his Majesty at Cyrencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned that those here in Custody Master George Master Stephens and Captaine Huntley must expect no Favour or Mercy Given under mine hand at Oxford this 16th of May 1643. FORTH To the Commander in chief of the Councell of Warre at Bristoll The Answer of this Letter was as followeth NATHANIEL FIENNES Governour and the Councell of Warre in the City of BRISTOL HAving received a writing from your Lordship wherein it is declared that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert Yeomans William Yeomans and others you intend to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others into the same condition we are well assured that neither your Lordship or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition for whâ—ther they live or dye they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their King and Country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest Court they held the justest whereas the Conspirators of this City must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the Brand of Treachery and Conspiracy and if Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been but the law of Nature amongst all men and the Law of arms among Souldiers make a difference between open Enemies and secret Spyes and Conspirators And if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned but also of divers others of the Conspirators unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy And doe further advise you that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of Warre then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonell Connesby with divers others taken in open Rebelion and actuall Warre against the King and Kingdom whom we have here in custody must expect no Favour or Mercy And by Gods blessing upon our most just Cause we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us Given under our hand the 18th of May 1643. Nathaniel Fiennes President Clement Walker c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant-Generall Secondly e That from the Marquesse of Argyle and Sir William Armine Commissioners from both Kingdomes of England and Scotland fully and in few words delivering their Intentions and Reasons for the Summons sent to the Governour of Carlislâ—a Garrison for the King with his Answer to them full of words pregnancy of wit and iealousie reiecting their Summons and some of his Party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the Commissioners A g third of no great length the Reader hath it in the very words sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King with his Parties descant and scornfull Comment on the same The Message sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King VVE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the contents of a Letter from the Earle of Forth unto the Lord Generall the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves Have resolved with the concurrent advice aâ—d consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to your Majesty in all humility and pâ—aiâ—nessâ— as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to dâ—e our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the expressions in that Letter of your Majesties we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever because thereby those persons now assembled at Oxâ—ord who contrary to their duty have deserâ—ed your Parliament are put
and the People thereby impoverish'd The Parliament confesses and allowes as much that of two Evils the lesser is to be chosen where of necessâ—y one must happen as in case of inevitable necessity that Wisdom and Industry cannot prevent if otherwise Necessitas non excusat quae potuit esse non necessitas as a learned * Writer of the Church acutely argues when that a King his Treasure or Revenue sufficeth not for the Common good as when the Realm is invaded or any notable Rebellion of the Subjects shall happen such an Invasion or Rebellion as is not procurata not simulata but verae gravis manens the King then by the common opinion of the CIVILIANS may impose new Taxes in requiring aid although out of a Parliamentary and common way The Answer to this Exception is made good resembling it to one of the same kinde it were better that a man should receive a wound from a stronger then himself and afterwards be assaulted and affronted a second or third time yea even untill he be maimed then although in his own defence be killed for so it may happen upon his resistance-making It had bin better for him to have endured those and many more affronts and wounds as the lesser Evill of the Two then by striving repulsing them to lose his life But where the one might have been avoided no necessity of the other to have hapned the Exception seems invalid Again if a man having an estate in Fee in Land or otherwise free from any Charges Taxes Tallages Annuities or the like and a firm and undoubted Title to the same rather then he will suffer a rent-charge although of a smaller value to be unjustly and wrongfully paid out of it through the oppression of an Adversary stronger then himself demanding such a rent wil doe his best to defend yea peradventure at a greater expence of money then the rent-charge may amount unto Nor is his failing to maintain his Title an impeachment to the credit of it no more then it is an advantage to his Adversaries right being of ability to oppress his Tenant weaker then himself There was no necessity of levying Shipmoney when it was required first from the Maritime places and Countries which when they did submit unto was generally paid throughout the whole Land and for divers years continued and wherefore when the English had Commerce Trade and Correspondency with all other Nations without Interruption or Hostility Wherefore the for standing out longest against his his Fathers power the Presbyterian next for his opposing contending with it at first the Neutral for his double minded and ambidextrous carriage and upon an inquiry had who have subscribed the late Engagement which the greater and more considerable part of the whole Nation have to punish the