when th execution of conspiracies is deferred the treason being detected Ferdinand with the other conspirators were imprisoned and Iulio who was fled to his sister at Mantua was by the direction of the Marquis sent prisoner to Alphonso being assured by his promise and fidelitie that he should not be touched with death But a little after the Counte Albertin being condemned iudicially was quartered with the others that were founde guiltie and the two brethren passed ouer to perpetuall prison in the newe castell of Ferrara In this place of the historie it is not inconuenient to touch somewhat of thaudacitie and industrie of duke Valentynois who being subtelly slyded downe by a corde out of the Rocke of Medina de Campo fledde into the kingdome of Nauarre to king Iohn brother to his wife where to th ende thistorie cease to speake any more of him after he had remeined certaine yeres in base condition the French king confisking both the duchie of Valence the pension of twenty thousand franks which he gaue him in supply of reuenue also would not suffer him to go into Fraunce bicause he would do nothing that might discontent the king of Aragon he was at last slayne by the conspiracie of an ambush commaunding ouer the men of warre of the king of Nauarre in the campe at Viano a litle place in the sayde realme Vpon the ende of this yere for that the yere folowing should not begin without matter of new warres the Genovvaies rebelled against the French king hauing no other incitation then of them selues the matter taking his fundation not of any desire to rebel but rather of the ciuil discords which caried men further then their former counsels and deliberations rebellion being of a condition to encrease in occasions as the fire is redoubled in heat by the fresh matter which it embraseth The citie of Genes a citie seated in a place most apt to cōmaund the sea if so great an oportunitie were not hindred by the pestiferous poison of ciuil dissentions is not as many other great townes in Italie subiect to one particular diuision but is deuided into many partyes and factions both for the relikes of the ancient quarrels betwene the Guelffes and Gibelins yet remeining there and also for the sedes of dissention stil growing betwene the gentlemen and populars by the which the whole nation of Italie hath bene much afflicted but specially many cities in Tuskane haue bene brought to extreme ruine for the communaltie not hable to beare the pride of the Nobles bridled much their authoritie power by many rigorous lawes and amōgst others suffring them to cōmunicate with al other offices and honors they excluded them particularly from the dignitie of Dukedome a supreme estate whiche was giuen for life to any other that was chosen notwithstanding by thinconstancie of that citie fewe or none were suffred to continue in that place tyll they dyed the seate of dominion beeing alwayes ielouse but moste casuall where it diuolueth by election which by his proper ambition nourisheth for the most parte a secrete subiection to alteration and fall No lesse great is the diuision betweene the families of the Adorni and Fregosi who from base condition and popular houses being risen to the dignitie of Capellaci so do the Genovvaies call suche as are aspired to any great potentacie contende together for the dignitie of duke which for many yeres hath continued for the most part in one of those two families for the gentlemen of the Guelffs and Gibelins not able to ascende to the place for the impediment of the lawes sought to make it fall to such of the populars as were of their faction And as the Gibelins fauoring the Adornes and the Guelffes the house of Fregosa tyme hath made those two families more noble and mightie then those of whome afore they folowed their name and authoritie So neuerthelesse all those diuisions are so confounded that oftentimes they that be of one part agaynst the partie opposite are in them selues deuided into diuers partes and of the contrarie conioyned in one with those that followe an other faction This yere began to kindle betweene the gentlemen and commons a debate which breeding at the first vpon the insolencies of certayne of the Nobles and working by litle and litle the most part of the mindes of both the one and other side ill disposed it chaunged qualitie ere it were long and of priuate contentions conuerted it selfe into the nature and habite of publike discordes easie ynough to kindle in cities so abounding in riches as did Genes at that time These quarels roase encreasing so farre that the people possessed with surie drewe into tumult and made violent slaughter of one of the families of Oria with certaine other gentlemen wherein offering all things to spoyle and ruine they obteined in that mutinie more by force then free will of the Citie that the day after it might be ordeined in the publike councels wherein were assistant very fewe of the Nobles that of those offices whiche afore were diuided equally betweene the Nobles and commons there might be hereafter distribution made of two partes