their consent But that can never amount to a power of transferring the Monarchy from one branch to another which would require that the Transferrers or Bestowers had the Supreme Power originally in themselves Nemo enim plus juris in alium transferre potest quam ipse in se habet And if the States of Parliament had this power originally in themselves to bestow why might they not reserve it to themselves and so perpetuate the Government in their own hands And this mov'd Judge Jenkins in his Treatise concerning the Liberty and Freedom of the Subject pag. 25. to say that no King can be named or in any time made in this Kingdom by the People A Parliament never made a King for there were Kings before there were Parliaments and Parliaments are summoned by the King's Writs Fourthly A King cannot in Law alienate his Crown as is undeniable in the Opinion of all Lawyers and if he do that deed is void and null nor could he in Law consent to an Act of Parliament declaring that he should be the last King And if such Consents and Acts had been sufficient to bind Successors many silly Kings in several parts of Europe had long since been prevailed upon to alter their Monarchy from Hereditary to Elective or to turn it into a Commonwealth and therefore by the same Reason they cannot consent to exclude the true Successor For if they may exclude one they may exclude all Fifthly In all Societies and Governments but especially where there is any association of Powers as in our Parliaments there are certain Fundamentals which like the noble parts in the Body are absolutely necessary for its preservation for without these there would be no Ballance or Certainty And thus with us If the King and each of the Estates of Parliament had not distinct and known limits set by the gracious Concessions of our Monarchs each of them would be ready to invade one another's Priviledges And thus I conceive that if the Parliament should consent to alienate half of the Kingdom or to subject the whole to a Stranger as in King John's Case in England and the Baliols in Scotland it has been found by the respective Parliaments of both Kingdoms that that Statute would not oblige the Successor Or if the House of Commons in England or the Boroughs of Scotland should consent to any Act excluding their Estate and Representatives from the Parliament doubtless that Statute excluding them would not prejudge their Successors because that Act were contrary to one of the Fundamental Laws of the Nation And the late Acts of Parliaments excluding Bishops were reprobated by the ensuing Parliaments as such and therefore by the same Rule any Statute made excluding the Legal Successor would be null and void as contrary to one of the great Fundamental Rights of the Nation And what can be call'd more a Fundamental Right than the Succession of our Monarchy Since our Monarchy in this Isle has ever been acknowledg'd to be Hereditary And that this Acknowledgment is the great Basis whereupon most of all the Positions of our Law run and are established such as That the King never dies since the very moment in which the last King dies the next Successor in Blood is Legally King and that without any express Recognizance from the People and all that oppose Him are Rebels His Commissions are valid He may call Parliaments dispose of the Lands belonging to the Crown all men are liable to do him Homage and hold their Rights of Him and His Heirs And generally this Principle runs through all the veins of our Law it is that which gives life and authority to our Statutes but receives none from them which are the undeniable Marks and Characters of a Fundamental Right in all Nations But that this Right of Lineal Succession is one of the Fundamental and Unalterable Laws of the Kingdom of Scotland is clear by the Commission granted by the Parliament for the Union in Anno 1604. in which these words are His Majesty vouchsafing to assure them or His sincere disposition and clear meaning no way by the foresaid Vnion to prejudge of hurt the fundamental Laws ancient Priviledges Offices and Liberties of this Kingdom whereby not only the Princely Authority of His most Royal Descent hath been these many Ages maintain'd but also His Peoples Securities of their Lands and Livings Rights Libertie Offices and Dignities preserv'd Which if they should be innovated such Confusion would ensue as it could no more be free Monarchy Sixthly There would many great Inconveniencies arise both to King and People by the Parliaments having this Power For weak Kings might by their own simplicity and gentle Kings by the Rebellion of their Subjects be induced to consent to such Acts in which their Subjects would be tempted to cheat in the one Case and rebel in the other Many Kings likewise might be wrought upon by the importunity of their Wives or Concubines or by the misrepresentations of Favourites to disinherit the true Successor and He likewise to prevent this Arbitrariness would be oblig'd to enter in a Faction for His own Support from His very Infancy This would likewise animate all of the Blood Royal to strive for the Throne and in order thereunto they would be easily induc'd to make Factions in the Parliament and to hate one another whereas the true Successor would be ingag'd to hate them all and to endeavour the Ruine of such as he thought more Popular than himself and every new Successor would use new Ministers Officers Methods and Designs whereas the apparent Heir uses those whom his Predecessor preferr'd Nor would the People be in better Case since they ought to expect upon all these accounts constant Civil Wars and Animosities and by being unsure whom to follow might be in great hazard by following him who had no Right And their Rights bearing to hold of the King and his Heirs it would be dubious to the Vassals who should be their Superior as well as who should be their King It is also in reason to be expected that Scotland will ever own the Legal Descent And thus we should under different Kings of the same Race be involved in new and constant Civil Wars France shall have a constant door open'd by Alliances with Scotland to disquiet the Peace of the whole Isle and England shall lose all the endeavours it used to unite this Isle within it self Another great Absurdity and Inconveniency which would follow upon the exclusion of the lineal Successor would be that if he had a Son that Son ought certainly to succeed and therefore after the next Lawful Heir were brought from abroad to Reign he ought to return upon the Birth of this Son and if he dyed he would be again call'd home and would be sent back by the Birth of another Son which would occasion such affronts uncertainties divisions factions temptations that I am sure no good nor wise man could admit of such a
them to Reform 4. That the People or their Representatives may Exclude the Lineal Successor and raise to the Throne any of the Royal Family who doth best deserve the Royal Dignity These being all matters of Right the plain and easie way which I resolve to take for refuting them so as the learned and unlearned may be equally convinced shall be first by giving a true account of what is our present positive Law 2. By demonstrating that as our present positive Law is inconsistent with those Principles so these our positive Laws are excellently well founded upon the very nature of Monarchy and that those Principles are inconsistent with all Monarchy And the third Class of my Arguments shall be from the Principles of common Reason Equity and Government abstracting both from the positiveness of our Law and the nature of our Monarchy And in the last place I shall answer the Arguments of those Authors As to the first I conceive that a Treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos should have clear'd to us what was the power of Monarchs by Law and particularly what was the positive Law of Scotland as to this point for if these points be clear by our positive Law there is no further place for debate since it is absolutely necessary for Mankind especially in matters of Government that they at last acquiesce in something that is fix'd and certain and therefore it is very well observ'd by Lawyers and States-men that before Laws be made men ought to reason but after they are made they ought to obey which makes me admire how Buchannan and the other Authors that I have named should have adventur'd upon a debate in Law not being themselves Lawyers and should have written Books upon that Subject without citing one Law Civil or Municipal pro or con Nor is their Veracity more to be esteemed than their Learning for it 's undeniable that Buchannan wrote this Book De Jure Regni to perswade Scotland to raise his Patron though a Bastard to the Crown and the Authors of Lex Rex Jus Populi Vindicatum and others were known to have written those Libels from picque against the Government because they justly suffered under it I know that to this it may be answered That these Statutes are but late and were not extant in Buchannan's time and consequently Buchannan cannot be refuted by them 2. That these Statutes have been obtain'd from Parliaments by the too great influence of their Monarchs and the too great Pusillanimity of Parliaments who could