staied deliuered to the king and after put to death page 147 Chap. 13 A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the king contrary to his safe conduct and what ensued thereof page 150 The fift Booke Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundy making war vpon the Swissers was ouerthrowen at the straights of the mountaines neere to Granson page 153 Chap. 2 How after the ouerthrow of Granson the Duke of Milan king Rene of Sicilie the Duchesse of Sauoy and others departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy page 156 Chap. 3 How the Swissers vanquished the D. of Burgundy in battell neere to the towne of Morat page 159 Chap. 4 How after the battell of Morat the Duke of Burgundy tooke the Duchesse of Sauoy how she was deliuered and sent home into hir countrey by the kings meanes page 161 Chap. 5 How the D. of Burgundy liued as it were solitary the space of certaine weekes during the which time the D. of Lorraine recouered his towne of Nancy page 163 Chap. 6 Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons and how he kept the D. of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuealed them to him before he was put to death and how the said D. made no account of the aduertisements the king gaue him page 166 Chap. 7 How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy and how the king of Portugale who was in Fraunce came to see the Duke of Burgundy during the said siege page 169 Chap. 8 How the D. of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men was discomfited slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the D. of Lorraine neere to Nancy page 171 Chap. 9 A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the D. of Burgundie and of the time his house florished in prosperitie page 173 Chap. 10 How the king was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death page 175 Chap. 11 How the king after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille and of the answere they of Arras gaue him page 177 Chap. 12 A discourse not appertaining to the principall matters of the great ioy the king was in to see himselfe deliuered of so many enimies and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience page 178 Chap. 13 How Han Bohain Saint Quintin and Perronne were yeelded to the king and how he sent Master Oliuer his barber to practise with them of Gaunt page 179 Chap. 14 How Master Oliuer the kings barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt found meanes to put the kings forces into Tournay page 182 Chap. 15 Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the king and how by meanes of Monseur de Cordes the city of Arras the townes of Hedin and Bollein and the towne of Arras it selfe were yeelded to the king page 184 Chap. 16 How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death came in ambassage to the king as from the three estates of their countrey page 187 Chap. 17 How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors returne put to death the Chauncellor Hugonet the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princesses will and how they and other Flemmings were discomfited before Tournay and their generall the Duke of Gueldres slaine page 190 Chap. 18 A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisement â—â— Princes and euill people with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes wâ—â—â—â— happened in the Authors time 〈◊〉 The sixt Booke Chap. 1 How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King page 205 Chap. 2 How the king entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundy to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions page 206 Chap. 3 How the marriage betweene the Lady of Burgundie and Maximilian Duke of Austrich afterward Emperor was concluded and accomplished page 209 Chap. 4 How king Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant recouered diuers townes in Burgundy which the Prince of Orenge had caused to reuolt from him page 214 Chap. 5 How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundie was sent to Florence and how he receiued homage of the Duke of Milan in the kings name for the Duchy of Genua page 217 Chap. 6 Of Monseur d'Argentons returne out of Italie into Fraunce and of the battell of Guinegate page 219 Chap. 7 How king Lewis being visited with sicknes lost his wits and lay speechlesse sometime recouering and eft soones falling into his disease againe and how he behaued himselfe in the castell of Plessis les Tours page 222 Chap. 8 How the king caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours thinking that he could heale him and what strange things the said king did to maintaine his authoritie during his sicknes page 226 Chap. 9 How the marriage betweene the Daulphine and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded and how she was brought into Fraunce whereupon Edward king of England died for sorrow page 228 Chap. 10 How the king behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health page 231 Chap. 11 How king Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others page 232 Chap. 12 A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that king Lewis suffered and those he caused diuers others to suffer with a rehearsal of all that he did al that was done to him til his death page 234 Chap. 13 A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time and first of king Lewis page 238 The conclusion of the Author page 243 A supplie of the historie of Philip de Commines from the death of king Lewis the eleuenth till the beginning of the wars of Naples to wit from 1483. till 1493. of all the which time Commines writeth nothing page 247 Chap. 1 Of king Charles his comming to the crowne of the death of Oliuer king Lewis his Barber and others and of the reuoking of king Lewis his superfluous gifts ibid. Chap. 2 Of the assembly of the states held at Tours of the Duke of Orleans pursute for the regencie of the madwar raised by him and of his departure into Britaine page 248 Chap. 3 Of the troubles that hapned in Britaine betweene the Duke and his nobles and of Peter Landois death page 250 Chap.
the Earle and his brother with a great number of gentlemen and the slaughter of the poore people was also great For King Edward at his departure out of Flaunders resolued to cry no more to saue the people and kill the nobles but he had conceiued extreeme hatred against the communalty of England both for the great fauor they bare the Earle of Warwick and for other respects also wherefore at this battell he spared them not Of the Kings side died about fifteene hundred and the field was valiantly fought At the time of this battell the Duke of Burgundie lay before Amiens where he receiued letters from the Duches his wife that King Edward hir brother was not a little discontented with him alleaging that the aide he gaue him was giuen in euil sort and with euill will so far foorth that he was almost vtterly forsaken of him and to say the truth the King and he after this neuer loued one an other Notwithstanding the Duke supposing that this victory would greatly further his affaires caused the newes to be published in all places I had forgotten to tell you how King Edward finding King Henry at London lead him with him into the battell aboue mentioned This King Henry was a very simple man and almost an innocent and if I haue not heard a lie incontinent after the battell the Duke of Glocester K. Edwards brother who afterward named himselfe K. Richard slue this holy man K. Henry with his own hands or caused him to be slaine in his presence in some secret place 2 The Prince of Wales was landed in England when this battell aboue mentioned was fought hauing in his company the Dukes of Excester and Sommerset with diuers others of his kinsfolkes and ancient folowers of his house His army was to the number of forty thousand as I haue been informed by diuers that were with him and if the Earle of Warwicke would haue staied for him it is very like the victory would haue been theirs But the Earle feared both the Duke of Sommerset whose father and brother he had slaine and also Queene Margaret the Princes mother wherefore he fought alone and would not tarie for them 3 Marke heere by this example how long ancient factions and partialities endure how much they are to be feared and what great damage ensueth thereof So soone as King Edward had obteined this victory he marched incontinent against the Prince of Wales where another cruell battell was fought for the Princes force was greater than the Kings notwithstanding the lot of victory fell to the King and the Prince was slaine vpon the place 4 with diuers other great Lords and a maruellous number of common soldiers The Duke of Sommerset was taken and the next day beheaded In eleuen daies the Earle of Warwicke subdued the whole realme of England at the least brought it to obedience and in one and twenty King Edvvard recouered it hauing fought two great and cruell battels Thus you see what sudden mutations haue been in England K. Edvvard caused many of the people to be put to death in many places especially such as had made assemblies against him And from that day forward raigned peaceably in England till his death though not without great trouble and vexation of minde I will heere end my discourse of these English affaires till time and occasion serue in some other place only adding this that of all the nations in the world the English men are most desirous to try their quarrels by dint of sword The Notes 1 Our Chronicles report that the Duke turned on the Kings side at Couentrie before the Kings comming to London and they vary also in other circumstances from our author 2 Our histories report otherwise of King Henries death for he was slain in the Tower and not so soone after the battell 3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of Sommer set was at Barnet field with the Earle of VVarvvicke and repaired afterward to the Queene and was taken in the second battell and then be he aded 4 Our histories write that the Prince was not slaine in the battell but soone after hauing had communication with King Edward How the wars reuiued betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy by the sollicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine Chap. 8. I Wil now return to our affairs on this side the sea wherof I haue made no mention since the Duke of Burgundies departure from before Amiens the Kings returne into the country of Touraine and the Duke of Guienne his brother into Guienne The saide Duke of Guienne continued still his sute aboue mentioned for his mariage with the Duke of Burgundies daughter whereunto the said Duke in word euer shewed himselfe willing but in deede meant nothing lesse both bicause he purposed to vse hir as an instrument whereby to entertaine all the world and a marchandise to put euery man in hope of and also for that he stomacked the euill practises they had contriued to constraine him to this mariage perforce The Earle of Saint Paul Constable of Fraunce busied himselfe in this treaty very earnestly desiring that the mariage might seeme to be effected by his onely meanes and procurement On the other side the Duke of Britaine traueled therein to the end the whole honor thereof might redound to him The King was as busie as the best to breake it off though needlesly as well for the two reasons aboue alleaged as also bicause the Duke of Burgundy was not desirous of so great a sonne in lawe wherefore in vaine the King troubled himselfe but he could not see another mans thoughts And sure he had iust cause of feare for if this mariage had taken effect his brother should haue beene so mighty that he and the Duke of Britaine ioined togither might haue put the Kings estate and his childrens in great danger In the meane time about these affaires many ambassadors passed to and fro as well secretly as openly This often passing to and fro of ambassadors is a thing very dangerous for vnder colour thereof many times euill practises are set abroch yet notwithstanding ambassadors must of force both be sent and receiued They that shall reade this historie will aske peraduenture what remedie I can deuise against this inconuenience bicause it seemeth almost remedilesse For answere whereunto I will shew mine aduise notwithstanding that I know a number far better able to discourse heerof than my selfe Ambassadors that come from perfect friends with whom no occasion of quarrell can arise must be well intertained and permitted to come often to the Princes presence I meane if the Prince be wise and of comely personage otherwise the lesse he be seene the better Notwithstanding when he must of necessitie be seene let him be well apparelled and well instructed what to say and vse short speech according to Princes amitie which vsually is but short But if ambassadors be sent openly or secretly betweene Princes that are in continuall
that I now write of the D. of Guienne at the least his seruants and the D. of Britaine desired the Duke of Burgundy in no wise to call the Englishmen to his aide for seeing all that they did was for the good and benefite of the realme they would not bring the ancient enimies of the crowne into the realme adding farther that if he would be in a readines they should be strong ynough of themselues aswell bicause of their great forces as also of the good intelligence they had in the realme with diuers Captaines and others And once it was my chance to be present when the Lord of Vrfé had communication with the Duke to this effect and withall pressed him earnestly with all speede to leauy his army The Duke stoode at a window and called me to him and said Heere is my Lord of Vrfé that presseth me earnestly to leauy the greatest force that possible I may alleaging that it shall be greatly for the benefite of the realme what thinke you of this motion if I enter into the realme with my army shall I do any great good there I answered him merily that I thought no then said he I loue the realme of Fraunce better than my Lord of Vrfé weeneth for where it hath one King I would it had six During the treaty of mariage aboue mentioned Edward King of England who thought verily that the mariage should haue bin accomplished wherein he was deceiued as was also the King traueled earnestly with the Duke of Burgundy to breake it off alleaging that the K. had no issue male wherfore if he hapned to die the crown should descend to his brother whereby if this marriage tooke effect the realme of England shuld stand in great danger so many seigniories being vnited to the crown This matter troubled maruellously though needlesly not onely the King of England but also his whole Councell in such sort that they would giue no credite to the Duke of Burgundy what promise soeuer he made to the contrary The saide Duke notwithstanding the request aboue mentioned made vnto him by the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine for not calling in strangers to his aide was very desirous that the King of England should inuade some part of the realme and himselfe would haue pleaded ignorance therein But the Englishmen would not be woon therunto for they so much feared the annexing of the house of Burgundy by this mariage to the crown of Fraunce that they would at that time rather haue aided the King than inuaded him You see heere all these Princes throughly busied and accompanied with a number of wise men who as the sequele well declared foresawe a far of more by the one halfe than in their life time tooke effect for they all through this continuall toile and trauell in short space one after another ended their liues each man reioicing at others death as of a thing most desired Soone after also followed their masters leauing their successors troubles enow all saue the King our master who left his realme to his sonne quiet both from foraine wars and ciuill dissention so that he did more for him than euer he either would or could do for himselfe for I neuer knew him in peace saue onely a litle before his death The Duke of Guienne at this present lay sicke and in danger of death as som said but others affirmed the contrary his men pressed earnestly the Duke of Burgundy to put himselfe into the field bicause the time of the yeere serued fitly for that purpose and aduertised him that the Kings army was abroad and lay at Saint Iohn d' Angelie or at Xainctes or thereabout To be short they labored the Duke so importunately that he went to Arras and there assembled his forces and marched towards the townes of Peronne Roye and Montdidier his army was maruellous great yea the greatest that euer he had before for in it were twelue hundred Launces of his ordinary retinue euery one of them accompanied with three archers well armed and well mounted farther in euery company of these Launces were ten men of armes for a supply besides the lieutenant and ensine bearer The gentlemen of the Dukes dominions were likewise in very good order for they were very well paid and led by valiant knights and esquires And sure at that time these countries were maruellous rich The Notes 1 This Nicolas is named in other histories Marques du Pount 2 The King made war vpon his brother bicause he had restored the Earle of Armignac to all his possessions in Guienne whom the King before had banished Annal. Aquit How the finall peace treated of betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the King brake off bicause of the Duke of Guiens death and how these two great Princes sought to deceiue each other Chap. 9. WHile the Duke was leuying his armie aboue mentioned the Lord of Cran and the Chauncellor of Fraunce named Master Peter Doriole came to him twise or thrise from the King and secretly treated with him of a final peace which heertofore could neuer be concluded bicause the Duke required the restitution of Amiens and Saint Quintine whereunto the King would neuer condiscend but now partly bicause of the great preparation he saw made against him and partly in hope to compas certaine purposes whereof heerafter you shall heare he agreed to yeeld them The conditions of this peace were that the King should restore to the Duke Amiens and Saint Quintine and whatsoeuer else was in controuersie betweene them That he should abandon the Earles of Neuers and Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce and permit the Duke to do with them and all their possessions at his pleasure and seize them into his own hands if he could That the Duke in like maner should abandon the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine and permit the King to do with them and their seigniories at his pleasure I was present when the Duke of Burgundie sware this treatie and likewise the Lord of Cran and the Chauncellor of Fraunce in the Kings name who also at their departure from the Duke aduised him not to dismisse his armie but to march still forward to the end the King their Master might make the speedier deliuerie of the two places aboue named Further Simon of Quinchy was sent with them to see the King sweare and confirme this treaty which his ambassadors had concluded but the King delaied the confirmation a certaine space and in the meane time happened his brothers death The D. being readie to depart from Arras receiued two seuerall aduertisements one that Nicholas Duke of Calabria and Loraine heire of the house of Aniou and sonne to Iohn Duke of Calabria was comming to him about his daughters marriage whom the Duke honorably receiued and put in great hope of his sute But the next day being the 15. of May 1472. as I remember came letters from Simon of Quinchy the Dukes ambassador to the King wherein he aduertised his Master