to the people and one onely reserued to the Nobles to which deliberation Roccaber guyding the citie in the absence of Phillip Rauastin then gouernour for the king consented for feare of greater perils neuerthelesse the populars not beeing quieted for all this but ouercaried with their mutinous humors stirred vp within fewe dayes after a newe tumult and put the noblemens houses to sacke an outrage that compelled most part of the Gentlemen to abandon the citie finding no estate of suretie in their naturall regions These mutations being eftsones signified to the gouernour caused him to returne with speede out of Fraunce to Genes with a strength of an hundred and fiftie horse and seuen hundred footemen But neither with his authoritie his perswasions his presence nor with his forces coulde he reduce things to a better estate so irregulate is a communaltie or multitude once drawen into mutinie and their barbarous furie inuincible agaynst all reason order or good prescription No oftentimes he was compelled to apply him selfe to the will of the people making his authoritie rather to be plausible to the multitude then to punish their mutinies he passed ouer things with sufferance and obeyed the necessitie of the time commaunding to retyre and returne certayne other trowpes that were appoynted to come after him out of Fraunce These beginnings gaue courage to the Commons to become more insolent and as it hapneth often in Cities declined to sedition the gouernment contrarie to the will of many of the best sort of the Commons fell almoste absolutely into the power of the dregges of the people who in their furie created to them selues a newe magistracie or office of eyght men of the populars with a great authoritie And they the rather to keepe the whole incensed by the dignitie of their name were called
for the king of Aragon whome the late victorie of the french king had confirmed in very great suspicion had suddeinly layde aside all the great preparacions which he had made to passe in person into Afryca where he menteyned continuall warres with the Moares And hauing called home from thence Peter of Nauarre with three thowsand spanish footemen he sent him to the Realme of Naples both to thend to assure at one tyme his owne estates and to giue courage to the Pope to be so much the more estraunged from the peace In so much that by these encouragements conformable to his owne variable disposicion the Pope made aunswer that he would not heare of peace onles the Venetians might be accorded with Caesar onles Alfonso d'Este ouer and besides the first demaundes made him satisfied of all thexpenses which he had defrayed in the warre And lastly onles the king were bownde not to hinder him in the recouerie of Bolognia which citie as a rebell to the Church he had already put vnder Ecclesiasticall interdiction And to make a spoyle of the corne of their contrey he had sent into Romagnia Mar. Anth. Colonno and Ramassore who notwithstanding were easily chassed by the people being skarcely entred into the frontyers Notwithstanding this aunswer the Pope what by the peticions of the Cardinalls and for other priuat respects assoone as he came to Rome consented to the deliuerie of the Cardinall of Achx hauing bene till that daye kept prisoner within the castell of S. Angeo but to his libertie he ioyned this condicion that he should not goe out of the pallaice of Vatican till all the Prelats and officers that were taken within Bolognia were sette at libertie and afterwards that he shoulde departe from Rome vnder payne of fortye thowsande duckattes for the which he was to putte in sufficient sewertie And yet not longe after he suffered him to returne into Fraunce with charge not to bee at the councell vppon the lyke payne The Popes answer moued so much the more the mind of the king by how much he was perswaded that he should consent to the condicions which he him selfe had offered And therefore determining to withstande him in the recouerie of Bolognia he sent thether immediatly a new strength of foure hundred launces and not long after he tooke into his protection the citie with all the famulie of the Bentyuoleis without receiuing of him any couenant to minister eyther men or money And knowing that thalliance of Caesar was now more necessary to him then euer in place where affore he bare some inclinacion not to giue him those supplies of men which he had promised him in the capitulacion made with the Bishop of Gurcy so farre forth as he passed in person into Italy that being the couenant and condicion of his promisse he gaue present order that from the Duchie of Myllan the bandes that had bene promised should marche thether vnder the gouernment of Monsr de la Palissa for that Tryuulce whome Caesar had required refused the iorney By this tyme Caesar was come to Yspruch nourishing on the one side a greate desire to make warre vppon the Venetians and on the other side he founde him selfe confused with many thoughtes and perplexities for considering that all that he should doe would make vp no matter of substance if he