not resign the Rights and Priviledges of the People since they have no Warrant from them for that effect To the first of which I answer that my Task is not to form an Accusation against Buchannan but against his Principles and to demonstrate that these Principles are not our Law but are inconsistent with it and it is ridiculous to think that any such Laws should have been made before those Treasonable Principles were once hatched and maintained for Errors must appear before they be condemned and by the same Argument it may be as well urged that Arius Nestorius c. were not Hereticks because those Acts of General Councils which condemned their Heresies were not extant when they first defended those opinions and that our King had not the power of making Peace and War till the Year 1661. But 2dly For clearing this Point it is fit to know that our Parliaments never give Prerogatives to our Kings but only declare what have been their Prerogatives and particularly in these Statutes that I shall Cite the Parliament doth not Confer any New Right upon the King but only acknowledge what was Originally his Right and Prerogative from the beginning and therefore the Parliament being the only Judges who could decide whether Buchannans Principles were solid and what was Jus Regni apud Scotos These Statutes having decided those points controverted by him there can be hereafter no place for Debate and particularly as to Buchannan his Book De jure Regni apud Scotos it is expresly condemn'd as Slanderous and containing several offensive Matters by the 134 Act Parl. 8. Ja. 6. in Anno 1584. which was the first Parliament that ever sate after his Book was printed To the 2 d I answer that it being controverted what is the Kings Power there can be no stronger Decision of that Controversie in Favours of the King than the acknowledgment of all Parties Interested and it is strange and unsufferable to hear such as appeal to Parliaments cry out against their Power their Justice and Decisions and why should we oppress our Kings and raise Civil Wars whereby we endanger so much our selves to procure powers to Parliaments if Parliaments be such ridiculous things as we cannot trust when they are impowred by us and if there be any force in this answer of Buchannans there can be none in any of our Laws for that strikes at the Root of all our Laws and as I have produced a Tract of reiterated Laws for many Years so where were there ever such free unlimited Parliaments in any Nation as these whose Laws I have Cited 2dly Whatever might be said if a positive Contract betwixt the King and People were produced clearing what were the just Limits of the Monarchy and bounding it by clear Articles mutually agreed upon yet it is very absurd and extravagant to think that when the Debate is what is the King of Scotlands just Power and Right and from whom he Derives it that the Laws and repeated Acknowledgements of the whole Representatives of the People assembled in the Supream Court of the Nation having no open force upon it but enacted at several times in many several Parliaments under the gentlest peaceablest and wisest Kings that ever they had should not be better believed than the Testimonies of three or four byass'd and disoblig'd Pedants who understood neither our Laws nor Statutes and who can bring no clear fundamental Law nor produce no Contract nor Paction restricting the King or bounding his Government 3dly That which adds a great deal of Authority to this Debate and these Statutes is that as this is clear by our positive Law so it is necessarily inferred from the nature of our Monarchy and is very advantagious for the Subjects of this Kingdom which I shall clear in the second and third Arguments that I shall bring against those Treasonable Principles nor can they be seconded by any solid Reason as I shall make appear in answering the Arguments of those Authors I know that Nephthaly the Author of Jus Populi and our late Fanatical Pamphlets alleadge that our Parliaments since 1661. are null and unlawful because many who have right to Sit as Members or to Elect Members were excluded by the Declaration or Test but my answer is First That these were excluded by Acts of Parliament which were past in Parliaments prior to their exclusion and so they were excluded by Law and no man can be said to
far he were ty'd and if his conveniency were the measure of his Obligation But since I shall hereafter fully prove that these limitations are as dangerous to the Subjects as to the Prince and that ten thousand times more Murders and other Insolencies have been committed in Civil Wars upon the false pretence of Liberty than ever was committed by the worst of Kings it must necessarily follow that those limitations ought not to be admitted after an absolute Oath for shunning inconveniences which at the ballance appear to be no weight 5. It cannot be denyed but our Kings have ever had the Power of Peace and War the calling and dissolving of Parliaments and a negative Voice in them the remitting of Crimes and nomination of Judges and therefore it must be presumed that since the Law has not limited them in those things it has limited them in nothing for by involving us in War they may expose our Fortunes our Wives and Children to the greatest of dangers and it had been great folly to limit them in any thing after those great Prerogatives were allowed And though our Histories do bear That Peace and War were ordinarily determined by the advice and consent of the Nobility yet that does no more infer a necessity not to do otherwayes than the ordinary stile of all our Proclamations bearing to be with advice of our Privy Council infers a necessity upon the King to do nothing without their advice and how could the consent of the Nobility have been necessary in the former Ages since all their Right flowed from the King Himself and that neither they then nor the Parliament now had or have a Power equal with the King much less above Him as shall be fully proved in the first Conclusion that I am to draw from this Doctrine only to what I have said I must here add that it being proposed to our Predecessors at the swearing the Oath of Allegiance to King Fergus Whether they would be govern'd by a King who should have absolute Power or by the Nobility or by a Multitude it was answered That lest they should have many Kings in place of one they abhorr'd to bestow the Absolute Power either upon the Nobility or upon the Multitude 6. I cannot but exceedingly commend our Predecessors for making this reasonable choice of an absolute Monarchy for a Monarch that is subject to the impetuous caprices of the Multitude when giddy or to the incorrigible Factiousness of Nobility when interested is in effect no Government at all and though a mixt Monarchy may seem a plausible thing to Metaphysical Spirits and School-men yet to such as understand Government and the World it cannot but appear impracticable for if the People understand that it is in their Power to check their Monarch the desire of command is so bewitching a thing that probably they will be at it upon all occasions and so when the King commands one thing the Nobility will command another and it may be the People a third And as it implies a contradiction that the same Persons should both command and obey so where find we those sober and mortified men who will obey when they may command Let us consider what dreadful extravagancies and cruelties appear'd at Rome betwixt the Tribunes of the People and the Senate one of six Kings had a Son who ravish'd a Woman and thereupon the Kings were expell'd but every year almost produced a Civil War wherein vast numbers of free Romans were murther'd and in the contest betwixt Sylla and Marius 90 Senators 15 Consuls 2600 Gentlemen and 100000 others were murther'd and after the whole Common-wealth was exhausted in the Wars betwixt Caesar and Pompey and in the immediate succeeding War betwixt Augustus Anthonie and Lepidus wherein every man lost either a Brother a Father or a Son Rome return'd again to its Monarchy and was never so happy as under Augustus The People of Naples complaining lately of their Taxes put themselves under the Command of Reforming Massaniello by whose extravagancies they suffer'd more in one Moneth than they had done under the Spanish cruelty in an hundred years But our late Reformation in Britain seems to have been permitted by God to let us see that mixed Governments having power to Reform Kings are more insufferable than Tyranny for by it we saw that the multitude consists of Knaves and Fools and both these are the worst of Governors that the best of Kings will be thought wicked when Subjects are his Judges who resolve not to obey and that it is impossible to know what is right when every man is Judge of what is wrong The impracticableness likewise of this popular Supremacy will yet more convincingly appear if we consider that the People are to be Judges because of their natural freedom for then all men should have equal right to be Reformers and these can never meet nor consult together And if it be answered that the People may send their Representatives my Reply is that the greatest half of the Nation are neither Freeholders nor Burgesses and