of the Duke of Guiennes death and that the K. had alreadie recouered a great part of his countrie The like aduertisements receiued he also incontinent from others but reporting diuersly of the said Dukes death Soone after returned Simon of Quinchy from the King with a cold answer for he refused to sweare the treatie which the Duke tooke very disdainfully as a matter tending to his contempt and dishonor His men also in time of war as well for this as other causes spake very villanous and opprobrious words of the King and I warrant you the French requited them with the like The Duke of Burgundie being almost out of his wits bicause of these newes by the perswasion of certaine no lesse sorie for this accident than himselfe writ letters to diuers townes of the realme charging the King with his brothers death but little it auailed for no man stirred 1 Notwithstanding if the Duke of Guienne had liued vndoubtedly the King should haue had ynough to do for the Britons were in a readines to inuade him hauing greater intelligences in the realme than euer before all the which failed by the Dukes death The Duke of Burgundy in this fury put himselfe into the field and marched towards Nesle in Vermandois making foule and cruell war contrary to his accustomed maner for he spoiled and burned all the countrey as he passed His vaward marched before him and besieged the said towne of Nesle being of no force but the Duke himselfe lodged three leagues from it Within the towne were certaine franke archers that slew a herald of the Dukes comming to summon them Further their captaine came foorth to parle vnder surety thinking to bring the matter to composition but could not and as he returned into the towne the truce yet continuing bicause of his saly they within the towne notwithstanding that themselues stood open vpon the wall no man seeking to hurt them slew yet two other of the Dukes men wherfore the truce was disauowed word sent to the Lady of Nesle being within the towne to come foorth with all hir household stuffe which she did accordingly and immediately after the place was assaulted and taken and the greatest part of them that were within it slaine all that were taken aliue were hanged saue a few whom the soldiers for very pity let go a number also had their hands cut off It lotheth me to make mention of this cruelty but bicause I was present somewhat I am forced to write therof And sure either the Duke was maruellously passioned in that he committed so cruell an act or some great caused mooued him thereunto He alleaged two the one the Duke of Guiennes death wherof he spake very strangely vpon other mens report the other the griefe he had conceiued for the losse of Amiens and Saint Quintin aboue rehearsed Some that shall read this that foloweth will thinke happily that there was small faith in these two Princes or that I misreport them I would be loth to misreport either of them And to the King our Master how much I am bound all the world knoweth But to continue my history right reuerend father in God in such sort as you haue required I am forced to vtter that I know howsoeuer it passed And I doubt not but these two being compared with other Princes shall seeme noble woorthy and honorable and the King our Master wise aboue all the rest who left his realme enlarged and in peace with all his enimies Wherefore let vs now consider whether of these two Princes sought to deceiue the other to the end that if heereafter this history happen to fall into the hands of some yoong Prince that hath to negotiate in such like affaires he may by reading thereof be the better instructed how to looke to himselfe For notwithstanding that neither Princes nor enimies be alwaies alike nor deale alike in like affaires yet is it good to know the histories of times past To speake therefore vprightly I thinke both these Princes were fully bent each to deceiue other and tended both to one end as you shall heare Both of them had their armies abroad in a readines The King had already taken diuers places and during the treaty made sharpe war vpon his brother whom the Lords of Courton Patris Foucart and diuers others had already relinquished were receiued into the Kings seruice Further his army lay about Rochell hauing great intelligence in the towne for the citizens practised continually as well bicause of the rumor of this treaty as also bicause of the Dukes sicknes And I thinke the Kings resolution was if he could atchieue his enterprise there or his brother hapned to die not to sweare the treaty but if he found great resistance to sweare it and performe his promise thereby to auoid all danger And sure he lost no time but vsed great diligence delaying also very cunningly Simon of Quingy the space of eight daies during the which delay his brother died further he knew well the Duke of Burgundy so greatly to desire the restitution of these two townes aboue named that he durst not flatly fall out with him Wherefore he meant to delay him and feed him foorth with faire words fifteen or twenty daies as he did accordingly to see in the meane time what would happen Now that I haue spoken of the King and shewed how he was purposed to deale with the Duke it is fit I should also declare how the Duke was minded towards him and thought to delude him had not the Duke of Guiennes death happened Simon of Quinchy by the Kings request had a commission from the Duke his Master commanding him immediately after the treatie sworne and writings deliuered for the confirmation thereof to go into Britaine to informe the Duke of Britaine of the conditions of the peace and in like maner the Duke of Guiennes ambassadors resident in Britaine to the end they might aduertise their Master thereof at Bordeaux whereby the King meant to put the Britons into the greater feare when they should see themselues abandoned of him that was their chiefe anchor hold Now you shall vnderstand that Simon of Quinchy had in his company a rider of the Dukes Escuirie called Henry a Parisian borne a wise fellow and of good experience who had a letter of credit to the said Simon written with the Dukes owne hand but his commission was not to deliuer it till the said Simons departure from the King and his arriuall to the Duke of Britaine at Nantes where his charge was to deliuer him the letter and this message withall That he should will the Duke of Britaine not to thinke that his Master would abandon the Duke of Guienne and him for he would succour them both with body and goods and that he had concluded this treatie to none other end but to auoid war and recouer the townes of Saint Quintine and Amiens which the King in time of peace contrary to his promise
and put his forces into it Diuers others also he named whom he had sent to other great townes and this matter he made Monseur de Lude and two or three others to debate with me It became not me to reason against him nor gainsay his pleasure but I told him that I feared Master Oliuer and the others whom he named would not so easily take these great townes as they supposed The King vsed this communication with me bicause he had altered his minde and hoped by reason of his good successe in the beginning that all the countrie would yeeld vnto him Moreouer he was counselled by diuers and was also of himselfe inclined thereunto vtterly to destroy this house of Burgundie and to disperse the seniories therof among diuers men some of the which he named vpon whom he was purposed to bestow the Earldoms namely Henault and Namur that border vpon Fraunce with the greater seniories as Brabant Holland and the rest he meant to win certaine Princes of Almaine to his friendship to the end they might aide him in the atchieuing of his enterprise All the which matters it pleased him to acquaint me with bicause I had counselled him before to take the other course aboue rehearsed wherefore he would that I should vnderstand the reasons why he followed not mine aduise Further he alleaged that this course should be most beneficiall for his realme the which had sustained infinite troubles bicause of the greatnes of this house of Burgundie and the mightie seniories that it possessed And sure as touching the world his reasons carried great shew though in conscience me thought otherwise notwithstanding such was his wisedome that neither I nor any of his seruants could see so far into his affaires as himselfe did for vndoubtedly he was one of the wisest and subtilest Princes that liued in his time But in such waightie affaires God disposeth the harts of Kings and great Princes which he holdeth in his hands and directeth them into those waies that best serue for the executing of his determinations for vndoubtedly if it had pleased him that the King should still haue continued in that course which he of himselfe had deuised before the Dukes death the wars that haue been since and yet are had neuer happened But we were vnwoorthie on both sides to enioy that quiet peace that was then offered vs which sure was the onely cause of the Kings error not want of wit for as you haue heard in wit no man excelled him I write of these affaires at large to shew that when a man attempteth any great enterprise he ought at the first thoroughly to debate it to the end he may choose the wisest way but especially to submit himselfe to God and humbly to beseech him to direct him into the best course which is the principall point as appeereth both by the scriptures and by experience I minde not heere to blame the King nor say that he erred in this behalfe for peraduenture diuers which knew and vnderstood more than my selfe were then and yet are of his opinion notwithstanding the matter was not debated there nor elsewhere Further those that write Chronicles frame their stile commonly to their commendation of whom they speake omitting diuers points somtimes bicause they know not the truth of them But as touching my selfe I minde to write nothing but that is true and which I my selfe either haue seen or learned of such parties as are woorthie of credite not regarding any mans commendation For no Prince is to be thought so wise but that he erreth somtime yea oftentimes if he liue long as should well appeere by their actions if they were alwaies truly reported The greatest Senates and Consuls that be or euer haue beene haue erred and do erre as we may reade and daily see When the King had reposed himselfe one day in this village neere to Peronne he determined the next morning to make his entry into the towne for it was yeelded him as you haue heard And at his departure he drew me aside and commanded me to go into the countrey of Poictou and the frontiers of Britaine telling me in mine eare that if neither Master Oliuers enterprise tooke effect nor Monseur de Cordes reuolted to him he would cause all the countrey of Artois called La Leuée lying vpon the riuer of Lis to be burned and that done returne againe into Touraine I desired him to be good to certaine who by my means were become his seruants and to whom I had promised in his name pensions and great rewards whereupon he tooke their names of me in writing and performed all that I had promised Thus I tooke my leaue of him for that time But euen as I was taking horse Monseur de Lude came to me whom the King for certaine considerations fauored greatly He was a man much giuen to his owne priuate gaine and as he cared not to deceiue and abuse any man so was he also very light of beliefe and often beguiled himselfe He had been brought vp with the King from his childhood knew which way to feed his humor and had a very pleasant head He came and said thus to me wisely after a iesting maner what depart you now when you should be made or neuer seeing the great things that fall daily into the Kings hands wherewith he may enrich those that he loueth For my part I looke to be gouernor of Flaunders and to make my selfe all of golde in vttering the which words he brake foorth into great laughter but I had no lust to laugh bicause I feared that this proceeded of the King Mine answer was that I would be right glad if his fortune might be such and that I trusted the King would not forget me A certaine knight of Hainault was come to me not past halfe an hower before my departure who brought me newes of diuers with whom I had peswaded by letters to put themselues into the Kings seruice The said knight and I are kinsemen and he is yet liuing wherfore neither wil I name him nor those of whom he brought me this aduertisement His offer in few words was to yeeld vnto the King the chiefe places and townes in Hainault Whereof I aduertised the King euen as I was taking my leaue who after he had talked with the said knight told me that neither he nor those others whom I named were such as he had need of He misliked one for this point and another for that and their offer seemed vnto him nothing for he thought to obtaine all that he desired without them Againe after my departure the King made Monseur de Lude to commune with the same knight who was much discontented with the said de Ludes words and departed incontinent without entring into farther treaty bicause the said de Lude and he would neuer haue agreed in any point For whereas this knight was come out of Hainault to get somwhat at the Kings hands whereby to inrich
their wit was not able to reach thus far After the Duke of Gueldres was come before Tournay with this armie being to the number of twelue or fifteene thousand men verie well paid by the townes aboue-mentioned he set fire on the suburbs But within the towne were three or fower hundred men of armes which sallied out and charged his men on the backe as they retired incontinent put them to flight But the D. himselfe being a valiant Prince turned against his enimies meaning to maintaine the skirmish to the end his men might haue leasure to retire but being euil followed he was ouerthrowne and slaine and a good number also of this people yet was the Kings force that did this exploit verie small The Flemmings armie retired with this losse for there was but one band of them defeated The Ladie of Burgundy as I haue heard and hir friends reioised much at this newes for the brute ran for a certaintie that they of Gaunt were determined to compell hir by force to marrie this Duke of Gueldres which willingly she would neuer haue done for diuers reasons aboue rehearsed The Notes 1 VVith the letter the King had also vttered the message that the Chauncellor and Himâ—â—rcourt brought vvhich vvas to treat of a mariage betweene the Daulphin and this Lady which also they offered the King to further and this vvas the cause vvhy the Duke of Cleues became Himbercourts enimie 2 The causes of the Chauncellors and Himbercourts death read in Berlandus fol. 69. A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisment of Princes and euill people with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes which happened in the authors time Chap. 18. I Cannot imagine for what cause God hath so long preserued this towne of Gaunt the fountaine of so many mischiefes and of so small importance for the benefit of the countrey where it is situate For it yeeldeth no commoditie to the common wealth much lesse to the Prince neither is it comparable to Bruges which is a place where there is greater trafficke of merchandise and resort of strangers in my opinion than in any towne in Europe so that the destruction thereof should be an irrecouerable losse But it seemeth that God hath created nothing in this world neither man nor beast without an enimie to hold it in feare and humilitie and for that purpose serueth this towne of Gaunt very well 1 For there is no countrie in Christendome more inclined to all wanton pleasures pomps and delicacies than this countrie of Flaunders notwithstanding they are good Christians there and serue and honor God well But it is not this nation onely to whom God hath giuen as it were a continuall pricke to put them in minde of their dutie For to Fraunce he hath giuen the English men for enimies to the English men the Scots to the realme of Spaine Portugale I will not say Granado for they are enimies of the faith notwithstanding hitherto the said countrie of Granado hath much troubled and endammaged the realme of Castile Against the Princes of Italie the greatest part of the which hold their lands by no title vnles it be giuen them in heauen whereof we can but diuine and who rule cruelly and violently ouer their subiects by extreme exactions and leuies of monie God hath raised vp the free states of the said countrie namely Venice Florence Genua and somtime Bononia Senes Pisa Luques and others which in diuers points are contrarie to the Princes and the Princes to them each of them hauing an eie vpon other that none grow too great But to speake more particularly of the state of Italie against the house of Arragon God hath raised the house of Aniou against the Sforces which vsurpe