tooke not Padoa and to that enterprise were required so great forces and so mightye preparacions as it was almost impossible to gather together sometymes he suffered him selfe to be caried with a desire to agree with the Venetians whereunto the kinge Catholike vrged him much And sometymes he stoode ouerruled with his owne conceites thinking to marche to Rome in person with his armie to occupie according to his auncient desire all the estate of the Church wherein he layed his plot to leade thether a mightie armie of Almains besides the french companies But what by his disabilities and by his disorders thexecucion of thinges was so farre inferior to thimaginacion that he consumed the tyme without putting any thinge to action sometymes promising to come in person and sometymes giuing a naked hope to sende men By these vncerteinties it seemed greeuous to the king to take vpon him to susteine alone the whole burden of the warre A reason which hauing conformetie with his nature being sparing and holding could doe more in him for the most part then the wise perswacions that many made to the contrary that if Caesar were not mightely succored by him he would at last ioine with his enemies by which it would happen that besides his necessitie to be at a greater charge yet his estates in Italy could not but fall into right manifest daungers Amyd these dowtes and difficulties the tumults of the temporall armes began to grow cold but the fire of the spirituall armes kindled into greater flames aswell on the part of the Cardinalls Authors of the councell as on the Popes side who labored altogether to oppresse such an euill affore it became greater You haue heard heretofore how the councell was denownced signified vnder thauthoritie of the king of Romains and the french king the voices of the Cardinalls of S. Cross S. Mallo Bayeux Cosenso being interposed the Cardinall also of S. Seuerin consenting manifestly and successiuely the Proctors of both the one other king did assist the councels and deliberacions that were made Moreouer and to giue it a greater authoritie the fiue Cardinals Authors of this pestilence added by the way of intimacion the names of other Cardinals of whom Cardinal Albert a french man durst not disobey the commaundements of his king being innocent in all things sauing in the compulsion that was vsed to him to subscribe his consent And for the other Cardinals named by them Cardinal Adrian and Cardinal Finalo protested openly that the matter was wrought wholly without their priuitie consent So that more then six Cardinalls were not manifestly declared of this faction whome for that the Pope hoped to draw them to a voluntary renowncing of the matter he enterteyned with them continuall practise offering to pardon the errours that had bin committed and that with such sewertie that they should not neede to feare any violence or displeasure to happen to them whereunto the Cardinals gaue a dissembled eare beleeuing the Popes promisses no further then they saw them confirmed with good meanes of their saueties But the Pope could not for all this absteyne from most mighty and extreame remedies In so much as following the councell of Antho du Mont saint Sansouyn one of the Cardinalls of his last creacion at Rauenna seeking to purge him selfe of negligence assigned an vniuersall councell in the towne of Rome within the Churche of S. Iohn de Latran for the firste daye of Maye next comming By which conuocacion he pretended that the councell called by his aduersaryes was broken and that in that which he had published was iudicially conteyned the power and authoritie of
time seeing there is nothing lesse likely to come to passe then that whiche dependes vppon many daungers and difficulties Matters of enterprise can not be warranted by coniectures onely seeing oftentimes they draw with them so many accidentes that euen the wisedomes of the wisest men are found vnperfect to assure them What reason is there that vnder a vayne hope which of her proper nature is fallible and subiect to chaunces we should offer so glorious an armie to so manifest a daunger It is more honorable to auoyde a perill by counsells and considerations then by too muche rashnes and presuming to offer our selues to an action wherein the confidence is farre lesse then the dispayre Who seeth not that our houres tyme limited being ronne out we haue no possibilitie to retyre our selues our people made hungry disordred and feareful without our losse and certaine ouerthrowe hauing Bolognia in our face where is a great masse of people and many souldiours and at our backs the French armie which will not ouersee the oportunitie of our great presuming and securitie Some others aduised that bestowing in the vauntgard a greater strength of footmen it should incampe on thother side of Bolognia almost at the foote of the mountaine betwene the gate Seragossa and S. Felix fortifying them selues with trenches and other defenses And from that side the towne should be battred being there not onely the weakest in walles and rampiers but also by