yet those only are call'd the Representatives of the people and what absurd Tricks and Cheats are us'd in choosing even those Representatives and it may be the resolution prevails by the Vote of the greatest Fool or Knave in the Meeting and if any one man remove by sickness or accident at the passing of a Vote or if any of the multitude be brib'd or have prejudice though on a most unjust account that which would have been the interest of the Nation turns to be against it so infallible a Judge is the multitude And I have seen in popular Elections hundreds cry for a thing and thereafter ask what was the matter 7ly If the Proceres Regni or Nobility are to be the check upon our Kings and to be trusted with this coercive power of calling them to an account as Buchannan pretends then I desire to know who invested them with this power for it was never pretended that it is naturally inherent in them And if the people invested them I desire to know by what Act the people transferr'd this power upon them for they have no Law nor original Constitution for this as our Kings have for their Right and passing over the dangers may arise from their having this power because of the Factiousness Poverty Picques Humors or Ignorance that may be incident to them it seems to me strange why we the people should trust such to be our Checks over the King who are His own Creatures owing their Honours to Him and expecting dayly from Him Imployments and Estates and if they and the people differ who is to be Judges of those Controversies Nor can the Nobility and Commons assembled in Parliament have this coercive power for the Reasons which I shall hereafter offer and therefore none has it but the King is Supream in himself and accountable to none save God Almighty alone But more of this will be found in the
Dominium directum a right of Superiority as all Superiors have and that the people on whom he has bestowed those Lands are oblig'd to concur in the expence with him for the defence of it For as if he had retain'd the Property he would have been able with the Fruits and Rents to have defended it So it is not agreeable to sense or reason that they to whom he has granted it should not be oblig'd to defend it especially seeing all the Rights made by the King are in Law presum d meer Donations For it cannot be deny'd but that all Lands were originally granted by the King and so must have originally belong'd to himself for no person can give what is not his own and our Law acknowledgeth that all Lands belong to the King except where the present Heretor can instruct a Right flowing from our King and that he is the Fountain of Property as well as of Justice 2. In Law all who are ingag'd in a Society as to any thing that is the Subject of the Society should contribute to its preservation and therefore the King having the Dominium directum and the Vassal Dominium utile it follows that the Vassals of the Kingdom should contribute towards its preservation and the King may expect justly an equal Contribution towards the defraying the necessary expence and thence it was that by our old Law all Heretors were obliged to furnish some unum Militem unum Sagittarium or Equitem Some a Bow-man some a Souldier some a Horse-man But afterwards the King having changed those Tenures or because all betwixt 60. and 16. were obliged to come to the Field with 40. dayes Provision which was all that was then necessary it follows that now that way of making War being altered the Subjects should contribute towards the way that is necessary for defending the Kingdom 3. The King by His Forces protects our Persons and by his Navies protects our Commerce by His Ambassadors manages all our publick Affairs and by His Officers and Judges administrates Justice to us And so it is just that all this should be done at our expences and that we should defray the publick expences of the Government and so much the rather because by a special Statute with us it is declared that the King may impose what He pleases on all that is imported or may forbid us to export any thing without which we could not live and what ever he gets from us he distributes amongst us without applying one shilling of it to his own private use The King or whoever has the management of the Government have in the opinion of Lawyers Dominium eminens a Paramount and Transcendent Right over even private Estates in case of necessity when the common Interest cannot be otherwise maintained and this Grotius though no violent friend to Monarchy doth assert very positively and clearly l. 1. c. 1. § 6. l. 3. c. 19. num 7. and it cannot be denied but that a King may take any mans Lands and build a Garison upon it paying for it and that in case of a Siege the King may order whole Suburbs to be burnt down for the security of the Town And whence is this power save from that Paramount and Supereminent Right that the King has over all private Estates for the good of the whole Society and Kingdom Nor can it be denyed but that the King may in time of War Quarter freely and it is in his power to declare War when or where he pleases Nor do the former Statutes contradict this for they exclude not Necessity that has no Law and is it self that Law which gave David right to eat the Shew-bread and the Christian Emperours right to sell the Goods of the Church for maintaining their Armies with consent of the Primitive Fathers and this is so necessarily inherent in all administration that the very Master of a Ship has power to throw overboard the Goods of Passengers and Merchants in a storm for the preservation of the Ship And they are not enemies to the King only but to themselves who would deny the King this power The third Classis of Arguments that I am to use against these Principles shall be from Reason and Experience to fortifie and corroborate our positive Law and the nature of our Monarchy for since humane Reason it self is lyable to so many Errors and since men when they differ are so wedded to their own Sentiments that few are so wise as to see their own mistakes or so ingenuous as to confess them when they see them Therefore Prudence and Necessity have obliged men to end all Debates by making Laws and it is very great vanity and insolence in any private men to justify their own private Sense against the publick Laws that is to say the Authoritative Sentiments and the legal Sense of the Nation If we were then to Establish a new Monarchy were it not prudent and reasonable for us to consider what were the first Motives which induced our Predecessors to a Monarchy and Boethius and Lesly both tell us That lest they might be distracted by obeying too many it was therefore fit to submit to one if then this Reason was of force at first to make us submit to a Monarchy it should still prevail with us to obey that Monarchy and not gape idely after every new Model Ne multos Reges sibi viderentur creare summam rerum aut optimatibus aut ipsi multitudini permittere aspernabantur sayes Boethius fol. 6 Here the advantages of being govern'd by Aristocracie or Democracie were expresly considered and rejected so that we have our Predecessors choice founded on their way of Reasoning added to the Authority of our Law and after we their Successors had seen the mischiefs arising from the pretences of Liberty and Property with all the advantages that seeming Devotion could add to these Our Representatives after two thousand years experience and after a fresh Idaea of a long Civil War wherein the Arguments and Reasons produced by Buchannan were fortified and seconded by thousands of Debates They did by many passionate Confessions and positive Laws acknowledge That the present Constitution of our Monarchy is most excellent Act 1 Par. 1. Char. 2. That inevitable prejudices and miseries do accompany the invading the Royal Prerogative Act 4. That all the troubles and miseries they had suffered had sprung from these Invasions Act 11. That all the bondage they had groaned under was occasioned by these Distractions Act 2. Par. Sess 2. Ch. 2. So that we have here also a Series of Parliaments attesting the reasonableness of the Constitution of our Monarchy and His Majesties Prerogatives 2. We must not conclude any thing unreasonable or unfit because there are some inconveniencies in it for all humane Constitutions have their own defects But I dare say the Principles of my Adversaries have more than mine for Common-wealths are not only subject to err because they have their