Subscribers or put them all to their sute for Pardons At what rate That the price of purchasing shall both gratifie his friends Forraigne and Domestick and defray the charges of the Warre that not all but seize and become Lord of the peoples Estates and Lives by way of policy and prudence to keep and prevent them from committing the like Rebellion as t is â—armed that they may not have wherewithall hereafter to leavy a Warre for the maintenance of Treasons that the same may not be said of them as the Kings party in their indignation said at the beginning of this Warre of the City of London Their wealth was the occasion of this War by consequence of the ruine of this Nation Lastly this may be seen in the summe of all that if the prevailing party in any division shall divide according to their varying judgments then subdivide after subdivide againe there will be no end of such dividings untill their number and their friends bee reduced into few or none and shattered in pieces as their Enemies would have it even as dust before the Wind for instance sake the Kingdome did at first divide into a Party for the King another for the Parliament the Parliaments Party upon their Conquest did divide into two sorts the one called Presbyterians the other Independents the Presbyterians if they shall prevail may divide into a Scotish rigid Presbyterian and an English Presbyterian of a milder Test and to be new molded to the Conquerours fashion If the Independent shall prevail they may rend into new Sects and Divisions and the prevailing Party in such Sects may divide again so there will be no end of Dividing till all be scattered and lost The Emulations Part-takings and Dissentions now on foot and spreading farre give to the Enemy's indefatigable restless malice new hopes of recovering his Power again that through these conflicts the deciding this Quarrel may come again to be debated the Cards new shuffled be taking advantage of the Presbyterian'sâ—iscontent and making use of his Power mingleth Interests ' is to be seared as the State Kirk of Scotland have likewise done to promote the design in hand joyning with him in this particular against subscribing the Engagement where the Kings Party may seem to have the better colour to Quarrell with the Subscription because that thereby the Kingly Power and Office are excluded their task is therefore to Disswade to Argue against Subscribing whether they doe subscribe or no themselves on purpose to keep in the Fuell of Emulation and Contention in these distracted times yet 't is to be believed that many of themselves subscribe whether against their Will and to avoid the penalty of not Subscribing and so the more active and eminent sort of their Party may peradventure be privily dispenced with for their Subscribing in case they come at any time after to be questioned for it knowing then how to excuse themselves by one common Plea of submitting rather unto then to be undone by their Enemies and the Kings But how justly do they plead thus when as the Parliament judgeth it in most of them to be an outward onely and feigned conformity to Their present Government an enforced submission to the Engagement and so passe it by without punishing any for refusing They knowing withall that the Engagement is so commonly received so easily swallowed by the Enemy and his Party that many of that Party are nothing the worse thought of by them for refusing nor many other the better for their taking it their affections little knowne or measured by either taking or refusing But why the Presbyterian so much against Subscribing in opposition to the Party which he calls Independents or in favour to the late King or to the Prince his Son and his surviving Party The Author of the * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in the Kings name remembers and observes the demeanour of them both That the Presbyterian did hunt for that which the Independent caught in hunting viz. the overthrow of the King in Person or in his Monarchicall Estate and the Prince in his Messages before recited remembers how they
to be in it self Illusory as to the latter part of it by a precedent act of Parliament to bind and frustrate a future whenas a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it self neither that which is in nature revocable be made fixed no more then if a men should appoint or declare by his Will that if he made any latter Will it should be void the quality of the Statute it self being considered as to the Imprisoning Fining some of the Kings Party for adhering unto for taking part with him against the knowne and fundamentall Lawes seem to be of no use to the present Quarrell betwixt the late King and the People that objected Statute seeming Temporary only whereupon the aforesaid Writer concludes with this Aphorisme that things that do not bind may satisfie for the timâ— But to returne to the occasion of this Warre how unhappily continued how easily the terms of dissention now in being are reconcileable how petty a difference there is betwixt the two Tenents of Independent Presbyterian is easy for any man to know who shal enquire into the quality of either of what growth settlement and extent they are the one the Presbyterian not ripe enough as yet to be established neither the times now fit to entertaine a fixt or established forme of Government to bind all sorts of men many having been left at liberty whether they have or will take the Covenant many who have taken it thinking themselves not obliged forthwith and in all parts to keep it having for some cause discovered since their taking set it aside The other the Independent a seeming rather then a certain abdication or totall renouncing all Government or for ever the Lord General and his army called Independents but why let them that call them so answer for it have solemnly p declared against such disorder and non-Government There are t is to be believed some adhering to the Parliament other of the same sort belonging to or having been of the Army that desire an independent and unlimited Power which neither derives its beginning nor receives its bounds from the Magistrate which kind of humour the Parliament