planting some peeces of thartillerie aboue the mountayne they should execute in flanke during thassault such of the defendantes as would come to the breach This counsell also was reiected as not sufficient to let the comming of the Frenche and no lesse daungerous for that if they shoulde be charged by thennemie the armie notwithstanding it commaunded the mountaynes coulde not discende to their succors in lesse time then three houres Amid these variations and ambiguities being farre more easie to reproue the counsells that were propounded by others then to open other aduises that deserued to bee followed At laste the capteines grewe to a deuise to assayle the towne on that side wherein the armie was already incamped A resolution which amongest other reasons tooke furtherance by an opinion they had that Monsr de Foix would not come at all since he lingred so long Therfore they began to caste platformes to bring the artillerie to the walles and called backe the vauntgarde to incampe together with the others But a little after they had many aduertisementes that the Frenche bandes increased dayly at Finalo which reuiuing eftsones their former suspicion of their comming there might be discerned amongst them a newe diuersitie and disagreement of opinions for euery one being of this minde that if Monsr de Foix approched they should laye to set vpō him afore he entred Bolognia many perswaded that in that case thartillery planted already before the walls which then should be retired would giue many impedimēts difficulties to tharmy A matter in such tearmes of affaires both dangerous hurtfull Others reasoned that it was no lesse to their infamie then to their hurt to remayne so many dayes about the walles of Bolognia without dooing any thing both confirming at one time the courage of those that were within and giuing leasure to such as were without to prepare to succour them And therefore it were not beste to deferre anye longer to plant thartillerie but in suche place as it might be easily retyred making the better to oppose agaynst the Frenche men the platformes so large that both the artilleries and the armie might be hable to moue together The Legat was fully with them that gaue counsell to begin to batter the towne both for the displeasure he had of so long deferring and also somewhat suspecting least the matter had bene wrought by the direction and fancie of the king of Aragon according to the subtleties dissembled maner of procedings of the Spanish he complayned that if from the first incamping they had begon to batter the towne they might happly afore that time haue bin masters of it That it belonged not to noble men of warre to ioyne fault vnto fault much lesse to remaine as enemies about a towne and yet expresse no valour to assayle it That the Pope sent to him dayly corriers and postes but he knewe no more what to answere and alleage holding it a dishonor to enterteine norish him any longer with promises vaine hopes Lastly that it touched much the reputation of a general to prepare to an enterprise which he durst not execute These wordes moued not a litle the Viceroy complayning much against his importunitie hast that he being a man of no trayning in armes nor exercises of warre would so vehemētly solicit a resolution so rash and dangerous he said that in those counsels there was debated thinterest of all the world wherin yet they could not procede with such absolute maturity as there were not further nede of deper counsel cōsideration that there were no humane things more suttle intricate then thenterprises of warre not any worldly accidēt of more cōpassion then the losse of a battell that the counsels of warre drew with them infinite considerations and reasons and yet kept alwayes suppressed and reteined some secrets which the wisedome of men could not finde out that it was the custome of Popes and common weales to enter willingly into warre and afterwardes thexpenses and perplexities encreasing aboue exspectation to wishe the ende with vndiscrete desires he willed him to giue ouer to the Capteines the deliberations of thinges who hauing the same intention that he had were somewhat aboue him in thadministration and experience of a warre Lastly Peter de Nauarre in whom the Viceroy reapposed moste alleaged that in an expedition of so great importance men ought not to respect so much the distance of two or three dayes and therefore it was necessarie to continue the counsell direction for prouisions necessarie aswell for the besieging of Bolognia as for the battell and for their better gouernment afterwards according to the proceedings of the French two daies passed afore could appeare any light of the better resolution for that Monsr de Foix to whome Centa Piaua with many other borowes of the countrey of Bolognia were rendred remayned still at Finalo where he layed to reassemble his forces and bandes of souldiors who aswell for that they had bene distributed in many places as also that his footebandes which he had waged were long in comming could not so sodenly come to the muster So that no further cause of deferring appearing at laste the artilleries were planted agaynst the walles about thirtie fadomes neare the gate of S. Stephen whiche leades to Florence where the wall turning and crooking towardes the gate called Chastillon that hath his prospect vppon the mountayne maketh an angle And at the same tyme Peter de Nauarre was about to make a mine drawinge more towards the gate of