passions as well as Kings but they are subject to more passions for 1. They who Govern in Common-wealths and Aristocracies have Rivals whom they fear and against whom upon that account they bear Revenge which Kings want 2. They are not so much concerned in those they Govern as Kings the one considering the common Interest as a Tenant does Lands of which he takes his present advantage though he should destroy it the other caring for it as a Proprietor does for his own Ground the one Jading it as a Man does a hired Horse the other using it as a Man does his own 3. The People are ordinarily Governed by those who are the worst of men for these ordinarily can flatter and cheat most and can best use the Hypocrites Vizor Whereas the best Men ordinarily are abstemious modest and love a private Life and were there ever such Villains as those Rebells who Governed us in the last Age And can we deny but our pretenders to Liberty and Property in this Age are the Cheats of the Nation Who to be in Employment hate such as are in it or are such as are discontented for being put out of it or are Bankrupts who resolve to make up their broken Fortunes by it 4. Even good Men when they are raised to Govern grow Insolent of which Princes are not capable for they are still the same and their Passions do not rise because their fortunes do not 5. Kings and Princes know they will be Charged with what they do but the multitude knows that the Publick in general and not any one Man will be blamed and so every private Man thinks himself secure whilst he shifts it over on another or else lessens it by dividing it amongst many 6. The multitude are very subject to Factions most Men scorning to obey their fellow Subjects and when they are in Factions who knows whom to obey and those Factions will again subdivide in new ones and so in infinitum and when either prevails they spare none because their Opposites are Enemies But Kings pity even Rebels remembring that they are their own And I dare say that more were Murthered and Ruined in one year of the last Reforming Age than suffered by the great Turk the Mogol and the King of France in twenty years And more severity was exercised in one year by those Reformers than by all this Race of our Kings these 600 years 7. If it be said That Kings have ill Ministers so have Common-wealths and we observ'd in Scotland that after we had taken from our King the Prerogative of chusing Judges and Counsellors our Parliament did the next year chuse the greatest Block-heads and Idiots in all the Nation whom the Ring-leaders advanced to the end they might Govern all themselves to which Cheat Kings cannot be liable it being their Interest to have able Ministers And whereas Kings have no Interest to prefer one to another yet in Popular Governments every one endeavoures to prefer his own Relations 8. In difficult Cases haste and expedition requires that one should be trusted and even the Romans behoved in great dangers to imploy a Dictator who was accountable to no man for any thing he did 9. There can be no Secrecy in Popular Governments as in Monarchy and what many must know all may 10. Enemies may always get some in popular Governments to side with them and upon specious pretexts to retard all good Designs and when popular men are Debating for shadows the occasion slips away irrecoverably 11. Either Common-wealths imploy no extraordinary persons being ever jealous or if any man become such by great Actions or long Experience he is presently ruined If we consider the severity of Venice against their Nobles and their executing Men without citing or hearing them and that upon meer jealousies we must confess with a wise Spaniard who has collected the arbitrary courses practis'd and allow'd in that State that there is less liberty there than under the worst of Monarchies nor was ever any people so miserable as Rome during their Republick having been ruined in every age with Civil Wars and having had no great man who died not miserably after many false and popular Accusations nor find we amongst the many Grecian Heroes in Cornelius Nepos that two escap'd the peoples fury and did not De Wit find little of that Justice which he magnified in Republicks But whatever may be said against the inconveniences arising from the passions humors insolencies of the Populace in Commonwealths yet much more may be said against the allowing that Prerogative to them under a Monarchy for that were to distract for ever the Government betwixt two contradictory Supream Powers and make the People miserable in not knowing whom to obey when they differ and to make Government which should defend them a gainst a Civil War become the cause of it for how can it be in reason expected but if the People know they can controll the King that ambitious and discontented Ringleaders or ignorant and bigoted Multitudes will be alwayes endeavouring to use this their Prerogative since it seems alwayes glorious and oft-times advantagious to oppose Kings whereas on the other hand Kings cannot but be always jealous of and fear popular Invasions and both these Powers shall like Neighbouring Princes be always endeavouring to gain advantages upon one another and in these Contests shall be spent all the time and pains that should be bestowed in resisting the Common Enemy which cannot but very much lessen the Love which Princes ought to have for their People and the Respect which People ought to have for their Prince and how can it be imagined but that in this case the People shall always groan under greater misfortunes than those which we felt betwixt the Bruce and the Baliol and those which our Neighbours felt in the Contest between the Houses of Lancaster and York All which cannot but appear very probable as well as dreadful to those who consider the late Rebellion wherein the People pretending that the King had violated their Liberties they murder'd and pillag'd all such as were not of their Opinion and after they had â—uin'd their Prince the People divided and fought one against another the greater part pretending they ought to be obeyed because of their numbers and the lesser pretending that they were the sounder part and had the better Cause and it is impossible in such a case to find a Judge of Controversies Which is another unanswerable Argument against the Peoples Supremacy by which all they can gain is an endless Liberty of ruining one another without hope of Redress Nor can Parliaments remedy this for we have seen opposite Parliaments sitting at the same time forfeiting one another whilst the astonished multitude stood at a Gaze not knowing whom to obey and praying that God would Re-establish our lawful Monarchy with which when it was Miraculously Restored they were so overjoy'd as men are when they are freed from the Gallies
obey when they may resist And who can be Judges whether the pretences upon which Arms are taken be lawful or not And therefore since it is unlawful for Subjects to take up even Defensive Arms until it be found that the King against whom these Defensive Arms are taken up be a Tyrant and an Oppressor It clearly follows that these Subjects must first have a Power to judge and find that the King has erred which is to declare the People to be Judges of their King and we may be soon convinced that this Principle is against the Nature of all Government if we consider that if it were lawful for Subjects with us to rise against the King it should be lawful for those in a Common-wealth or Aristocracie to rise against their Governors since these may err as well as Kings do and if this were allowed all Nations should always have one Rebellion rising out of the Ashes of another for only they who prevail'd should be satisfied and all the rest would certainly conclude that they might more justly oppose these Usurpers one or more then the first did their lawful Prince and thus Government which is design'd for the security of the State should run in a Circle fixt upon no certain Bafis and determined by no sure Measures 5. This Principle is dangerous for the Subjects as well as for the King and other Governors for if Kings be perswaded that Subjects think this Opposition lawful then they will be still jealous of them and will be necessitated on all occasions to secure against such Oppositions and so this Doctrine tends more to make our King a Tyrant than to make us free And if the difference betwixt King and People should draw both to Arms where can we find a Judge to whom both Parties will submit So that to allow this power in the People to debate is to allow a difference that can never end and in that case what innocent man shall be able to know whom he may securely follow And the best Issue that could be expected from these debates would be that the one half of the Nation should ruin the other So comfortable and just is this Rebellious Doctrine 6. If we consult either our own Experience or History we will find that these Pretences of Liberty and Religion have always been used by those who loved neither and that they have been ordinarily used against the best of Kings and so prove to be meer Cheats upon their parts who use them and absolute Villainies if we consider against whom they are used and it cannot be otherways for the worst of men are always readiest to take Arms and the best of Kings are most inclined to suffer insolence to grow up by degrees to Rebellion And as few or none ever took up Arms against their King in whom even the dullest did not see other motives than a love to Liberty and Religion so when they who did take up Arms upon these pretences did succeed in their attempts they became themselves greater grievances to the people than those lawful Powers against whom they pretended to protect them And when others rose against them upon the same pretence they did in the severest manner declare that to be Rebellion in others which they contended to be lawful in themselves 7. So dangerous is this Principle that it has been always us'd as a Tool to promote contrary