neither q approveth nor admitteth of There are some besides styled Independents and many of them may haply desire to shake off that heavy yoake of Government which growne through the corruption of manners and indulgency of times into abuse exorbitancy and oppressings doth gall and heavily presse their Fellow Subjects necks not by an easy or ordinary course to be taken off yet the granting these proves not that the Parl. maintains or which is lesse allowes Disorder or Nonâ—Government in a Commonwealth the Division between them two Presbyterian and Independent was handsomely hatched and as cunningly carried on by the Common Enemy on purpose by Dividing to overcome them both or as is before observed it befell through their pride of Conquering The main and originall difference first in dispute between the Kings party and the Parliament's arose from matter of Fact which brought in this dispute or question amongst other things unto whose charge the Deluge of blood spilt in this Warre is to be laid The Parliament hath declared That it is to be lâ—iâ— at the King and his Parties doores For instance sake The bloud-guilty and horrid act of hindring the relief of Ireland whereby thousands of his Protestant Subiects have been slain which holds the three heretofore united Kingdomes in a languishing and sad estate even at this day the one divided against the other and many of the People of all three despairing to enjoy their former Pâ—ace the Parliament instancing First in his sparingly anâ— too late proclaming their Enemies Rebells when the Rebellion first broke out By signing Commissions to the chief Actors in the Rebellion r the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland sending unto him a serious Admonition to that purpose and charging him therein to be guilty of the shedaing the â—loud of many thousands of his best Subiects The Parliament of England their Commissioners at the Å¿ Treaty at Uxbridge urging as to the Warre in Ireland his disapproving the subscriptions of the Adventurers and Officers of the Army imployed for the relief of his Protestant Subjects there by meanes whereof the course intended was then diverted his making a Cessation with the Rebells which had it not been in the time of their greatest want and the Forces imployed against them not drawn off they might in all probability have been ere this subdued and the War even finished Instead thereof it is protracted That Kingdome having been by the prowesse of his t Predecessours kept entire united unto and a u Member of this State of England is by his and his Party's abetting it put into a Condition and even invited to invade and conquer This And what was wanting to be further acted by himself and his Councell is now set on and continued by his Party hindring the supplyes and forces sent over by the Parliament to reduce the Rebels raising and fomenting a new Warre between Us and the Scots to divert the Forces intended for the relief of Ireland that by a Warre with Scotland the English may be lesse enabled to prosecutâ— their design in Ireland That the Commissioners sent by the two Houses of Parliament for the better supply and encouragement of the Army in that Kingdome were discountenanced and commanded from the Councell there where the prosecution of the War was to be managed The Houses of Lords and Commons in the debate with the King about the Affairs of Ireland sent him word that his Message then sent to Them wherein He chargeth them with false pretences and a purpose in Them to divert large sums of money collected from the English from the proper use to which it was intended was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament and upon that occasion They declare many particulars of their care for the reliese of Iâ—eland and the Kings hindring it Those particulars there expressed are as followeth They declare that this bloody Rebellion was first raised by the same Counsell that had before brought two great Armies within the bowells of this Kingdome and two Protestant Nations ready to welter in each others blood which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor Commons in England and quietly at last disbanded by Gods blessing on the Parliaments endeavours That this designe failing the same wicked Counsel who had caused that impious Warre raised this barbarous Rebellion in Ireland and recommended the suppressing thereof for the better colour to the Parliaments care who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their Protestant Brethren there not suspecting this horrid Plot now too apparent did cheerfully undertake thâ—t great worke and doe really intend and endeavour to settle the Protestant Religion and a permanent Peace in that Realm to the glory of God the honour and profit of his Majesty and security of his three Kingdomes
themselves yet if there be a greater price at stake and the chief Governour be false to his Trust in Government that thereby the safety of many hundred thousands be in jeapordy that his design be probably such as to make his way through the shedding the bloud of many thousands for compassing it and rather than fail engage the Kingdoms each against the other to the destruction of all three It cannot be thought a breach of the Covenant in the Covenanters to remove the Governour when as the more principall matters to be secured are in danger to be destroyed The Resemblance may be fitted in a case of a narrower orbe if souldiers in a Town of Garrison for the better security of the Town shall enter into a League and Covenant to preserve the Magazine thereof to keep withoâ—t making away or suffering to be made away the Arms and Ammunition belonging to the Garrison to defend the Governour thereof if notwithstanding this their Oath and League they shall suspect Revolting in the Governour a Failer of his Trust whereby to turne the Arms and Ammunition against the Garrison and the Inhabitants to the detriment and destruction of the Town so that upon good causes of suspition of their Governours breach of Trust they remove the Magazine and Arms they withstand and resist the Governour it is no violation of their Oath for what they swore was in order