the place of the Vicounts in the Duchie of Milan the house of Orleans against the Venetians the Princes of Italie as before I haue said and besides them the Florentines against the Florentines their neighbors of Senes Pisa and the Genuois and against the said Genuois their owne euill gouernment and want of faith each to other which is so vniuersally knowen that euery man can tell thereof for their factions are in league the one against the other as appeereth by the Fourgouze 2 Adorni d'Orie and others Now to speake of Almaine you haue alwaies the house of Austriche and Bauiere at variance and particularly them of Bauiere diuided among themselues In like maner the house of Austriche hath particularly opposite to it the Swissers the beginning of which their variance arose but about a little village called Swisse 3 vnable to arme sixe hundred men whereof the other Swissers beare their name who are now so increased that two of the Duke of Austriches best towns namely Zurich and Fribourg be of their cantons Moreouer they haue obtained great victories and slaine of the Dukes of Austrich in the field 4 Diuers other quarrels also there are in Almaine as the Duke of Cleues against the Duke of Gueldres the Dukes of Gueldres against the Dukes of Iulliers the Easterlings who inhabite so far northward against the Kings of Denmarke And to speake generally of Almaine there are so many strong places there so many men inclined to mischiefe to spoile to rob and that vse force violence one against another vpon small occasions that it is woonder to see for a man that is able to maintaine but himselfe and his seruant will proclaime war against a great citie or a Duke that vnder colour thereof he may the better rob and spoile for he will haue some small castell situate vpon a rocke to retire into where he entertaineth twentie or thirtie horsemen which run downe to rob and spoile the countrie at his commandement These men are very seldome punished by the Princes of Almaine bicause they vse their helpe when they neede their seruice but the townes if they take any of them punish them cruelly and often besiege and destroy their castels Further the said townes haue soldiers alwaies in pay for their defence Wherefore it seemeth that these Princes and townes of Almaine are preserued the one to force the other to that is right and good And it is necessarie that such diuisions should be not onely there but through the whole world I haue hitherto spoken but of Europe for I am not well informed of Asia and Affrike yet we heare that they are diuided and make war one vpon another as we do yea after a much beastlier sort For I know in this part of Afrike bordering vpon vs diuers places where they sell one another to the Christians as also well appeereth by the Portugales who haue bought and daily do buie of them manie slaues But I doubt how well we may vpbraid this to the Sarracens sith in some part of Christendome they do the like notwithstanding those countries are either vnder the Turks dominion or next neighbors to him as for example some
wholie thinke vpon his conscience and leaue all his other imaginations conceiued of this holie man and of the said Master Iames his Phisition But euen like as he had aduanced the said Master Oliuer and others too suddenly without any desert to a higher estate than was fit for them euen so they tooke vpon them boldlie to do such a message to so great a Prince otherwise than became them not vsing that reuerence and humilitie that was to be vsed in such a case and such as they would haue vsed whom he had brought vp of long time and lately commanded out of his presence for the suspicions conceiued of them And againe like as vnto two great personages whom he had put to death in his time to wit the Duke of Nemours and the Earle of Saint Paule for one of the which he repented him at his death and for the other not he had sent a sharpe message of death by Commissioners appointed thereunto the which briefly pronounced their sentence vnto them and foorthwith gaue them confessors and but a verie short space to dispose of their consciences euen so the aboue named signified his death vnto him rudely and in fewe words saying Sir it is reason we do our duties hope no more in this holie man nor any other thing for sure you are but dead therefore thinke vpon your conscience for your hower is come and euery one of them said somwhat briefly to him to that effect But he answered I trust God will helpe me and peraduenture I am not so sicke as you suppose What a sharpe corosife was it to him to heare these newes and this cruell sentence for neuer man feared death more than he nor sought so many waies to auoide it as he did Moreouer in all his life time he had giuen commandement to all his seruants as well my selfe as others that when we should see him in danger of death we should onely mooue him to confesse himselfe dispose of his conscience not sounding in his eares this dreadfull word Death knowing that he should not be able patiently to heare that cruel sentence notwithstanding he endured both that and diuers other punishments till the verie hower of death more patiently than euer I sawe any man To his sonne whom he called King he sent many messages and confessed himselfe verie deuoutly and said diuers praiers answerable to the Sacraments he receiued which also he himselfe demanded He spake as hartily as if he had not beene sicke and talked of all matters touching the King his sonnes estate and among other things gaue commandement that the Lord of Cordes should not depart from his sonne by the space of halfe a yeere after his death and further that he should be entreated to attempt nothing against Calice nor elsewhere saying that notwithstanding he had deuised these enterprises for the Kings profit and the benefit of the realme yet were they verie dangerous especially that of Calice for feare of moouing the English men thereby to war Further he willed especially that after his death the realme should rest in peace the space of fiue or sixe yeeres a matter which he would neuer yeeld vnto during his life though verie needfull for notwithstanding that it were great and large yet was it in poore miserable estate especially bicause of the passing to and fro of the men of armes who continually remooued from one countrey to an other He gaue order also that no quarrell should be picked in Britaine but that Duke Francis should be suffered to liue in quiet and not be put in any doubt or feare of warre neither yet any other neighbour bordering vpon the realme to the end the King and the realme might rest in peace till the King were of yeeres to dispose thereof at his owne pleasure Thus you see how vndiscreetly his death was signified to him which I haue rehearsed bicause I began to make a comparison betweene those euils which he had caused diuers of his subiects to suffer and those he himselfe suffered before his death to the end you may perceiue that notwithstanding they were not so greeuous nor so long as I haue said yet were they greeuous to him considering his nature which demanded obedience had been better obeied than any Prince in his time so that one halfe word contrarying his minde was to him a greeuous punishment Fiue or sixe daies before his death he had al men in suspition especially all that were woorthie of credit and authoritie yea he grew iealous of his owne sonne and caused him to be straightly guarded neither did any man see him or speake with him but by his commandement at the length he began to stand in doubt also of his daughter and of his sonne in law now Duke of Bourbon and would needs know what men entred into Plessis with them and in the end brake off an assembly that the Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law held there by his commandement Moreouer at the same time that his said sonne in law and the Earle of Dunois returning from the conuoie of the ambassage that came to Amboise to the marriage of the King his sonne and the Queene entred into the castle of Plessis with a great bande of men the King who caused the gates to be straightly kept being in the gallerie that looketh into the court of the said castle caused one of the captaines of his guard to come to him whom he commanded to feele as he talked with the said noble mens seruants whether they wore any brigandines vnder their cloakes not making shewe as though he came purposely for that intent Heereby you may perceiue if he caused diuers others to liue in feare and suspicion vnder him whether he were paid now with the like himselfe for of whom could he be assured mistrusting his sonne his daughter and his sonne in lawe Wherefore thus much I will say not onely of him but of all other Princes that desire to be feared that they neuer feele the reuenge thereof till their age and then their penance is to feare all men What great greefe thinke you was it to this poore King to be troubled with these passions He had a Phisition called Master Iames Cothier to whom he gaue in fiue moneths 54000. crownes after the rate of 10000. the moneth and 4000. ouer besides the Bishopricke of Amiens for his nephew and other offices and lands for him and his friends The said Phisition vsed him so roughly that a man would not giue his seruant so sharpe language as he gaue the King and yet the King so much feared him that he durst not command him out of his presence for notwithstanding that he complained to diuers of him yet durst he not change him as he did all his other seruants bicause this Phisition once said thus boldly vnto him I know that one day you will commaund me away as you do all your other seruants but you shall not liue eight daies after binding
on no day but saturday and that our Lady in whom he had euer put his confidence and alwaies deuoutly serued had purchased him this grace and sure so it happened for he ended his life vpon saturday the 30. of August in the yeere 1483. at eight of the clocke at night in the said castell of Plessis where he fell sicke the monday before His soule I trust is with God and resteth in his blessed realme of paradise A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time and first of King Lewis Chap. 13. SMall hope may meane and poore men haue in worldly honors seeing this mightie King after so long trouble and trauell about them forsooke them al could not prolong his life one hower for all that he could do I knew him serued him in the flower of his age in his great prosperitie yet neuer saw I himfree from toile of body and trouble of minde Aboue al pastimes he loued hunting hauking in their seasons hunting especially As touching women he was free from that vice all the time that I serued him for a little before my comming to him he lost one of his sonnes whose death he much lamented and soone after made a solemne vow to God in my presence neuer to accompanie with any woman but the Queene his wife Whereunto notwithstanding that he were bound by the lawes of marriage yet was it much that he had such stay of himselfe especially the Queene being none of those in whose beautie a man could take great delight but otherwise a very vertuous Lady In this pastime of hunting he tooke almost as much paine as pleasure for the toile was great bicause he ran the Hart to death by force Besides that he arose very early in the morning and oftentimes went far neither could any weather make him leaue his sport Somtime also he returned very wearie and in maner euer displeased with one or other for this game is not alwaies made as they wish that haue the ordering thereof notwithstanding in all mens opinions he for his part vnderstood it better than any man in his time In this pastime he exercised himselfe continually lodging about in the villages till wars began For almost euery sommer there was somewhat to do betweene Duke Charles of Burgundie and him but when winter approched they vsed to make truce He had great wars also for the countie of Roussillion with King Iohn of Arragon the King of Spaines father that now liueth For notwithstanding that they were very poore and in war with their subiects namely them of Barselonne and others and that the sonne were of no force for he expected the inheritance of King Friderike 1 of Castile his wiues brother which afterward fell to him yet bicause they had the harts of the subiects of the saide countrie of Roussillion they made great resistance against him which cost the King and his realme full deere for many a good man died and was slaine there and infinite treasure was consumed in those wars for they endured long Thus you see that the pleasure the King had was but one small time in the yeere and that ioined with great toile and trauell of his person when his body was at rest his minde was occupied for he had to do in many places and busied himselfe as much with his neighbors affaires as with his own seeking to place men in their houses 2 and to bestow the offices therin at his pleasure When he was in war he desired peace or truce which notwithstanding when he had obtained he could not long away with He medled with many trifling matters in his realme which he might well haue passed ouer but such was his disposition and life And to say the truth his memory was so excellent that he forgat nothing but knew all the world all countries and all men of estimation round about him so that he seemed a Prince woorthier to gouern the whole world than one realm alone Of his youth I am able to say nothing for I was not with him at that time notwithstanding what I haue heard that I will report Being but eleuen yeeres of age he was busied by certaine Princes and others of the realme in a war against K. Charles his father called la Praguerie which endured not long And when he was growen to mans estate he married the King of Scotlands daughter 3 and during hir life neuer ioied with hir 4 after hir death bicause of the factions and troubles that were in the King his fathers court he retired into his owne countrey of Daulphine whither a great number of gentlemen accompanied him yea many mo than he was able to maintaine While he was in Daulphine he married the Duke of Sauoies daughter and soone after fel at variance with his father in law so that sharpe war arose betweene them King Charles seeing his sonne so well accompanied with gentlemen and men of armes determined to go against him in person with great force and to chase him out of the countrey by strong hand wherefore he put himselfe vpon the way and endeuored to withdraw his sonnes men from him commanding them as his subiects vnder paine of his displeasure to repaire vnto him Whereunto diuers obeied to the King our Masters great griefe who seeing his fathers indignation against him determined notwithstanding that his force were great to depart thence and leaue the countrey to his fathers disposing And in this estate trauelled he through Burgundy with a small traine to Duke Philip who receiued him very honorably furnished him with money to maintaine his estate and gaue yeerely pensions to his principall seruants namely to the Earle of Cominges the Lord of Montauban others and bestowed also during his being there diuers large gifts vpon his other seruants Notwithstanding bicause he entertained such a number his mony failed often to his great griefe so that he was forced to borow som where or other otherwise his men would haue forsaken him which vndoubtedly is a great trouble to a Prince vnaccustomed thereunto Thus you see that he was not without vexation and anguish of minde during his abode in this house of Burgundy for he was forced to faune both vpon the Duke and his principall seruants least they should waxe weary of him for he was there a long time to wit the space of sixe yeeres Besides that his father sent ambassadors continually to the Duke requiring him either to put him foorth of his dominions or send him backe to him Wherefore it is to be thought that he was not idle nor without great vexation of minde All these things considered when may a man say that he liued in ioy and pleasure Sure in mine opinion from his childhood till his death he was in continuall toile and trouble so that if all his pleasant and ioyfull daies were numbred I thinke they should be found but fewe yea I am fully