designs and to serve the worst of men in all the opposite sides And thus we see that the Bigot Papists have by it overturn'd Thrones disinherited and murdered Kings In which the most impious of their Doctors have been admir'd and followed by the rigid Phanaticks who did notwithstanding teach that all Papists were to be extirpated and unquiet Spirits in the establish'd Republicks of Rome Venice and Florence have by this Principle endeavour'd to overturn and disquiet as much their own Commonwealths as our Republicans have impiously endeavour'd to destroy Just Monarchy thereby to settle an usurping Commonwealth 8. The only pretext that can justifie the rising up in Arms being that it is lawful to all Creatures to defend themselves the pretence must be dangerous since its limits are uncertain For how can Defensive Arms be distinguished from Offensive Arms Or whoever begun at the one who did not proceed to the other Or what Subject did ever think himself secure after he had drawn his Sword against his King without endeavouring to cut off by it that King against whom he had drawn it the hope of Absolute Power is too sweet and the fear of punishment too great to be bounded and match'd by the best of Men And how could we expect this moderation from those who at first wanted patience to bear the lawful Yoke of Government but because examples convince as much as reason let us remember how when this Nation was very happy in the Year 1638. under the Government of a most Pious and Just Prince born in our own Kingdom we rais'd an Army and with it Invaded His Kingdom of England upon the pretence that He was Govern'd by wicked Counsellors and design'd to introduce Popery and this was justified as a Defensive War by a long tract of General Assemblies and Parliaments and if this be a Defensive War that is justifiable what King can be secure Or wherein shall we seek security against Civil Wars Or what can be more ridiculous than to pretend the invading Kingdoms murthering such as are Commissionated by the King after that Invasion entring into Leagues and Covenants against him both at home and abroad the robbing him of his Navies and Militia and denying him the power to chuse his own Counsellors and Judges are meerly Defensive but God Almighty to teach us how dangerous these Defensive Arms are and how impossible it is to regulate Lawless violence how gentle and easie soever the first beginnings are suffered our War which was so much justified for being meerly Defensive to end in the absolute overthrow of the Monarchy and the taking away the life of the best of Kings and it is very remarkable that such as have begun with the Doctrine of giving only Passive Obedience in all things as in refusing to pay just Taxes to concur in securing Rebels c. have from that stept up to defensive Arms and from that to the power of Reforming by the Sword and from that to the power of Dethroning and Murthering Kings by Parliaments and Judicatures and from that to the Murthering and Assassinating all who differ'd from them without any other pretence or formality whatsoever so hard a thing it is to stop when we begin once to fall from our Duty And so easie a thing it is to perswade such as have allowed themselves the first degrees of guilt to proceed to the highest extravagancies of Villanie Oh! What a blindness there is in Error And how palpably doth God desert them who desert their Duty suffering them after they have done what they should have abhorred to
proceed to do what they first abhorred really To these I must recommend the History of Hazael who when the Prophet foretold him 2 King 8. 12 13. That he should slay their young men with the sword dash their Children and rip up their Women with child answered him am I a dog that I should do such things and yet he really did what he had so excerated The moderation likewise of these modest pretenders to Self-defence and Defensive Arms will appear by the bloody Doctrine of their great Rabbies Buchannan not only allows but invites Subjects to murder their King And Lex Rex Pag. 313. tells us That it is a sin against Gods Command to be Passively Subject to an unjust Sentence and that it is an Act of Grace and Virtue to resist the Magistrate violently when he does him wrong and after that horrid Civil War was ended the Author of Nahptali doth justifie it pag. 16 and 17 in these words Combinations for assistance in violent opposition of the Magistrates when the ends of Government are preverted which must be referr'd to the discretion of them who mind Insurrection are necessary by the Law of Nature of Charity and in order to Gods Glory and for violation of this Duty of delivering the oppressed from Magistrates Judgment comes upon People From which he proceeds Pag. 18 and 19. do assert that not only the power of self-defence but vindicative and reforming power is in any part of the People against the whole and against all Magistrates and if they use it not Judgment comes on supposing their capacity probable to bear them forth and they shall be punish'd for their connivance and not acting in way of vindication of Crimes and reforming Abuses Before I enter upon those Arguments which the Scripture furnishes us with against these Rebellious Principles I must crave leave to say 1. That Defensive Arms seem to me very clearly inconsistent with that Mortification Submission and Patience which is recommended by our Blessed Saviour in all the strain of the new Testament and how will these People give their Coat to a Stranger or hold up their other Cheek to him when they will rise even in Rebellion against their Native Prince 2. As the taking up of Arms is inconsistent with the temper requir'd in a Christian so it seems a very unsuitable mean for effectuating the end for which it is design'd since Religion being a Conviction of what we owe to God how can that be comanded which should be perswaded and how can Arms become Arguments Or how can External Force influence immaterial Substances such as are the Souls of Men. And we may as well think to awake a mans Conscience by Drums or to perswade his Judgment by Musquets and therefore the Apostle speaks only of spiritual Arms in this our Warfare The Sword of the Spirit and the Helmet of Salvation c. But good God how could the extravagancy of forcing the Magistrate by Arms in Defence of Religion enter into Mens heads When it is unlawful even for the Magistrate himself to force Religion by Arms. And as Subjects should not be by the King forced to Religion so if they use Force against the King the pretext of Religion tho specious should not defend them And therefore when the sons of Zebedee desired fire from Heaven upon those who oppos'd even our Saviour he told them that they knew not what Spirit they were of 3. It seems very derogatory to the power of Almighty God that he should need humane assistance and it is a lessening of the great esteem that we ought to have for the energy force and reasonableness of the Christian Religion that it needs to be forc'd upon men by Arms as if it were not able to force its own way This Mahomet needed for his Cheats but our Blessed Saviour needs not for his Divine Precepts and therefore when Peter offered to fight for him our Saviour checkt him commanding him to put up his Sword and to perswade him the more effectually assures him That all they who take the Sword shall perish by it and that his Kingdom was not of this World and so he needed no such worldly help but if he pleas'd to call for Legions of Angels his Omnipotent Father would send them and sure Angels are fitter and abler Instruments to carry on such a work of Reformation than Rebellious Regiments of Horse and Dragoons 4. Our blessed Saviour foreseeing that Mans Corruption would in spite of Christianity prompt him to resist he therefore did command by the Apostle Paul Rom. 13. v. 1. and 2. Let every Soul be Subject to the higher Power for there is no Power but of God the Powers that be are ordained of God whosoever therefore resisteth the Power resisteth the ordinance of God and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation In which Text it is very remarkable that the Apostle urges this Christian duty of submission as being a mark of mans immediate dependence upon God and as that which when contemned brings eternal damnation And whereas it is pretended that this Text commands only submission to Magistrates whilst they Act Piously and Vertuously because only in so far they are Gods Vicegerents but forbids not resistance to their impious commands It is answered that the Text has no such limitation and we must have so much respect to the Scripture as to think that if God Almighty had design'd to allow such an opposition he would have warranted it in as clear Terms as he commanded the submission and the reason why this submission is commanded is not because the Power is rightly us'd but because the Power is ordained of God And we see that St. Paul himself did think that the power should be reverenc'd even when abus'd for when the High Priest was Injuring him he acknowledged that he was obliged not to speak evil of the Rulers of his People Acts 23. 2. And if this place of Scripture and the submission therein commanded were so to be limited we behoved likewise so to limit the fifth Commandment and not to honour our Parents except when they are Pious nor to obey them if they vex or trouble us and St. Paul having written this Epistle to those who were then living under that monstrous Emperour Caius did clearly design that the Christian Religion was to be admired for commanding Subjects not only to obey good Princes but even submitting peaceably to Tyrants And suitable to this Doctrine are these Texts Heb. ch 12. v. 9. We had Fathers of our flesh who corrected and chastened us after their own pleasure and we gave them reverence and lest we might think that Text rather a Narration than a Command it is told us Peter 2. v. 18. Servants be subject to your Masters with all fear not only to the good and gentle but also to the froward for this is thanks-worthy if a man for conscience toward God do endure grief And v. 20. If when ye do well and