and relation to the most considerable part of what they were to maintain viz. The defence of the Town and Garrison without staying untill they had too late made a perfect and full discovery of the Governours Revolt and Falshood If the King hath given cause of suspition of maintaining Å¿ Popery Prelacy or of disturbing the Peace of any of these his Kingdomes it is no breach of the whole Covenant to provide against the endangering of what they have Covenanted more principally to secure The Question is not of the King his enjoyning his immediate and actuall bringing in of Popery for then his own Protestant Party would have failed him in the maintenance of his Cause and Quarrell nor of his upholding and adhering unto Prelacy which the t Scots have so much withstood and laboured to extirpate but if he had not by his Power Favour or other personall relation working strongly on his affections given Cause of just suspition of maintaining the one viz. Popery of his taking part and favouring the other Prelacy if he had shewne any dislike he had of Prelacy any condiscending or propension to the abolishing it according to the u Covenant which he hath beene often implored to take inhibiting it If he had not had a great influence on the Archbishops and Bishops and if the Author of that Book be to be credited they Protection and Incouragement from him One of them avowing these Contentions and the Warre to be Bellum Episcopale as hath been given out That the Warre was intended and waged against Bishops and the Hierarchicall Government and had they not had tuition support from his exercising a more powerfull Authority then their ordinary and meaner friends could have supplyed them with there had not so much bloud been spilt in this Quarrell So the substance and drift of the Covenant one part of the Article being to defend the Kings Person and Authority is not crossed by taking the Engagement of late enjoyned if duely weighed Admit that the Letter of the Preamble to the Covenant did in the Covenantâ—rs sense comprehend the Kings Heirs and Successors yet still the maine and principall parts of the Covenant are to be observed in order to the preservation of the Protestant Religion the Subjects Liberty the Peace Union and Safety of the three Kingdoms So that if his Heirs and Successors shall be discovered and known to tread in their Predecessour's steps he having given cause of suspition of his endeavouring to overthrow them all the Covenanters could not both maintain the Honour of his Heirs and Successours and yet in the common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms withstand as they w protested they would all opposition to bee made against the same and what they could not of themselves suppresse they would doe their best to prevent and remove The Scots our Covenant-Brethren cannot but confess that the words Preventing and Opposing in the Covenanter with his large expression of bending his whole force and power carry an universall and greater latitude then to take away the present power of the Fathers Person or that the Covenant should continue only for his life time seven years and the term of life being by common repute in men's commerce equivalent each with other the Covenant neere half so many years in framing no doubt was made and entred into to remain for longer then for so soon an expiring term as a mans life to provide against his future and successive power To take the paines of removing Danger out of the Fathers reach and leave it in the Sonne or any of his Successours being of the Fathers temper and laying His Cause to heart could not be thought a Task worthy of so solemn a LEAGUE and COVENANT or the Industry which both Kingdomes have taken to settle their Peace and Liberties As to that part of the Covenant that they had then no intention to diminish the Kings just power and greatnesse they might intend no lesse untill they saw they could not overcome him by humble applications and dutifull addresses by their Reasons Declarations and Messages setting forth the wrongs and injustices acted by his Ministers of Iustice the mischiefs and dangers whereunto his Kingdomes were exposed unlesse he returned and hearkned to their Councels and joyne in redresse of such Grievances yet notwithstanding those faithful humble expressions that they could not discerne any conâ—iscending to such Peâ—tions any acknowledgment of his former errours any placable or propitious heart towards his Parliament and People any purpose in him to signe those Propositions as the only and necessary means for setling a safe peace long since tendred to him joyntly and unanimously by the Parliament then sitting whether Presbyterians or Independents as they are called yet not concluding or providing what was to be done in cased he did refuse but instead of sorrowing for what he had done his refusing to signe those Propositions and contrary to the x Articles of the large Treaty agreed upon gracing and preferring to his nearest secrecy and trust a person proclamed guilty of High Treâ—son charging still and banding against the Parl. one of the Supremest and Greatest Councells for weight and number in all Europe Retorting on them and highly and with a scornfull vanity demanding in lieu of the Propositions sent to him counter-Propositions of his Parties devising to be sent to them contending to lay the deluge of blood spilt in this Warre at Their doors and theirs alone ever seeking by a covert and restlesse ill-will one way against the y