Princes namely Mathias King of Hungarie and Mahomet Ottoman Emperor of Turkie This King Mathias was sonne to a valiant knight called the white knight of Vallachie 8 a gentleman of great wisdome and vertue who gouerned long the realme of Hungarie and obtained many goodly victories against the Turks 9 who border vpon the said realme by reason of the Seniories they haue vsurped in Greece and Slauonie 10 Soone after his death King Lancelot came to mans estate 11 who was right heire not onely of the realme of Hungary but also of Bohemia and Polonia He by the counsell of certaine caused the white knights two sonnes to be apprehended alleaging that their father had vsurped too great rule and authoritie in the realme and that the sonnes being gentlemen of great courage might peraduenture attempt the like Wherefore the said King Launcelot resolued to lay them both in prison and incontinent put the elder to death 12 and sent the said Mathias prisoner to Bude the chiefe towne of Hungary where he remained not long And I suppose that God tooke in good part the great seruices his father had done For soone after King Launcelot was poisoned at Prage in Bohemia 13 by a gentlewoman of a good house whose brother my selfe haue seene of whom he was enamored she likewise of him so far foorth that she being displeased with his mariage with the daughter of Charles the seuenth King of Fraunce now called Princesse of Vienna against his promise made to hir poisoned him in a bathe as she gaue him a peece of apple to eate hauing conueighed the poison into the haft of hir knife Incontinently after King Lancelots death the Barons and Nobles of the realme assembled to choose a new King for the custome of the countrey is when the King dieth without issue that the Nobles may proceed to an election And while they were there in great diuision about their chose the white Knights widow mother to Mathias came into the towne with a goodly traine for bicause she had great treasure left hir by hir husband she was soone able to leuie great forces and further I thinke she had good intelligence both in the towne and also among the Nobilitie bicause of the great sway hir husband had borne in the realme She rode straight to the prison and tooke hir sonne out of it 14 Whereupon part of the Barons and Prelats there assembled for the election fled for feare the rest chose the said Mathias King who raigned in the realme with as great prosperitie as any King these many yeeres and hath been as highly praised and commended yea more in some points than any of his predecessors He was one of the valiantest men that liued in his time and obtained great victories against the Turks without all damage to his owne realme the which he inlarged on all sides aswell towards Bohemia the greatest part whereof he held as also towards Valachie where he was borne and towards Sclauonie In like maner vpon the frontiers of Almaine he wan the greatest part of Austrich from the Emperor Frederic now raigning and possessed it till his death which hapned in the yeere 1491. in Vienna the chiefe towne of Austrich This King gouerned his affaires with great wisdome aswell in peace as war but a little before his death perceiuing himselfe to be feared of his enimies he grew maruellous pompous and sumptuous in his Court and amassed an infinite quantitie of goodly stuffe iewels and plate for the furniture of his house All his affaires were dispatched by himselfe or by his direction Before his death his subiects stood in great feare of him for he waxed cruell and soone after fell into a greeuous and vncurable disease being but yoong to wit eight and twenty yeeres of age 15 or thereabout He died hauing spent his life in much more labor and trauell than pleasure The Turke aboue mentioned 16 was a wise and noble Prince but vsing wiles and subtiltie more than courage and valor True it is that his father left him great for he had been a hardy Prince and wan Adrianople 17 which is as much to say as the citie of Adrian This Turke that I now write of tooke in the three and twentith yeere of his age the citie of Constantinople 18 I haue seene his pourtraiture when he was of those yeeres the lineaments whereof made shew of an excellent wit It was a shame for all Christendome to suffer the towne so to be lost for he tooke it by assault and the Emperor of the East whom we call Emperor of Constantinople was slaine himselfe at the breach 19 with a number of valiant men diuers women of great estate and noble houses rauished to be short no crueltie was omitted This was his first exploit but not his last for he continued till his death in atchieuing great enterprises so that I heard once an ambassador of Venice tell Duke Charles of Burgundy that he had conquered two Empires fower realmes and two hundred cities He meant the Empires of Constantinople Trapezonde 20 the realmes of Bosne 21 Syria Armenia and I thinke Morea 22 was the fowerth in the which the Venetians held two places He conquered also diuers goodly Iles in the sea called Archipell 23 neere to the said Morea with the Iles of Nigrepont 24 and Mitilene he subdued in like maner the greatest part of Albanie and Sclauonie And as his conquests were great against the Christians so were they also against them of his owne law of whom he destroied many a great Prince as the Caraman 25 and diuers others The greatest part of his affaires he gouerned by his owne wisdome as did our King and the King of Hungarie also who were three of the greatest Princes that raigned these hundred yeers But the curtesie and course of life of the King our Master and his good vsage both of his owne seruants and strangers far passed both the others and no maruell for he was the most Christian King As touching worldly pleasures this Turke had his fill for he spent the greatest part of his life in them and had he not been so much addicted to them vndoubtedly he would haue done much more mischiefe There was no fleshly vice that he was free from but in gluttony he passed and according to his diet diseases fell vpon him for euery spring as I haue heard those report that haue seene him his legs swelled as big as a mans body notwithstanding they brake not but the swelling asswaged of it self No surgeon could tell the cause of this disease saue onely that it proceeded of gluttonie and it may be that it was some speciall punishment of God His said disease was the cause he came so seldome abroad and kept himselfe so close in his chariot fearing that the miserable estate he was in would cause his subiects to despise him He died being two and fifty yeeres of age 26 or there about in maner suddenly notwithstanding he made his
noble houses came out of Persia vvith their captaines and armies the Otthomans Assembecs Scandelors or Candelors and the Caramans All these fovver houses subdued euery one of them some region the Otthomans vvan Bithynia Phrygia Galatia The Assembecs Syria Armenia Cappadocia Paphlagonia The Scandelors held the greatest part of Pontus and the Caramans Cilicia Lycia Lycaonia Pamphylia But the house of Otthoman in the end deuoured all the other three The Assembecs vvere vanquished by this Mahomet ann 1459. For you shall vnderstand that Vsumcassanes King of the Assembecs fought three great battels vvith this Mahomet In the tvvo first he ouerthrevv him but in the third he vvas vtterly ouerthrovven by reason that Mahomet had great artillerie in his campe vvhich noueltie vnknovven before to the easterly nations discomfited Vsumcassanes armie vvho in this battell lost also his sonne Zeinalde After this battell Mahomet vvan all Cappadocia Paphlagonia and tooke Trapezonde the seate of the Assembecs empire vvith the greatest part of Armenia and Syria as mention is heere made Further after this battell Mahomet tooke from Pyramitus Prince of the Caramans the greatest part of Cilicia and after this Mahomets death Baiazet his sonne slue in battell Abraham the last Prince of the Caramans and vtterly destroied that house As touching the Scandelors after the Assembecs and Caramans vvere destroied the Prince of the Scandelors yeelded his countrie to Baiazet and in exchange thereof had certaine reuenues giuen him in Natolia And thus vvere all the three houses subdued by the house of Otthoman vvhich discourse for the better vnderstanding of this place I haue been forced to vvrite somvvhat at large 26 Others vvrite 58. and others 56. but sure our author reporteth his age truliâ—â—â— for he vvas borne ann 1430. the 24. of March and died of the collicke 1481. the thirde of May so that he vvas entred into his tvvo and fiftith yeere A SVPPLY OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES FROM THE death of King LEWIS the II. till the beginning of the wars of Naples to wit from 1483. till 1493. of all the vvhich time Commines vvriteth nothing Of King Charles his comming to the crowne of the death of Oliuer King Lewis his Barber and others and of the reuoking of King Lewis his superfluous gifts Chap. 1. AFter the death of Lewis the eleuenth Charles the 8. his onely sonne being 13. yeeres of age and two moneths succeeded to the crowne notwithstanding his coronation was deferred till the moneth of Iune in the next yeere to the end he might be full fowerteen when he should be crowned The King his father had brought him vp at Amboise in such solitarines that none besides his ordinarie seruants could haue accesse vnto him neither permitted he him to learne any more Latine than this one sentence He that cannot dissemble cannot raigne which he did not for that he hated learning but bicause he feared that studie would hurt the tender and delicate complexion of the childe Notwithstanding King Charles after he was come to the crowne grew verie studious of learning aod gaue himseife to the reading of stories and bookes of humanitie written in the French toong and attempted to vnderstand Latine Before the Kings coronation the Princes of the blood and the nobles of the realme who so often had beene iniuried in the late King Levvis his time by Oliuer le Dain his barber by Daniell a Flemming the said Oliuers seruant and by Iohn D'oyac which three had wholie gouerned the said King Levvis caused informations secretly to be exhibited against them for diuers murthers rapines and other heinous crimes that they had committed in King Levvis his time yea and some of them by his commandement the which informations being seene by the court Parlament they were foorthwith apprehended their processe made and in the end all three condemned and the next yeere being 1484. the said Oliuer and Daniell his man were hanged at Paris and D'oyac had his eares cut off and his toong bored through with a hot iron One of the crimes committed by Oliuer and Daniell for the which they were executed was this A gentleman was committed to prison by King Levvis his commandement whose wife being yoong and beutifull was contented to abandon hir selfe to the lust of this Oliuer vpon promise that he should deliuer hir husband out of prison to hir but the next day he caused Daniell his man to put him into a sacke and to throwe him into the riuer where he was miserably drowned This Oliuer was a Flemming borne and had been barber to King Levvis and of greater credit with him than any man in all Fraunce which his credit grew by vile and slauish offices that he did about the King so far foorth that he ordinarily sucked the Kings hemorrhoides wherewith he was often troubled which base seruice he did not for good will that he bare the King but onely for couetousnes and to maintaine his credit which ended soone after the King his Masters death as you haue heard notwithstanding the great charge that the King vpon his death-bed had giuen his sonne to loue the said Oliuer and not to suffer him to be spoiled of that which he had bestowed vpon him bicause his seruice had long preserued his life But howsoeuer Princes maintaine such lewd ministers in their liues and how ready soeuer such seruants be to execute their Masters vnlawfull and wilfull commandements supposing that they shall neuer be called to account therefore yet in the end they finde that credit in Court is no inheritance and that God who leaueth nothing vnpunished findeth a time to reward them according to their deserts Further soone after King Lewis his death consultation was had of the superfluous superstitious gifts made by him in his life all the which were reuoked and all that was giuen reunited to the crowne Of the assemblie of the States held at Touars of the Duke of Orleance pursute for the regencie of the mad war raised by him and of his departure into Britaine Chap. 2. THe King in the moneth of Iuly after his coronation being the yeere 1484. held a generall and free assembly of the States of 1484 his realme at Touars far otherwise than had beene vsed in his fathers daies for none came to these generall assemblies in his time but such as were of his owne denomination neither durst any man speake his minde freely but was forced in all matters to yeeld to the Kings will which was for the most part vnreasonable and violent But at this assemblie the presence was great the voices free the complaints lamentable the Nobilitie Commons and Clergie euery one of them presented their griefes complaining of the burdens that the late King contrary to the lawes of the realme and customes of their ancestors had laid vpon them In this assembly it was enacted that there should be no Regent in Fraunce but that Anne Lady of Beauieu the Kings eldest sister should haue the
4 Of the war the king made in Britaine and of the Earle of Dunois ambassage to the king for peace page 252 Chap. 5 Of the battell of Saint Albin wherein the Duke of Orleans was taken prisoner of the treatie of peace betweene the king and the Duke of Britaine and of the said Duke of Britaines death page 255 Chap. 6 Of the kings marriage with the Lady Anne of Britaine whereby Britaine was vnited to the crowne of Fraunce page 258 Chap. 7 Of the troubles in England and how the king of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin and of the peace betweene the king and him and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the king of Romaines men page 259 Chap. 8 Of the restitution of the countries of Roussillon and Parpignan to the king of Spaine of the Emperor Fredericks death of the peace betweene the king of Romaines and the king and of the Duke of Orleans deliuery out of prison page 262 The seuenth Booke The Progloue of the Author containing that which he mindeth to treate of in this historie following page 265 Howe Rene D. of Lorraine came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchie of Bar the Earledome of Prouence which king Charles held and how he failed to enter into the realme of Naples whereunto he pretented title as the king did and what right both of them had thereunto page 266 Chap. 2 How the Prince of Salerne in the realm of Naples came into Fraunce and how Lodouic Sforce surnamed the Moore and he sought to perswade the king to make war vpon the king of Naples and for what cause page 268 Chap. 3 How king Charles the 8 made peace with the king of Romaines and the Archduke of Austriche restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders before he made his voiage to Naples page 274 Chap. 4 How the king sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterpised his voiage to Naples and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage page 275 Chap. 5 How king Charles departed from Vienna in Daulphin to conquer the realme of Naples in person and what his nauie vpon the sea did vnder the leading of the D. of Orleans page 278 Chap. 6 How the king remaining yet in Ast resolued to passe foorth towards Naples at the earnest sute of Lodouic Sforce How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice of the D. of Milans death after whose decease the said Lodouic seized vpon the Duchy to the preiudice of a sonne the said D. left behinde him page 281 Chap. 7 How Peter of Medicis yeelded fower of the Florentines strongest places to the king and how the king restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient libertie page 284 Chap. 8 How the king departed from Pisa to Florence of the flight ruin of Peter de Medices page 287 Chap. 9 How the king entred into Florence and through what other townes he passed till he came to Rome page 289 Chap. 10 How the king sent the Cardinall Petriad Vincula to Ostie what the Pope did at Rome in the meane time and how the king entred into Rome maugre all his enimies page 291 Chap. 11 How king Alfonse caused his sonne Ferrand to be crowned king and then fled himselfe into Sicilie with a discourse of the euill life that his father the old Ferrand and he had lead page 295 Chap. 12 How the yoong Ferrand after he was crowned king of Naples went and encamped at Saint Germain to resist the kings cōming of the treaty that K. Charles made with the Pope at Rome page 297 Chap. 13 How the King departed from Rome towards Naples what happened in the meane time in diuers partes of the said realme and through what places he passed till he came to Naples page 299 Chap. 14 How King Charles was crowned King of Naples of the faults he committed in the defence of the realme and how an enterprise attempted on his behalfe against the Turke was discouered by the Venetians page 301 Chap. 15 A discourse somwhat out of the course of the history wherin Philip de Commines Author of this present woorke treateth amply of the estate and gouernment of the Seniorie of Venice and of those things that he saw there and were done there during the time of his ambassage to the said Seniorie for the King page 304 The eight Booke Chap. 1 Of the order and prouision the King left in the realme of Naples at his returne into Fraunce page 314 Chap. 2 How the king departed from Naples and passed againe through Rome whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette of the communication the king had with Monseur d'Argenton at his returne from Venice how he tooke aduise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not and of the sermons woorthie of memorie of frier Ierom of Florence page 316 Chap. 3 How the King retained in his hands the town of Pisa and certaine other of the Florentines places and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre a towne of the Duchie of Milan page 319 Chap. 4 How King Charles passed diuers dangerous straights in the mountaines betweene Pisa and Seriaue how the towne of Pontreme was burned by his Almaines and how the Duke of Orleans behaued himselfe in the meane time at Nouarre page 321 Chap. 5 How the kings great artillery passed the mounts Appenines by the Almaines helpe of the danger the Marshall of Gie was in with his vaward and how the King arriued at Fornoue page 324 Chap. 6 Of the battell of Fornoue wherein the enimies of Fraunce were put to flight and how the Earle of Petillane who the same day brake the Kings prison relied them togither againe page 329 Chap. 7 How the Lord of Argenton went himselfe alone to parle with the enimies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the towne of Ast page 336 Chap. 8 How the king sent ships to the sea to succour the castles of Naples why the said castles could not be succoured page 341 Chap. 9 Of the great famine and miserie the D. of Orleans his men were in at Nouarre of the Marchionesse of Montferrats death likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes and how after long deliberation the king inclined to peace to saue those that were besieged page 343 Chap. 10 How the D. of Orleans and his company were deliuered by composition out of their great miserie in Nouarre where they were besieged and of the Swissers arriuall that came to succour the king and the said D. of Orleans page 349 Chap. 11 How the peace was concluded betweene the king and the D. of Orleans on the one side and the enimies on the other and of the conditions and articles thereof page 351 Chap. 12 How the king sent the Lord of Argenton