three Estates which shews that there 's nothing design'd in this Act in favour of their Authority and that this King was Minor the time of this Act and that he had great Troubles in his Youth is very clear from the short characters given of our Kings by Skeen in the end of our Acts of Parliament It will I hope easily appear by the ballance of these Arguments that at least the Municipal Laws of our Nation which punish Defensive Arms as Treason should be obey'd by our Countrey-men since as I have oft inculcated the Laws of any Nation should still be obey'd except where they are inconsistent with the Word of God and the most that the most violent Republicans alive can say upon this Subject is that the case may be debated by probable Arguments and that neither of the Positions want their inconveniencies so that in this as in all other Debates the Law of each Nation is the best Judge to decide such Controversies and therefore such as maintain these Principles after so many positive and reiterated Laws are obliged for preserving the Peace of humane Society and the Order which God has establisht to remove from places where they cannot obey for they will always find some place where the Government will please them and better they be disquieted than the Government of the whole World should be disturb'd But if they will stay and oppose the Government it must be excus'd to execute those who would destroy it Having thus glanc'd only at Answers to these Objections because I think the Objections rather plausible than strong I shall sum up this Debate with these Reflections First Buchannan and our Republican Authors debate all these Grounds as if we were yet to form the Government under which we were to live wheras we live under and are sworn to a Monarchy fixt by Law and Consent time out of mind and the Levellers may as well urge that no Nobleman should be dignifi'd nor no Gentleman enriched above a man of good sence and Tenants may argue that it is not reasonable that they bearing God's Image as well as the Master should toil to feed their Lusts Thus Reason may be distorted and we call that Treason and Providence which pleases us best Secondly Most of their Citations and Authorities are the Sentiments of those Greeks and Romans who liv'd under Common-wealths and so magnifi'd their Countrey in opposition to Usurpers whereas our King is the Father of our Countrey and whatever they said of their Countrey we should say of him and therefore these Citations concern us no more than the Law of England binds Scotchmen they praise their own Children and Servants for their Faithfulness and Obedience to them and yet they rail at us for being faithful to our great Master and chief Parent under God Thirdly Most of the Authors cited and admir'd by them are Heathens particularly Stoicks who equall'd themselves not only to Kings but to their own Gods and against whose selfishness and pride all Christians have justly exclaim'd and so they are not competent Judges nor sure Guides to Christians in the exercise of those purely Christian Vertues of Humility Submission Self-denial Patience Faith and Reliance upon God Fourthly They balance not all the conveniences and inconveniences of either Government but magnifie the one and conceal the other and thus it is true that Kings may be Tyrants but so may and usually are the Leaders of the Rabble Cromwel was such and Shaftsbury had been such he was such in his Nature and had been such in his Government and the Distractions of a Civil War which ordinarily attend Competitions amongst Republicans destroy more than the Lusts of any one Tyrant can do which made Lucan tho a Republican and of the Pompeyan Party conclude after a sad review of the continued Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius Caesar and Pompey without considering what followed under the Trium viri Faelices Arabes Medique Eoaque tellus Qui sub perpetuis tenuerunt Regna Tyrannis Fifthly Those who debate against Magistracy gratifie their own Vanity and Insolence but such devout men as Ambrose Augustine Vsher and others debate against the dictates of Interest as well as Passion which two nothing save Grace can overcome and there can be no surer mark of Conviction than to decide against these Lastly Even Buchannan repented his horrid Doctrine Cambden 10. year of Queen Elizabeths Reign in 1567. But forasmuch as Buchannan being transported with partial affection and with Murrays bounty wrote in such sort that his said Books have been condemned of falshood by the Estates of the Realm of Scotland to whose Credit more is to be attributed and he himself sighing and sorrowing sundry times blam'd himself as I have heard before the King to whom he was School-master for that he had imploy'd so virulent a Pen against that well deserving Queen and upon his Death-bed wished that he might live so long till by recalling the truth he might even with his Blood wipe away those Aspersions which he had by his bad Tongue falsly laid upon her but that as he said it would now be in vain when he might seem to dote for Age c. Idem Anno 1582. And not content with all this speaking of their surprizing the King they compell'd the King against his Will to approve of this intercepting of his Letters to the Queen of England and to decree an Assembly of the Estates summoned by them to be just yet could they not induce Buchannan to approve of this their Fact either by writing or perswasion by Message who now sorrowfully lamented that he had already undertaken the Cause of Factious people against their Princes and soon after Died c. THAT THE LAWFVL SVCCESSOR CANNOT BE DEBARR'D FROM Succeeding TO THE CROWN Maintain'd against DOLMAN BUCHANNAN And OTHERS BY Sir GEORGE MACKENZIE His Majesties Advocate in Scotland LONDON Printed for Richard Chiswel at the Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church-yard 1684. King James In His Advice to Prince Henry Page 173. IF God give you not Succession Defraud never the Nearest by Right whatsoever Conceit ye have of the Person for Kingdoms are ever at God's disposition and in that Case we are but Liferenters it lying no more in the Kings than in the Peoples hands to dispossess the Righteous Heir Page 209. Ibid. FOR at the very moment of the Expiring of the King Reigning the Nearest and Lawful Heir entereth in his place and so to refuse him or intrude another is not to hold out the Successor from coming in but to expel and put out their Righteous King And I trust at this time whole FRANCE acknowledgeth the Rebellion of the Leaguers who upon pretence of Heresie by Force of Arms held so long out to the great Desolation of their whole Countrey their Native and Righteous King from possessing his own Crown and natural Kingdom THE RIGHT OF THE Succession DEFENDED THE Fourth Conclusion to be cleared was That neither
the People nor Parliaments of this Kingdom could exclude the Lineal Successor or could raise to the Throne any other of the same Royal Line For clearing whereof I shall according to my former method First clear what is our positive Law in this Case Secondly I shall shew that this our Law is founded upon excellent Reason And lastly I shall answer the Objections As to the first It is by the second Act of our last Parliament acknowledged That the Kings of this Realm deriving their Royal Power from God Almighty alone do Lineally succeed thereto according to the known degrees of Proximity in Blood which cannot be interrupted suspended or diverted by any Act or Statute whatsoever and that none can attempt to alter or divert the said Succession without involving the Subjects of this Kingdom in Perjury and Rebellion and without exposing them to all the fatal and dreadful consequences of a Civil War DO THEREFORE from a hearty and sincere sence of their duty recognize acknowledge and declare that the right to the Imperial Crown of this Realm is by the inherent right and the Nature of Monarchy as well as by the fundamental and unalterable Laws of this Realm transmitted and devolved by a lineal Succession according to the Proximity of Blood And that upon the death of the King or Queen who actually reigns the Subjects of this Kingdom are bound by Law duty and allegiance to obey the next immediate and Lawful Heir either Male or Female upon whom the right and administration of the Government