king of Nauarre being also not ignorant whither those demaundes tended chused rather to offer him selfe to a perill that was vncerteine then to accept a losse certeine hoping he should not faile of the succors promised by the french king for whose affayres it came well to passe that the warre begon in the Realme of Nauarre And at the same tyme eyther to giue more leasure to such as were appoynted to come to his succours or to deliuer him selfe if he could from those demaundes he treated with the king of Aragon who according to his custom proceeded in those conferences with great cunning But the industrie and warines of the king of Aragon hurt not more the king of Nauarre then the negligence of the french king who taking courage by the slownes of thEnglish armie that for many dayes since they were arriued at Fontarabye had done nothing And trusting withall that the king of Nauarre was able with his owne forces to defende him selfe for a tyme deferred very long to send him succours By the commoditie of which delayes the king of Aragon who had cunningly nourished and enterteyned the hopes of the king of Nauarre conuerted thether with great expedicion the bandes which he had prepared to ioyne with thEnglish So that the king of Nauarre both vnprepared of him selfe and by his priuacion of hope dispayring to be able to make resistance gaue place to his fortune and fled into Bearu beyond the Pyreney hils By which accident the Realme of Nauarre was left abandoned except certeine stronge places which yet held out for the king who in his feare was fled And so without any exspenses or difficultie and more for feare and reputacion of thEnglish that were at hand then by his owne forces that were farre of the king of Aragon made him selfe Lorde of that kingdom And because he could not affirme that he possessed it lawefully with any other title he alleaged that he was rightfully and iudicially impatronised of it by thauthoritie of the sea Apostolike for the Pope not satisfied for the happy successe of Italy had a litle before published a Bull against the french king wherein naming him no more Christianissimo but illustrissimo he subiected aswell his person as whosoeuer were his adherents to all the paynes of heretykes and schismatykes giuing sufferance to euery one to occupy their substances estates and all that apperteyned vnto them And in the same seueritie and rigour ioyned to an indignacion that the Cardinalls and other Prelats who were fled to Myllan had bene receiued into the towne of Lyon he commaunded vnder greeuous penalties and taxacions that the fayre or mart accustomed to be kept at Lyon foure tymes euery yeare the traffike of Marchantes beeing no lesse plentifull then the resort of straungers infinit shoulde bee hereafter transferred to the citie of Geneua from whence king Lovvys the eleuenth had taken it for the benefitte of his kingdome And lastly he had brought the whole Realme of Fraunce vnder thinterdiction Ecclesiasticall In his malice he omitted nothing that might apperteyne to seueritie or rigour But after the king of Aragon had conquered the kingdom of Nauarre which albeit is but of litle circuit and of lesse reuenue yet for the situacion it is very conuenient for the kingdom of Spayne and greatly auaileable to the sewertie of it he determined in him selfe to passe no further esteeming it no lesse against his profit then inconuenient for his sauetie to make warre against the french king beyond the Mountes In this respect as also euen from the beginning that thEnglishmen arriued he had beene dilatorie in bringing forth his forces rather temporising with euasions and deuises then aduauncing according to the true meaning of his promisse And after the conquest of Nauarre as the English solicited him to ioyne his forces with them to th ende to marche together and incampe affore Bayon A citie neare to Fontarabye and almoste standing vppon the Occean sea so he protracted thexpedicion they required and proponed other enterprises in places remoued from the sea alleaging that Bayonne was so manned and fortefied that there was no hope or possibilitie to cary it These reasons were aunswered and auoided by thenglishmen who without the towne of Bayonne esteemed nothing of all the other conquest of the Duchie of Guyhenno And therefore after thenglish armie had vainely spent much time to vrge the king that was altogether vnwilling they contemned his suttleties and delayes embarked to returne into England without commission or licēce of their Prince By the retyring of which armie the french king remeyned assured on that side And fearing no more thinuasions of thEnglish by sea for that at last he