became his seruant till the houre of his death The occasion of the wars betweene Lewis the 11. and the Earle of Charolois afterward Duke of Burgundie Chapter 1. AFter I was past my childehood and able to ride 1 I was presented at Lisle to Charles then Earle of Charolois and after his fathers death D. of Burgundie who receiued me into his seruice the yeere 1464. About three daies after my comming thither arriued at the saide towne of Lisle the Earle of Eu the Chauncellor of Fraunce named Moruillier the Archbishop of Narbonne 2 sent thither in ambassage from the king who in presence of D. Philip of Burgundie his sonne the Earle of Charolois and their whole councill in open court had their audience Moruilliers speech was very bitter for he charged the Earle of Charolois there present that at his late being in Holland he had caused a little French ship of war of Diepe to be arrested and therein a bastard of Rubempre whom also he had imprisoned charging him that he was come thither to take him prisoner and causing this brute euery where to be published 3 especially at Bruges whither strangers of all nations resort by a knight of Burgundie named sir Oliuer de la Marche 4 wherefore the King finding himselfe wrongfully burdened heerewith as he said 5 required D. Philip to sende this sir Oliuer de la Marche prisoner to Paris there to be punished according as the case required Whereunto D. Philip answered that the said sir Oliuer was steward of his house borne in the Countie of Burgundie 6 and in no respect subiect to the crowne of Fraunce Notwithstanding if it could be duly proued that he had said or done any thing preiudicial to the Kings honor he would see him punished according as the fault should deserue And as touching the bastard of Rubempre he said that true it was that he was apprehended for great causes of suspicion giuen and strange behauior vsed by him and his men about the towne of Lahaye 7 in Holland where at that present his sonne the Earle of Charolois remained adding that if the said Earle were suspicious he tooke it not of him for he was neuer so but of his mother who had been the most ielous Ladie that euer liued But notwithstanding quoth he that I my selfe neuer were suspicious yet if I had bin in my sonnes place at the same time that this bastard of Rubempre haunted those coasts I would sure haue caused him to be apprehended as my sonne did Lastly he promised that if this bastard were not guiltie of this fact to waite a purpose to haue taken his sonne as common report said he was he would foorthwith deliuer him out of prison and sende him to the King according to his ambassadors demands The D. answer ended Moruillier began againe charging with great and heinous offences Frances D. of Britaine and alledging that at the Earle of Charolois late being at Tours whither he went to visit the king the said D. and he had giuen their faith ech to other in writing to become brethren in armes which writings he said were enterchangeablie deliuered by the hands of master Tanneguy du Chastel who since hath been gouernor of Roussillon and borne some swaie in this realme This fact Moruillier aggrauated in such sort that nothing he omitted in setting foorth this offence that might tend to the disgrace and dishonor of a Prince Whereunto the Earle of Charolois made offer eftsoones to answere being maruellously out of patience to heare such reprochfull speeches vsed of his friend and confederate But Moruillier euer cut him off saying My Lord of Charolois I am not come of ambassage to you but to my L. your Father The said Earle besought his father diuers times to giue him leaue to answer who in the end said thus vnto him I haue answered for thee as me thinketh the father should answer for the sonne notwithstanding if thou haue so great desire to speake bethinke thy selfe to day and to morrow speake and spare not Then Moruillier to his former speech added that he could not imagine what had mooued the Earle to enter into this league with the D. of Britaine vnlesse it were bicause of a pension 8 the King had once giuen him togither with the gouernment of Normandy and afterward again taken from him The next day in presence of the selfe same audience the Earle of Charolois kneeling vpon a veluetcushion directed his speech to his father and began with this bastard of Rubempre affirming the causes of his imprisonment to be iust lawfull as the course of his arraignment should well declare Notwithstanding I thinke nothing was euer prooued against him though I confesse the presumptions to haue been great Fiue yeeres after I my selfe saw him deliuered out of prison This point thus answered the Earle began to discharge the D. of Britaine and himselfe saying that true it was that the D. and he were entred into league and amitie had sworn themselues brethren in armes but that this league tended in no respect to the preiudice of the King or his realme but rather to the seruice and defence thereof if neede should so require Lastly as touching the pension taken from him he answered that he neuer receiued but one quarters benefit thereof to the value of nine thousand francks 9 and that for his part he neuer made sute neither for it nor the gouernment of Normandy for so long as he enioied the fauor and good will of his father he should not need to craue of any man I thinke verily had it not been for the reuerence he bare to his said father who was there present and to whom he addressed his speech that he would haue vsed much bitterer termes In the end D. Philip very wisely and humbly besought the King lightly not to conceiue an euill opinion of him or his sonne but to continue his fauor towards them Then the banquet was brought in and the ambassadors tooke their leaue both of the father and the sonne But after the Earle of Eu and the Chauncellor had taken their leaue of the Earle of Charolois who stood a good way from his father he said thus to the Archbishop of Narbonne that passed forth the last of the ambassadors Remember my most humble dutie to the King and tell him he hath made his Chauncellor to vse me very homely heere but before a yeeres end he shall repent it which message the Archbishop did to the King at his returne into Fraunce as heereafter you shall perceiue These Moruilliers words aboue rehearsed caused the Earle of Charolois hatred against the King to take deepe roote the seedes whereof were before sowne by the Kings late redeeming of the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme 10 namely Amiens Abbeuille Saint Quintin and the rest which king Charles the 7. had engaged by the treatie of Arras to his father D. Philip of Burgundie to haue and to holde to him and
coasted continually along by the Earles campe but could not endamage him for his force was so small that when the Earle drew neare to Paris he retired thither All the way as the Earle passed he made no war but what his men took they paid for wherfore the towns vpon the riuer of Somme all other townes that he passed by receiued his men in small troupes and sold them for their money whatsoeuer they would buy as men resting in suspence whether the king or the princes should haue the vpper hand 8 So far marched the Earle that he came to S. Dennis neare to Paris where all the Lords of the realme had promised to meete him but none came notwithstanding that the Vicechauncellor of Britaine the D. and Ambassadorresident in the Earles campe forged newes of their comming from time to time at his owne pleasure vpon certaine blanks that he had signed with his masters hand he was a Norman borne and a very wise and sufficient man and so it behooued him to be for the whole campe murmured against him The Earle of Charolois shewed himselfe before Paris 9 where was a hot skirmish hard at the towne gates but to the Citizens disaduantage Men of war within the towne were none saue onely the Marshall Ioachin with his companie and the Lord of Nantoillet afterward Lord great Master who did the King as good seruice in these wars as euer did subiect King of Fraunce at his neede and yet in the ende was euill recompensed rather by his enimies malice than the Kings fault though neither of both are cleerely to be excused The poore people of the citie were in so great feare the day of the skirmish that they cried often as I was afterwards credibly enformed that we were entred the towne but without cause Notwithstanding the L. of Hault-bourdin aboue mentioned who had been brought vp in the towne when it was nothing so strong as now it is gaue aduise to assault it and the soldiers desired nothing more contemning the townes men bicause the skirmishes were hard at their gates yet the contrary opinion tooke place whereupon the Earle retired to S. Denis The next day in the morning he debated with his Councill whether he should go to meet with the Dukes of Berry and Britaine or not who were at hand as the Vicechauncellor of Britaine said shewing also their letters testifying the same but he had forged them vpon his blanks and other newes knew he none In the end the Earle resolued to passe the riuer of Seine notwithstanding that the most part of his Councill gaue aduise to returne home seeing the rest of the confederates had broken day alledging it to be sufficient to haue passed the riuers of Somme and Marne and more than needed to passe this riuer of Seine Some also put foorth great doubts bicause we had no places on our backe to retire into if we should be distressed But all this notwithstanding the Earle passed the riuer and encamped at Pont S. Clou 10 wherefore the whole army murmured much against the Earle of S. Paule and this Vicechauncellor who were the principall perswaders of him thereunto The next day after his arriuall there he receiued letters from a Lady of this land written with hir owne hand wherein she aduertised him that the King was departed out of Bourbonnois and came downe with all speede to fight with him I must heere declare the occasion of the Kings voyage into Bourbonnois which was this So soone as he vnderstood that all the princes of his realme had conspired against him at the least against his gouernment he determined to preuent them and before they were assembled to inuade the D. of Bourbon who was the first that openly discouered himselfe to be of the confederacie 11 and bicause his countrey was weake he hoped soone to subdue it as in deede diuers places he tooke and would easily haue taken all had not succours come thither out of Burgundie vnder the leading of the L. Coulches the Marquesse of Rottelin the L. of Montague and others with whom Master VVilliam of Rochefort Chauncellor of Fraunce a man at this day of great estimation was also in armes This force was leuied in Burgundie by the sollicitation of the Earle of Beauieu and the Gardinall of Bourbon 12 brethren to D. Iohn of Bourbon and by them receiued into Molines Aide came also of another side to the D. of Bourbon vnder the leading of the D. of Nemours the Earle of Armignac and the L. of Albert being accompanied with a great band of soldiers some of the which were good men of armes of their countries who lately had forsaken the Kings pay and put themselus into their seruice But the greatest part of their men were vtterly vnfurnished of all things and forced for lacke of pay to liue vpon the poore people The King notwithstanding these their great forces gaue themynough to do wherefore in the end they fell to treate of peace especially the D. of Nemours who solemnly promised and sware to take part with him and yet did afterwards the contrary whereupon the King conceiued so great displeasure against him that afterward he could neuer brooke him as eftsoones he hath told me To be short the King perceiuing that he could not atchieue his enterprise in Bourbonnois so speedily as at the first he hoped and fearing if the Earle of Charolois forces which approched neare to Paris and the forces of the Duke of Berry his owne brother and of the D. of Britaine which were comming out of Britaine should ioine togither that the Parisians would receiue them into their towne bicause they all pretended the common wealth for colour of their enterprise knowing also that as the towne of Paris did so all the other townes in his realme would follow for these causes I say he resolued with all speed possible to put himselfe into Paris meaning to keepe these two great armies asunder but his purpose was not to fight as he hath himselfe diuers times told me in communing of these affaires The Notes 1. The Earle of S. Paul had betrothed his daughter to the L. of Croys sonne but seeing the Earle of Charalois hatred against the said Croy he would haue broken off the mariage againe but Croy in whose house the said daughter remained contrarie to hir fathers wil made vp the match for the which cause the Earle of S. Paul hated the said Croy to the death Annal. Burgund 2. The Earle of Charolois besides this matter heere alleaged charged Iohn L. of Croy that he had called him great diuell threatned him and sought to poison him Meyer 3. Euery French man of armes is allowed three men to accompanie him in the wars one to beare his headpeece called in Latin Ferentarius and two archers La Marche but the Burgundians had heere some 5. some 6. 4 These archers were bow-men mounted on horsebacke as harquebusiers on horsebacke are now 5 He that maketh such offer of
as these were especially neither party inclining to reason But some there are so blinded with vaine glorie that they thinke themselues able to deale in matters that oftentimes they vnderstand not for their Masters do not alwaies discouer to them the bottom of their thoughts To such it often happeneth that they go but to furnish the feast yea many times to their owne cost for euer one by-fellow or other accompanieth them that hath some secret practise apart at the least thus haue I seene the matter ordered at all times and in all places where I haue been Wherefore as I said before that Princes ought to be circumspect whom they imploy in their affaires so say I now that those that are imploied ought to take heede how they negotiate in Princes businesses And who so can shift off the charge vnlesse he vnderstand it throughly well and perceiue his Master to be well affected thereunto is to be accounted wise for I haue knowen many a good man in a pecke of troubles with such affaires Princes also I haue seene of two contrarie dispositions the one so subtill and suspicious that a man can neuer be acquainted with their humor for they thinke all the world bent to deceiue them the other trust their seruants well ynough but they themselues are so grosse and vnderstand so little of their owne affaires that they know not who doth them good seruice or bad whereby they alter their mindes in a moment from loue to hatred and from hatred to loue And notwithstanding that of either sort few are good and constant yet I for my part had rather liue vnder the wise than the foolish bicause there are more waies to auoid their displeasure and recouer their fauour lost but with the ignorant a man can deuise no shift for no man dealeth with themselues in any matter but altogither with their seruants whom also they change as oft as the winde Notwithstanding in those countries where such Princes raigne all men are of dutie bound to serue and obey them Wherfore all things considered our onely hope ought to be in God for he alone is constant he onely is good but this lesson we learne too late yea neuer before we neede his helpe notwithstanding it is better late than neuer THE SECOND BOOKE Of the wars betweene the Burgundians and Liegeois and how the towne of Dinand was taken sacked and rased Chap. 1. IMmediately after these troubles aboue mentioned ended in France the Duke of Burgundie yeere by yeere had war with the Liegeois against whom when the King sawe him busied he vsually attempted some enterprise against the Britons sending also some small aide to the said Liegeois whereupon the Duke foorthwith either turned his force against the King to succour his confederates or they concluded some treatie or truce Now you shall vnderstand that in the yeere 1466. Dinand was taken by the Duke of Burgundie 1 being a towne in the country of Liege strong and rich for the bignes thereof by reason of their great trade of copper works commonly called Dinandrie being pots pans and such like implements Philip Duke of Burgundie who died in the moneth of Iune in the yeere 1467 in his extreme age was borne thither in a litter so much hated he the said towne bicause of their great crueltie vsed against his subiects in the countie of Namur especially against a little towne called Bouuines situate within a quarter of a league of Dinand and seuered onely with the riuer of Maze For not long before the time I now write of they of Dinand besieged the said towne of Bouuines the riuer running betweene 2 the space of eight moneths committed many cruell murthers in the countrie thereabout and shot all that space continually with two bombards and other great peeces of artillerie into the towne so that the poore people were constrained to saue themselues in their sellers and there to abide It is almost incredible the great hatred that was betweene these two towns notwithstanding that their children vsually married togither bicause there was no other good towne neere them The yeere before the destruction of Dinand being the same sommer the Earle of Charolois came before Paris with the Princes of Fraunce as you before haue hard they made a treatie with the Duke of Burgundie whereby they agreed to giue him a certaine summe of money to abandon their league with the citie of Liege and to gouerne their estate apart a manifest token of imminent destruction when they that ought to continue togither in amitie seuer themselues and forsake each other which I speake as well to great Princes in league togither as to townes and commonalties But bicause I suppose euerie man to haue seene and read a number of examples to this purpose I will lightlie passe ouer this discourse onely noting by the way that King Lewis our Master was the finest and cunningest Prince in dissoluing freindship betweene men that euer I knew for he spared neither money goods nor traueill but labored as well the seruants as the masters Now to returne to the historie they of Dinand soone repented them of the treatie aboue mentioned for they cruelly put to death foure of their best citizens that had beene the chiefe perswaders of them thereunto and began war a newe in the countie of Namur wherefore partlie for these considerations partlie bicause of the earnest sollicitation of the citizens of Bouuines D. Philip laid the siege before the towne but the charge of the whole army was committed to his son Thither came also from his own house the Earle of S. Paul Counstable of France to aide the Duke not by the Kings commandement nor with the men of armes that were vnder his charge but with such force onely as he had leuied in the marches of Picardie Once they of Dinand made a proud sallie and were repulsed to their great losse and the eight day after the towne being maruellouslie beaten with canon was taken by assault 3 so that their freinds had not leisure to bethinke them whether they should aide them or not The towne was burnt and rased and the prisoners being to the number of eight hundred drowned before Bouuines 4 Sure the reuenge was cruell vpon them but I thinke God had so ordeined it bicause of their great wickednes The next day after the towne was taken the Liegeois came thither with great force 5 to succour it contrary to their promise for by the treatie aboue mentioned they and the towne of Dinand had abandoned each other Duke Philip bicause of his old age returned home but his sonne with the whole armie marched against the Liegeois whom we met sooner than we looked for For by chance our vaward missed the way for lacke of guides by meanes wherof our battell met first with them wherin were the principall Captaines of our armie It was almost night when we arriued at the place where they lodged yet notwithstanding we marched against them but