is immediatly devolved And that no difference in Religion nor no Law nor Act of Parliament made or to be made can alter or divert the right of Succession and lineal descent of the Crown to the nearest and Lawful Heirs according to the degrees aforesaid nor can stop or hinder them in the full free and actual administration of the Government according to the Laws of the Kingdom LIKE AS OUR SOVEREIGN LORD with advice and consent of the said Estates of Parliament do declare it is High-treason in any of the Subjects of this Kingdom by writing speaking or any other manner of way to endeavour the alteration suspension or diversion of the said right of Succession or the debarring the next Lawful Successor from the immediate actual full and free administration of the Goment conform to the Laws of the Kingdom And that all such attempts or designs shall infer against them the pain of Treason This being not only an Act of Parliament declaring all such as shall endeavour to alter the Succession to be punishable as Traitors but containing in it a Decision of this Point by the Parliament as the Supream Judges of the Nation and an acknowledgment by them as the representatives of the people and Nation There can be no place for questioning a point which they have plac'd beyond all controversie especially seeing it past so unanimously that there was not only no vote given but even no argument proved against it And the only doubt mov'd about it was whether any Act of Parliament or acknowledgment was necessary in a point which was in it self so uncontroverted And which all who were not desperate Fanaticks did conclude to be so in this Nation even after they had heard all the arguments that were us'd and the Pamphlets that were written against it in our Neighbour-Kingdom But because so much noise has been made about this question and that blind bigotry leads some and humorous faction draws others out of the common road I conceive it will be fit to remember my Reader of these following Reasons which will I hope clear that as this is our present positive Law so it is established upon the fundamental constitution of our Government upon our old Laws upon the Laws of God of Nature of Nations and particularly of the Civil Law As to the fundamental constitution of our Government I did formerly remark that our Historians tell us that the Scots did swear Allegiance to FERGUS who was the first of our Kings and to his Heirs And that they would never obey any other but his Royal Race Which Oath does in Law and Reason bind them to obey the Lineal Successor according to the proximity of Blood For an indefinite obligation to obey the Blood Royal must be interpreted according to the proximity in Blood except the swearers had reserv'd to themselves a power to chuse any of the Royal Family whom they pleas'd which is so true that in Law an obligation granted to any man does in the construction of Law accrue to his Heirs though they be not exprest Qui sibi providet haeredibus providet And Boethius tells us that after King FERGUS'S death the Scots finding their new Kingdom infested with Wars under the powerful influence of Picts and Britains they refus'd notwithstanding to prefer the next of the Royal Race who was of perfect age and a Man of great Merit to the Son of King FERGUS though an infant which certainly in reason they would have done if they had not been ty'd to the lineal Successor But least the Kingdom should be prejudg'd during the minority they enacted that for the future the next of the Blood Royal should always in the minority of our Kings administer as Kings till the true Heir were of perfect age But this does not prove as Buchannan pretends that the people had power to advance to the Throne any of the Royal Race whom they judg'd most fit for common sense may tell us that was not to chuse a King but a Vice-Roy or a Regent For though to give him the more authority and so to enable him the more to curb factions and oppose enemies he was called King yet he he was but Rex fidei Commissarius being oblig'd to restore it to the true Heir chosen rather to serve than Reign and so Governed only for a time and consequently was only his Vice-Roy But because the Uncles and next Heirs being once admitted to this fidei Commissarie title were unwilling to restore the Crown to their Nephews and sometimes murder'd them and oft-times rais'd Factions against them Therefore the People abhorring those impieties and weary of the distractions and divisions which they occasion'd begg'd from King KENNETH the 3 d that these following Laws might be made 1. That upon the Kings death the next Heir of whatsoever Age should succeed 2. The Grand-child either by Son or Daughter should be preferr'd 3. That till the King arriv'd at 14 years of age some Wise-man should be chosen to Govern after which the King should enter to the free Administration and according to this constitution some fit Person has still been chosen Regent in the Kings Minority without respect to the Proximity of Blood and our Kings have been oft-times Crown'd in the Cradle In conformity also to these Principles all the acknowledgments made to our Kings run still in favour of the King and his Heirs As in the first Act Parl. 18 JAMES
project I find also that as the debarring the Right Heir is in reason the fruitful seed of all Civil War and misery for who can imagine that the Right Heir will depart from his Right or that wise men will endanger their lives and fortunes in opposition to it so experience has demonstrated how dangerous and bloody this injustice has prov'd Let us remember amongst many Domestick examples the miseries that ensu'd upon the exclusion of Mordredus the Son of Lothus the destruction of the Picts for having secluded Alpinus the Right Heir the Wars during the Reign of William the Conqueror those betwixt King Stephen and Henry the II betwixt the Houses of Lancaster and York betwixt the Bruce and the Baliol the murther of Arthur Duke of Britanny true Heir of the Crown of England with many other foreign Histories which tell us of the dreadful mischiefs arising from Pelops preferring his youngest Son to the Kingdom of Micene from Aedipus commanding that Polinices his youngest Son should reign alternately with the eldest from Parisatis the Queen of Persia's preferring her youngest Son Cyrus to her eldest Artaxerxes from Aristodemus admitting his two Sons Proclus and Euristhenes to an equal share in the Lacedaemonian Throne The like observations are to be made in the Succession of Ptolemaeus Lagus and Ptolemaeus Phisco In the Sons of Severus in the Succession of of Sinesandus who kill'd his Brother Suintilla Righteous Heir of Spain and that of Francis and Fortia Duke of Millan with thousands of others In all which either the Usurpers or the Kingdom that obey'd them perish'd utterly To prevent which differences and mischiefs the Hungarians would not admit Almus the younger Brother in exclusion of the elder Colomanus though a silly deform'd Creature albeit Almus was preferr'd by Ladislaus the Kings eldest Brother to both Nor would France acquiesce in St. Lewis's preferring CHARLES's third Son to Lewis the Eldest And the English refus'd to obey Lady Jean Gray in prejudice of Queen Mary though a Papist and persecuter Tali constanti veneratione nos Angli legi timos Reges prosequimur c. says an English Historian Seventhly If Parliaments had such Powers as this then our Monarchy would not be hereditary but elective the very essence of an hereditary Monarchy consisting in the right of Succession according to the contingency of blood Whereas if the Parliament can prefer the next save one they may prefer the last of all the Liue for the next save one is no more next than the last is next And the same reason by which they can chuse a Successor which can only be that they have a Power above him should likewise in my opinion justifie their deposing of Kings And since the Successor has as good right to succeed as the present King has to Govern for that Right of blood which makes him first makes the other next and all these Statutes which acknowledge the present Kings Prerogatives acknowledge that they belong to him and his Heirs it follows clearly that if the Parliament can preclude the one they may exclude the other And we saw even in the last age that such reasons as are now urged to incapacitate the Children of our last Monarch from the hope of Succession viz. Popery and arbitrary Government did embolden men to Dethrone and Murder the Father himself who was actual King Eighthly That such Acts of Parliament altering the Succession are ineffectual and null is clear from this that though such an Act of Parliament were made it could not debar the true Successor because by the Laws of all Nations and particularly of these Kingdoms the right of Succession purges all defects and removes all impediments which can prejudge him who is to Succeed And as Craig one of our learn'd Lawyers has very well express'd it tanta est Regii sanguinis praerogativa dignitas ut vitium non admittat nec se contaminarep atiatur And thus though he who were to succeed had committed Murther or were declar'd a Traitor formerly to the Crown for open Rebellion against the King and Kingdom yet he