Place receiving them by traducing and rendring it one of the most famous Cities of Christendome guilty of High Treason and thirsting to make the Citizens wealth their Enemies prey another way by contending against the Parliament it self and Their z Friends assisting Them to undermine Their power they thought the Covenant not like an Almanack out of date as the a Ministers within the Province of London doe smilingly object rather like an Obligation where the Obligor is left remedilesse through the Obligee his fury and oppression disabling him from performing his Conditions b one part of the Covenant then being that they had no thought or intention to diminish the Kings just power and greatnesse another part when they presse the Covenant-taking the maintenance of the Peace and Union betweene the three Kingdoms they would bring to Justice all without respect of Persons who did or should wilfully oppose the same or hinder such Peace or Union so that if the King did by himself by his friends and followers by his example awing other men from taking the Covenant or did by any Power or Commission whether to defend himself or offend his Opposites act or abett whereby the Peace became disturbed one Kingdome engaged against nother the Parl. could not according to their Covenant preserve his Power and Greatnesse and punish such without respect of Persons as did willfully oppose the Peace and Union as is before observed comprehending within that Universality of without respect of Persons him and all who did adhere unto or take part with him so that the Covenant the parts whereof seem to be hetreogeneous and inconsistent within themselves and therefore not perfectly and exactly to be kept is either newly to be molded or which is more probable if he had had power to carry on his purpose the War to continue between the Covenanâ—ers and the Non-Covenanters many thousands of men neither having nor through the Kings example willing to take the same By the observing the passages and times when the Covenant was made and tendered what since hath happened impartiall men will judge that there was no fraud or failing of syncerity in the Parliaments proposall of the Covenant before nor any backsliding or levity since in preferring the main end which was and still is the publique safety before any of the clauses supposed and set down as conducible to the Covenant The great Quarrell of prophane and ignorant persons against the uniforme current of the Holy Scripture of an higher concernment then an humane Covenant is acutely taken up by a learned * Writer Distingue tempora reconciliantur Scripturae in answer unto those who cavill against the Scriptures as if the Texts thereof were dissonant and repugnant each to other as if Gods word most certain and infallible in it self were contradictory to it selfe distinguish between the time of the Covenant taking four or five years before the time of bringing the King to Tryal observe the limitation in the particle of the Covenant That they had then no intention to diminish the Kings Just Power in opposition to unlawfull and Arbitrary and you will find that the Covenant could not be so well and safely taken or that it is not so heinously broken as some of the Covenanters give out But to the Objections against the Army and the powâ—â—s establishing it That in adhering to them is to trust to an Arm of Flesh so all sublunary and Earthly Powers are but Arms of Flesh and it doth not therefore follow that those that do set forth the Army do put their confidence in Them further then God is pleased to give a blessing to their endeavourings Secondly That Independency admits of all Irreligion Heresies c. The Proposition is not well proved in that some particular Souldiers others well-wishing to the Army do devise and publish strange and unsound Tenents and Opinions which is not to be imputed to the governing part of the Army to the Court or Councel of Parliament neither is a present â—ure forthwith to be applied in all parts and places where they are vented The Army and their party have enough to doe to prevent and provide against the Power and Policy of their Enemies without an overhasty endeavouring to suppresse the Schismes and Errours of every one of their Adhereâ—ts The Complaint against Heresie and Schismes abounding is just seasonable and most sit that the Herefies should be suppressed both to settle the Discipline and Government of a Reformed Church as to remove and take away all occasion of scandall and quarrellings between us and other Nations but how and when Every thing to be done in its order and appointed time The complaint was long since made and it was foretold of old That Heresies must be the Apostle gives the reason That the sound and approved Truth may be known and differenced from fond and received Heresie the ground and seminary of broaching them may be besides the common and inbred corruption of Pride and Falshood which mankind is prone unto that so many sorts of men in many places doe despise and speak against the Scriptures although they be the infallible rule of our Christian Faith In disordered and licentious times caused through the distractions of a civill Warre it may fall out as a * Father of the Church complained it did in his of Scripture Teachers of expounders of the Misteries in Divinity cited by a learned Divine upon the words of the Apostle charging the unlearned and unstable for wresting the Scriptures to their own destruction whose presumption the Divine tells us is enough to produce any Schisme or Heresie Sola saith he Scripturarum ars est quam sibi omnes passim vendicant hanc garrula Anus hanc â—elirus Senex hanc Sophista verbosus he might have filled up the measure of his complaint by discovering many other sorts of unlearned people intruding into the holy mistery of Divinity hanc universi presumunt lacerant docent antequam discunt every one presuming upon his parts and gifts to be a teacher and interpreter of Scripture whereas Practitioners in other arts can keep themselves within the the bounds of their own profession the times are now for Reforming and the Parliament is sedulous therein wherefore there must be persons to Informe and instruct qualified with Knowledge for that Office The Divine gives the reason why the unlearned are so bold namely the want of abilities to discerne the strength of the Objections which may be made against them By the unlearned is not meant he who hath not read a multitude of Auâ—hors but he who taking upon him to divide the word of God is raw and unexperienced or if he hath experience wants judgment to make use of it the anguish that these rash presumers bring unto the discreeter sort of Brethren cannot but be great when being convinced of their unsound Oâ—inions for the maintaining that which with much boldnesse and open falshoods they have averred