to receiue him and brought him into the towne and lodged him in a goodly house neere to the castell being the receiuers for the castell was a little old thing naught woorth War betweene two great Princes is easily begun but hardly ended bicause of the number of accidents depending thereupon for each partie dispatcheth messengers to and fro to hurt his enimie which suddenly cannot be staied nor reuoked as appeered by these two Princes who concluded this meeting vpon a sudden not aduertising their seruants thereof who were far from them executing the charge their Masters had giuen them For you shall vnderstand that the Duke had sent for his armie into Burgundie being furnished at that time with a number of gentlemen namely the Lord of Bresse of the house of Sauoy his two brethren the Bishop of Geneua and the Earle of Remont for the Sauoyans and Burgundians haue euer borne great loue one to another In this armie were also certaine Almaines borderers vpon Sauoy and the county of Burgundy Now you shall vnderstand that the King in times past had held the Lord of Bresse in prison bicause of two Knights he commanded to be slaine in Sauoy wherefore there was no good will betweene them two In this armie were also the Lord of Vrfé Master of the horse afterward to King Charles Master Poncet of Riuiere and the Lord of Lau whom the King after speciall good liking of him had also held long in prison but he escaped and fled into Burgundy All this company aboue mentioned arriued neere to Peronne euen at the very instant that the King came thither and the Lord of Bresse with the three aboue mentioned euery one of them wearing the Saint Andrewes crosse entred the towne supposing they had come time ynough to accompanie the Duke when he should go to receiue the King but bicause they came too late they went straight to the Dukes chamber to do their dutie to him where the Lord of Bresse humbly besought him that the three aboue named notwithstanding the Kings comming might be there vnder his safegard and protection as he had promised them in Burgundie at their first arriuall into his dominions adding that they were ready to serue him against all men none excepted which request the Duke granted with his owne mouth and for their good wil thanked them The rest of this army led by the Marshal of Burgundy lodged without the towne as they were appointed The said Marshall hated the King no lesse than the others aboue named bicause of Pinall a towne in Lorraine which the King had once giuen him and afterward taken from him to bestow vpon Iohn Duke of Calabria so often mentioned in this historie The King being foorthwith aduertised of these noble mens arriuall and the apparell they ware 1 fell suddenly into great feare and sent to the Duke desiring him that he might lodge in the castell bicause all these aboue named were his enimies The Duke reioiced to see him in such feare and caused his lodging to be made there willing him to be of good cheere and doubt nothing The Notes 1 He meaneth by apparell the Saint Andrewes crosse A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and noble men Chap. 6. IT is greatfolly for one Prince to put him selfe vnder the power of another especially when they are in war togither as those Princes well know that haue studied histories in their youth wherein they finde diuers examples of great falshood and treason vsed in times past at such enteruiewes and of diuers that haue staied as prisoners and slaine those that haue come to them vnder their surety 1 I say not that all haue vsed so to do but the example of one is sufficient to teach a number wit how to looke to themselues I my selfe for my part haue seene some experience in the world hauing been by the space of eighteene yeeres and better emploied continually in Princes seruices and priuy all that while to the waightiest and secretest affaires that haue passed in this realme or the countries bordering vpon it and sure in mine opinion the best way to learne wisedome is to read ancient histories which will teach vs by example of our auncesters wisely to behaue our selues safely to defende our selues and aduisedly to attempt any enteprise For our life is so short that experience cannot sufficiently instruct vs considerlng withal that our yeers are abridged and neither our liues so long nor our bodies so strong as were our ancesters in ages past which way as we are weakned so is our faith also each to other much diminished 2 in such sort that I know not how one man may assure himselfe of another especially great Princes who are commonly inclined to all wilfulnes without any regarde of reason and which is woorst of all haue for the most part such men about them as study onely to flatter them and sooth them in al their dooings be they good or bad and if some one endeuor himselfe to redresse this inconuenience all the rest will straight be vpon his top Farther I must needes blame ignorant and vnlearned Princes in this respect also they haue all commonly about them great clarkes and lawyers as it is requisite they should if they be good but if they be otherwise they are the dangerousest people in the world to be about a Prince for they haue euer a law or an history at their fingers ends which be it neuer so good they writhe and wrest in such sort that they wil make blacke white and white blacke But those Princes that be wise and haue read as well as they will not suffer themselues to be abused by them neither dare they be so hardy as to report vntruths to such Princes Farther thinke you that God hath established the office of a King or Prince to be executed by such beasts as glory in saying I am no scholer I trust my Councell well enough and refer all matters to them and so without farther answer depart to their sports and pastimes No no if they had been well trained vp in their youth they would vse other language and seeke to be esteemed for their owne vertues and woorthines I say not that all Princes are serued by euill conditioned persons but sure the most part of those that I haue seene haue not alwaies had their courts vnfurnished of such although some I confesse I haue knowne that in time of necessitie could make choise of their men and vse the seruice of the best and wisest Wherein sure the King our master far passed all the Princes of his time for neuer Prince aduanced so highly nor made so great account of wise and woorthy men as he did He was himselfe reasonably well learned 3 he was very inquisitiue and desirous to vnderstand of all matters and had an excellent wit which passeth all learning attained to by studie for as reading profiteth two maner of waies the one by
acquainting vs with ages past and the other by teaching vs more in a booke in three monthes than twenty men liuing successiuely can learne by experience so if a man lack wit to put that which he readeth in practise his reading serueth to no purpose Wherfore to end this discourse me think the greatest plague that God can lay vpon a realme is to giue them an vnwise Prince the roote and fountaine of all mischiefe for first diuision and ciuill wars arise thereof among his subiects bicause he giueth his authority to others which especially aboue all things he ought to reserue to himselfe After diuision ensueth famine and mortality and all other euils that accompany the wars wherefore heereby we may consider how much a Princes subiects ought to lament when they see his children wantonly brought vp and gouerned by euill conditioned persons The Notes 1 Of treasons in treaty we haue numbers of examples First of Iugurtha taken by his father in law Boccus and deliuered to the Romaines Sertorius slaine at a banquet by Perpenna In England we haue the treason of Hengist to Vortiger In Scotland we reade of William Earle of Douglasse slaine by Iames King of Scots in treaty In Germanie Albert Earle of Franconia betraied in treaty by Ottho Bishop of Mentz Iohn of Angieu slaine by Albertus Bauarus Earle of Henault and Flanders notwithstanding his safe conduct In Fraunce Iohn Duke of Burgundie slaine by Charles the 7. William Duke of Normandie by Arnulph Earle of Flanders Lewis King of Fraunce taken prisoner by the Normans and Danes at Roan Iohn Duke of Britaine taken at a banquet and imprisoned by Margaret Countisse of Pontibera Guido Earle of Flanders twice taken prisoner vnder safeconduct by Philip le Bell King of Fraunce Charles the simple slaine by the Earle of Vermandoys VVhat should I speake of the tresons of Ferrande and Alfonse Kings of Naples or of Christiern King of Denmarke with numbers of others recorded in histories as our author heere very truly reporteth 2 Others be of a contrarie opinion that our life is as long as in Dauids time appeereth by the 90. Psalme where he sheweth the vsuall age of man in his time to haue beene 70. and sometime 80. yeers which men reche to at this day also and if mans life be as long now as then it is a good consequent that his body is as strong as is to be prooued by manie reasons too long to reherse Now that our faith is as good as theirs appeereth also by the ancient histories for if this be a true saying Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis And the Princes in times past were so euill as none could be worse as who so list to reade without partiality shal be forced to confesse I see no reason that the world should be worse now then in times past although it seeme so to many bicause we see the worst of our owne age yea and feele too many times but commonly the histories deliuer to vs but the best of times past and burie the worst and though they did yet the euill seene with our eie is more liuely imprinted in minde then the euill we conceiue by our eare which is the cause men euer thinke better of the times past then the present estate 3 Imaruell if King Lewis were learned he would haue his sonne to learne onely this lesson Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare How and for what cause the King was staied and held prisoner in the castell of Peronne by the Duke of Burgundies commandement Chap. 7. YOu haue heard how the King and this army of Burgundie arriued at Peronne both in one istant for the Duke could not countermand them in time bicause they were well forward vpon the way when the Kings comming was first communed of Their arriuall troubled the feast bicause of diuers doubts that sprang thereof Notwithstanding these two Princes appointed certeine of their seruants to negotiate togither about their affaires in most louing and freindly sort But after three or foure daies communication these strange newes came from Liege which I will now reherse The K. comming to Peronne had cleane forgotten the two ambassadors sent to Liege to sollicite them to rebell against the Duke who so diligently executed their charge that before the Kings arriuall at Peronne the Liegeois had leuied great force and were gone to surprise the towne of Tongres where the Bishop of Liege and the Lord of Hymbercourt lodged accompanied with two thousand men and better and the said Bishop and Hymbercourt they tooke with certein other of the Bishops familiar friends but few they slew neither was the number of the prisoners great the rest fled as men discomfited leauing bag and bagage behinde them This done the Liegeois returned towards their citie not far distant from Tongres and vpon the way thitherward the Lord of Hymbercourt compounded for his ransome with a knight called Master VVilliam de Ville named by the French Le Sauuage who fearing lest this furious people should kill him suffered him to depart vpon his word which notwithstanding he neuer chalenged for soon after himselfe was slaine the people reioiced much for the taking of their Bishop Farther you shall vnderstand that they hated extremely certaine chanons of the Church taken prisoners that day of whom for the first repast they slew fiue or sixe one of the which was named Master Robert the Bishops speciall friend whom I my selfe haue often seene armed at all peeces waiting vpon his Master for such is the maner of the Alemaigne Prelates 1 The said Master Robert they slew in the Bishops presence and hewed him into a number of small gobbets which they threw one at another in dirision To be short before their returne to Liege which was but eight leagues from Tongres they slew sixteen chanons and others all in maner the Bishops seruants This done they receiued aduertisement that the treatie betweene the King and the Duke was alreadie begun wherefore they dismissed certaine Burgundians supposing to excuse their fault by seeming to haue attempted nothing against the Duke but only against their Bishop whom they led prisoner into the citie Those that escaped put all the countrie in an vprore as they went by means whereof this newes came soone to the Duke some said all were slaine others the contrarie for such aduertisements are neuer reported after one sort At the length certaine arriued that saw these chanons slaine who supposing the Bishop and Hymbercourt to be of the number auowed constantly that all were murthered and farther that they saw the Kings ambassadors in the companie whom also they named All this was told the Duke who foorthwith beleeued it and fell into an extreme furie saying that the King was come thither to abuse him and gaue commandement to shut the gates of the castell and the towne spreading a fond rumor that he did it bicause of a budget with iewels and monie that was lost The King
further the King assured by letters as well the Emperor as diuers Princes and townes that so soon as the Emperor with his army should be come to Coulon he would send twenty thousand men to ioin with him vnder the leading of the Lord of Cran and Sallezarde Thus this Dutch army prepared to march being greater than is almost credible 2 for all the Princes of Almaine as well spirituall as temporall all the Bishops townes and commonalties had men there yea so great numbers euery one of them that as I was informed the Bishop of Munster who is none of the richest Bishops had in this army sixe thousand footemen fourteene hundred horsemen and twelue hundred waggons all couered with greene true it is that his Bishoprick lieth neere to Nuz 3 The Emperor was seuen moneths in leuying this army which time expired he came and encamped within halfe a league of the Duke of Burgundy by diuers of whose men I haue beene aduertised that though the King of Englands army and the Dukes had beene ioined both togither yet should they not haue beene the third part of the Emperors neither in men nor in tents and pauilions Besides the Emperors force was also this other army aboue mentioned which lay directly ouer against the Duke on the other side of the riuer and endamaged greatly his campe and cut off much of his victuals When the Emperor and the Princes of the Empire were come before Nuz they sent to the King a Doctor of great authoritie with them called He seuare afterward a Cardinall who came to sollicite the King to performe his promise and send the forces whereof he had assured the Emperor by letters otherwise to tell him that the Almaines would conclude peace The King put him in good hope that he would so do and gaue him a present of fower hundred crownes and sent with him to the Emperor one called Iohn Tiercelin Lord of Brosse notwithstanding the Doctor departed nothing well contented During this siege maruellous practises were entertained The King trauelled to conclude peace with the Duke of Burgundie at the least to prolong the truce to the end the English men should not passe the seas The King of England on the other side labored to the vttermost of his power to perswade the Duke to depart from Nuz and performe his promise by aiding him to make war in Fraunce alleaging that the sommer was far spent And the Lord of Scalles a curteous Knight nephew to the Constable of Fraunce with diuers others was twise sent ambassador to the Duke to sollicite him thereunto but he was obstinate Whereby it manifestly appeered that God had troubled his wits and vnderstanding for all his life time he had labored the English men to passe into Fraunce and now when they were in a readines and all things prepared for the wars as well in Britaine as elsewhere he lay obstinately before a place impregnable With the Emperor was a legate sent from the Pope who rode daily betweene the two camps to treate of peace The King of Denmarke came also thither and trauelled to pacifie this controuersie being lodged in a little towne hard by both the armies so that the Duke might haue departed to the English men with honorable conditions Notwithstanding he would not but excused himselfe to the King of England vpon his honor which he said should be stained if he leuied his siege with diuers such like slender excuses Heere you must note that these were not those English men that in the time of Duke Philip his father had