needed not be restor'd by Act of Parliament upon his coming to the Crown But his very Right of blood would purge all these imperfections Of which there are reasons given by Lawyers one is that no man can be a Rebel against himself nor can the King have a Superior And consequently there can be none whom he can offend And it were absurd that he who can restore all other men should need to be restored himself The second reason is because the punishment of crimes such as confiscations c. are to be inflicted by the Kings Authority or to fall to the Kings Thesaury and it were most absurd that a man should exact from himself a punishment Like as upon this account it is that though in the Canon Law Bastards cannot be promoted to sacred orders without dispensation nor can alibi nati that is to say People born out of England be admitted to succeed in England by express Act of Parliament there Yet Agapaetus Theodorus Gelasius and many others have been admitted to be Popes without any formal dispensation their election clearing that imperfection And the Statute of alibi nati has been oft found not to extend to the Royal Line That the Succession to the Crown purges all defects is clear by many instances both at home and abroad The instances at home are in England Henry the VI. Being disabled and attainted of High-Treason by Act of Parliament it was found by the Judges notwithstanding that from the moment he assum'd the Crown he had Right to succeed without being restored And the like was resolved by the Judges in the case of Henry the VII as Bacon observes in his History of Henry the VII Fol. 13. And in the case of Queen Elizabeth who was declar'd Bastard by Act of Parliament as is clear by Cambden anno 2 Elizabeth And though in Scotland there be no express instances of this because though some Rebellious Ring-leaders in Scotland have often in a private capacity been very injurious to their King Yet their Parliaments have been ever very tender of attainting the Blood-Royal or presumptive Heirs But Alexander Duke of Albany and his Succession being declared Traitours by his Brother King James the IV his Son John was notwithstanding called home from France upon his Uncles death and declar'd Tutor and Governour without any remission or being restor'd That Employment being found to be due to him by the right of Blood Therefore he had been much more declared the true Successor of the Crown if his Cousin King James the V. had died These being sufficient to establish our design I shall mention only some forraign stories CHARLES the VII of France who though banish'd by Sentence of the Parliament of Paris did afterwards succeed to the Crown And though Lewis the XII was forfeited for taking up Arms against CHARLES the VIII yet he succeeded to him
King Robert the Second with the Advice and Consent of the whole Three Estates That the Sons then born to the King by his first and second Wives and their Heirs should in order succeed to the King in manner after specified That is to say that his eldest Son by the first Marriage John Earl of Carrick should immediately succeed as had been already declar'd in the preceding Parliament and after him his Heirs And in case he dy'd without Issue that his Brother Robert Earl of Monteith the King 's second Son of that Marriage should succeed and his Heirs Which failing that Alexander Earl of Badenoch the King 's third Son of that Bed and his Heirs should inherit the Crown And in case that fail'd that David Earl of Strathern the King 's fourth Son by his second Wife and his Heirs should succeed And that failing that Walter the King 's fifth Son by the said second Wife and his Heirs should inherit the Crown And if it should happen that the said five Sons and their Issue should fail that then the next in Blood of the Royal Line should succeed Which Act all the Three Estates did for themselves and their Heirs for ever solemnly swear to observe as is more at large to be seen in the Original it self And if the pretended Defect be true it was a very palpable and a very undeniable one and could not but have been unanswerably known to the whole Nation And how can we imagine that the whole Parliament would have unanimously drawn upon themselves so dreadful a Perjury by excluding the lawful Heir against their National Oath in the Reign of King Kenneth the third whereby they swore to own always the immediate Heir or that they would have entail'd upon themselves a Civil War by preferring even a questionable Heir after the Miseries which they had lately then felt in the Competition betwixt the Bruce and the Baliol amongst which Seals the Seal of James Earl of Dowglas is one and how ridiculous is it to think that he would sit and declare a Bastard preferable to the Brother of his own Lady and to his own Lady who would have succeeded if her Brothers had died without Succession Which Act of Parliament does also clearly prove that Buchanan did not at all understand matters of Fact in this part of the History for he asserts that after the death of Euphan Ross the King married Elizabeth Muir and did by Act of Parliament obtain the Crown to be setled upon Robert the third Son to the said Elizabeth Muir upon whom he also bestow'd the Title of Carrick all which is most false for this Act of Parliament is dated in Anno 1371. and King Robert the second succeeded to the Crown that year nor did Euphan Ross die till the third year after he succeeded to the Crown and so not till the year 1374. and yet in Anno 1371. this Act is past designing him Heir to the Crown and Earl of Carrick and consequently he was so design'd before the death of Euphan Ross 5. I have seen a Charter granted by King Robert the 2 d when he was only Steward of Scotland in anno 1365 and so long before he was King In which Charter likewise John thereafter King by the name of Robert the 3 d is a conjunct Disponer with him under the express designation of the eldest Son and Heir Robertus Senescallus Scotiae Comes de Strathern Joannes Senescallus primogenitus haeres ipsius Dominus Baroniae de Kyle c. which Charter confirms to the Abbacy of Pasley several Lands disponed to them by Reginaldus More Father to Sir William More of Abercorn And I find that David Duke of Rothsay was alwayes in the Charters granted by his Father King Robert the first called Primogenitus and he was no Bastard nor can this designation be given to a Bastard as is clear by Covaruvias de Matrim part 2. cap. 8. § 2. num 4. But how can it be imagined that the Monks of Pasley would have taken a Right from a person as Heir to the Crown who was not for this would have infer'd Treason against them beside the annulling their Right or who could understand better the lawfulness of a Marriage than a body of Church-men living in the time and very near to the Residence of the married Persons and in whose Conventual-Church the said King Robert and Elizabeth Muir lie buried together Item I have seen in the Registers another Charter granted by King Robert the 2d in the first year of his Reign with the consent of John Earl of Carrick primogenitus haeres Allano de Lavidia terrarum de Whitslet And another granted by the said King 1. June anno primo regni confirming to Paulo Metire a Charter granted by the Earl of Ross Father to Euphan wherein the said John primogenitus haeres is a Witness And to shew that the said Euphan Ross was then living when he was so design'd Heir there is a Charter to her by the King upon the very same day of the Lands of Lochleaven As also there is a Charter granted by King Robert the 2 d the first year of his Reign to Alexander his Son and another to John Kennedy of the Barony of Dalrymole in both which the said John Earl of Carrick is call'd Primogenitus and is Witness with the Earl of Dowglas so that he has been design'd eldest Son and Heir openly uncontrovertedly and in all Papers and with the consent of the second Wife and her Relations 6. In the Parliament 1372. the said John Earl of Carrick is design'd to be Lieutenant of the Kingdom and all the Estates of Parliament swear to own him in his Government and which Statute is printed amongst the Statutes of King Robert the second Father to the said John and which must be during the Marriage with Euphan Ross for she liv'd three years after her Husband was King and he succeeded to the Crown Anno 1371. And this also confutes Buchanan who asserts that he was created Earl of Carrick after the death of Euphan Ross and it is against all sense and reason to think that he could have been acknowledg'd during her life if he had not been the true apparent Heir of the Crown and a lawful Son I have also seen in Fordon's History lib. 14. pag. 73. a Charter granted by King David to the Bishops with the consent of Robert his Nephew and his Sons giving power to the Bishops to dispose in Testament upon their own Moveables which before that time did by a corrupt custom fall to the King in which Charter the Witnesses are Robertus Senescallus Comes de Strathern Nepos noster Joannes Senescallus Comes de Carrict filius suus primogenitus haeres Thomas Comes de Mar Georgius de Dunbar Comes de March Gulielmus Comes de Dowglass so that here is not only the attestation of the Father before he was King naming John Earl of Carrick