made war so long in this realme but these were yoong soldiers vtterly vnacquainted with our French affaires Wherefore the Duke proceeded very fondly if he meant to vse their helpe for he should the first sommer haue been continually with them leading them from place to place and instructing them what was to be done While the Duke lay thus obstinately before Nuz war arose against him on two or three sides for the Duke of Lorraine who hitherto had been in peace with him sent to defie him before Nuz by the Lord of Crans perswasion who to further the Kings affaires allured the Duke of Lorraine thereunto assuring him that it would turne greatly to his profit Incontinent the said Duke of Lorraine put himselfe into the field and spoiled all the Duchie of Luxembourg and razed a place there called Pierre-forte two leagues from Nancy Further by the Kings procurement and certaine of his seruants a league was made for ten yeeres betweene the Swissers and certaine townes vpon the riuer of Rhene 4 namely Basill Strasbourg and others which before had beene their enimies Peace was also concluded betweene Duke Sigismond of Austrich and the said Swissers the conditions whereof were that Duke Sigismond should take againe the countie of Ferrette 5 which he had engaged to the Duke of Burgundie for a 100000. florens But this one article remained yet in variance betweene Duke Sigismond and them namely that the Swissers required passage through fower townes of the countie of Ferrette 6 at their pleasure which controuersie was referred to the Kings arbitrament who pronounced sentence for the Swissers Heereby you may perceiue what enimies the King stirred vp couertly against the Duke of Burgundie As the matter was concluded so also was it executed for in a faire moone shine night Peter Archambaut 7 gouernor of the countie of Ferrette for the Duke of Burgundie was taken prisoner accompanied with eight hundred soldiers who were all dismissed safe and sound saue himselfe alone whom they led to Basill 8 and there endited of diuers extortions and outrages committed in the said countie of Ferrette and in the end strake off his head Immediately after his death all the countie of Ferrette yeelded to Duke Sigismond and the Swissers began to make war in Burgundie and tooke Blasmond a towne being the Marshals of Burgundie who was of the house of Neuf-chastell and besieged the castell of Hericourt belonging also to the said house of Neuf-chastel whither the Burgundians went to leuie the siege but were discomfited 9 and a great number slaine The said Swissers maruellously endamaged the countrie and then returned home for that time The Notes 1 The citie of Coulon tooke part with the Chapter against the D. of Burgundies Bishop 2 The Emperor had in pay in this armie 80000. men 3 But his Bishoprick is on the other side the riuer of Rhene 4 These townes were Strasbourg Slecstat Basill Colmar c. 5 Ferrette in Dutch Pfirt 6 The townes the Swissers desired passage through were Reinfeld Loufenberg Neustat and Brissac 7 Others call him Peter Hagenbach but the variance ariseth bicause one nameth him by his surname the other by his seigniorie for he was called Peter Archambaut of Hagenbach 8 Others write that he was beheadded at Brisac a towne neere to Basill 9 The Lord of Blasmond led this armie and in this battell the Burgundians lost 2000. men Annal. Burgund How the King wan
suum seque ipsos planè seruassent Siquidem statim post Caroli interitum ambo apud Gandauum accepêre talionem 6 The Constable died the 19. of December 1475. Annal. Franc. Gaguin Meyer in whom read the causes of his death fol. 368. A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the King contrarie to his safe conduct and what ensued thereof Chap. 13. THis deliuerie of the Constable was maruellous strange notwithstanding I speake it not to excuse his faults neither to accuse the Duke for sure he had iust cause to seeke his death But me thinke that he being so great a Prince and of so noble and honorable an house should not haue giuen him a safe conduct and then arrest him And vndoubtedly it was great crueltie to deliuer him where he was sure to die especially for couetousnes But soone after he had thus dishonored himselfe by this deede he receiued great losses and began to fall to ruine So that if we well consider the workes that God hath done in these our daies and daily doth we shal easily perceiue that he will leaue no fault vnpunished and that these strange punishments are inflicted onely by him bicause they surmount far the works of nature For his punishments are sudden especially vpon those that vse violence and cruelty who can not be meane persons but mighty men either in seniories or authority This house of Burgundy had long florished for by the space of a hundred yeeres or thereabout during the which time raigned fower of this house it was more esteemed than any other house in Christendome For all those that were mightier then it had suffered great afflictions and aduersities but it liued continually in perpetual felicity honor The first great Prince of this house was Philip surnamed the Hardy brother to Charles the fift King of Fraunce who maried the daughter and heire of the Earle of Flaunders being Countesse not onely of that countrey but also of Artois Burgundy 1 Neuers and Rethell The second was Iohn the third was the good Duke Philip who ioined to his house the Duchies of Brabant Luxembourg Lambourg and the Counties of Holland Zeland Hainault and Namur The fourth was this Duke Charles who after his fathers death was one of the richest and most redoubted Princes of Christendome and had in moueables namely iewels plate tapestry bookes and naprie more than three of the greatest Princes in Christendome Of treasure in coine I haue seene greater abundance in other Princes Courts for Duke Philip by the space of many yeeres leuied neither subsidies nor taskes yet notwithstanding at his death he left his sonne aboue three hundred thousand crowns in ready money and in peace with all his neighbors which long indured not notwithstanding I will not impute the whole occasion of the wars to him for others were as busie as he His subiects immediately after his fathers death vpon a small request graunted him very willingly a subsidie euerie countrey apart for the terme of ten yeeres amounting yeerly to the summe of 350000. crownes Burgundy not being comprehended therein Yea and at the time he deliuered the Constable he leuied yeerely ouer and aboue the former summe more then 300000. crownes and had aboue 300000. crownes in coine and all the Constables goods that came to his hands amounted hardly to the value of 80000. crownes for he had but 76000. in coine So that the Duke committed this foule fault for small gaine yet was the punishment thereof great for God raised vp an enimie against him of small force of yoong yeeres and of little experience in all things and caused his seruant whom he then most trusted to become false and traiterous He made also the Duke himselfe to mistrust his owne subiects faithfull seruants Are not these such manifest tokens and preparatiues as God vsed in the old Testament against those whose good fortune and prosperitie he meant to chang into misery and aduersitie Yet he neuer humbled himselfe before God but euen till the hower of death attributed all his good successe to his owne wisedome and prowesse before his death he was mightier than any of his predecessors and more esteemed through the whole world Before the Constables deliuerie he was fallen into a maruellous mistrust or great disdaine of his owne subiects for he had sent into Italie for a thousand men of armes Italians Before Nuz also he had great forces of Italians in his campe for the Earle of Campobache had vnder his charge fower hundred men of armes and better This Earle had no possessions for his maintenance for bicause of the wars the house of Aniou had made in the realme of Naples which house he serued he was banished his countrey and lost all his landes and serued euer since his departure out of Italie in Prouence or Lorraine vnder King Rene of Sicile or Duke Nicholas sonne to Duke Iohn of Calabria After whose death the Duke of Burgundie gaue entertainment to most of his seruants especially all his Italians namely this Earle of Campobache Iames Galeot a valiant honorable and faithfull gentleman and diuers others The said Earle of Campobache when he went into Italie to leuie his men receiued of the Duke of Burgundie 40000. duckets in prest for his companie But as he passed through Lions he fell in acquaintance with a Phisition named Master Simon of Pauy by whom he aduertised the King that if he would grant him certaine demands he would promise him at his returne to deliuer the Duke of Burgundy into his hands the like offer made he also to Monseur de Saint Pray then ambassador in Premont for the King Againe at his returne hauing his men of armes lying in the County of Marle he offered the King that so soone as he should be in campe with his Master he would not faile either to kill him or take him prisoner shewing withall the maner how he would do it which was this The Duke rode often about his campe to viewe it mounted vpon a little nagge and very slenderly accompanied at some such time this Earle said he would assault him and execute his enterprise He made yet also another offer to the King namely if the King and the Duke met togither in battell to turne with his men of armes on the Kings side vnder condition that the King would grant him certaine demands The King detested much the treason of this man and of a noble courage aduertised the Duke of his practises by the Lord of Contay aboue mentioned Notwithstanding the Duke would not credit the message supposing that the King sent him this aduertisement to some other end but loued the Earle all the better Wherefore you may see how God had troubled his wits in that he would giue no credit to those manifest demonstrations the King shewed him Well this Earle of Campobache was not so false and traiterous but Iames Galeot was as true and trusty who liued many
againe to the Dukes campe and then reuolted from him as you haue heard when he saw the Almains march of whom being refused he retired as I said before to this castell of Condy. The said Almains marched forward being accompanied with great force of French horse men that had leaue giuen them to be at the battell Diuers also there were that lay in ambushes neere to the place to the end if the D. were discomfited they might get som good prisoner or booty Thus you see the miserable estate this poore Duke of Burgundy was fallen into by refusing good aduise When the two armies ioined the Dukes hauing been already twise discomfited and being but small and in very euill order was incontinent broken and put to flight a great number escaped the rest were either slaine 3 or taken and namely the Duke himselfe died vpon the place Of the maner of his death 4 I will not speake bicause I was not there present but I haue communed with some that were there who told me that they saw him striken to the ground could not succor him bicause they were prisoners Notwithstanding to their iudgement he was not then slaine but after these came a great troupe which slew him in the midst of them stripped him and left him among the dead bodies not knowing who he was 5 This battell 6 was fought the fift of Ianuary 7 1476. vpon Twelfth euen 1477. begining the yeere as Newe yeeres tide The Notes 1 He departed vpon wensday with 180. Meyer saith almost 200. men of armes that is 800. horse and on saturday departed the Lords of Dauge or Augy as Meyer nameth him and Montfort with 120. men of armes that is 480. horse and vpon sunday was the battel Annal. Aquit Meyer Annal. Burgund 2 The castell of Condy was the passage vpon the bridge of the riuer of Moselle Meyer 3 The Duke lost in the battell of Nancy 3000. men Annal. Burgund 4 He had three wounds one with a halberd in the side of his head which claue his head downe to the teeth another with a pike through the haunches and the third a push also with a pike by the fundament Annal. Burg. He was born the 11. of Nouember 1433. and was 34. yeeres old when he began to gouerne he liued 43. yeeres one moneth and 26. daies and gouerned nine yeeres sixe moneths and twenty daies Meyer 5 The name of him that slue Duke Charles was Claude of Bausmont captaine of the castell of Saint Dier in Lorraine The Duke was mounted vpon a blacke courser and seeing his battel 's ouerthrowen tooke a little riuer supposing to haue saued himselfe but in the riuer his horse fell and ouerthrevv him and then this gentleman not knowing him and by reason he vvas deafe not hearing the Duke vvho cried to him for the safetie of his life ran vpon him slue him stripped him and left him lying starke naked in the ditch VVhere the next day after the battell his bodie vvas found so fast frosen in the ice that vvhen it vvas dravven foorth a peece of his cheeke tarried there behinde The Duke of Lorraine to his great honor solemnly buried him himselfe and al his nobles accompanying the corps in mourning attire The place vvhere the Duke vvas slaine vvas hard by S. Iohns Church vvithout Nancy vvhere the Duke of Lorraine erected a crosse for a memoriall thereof The gentleman that slue him died soone after of melancholie vvhen he vnderstood that he had slaine so vvoorthie and couragious a Prince Champier Annales Burgund 6 The battell at Nancy Meyer nameth the battell of Iaruilla 7 Being sunday and as others vvrite ann 1477. but the variance both in this place and diuers others betvveene Commines and them is bicause they end the yeere at Nevv yeeres tide and he not before our Lady day as by the course of his historie is most plaine A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the Duke of Burgundie and of the time his house flourished in prosperitie Chap. 9. I Saw at Milan since his death a signet that I haue often seene him weare at his brest which was a ring set with a camée hauing very curiously cut into it an iron to strike fire 1 wherein his armes were grauen This ring was sold at Milan for two ducats and he that stole it from him was a false knaue that had beene a groome of his chamber Many a time haue I seene him made ready and vnready with great reuerence and solemnitie and that by great personages But now when death came all these honors fleeted away and both he and his house were destroied as you haue heard in the selfesame place where a little before he had consented for couetousnes to deliuer the Constable to death I had knowen him in times past a mightie and honorable Prince as much yea more esteemed and sought to of his neighbours than any Prince in Christendome Further in mine opinion the greatest cause of Gods indignation against him was for that he attributed all his good successe and all the great victories he obtained in this world to his owne wisedome and vertue and not to God as he ought to haue done And vndoubtedly he was endued with many goodly vertues for neuer was Prince more desirous to entertaine noble men and keepe them in good order than he His liberalitie seemed not great 2 bicause he made all men partakers thereof Neuer Prince gaue audience more willingly to his seruants and subiects than he 3 While I serued him he was not cruell but grew maruellous cruel towards his end which was a signe of short life In his apparell and all other kinde of furniture he was woonderfull pompous yea somwhat too excessiue He receiued very honorably all ambassadors and strangers feasting them sumptuously and entertaining them with great solemnitie Couetous he was of glorie which was the chiefe cause that made him mooue so many wars for he desired to imitate those ancient Princes whose fame continueth till this present Lastly hardie he was and valiant as any man that liued in his time but all his great enterprises and attempts ended with himselfe and turned to his owne losse and dishonor for the honor goeth euer with the victorie Yet to say the truth I wot not well whether God powred out greater indignation vpon him or vpon his subiects for he died in battell without any long griefe but they sithence his death neuer liued in peace but in continual war against the which they haue not been able to make resistance bicause of their owne ciuill troubles and diuisions Yea and another thing that most greeueth them is that they that now defend them are strangers who not long since were their enimies namely the Almaines To conclude since the Dukes death neuer man bare them good will no not they that defend them Further if a man consider well their actions it seemeth that their wits were as much troubled as their Princes before his death for they despised
Prince of Wales sonne to King Henry attempt to set vp againe the house of Lancaster passe with the said Prince into England discomfited in the field and slaine both he his brethren and kinsfolks and diuers other noble men of England who in times past had done the like to their enimies After all this the children of these when the world turned reuenged themselues and caused in like maner the others to die which plagues we may be assured hapned not but by the wrath of God But as before I said the realme of England hath this speciall grace aboue all other realmes and dominions that in ciuill wars the people is not destroied the towns be not burned nor razed but the lot of fortune falleth vpon the soldiers especially the gentlemen whom the people enuy to too beyond reason for nothing is perfect in this world After King Edvvard was quiet in his realme and receiued yeerely out of Fraunce fifty thousand crownes paid him in the tower of London and was growen so rich that richer he could not be he died suddenly as it were of melancholy bicause of our Kings mariage that now raigneth with the Lady Margaret the Duke of Austriches daughter For so soone as he was aduertised thereof he fell sicke and began then to perceiue how he had been abused touching the mariage of his daughter whom he made to be named the Lady Daulphinesse Then also was the pension which he receiued out of Fraunce taken from him which he called tribute although indeed it were neither the one nor the other as before I haue declared 10 K. Edward left by his wife two goodly sonnes one Prince of Wales the other D. of Yorke and two daughters The D. of Glocester his brother tooke vpon him the gouernment of his nephew the Prince of Wales being about ten yeeres of age and did homage to him as to his soueraigne Lord and lead him to London pretending that he would there crowne him King hoping by that meanes to get the other brother out of the Sanctuary at London where he was with his mother who began already to be iealous of his proceedings To be short by meanes of the Bishop of Bathe who hauing been somtime of K. Edwards Councell fell afterward into his disgrace and was put in prison and made to fine for his deliuerance the D. of Glocester executed this exploit which you shall now heare This Bishop aduertised the Duke that K. Edvvard being in loue with a certaine Lady promised hir mariage vpon condition that he might lie with hir wherunto she consented so far foorth that the said Bishop maried them togither none being present but they two and he himselfe Which matter this Bishop being a iolly courtier neuer disclosed during K. Edvvards life but caused also the said Lady to conceale it so that it was kept secret After this the said King falling againe in loue maried the daughter of an English knight called the Lord Riuers being a widow and mother of two sonnes But after K. Edvvards death this Bishop of Bathe reuealed this matter to the D. of Glocester whereby he egged him forward not a little to the executing of his mischieuous pretended enterprise For the said D. murthered his two nephewes crowned himselfe King by the name of Richard the third proclaimed his brothers two daughters bastards in open parlament tooke from them their armes and put to death all the faithull seruants of the late King his brother at the least as many as he could lay hands on But this cruelty remained not long vnpunished for when the said King Richard thought himselfe safest and liued in greater pride than any King of England did these hundred yeeres hauing put to death the Duke of Buckingham and hauing a great army in a readines God raised vp an enimy against him of no force I meane the Earle of Richmond then prisoner in Britaine but now King of England of the house of Lancaster though not This error of Commines touching K. Henry the 7. you shall finde controuled by the peâ—egree in the end of this booke the neerest to the crowne 11 whatsoeuer men say at the least so far as I can learne The said Earle told me a little before his departure out of this realme that from the fift yeere of his age he had liued continually like a prisoner a banished man And indeed he had been fifteene yeeres or therabout prisoner in Britaine to Duke Frances that last died into whose hands he fell by tempest of the sea as he fled into Fraunce accompanied with the Earle of Pembroke his vncle I my selfe saw them when they arriued for I was come of a message to the D. at the same time The Duke entreated them gently for prisoners after King Edwards death lent the said Earle great force of men a great nauie with the which he sent him hauing intelligence with the Duke of Buckingham who for this cause was afterward put to death to lande in England but the winde was against him and the seas so rough that he was forced to returne to Diepe and from thence by land into Britaine From whence soone after he departed with his band into Fraunce without taking leaue of the Duke partly bicause he feared to ouercharge the Duke for he had with him fiue hundred English men and partly bicause he doubted lest the Duke would agree with King Richard to his preiudice for he knew that King Richard practised with him to that ende Soone after the King that now is appointed three or fower thousand men to waft him ouer onely and deliuered those that accompanied him a good summe of money and certaine peeces of artillerie and thus passed he ouer in a ship of Normandie to land in Wales where he was borne King Richard foorthwith marched against him but a kinght of England called the Lord Stanley who was married to the Earles mother ioined himselfe with the Earle and brought vnto him at the least 26000. men 12 The battell was giuen King Richard slaine and the Earle crowned King in the field with the said Richards crowne Will you saie that this was fortune No no it was the iudgement of God and for further proofe thereof marke this also Immediately after the King had murthered his two nephews he lost his wife whom some say he murthered also Further he had but one onely sonne who died in like maner incontinent after this murther This example would haue serued better heereafter when I shall speake of King Edwards death for he was yet liuing at the time my former Chapter treateth of but I haue rehearsed it heere to continue my discourse which I am fallen into In like maner we haue seene of late the crowne of Spaine altered after the death of Dom Henry that last died For the said Dom Henry had to wife the King of Portugales sister last deceased by whom he had issue a goodly daughter which notwithstanding succeeded not hir father but was
put from the crowne vnder colour of adulterie committed by hir mother But the matter ended not without great contention and war for the King of Portugale tooke part with his neece and diuers great Lords of Castile ioined with him yet notwithstanding the said Dom Henries sister wife to the son of Dom Iohn King of Arragon obtained the crowne and possesseth it yet at this day and thus this partage was made in heauen as diuers others are Further you haue seene of late daies the King of Scotland and his sonne being thirteene yeeres of age in battell the one against the other the sonne and his faction preuailed and the King was slaine vpon the place 13 This King murthered his owne brother and was charged with diuers other crimes namely the death of his sister and such like You see also the Duchy of Gueldres out of the right line and haue heard what impietie the Duke last deceased vsed against his father Diuers other examples I could rehearse which should manifestly appeere to be punishments and scourges of God which scourges are the principall cause of wars whereof insue mortality and famine all the which euils proceede of lacke of faith Wherefore I conclude considering the wickednes of men especially of great men who know not themselues neither beleeue that there is a God that it is necessarie for euery Prince and gouernor to haue an aduersary to keepe him in feare and humilitie otherwise no man should be able to liue vnder them or neere them The Notes 1 He meaneth that this towne of Gaunt is situate where it is for a plague to the whole countrey of Flaunders which otherwise bicause of the great abundance thereof would soone forget God 2 Fregosi and Fregosini in other histories 3 This diuision began anno 1309. betweene the Abbot of Einsidlen and the village of Suitz and the said Abbot demanded aide of Leopolde Duke of Austrich 4 As for example Leopolde Duke of Austrich brothers sonne to the former that began this diuision whom they slue at the battell of Sempache 9. Iulij ann 1386. 5 The reason heerof reade in Aristot Politic. lib. 1. cap. 2. Problem Anthonii Zimarae 12. 6 Shame commeth of knowledge so that if a man do a fault and for lacke of learning know not that it is a fault he can neuer be ashamed of it nor seeke to amend it 7 1800000. franks are 225000. pound starling after eight souse to the English shilling and the French liuer at two shillings sixe pence starling 8 4700000. franks are 587500. pound starling 9 That is 2500000. franks which amounteth to 312500. pound starling 10 For it was due by the conditions of the treatie 11 How King Henry the seuenth was next heire of the house of Lancaster the pedegree in the end of the worke will declare where also Philip de Commines error is controlled 12 Our Chronicles say but 3000. and some 5000. 13 This King that slue his father in battell was Iames the 4. who married Margaret sister to King Henry the 8. THE SIXT BOOKE How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King Chap. 1. NOw to returne to the principal matter and to proceede in this historie written at your request my Lorde of Vienna while the King brought vnder his subiection the places and townes aboue named in the marches of Picardie his armie lay in Burgundie the generall wherof in apparance was the Prince of Orenge 1 that now is who was borne in the countie of Burgundie and a subiect thereof but lately reuolted the second time from Duke Charles wherefore the King vsed his helpe for he was a great Lord well friended and well beloued both in the said countie and also in the Duchie of Burgundie But the Lord of Cran was the Kings lieutenant and he it was in truth that had the charge of the whole armie and in whom the King reposed his principall trust and sure he was a wise man and faithfull to his Master but somwhat too greedie of his owne gaine The said Lord of Cran when he drew neere the countrie of Burgundie sent the Prince of Orenge before him with certaine others to Digeon to perswade with the citizens to become the Kings subiects which enterprise so well they atchieued by the said Princes meanes that the towne of Digeon and all the other places of the Duchie of Burgundie yeelded to the King Aussonne and certaine castels excepted which held yet for the Ladie of Burgundie The King had promised the Prince of Orenge many goodly estates and to restore him to all his grandfathers inheritance in the countie of Burgundie for the which he was in sute with the Lords of Chauuerguion his vncles 2 whom as he said Duke Charles had fauored to his preiudice For this cause had been often pleaded before him with great solemnitie and once the Duke being accompanied with a number of lawyers gaue iudgement against the Prince at the least thus he reported wherefore he forsooke the Dukes seruice and went to the King But Monseur de Cran after he was entred into all these townes aboue mentioned and had gotten into his hands all the best places that should descend to the said Prince by right of inheritance refused to yeeld them to him notwithstanding both the Kings promise and the said Princes request The King also wrote often to him about this matter without all collusion knowing that he much misused the Prince notwithstanding he feared to displease the said de Cran bicause he had the charge of the whole countrie neither thought he that the Prince either would or could haue caused the countrie of Burgundie to rebel as afterward he did at the lest the greatest part therof But I will heere leaue these Burgundies affaires till another conuenient place shall serue to speake further thereof The Notes 1 This Prince of Orenge was Iohn de Chaslons the Prince of Orenge that now is is of the house of Nassaw 2 The olde copie hath Chasteauguion Annal. Burgund Chaumergnon Annal. Franc. Chauuerguion and so vndoubtedly it is to be read for Chasteauguion was brother to this Prince of Orenge Gaguin How the King entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundie to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions Chap. 2. THose that heerafter shall reade this historie and happily vnderstand the affaires both of this realme and the countries bordering vpon it better than my selfe will maruell that since the death of Duke Charles I haue hitherto by the space almost of one whole yeere made no mention of the English men and will woonder that they suffered the King to take the townes bordering so neere vpon them namely Arras Bolloin Ardres and Hedin with diuers other castels and to lie so long with his campe before Saint Omer 1 But you shall vnderstand that the reason thereof was for that our King in wisedome and sense surmounted far Edward King of England then
to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused and of the D. of Milans false dealings page 353 Chap. 13 How the king after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behind him in the realme of Naples and how the Daulphin died whose death the king and Queene much lamented page 356 Chap. 14 How the king was aduertised of the losse of the castell of Naples and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille to the great dammage of the French and of the death of king Ferrand of Naples page 358 Chap. 15 How certaine practises-entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the kings behalfe as well for the conquest of Naples as of the Duchie of Milan failed for lacke of sending thither and how an other enterprise against Genua sped euill also page 362 Chap. 16 Of certaine controuersies betweene king Charles and Ferrand king of Castile and of the ambassadors that were sent too and fro to pacifie them page 366 Chap. 17 A discourse of the misfortunes that hapned to the house of Castile in the Lord of Argentons time page 370 Chap. 18 Of the sumptuous buildings K. Charles began a little before his death of the great desire he had to reforme the church himselfe to diminish his reuenues to redresse the processes of the law and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castell of Amboise page 373 Chap. 19 How the holy man frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the pope and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies page 375 Chap. 20 Of the obsequies and funerals of king Charles the 8. and of the coronation of king Lewis the 12. his successor with the genealogies of the kings of Fraunce continuing to the saide Lewis page 377 The pedegree of Charles D. of Burgundy page 379 How Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth was neece to the Constable of Fraunce page 380 How Brabant Lambourg Luxembourg Namurs c. came to Charles D. of Burgundy 381. page 382 How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders c. page 383 How Arthois and the county of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret c. page 384 How the King of Portugale was cosin germaue to the D. of Burgundy page 385 How the D. of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother page 386 How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster page 387 The title the D. of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie c. page 388 Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Naples page 390 The house of Medices page 391 How Lewis D. of Orleans pretended title to the Duchie of Milan page 392 The pedegree of Hercules D. of Ferrara page 394 The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua page 395 How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it page 396 FINIS THE PREFACE OF THE AVTHOR TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF VIENNA in Fraunce TO satisfie your request so often mooued vnto me right reuerend father in God I send you heere a memoriall as agreeable to truth as I can possibly call to minde of all the acts and doings that I haue been priuy vnto of king Levvis the eleuenth our master and benefactor and a prince woorthy of perpetuall memory Of his youth I can say nothing but by his owne report But from the time I entred into his seruice till the hower of his death whereat I was present I was more continually resident with him than any man of my estate that serued him being euer either of his priuy chamber or employed in his weightie affaires I found in him as in all other princes that I haue knowne or serued both good and bad For men they are as we be perfection is proper to God onely But sure that prince whose vertues and good parts surmount his vices deserueth great commendation the rather bicause commonly noble personages are more prone to al kind of wantonnes than other men partly for that in their childhood they are brought vp without due chastisement correction partly bicause when they are grown to mans estate ech man seeketh to seed their humors sooth them in all they say or do But for mine own part bicause I loue not to flatter nor misreport the truth somwhat may happily be found in this historie not tending altogither to the kings praise but I trust the readers will weigh the reasons aboue alledged Sure thus much I dare boldly say in his commendation that in mine opinion he was the prince in his age all things considered least subiect to vice Yet haue I knowne and been conuersant with as many great princes both spirituall and temporall as any man in Fraunce of my time as well the princes of this realme as those also that haue liued in Britaine Flaunders Almayne Englande Spayne Portugall and Italy Diuers others also whom I haue not seene yet haue I knowne partly by conference with their ambassadors and partly by their letters and instructions which are meanes sufficient to enforme men of their natures and inclinations Notwithstanding I minde not by setting foorth his commendation in this worke to detract from the honor and good renowne of others but send you penned in haste all that I could call to minde trusting that you haue required it of me to turne it into some worke that you purpose to publish in Latine to the perfection of which toong you haue atteined whereby may appeere both the woorthines of the prince I now write of and also the excellencie of your owne wit Farther sir if I happen to faile in any point you haue my L. of Bouchage and others who are better able to enforme you of these affaires than my selfe and to couch their words in much eloquenter language Although to say the truth considering how honorablie the king entertained me how great familiaritie it pleased him to vse towards me and how liberally he bestowed vpon me neuer intermitting one of the three till the houre of his death no man hath iuster cause to remember those times then my selfe whereunto I also adde the losses I haue susteined and dangers I haue been in sithence his decease which are sufficient I thinke to put me in minde of the great benefits I receiued at his hands during his life Notwithstanding that I know it to be a matter of course that after the death of great and mightie princes great alterations ensue to the losse of some and gain of others for riches and honors folow not alwaies their expectation that hunt after them To conclude sir the better to enforme you of the time sithence I entred into the kings familiarity which is your desire I am forced first to rehearse what hapned before I came to his seruice and so orderly to proceede from the time I