was become so stronge by sea that he commaunded all that part of the Occean from the coastes of Spayne to the shoares of England he determined to make tryall if he could reconquer the Realme of Nauarre To which expedicion he was encouraged besides the departing of thEnglish fleete for that by reason of his aduersities in Italy all his bandes of souldiours that remeyned were returned into Fraunce At the tyme that the king of Aragon gaue hope to thEnglishmen to enter into the warre the better to bring vnder him the whole iurisdiction of the Realme of Nauarre he had sent certeine regiments of men to S. Ioh. Pie de Porto which is the last place of that kingdom standing at the foote of the Pireney hills on that side towards Fraunce And afterwards as the french forces began to encrease thereabouts he had sent thether with the maine armie Federyk Duke of Alba capteine general of the warre But the french armie at laste beeing become farre more mightye by the presence of the Daulphin Charles Duke of Burbon and Monsr Longeville the very flowers of the Realme of Fraunce The Duke of Alba lying encamped in a stronge place betweene the plaine and the Mountaine held it an action very necessary to that seruice to let the french men for entring into the Realme of Nauarre The french men not able to force him out of that place for the strength of his situacion determined that the king of Nauarre with seuen thowsand footemen of his contrey and Monsr Palissa with his companie of three hundred launces remouing from Sauueterra neare to S. Ioh. Pie de Porto where the whole armie lay should passe the Pireney hils by the way of the vale of willowes And drawing neare to Pampelune the Capitall towne of the kingdom their deuise was to occupy the way of the willowes by the which were brought to the spanish armie vittells whereof the sterrilitie of the contrey had made them suffer great want In Pampeluna the peoples taking corage by the nearenes of the french men beganne already to draw to mutinie not otherwaies rebelling then to releeue their king for whose restoring they thought it good deuocion to aduenture their liues This was theffect of this deuise After the king of Nauarre and Monsr Palissa had wonne
at Rome Maxymylian Sforce restored to Myllan ThEnglish men as Fontarabye against the french king The king of Aragon taketh the Realme of Nauarre The purposes of Pope Iulio the second his death Creation of Pope Leo the tenth Coronation of the Pope Disposition of princes to the vvarre Desire of pope Leo to chase the Frenche out of Italy The Fr. men in the duchie of Millan The Pope sendeth money to the Svvizzers 〈…〉 Aluiano 〈…〉 generall â—â— the Venetians Aluiano taketh Pesquiero and other 〈…〉 Genes at the deuotion of the French. Nouaro beseged by the french The wordes of Capteine Motyn to the Svvyzzers The Frenchemen defeated by the Svvizzers The Pâ—pe 〈…〉 Humilitie of two Cardinals Padoa 〈…〉 gâ—d by the Viceroy Ouerthrowe of the Venetians armie Prouisions of the Frenche agaynst the king of Englande Torvvaine besieged by the English. The ouerthrow â—f the French neare 〈…〉 Rising of the Swizzers against the French king Thenglish as mie affore Tournay Tornay taken by thEnglish The Popes sentence touching the controuersies betwene Cesar the VenetiaÌ„s The hopes of the Frenche king Treatie of peace betwene Englande and Fraunce The Fr. king marieth the Lady Mary sister to the king of Englande Actions of the Pope The lantern of Genes rased by the people Emocions against the Venetians and of the Venetians Two ElephaÌ„ts presented to the Pope The death of king Lowys the twelfth 1515. Frauncis the first comes to the crowne The fr. king assumeth the title of duke of Millan Preparacions of the frenche king against the Duke of Millan Octauian Fregosa Duke of Genes â—â—mpoundes with the Frenche king The Swizzers seeke to stoppe the passage of the Frenche men The French armie The king of EnglaÌ„d sends to the frenche king not to passe into Italie The treatie betwene the king and the Swizzers broken The Cardinal of Syon persâ—adeth the Swizzers The battell of Marignan Pe. Nauarre afore the Castell of MillaÌ„ Death of Aluiano Enteruiew of Pope Leo the fr. king in Bolognia 1516. The french king returneth into Fraunce Death of the king Catholike Death of the Great Capteine The Venetians recouer Bressia The Pope taketh the Duchie of Vrbin giueth it to Laur â–ª de Medicis his nephew Capitulations betwene the French king and king Catholike Beginningâ— of new 〈…〉 Vrbin returneth to the obedience of the naturall Duke Fano besieged Description of the Citie of Pesero Consederacion betwene the Pope and fr. king Franciscomaria sendes to defie law de Medicis Scituacion of Fossambrono Lawrence loaseth thoccasioÌ„ of the victory Lawrence de Medicis hurt Ielousie against Iohn Ia. Tryuulce The death of Ioh. Ia. Triuulce The french aspireth to be Emperour 1519 Death of Lavv. de Medicis Charles the fife chesen Emperour Occasions of contention betwene the fr. king and themperor The Popes enterprise vppon Ferrara 1520. Martin Luther agaynst the Pope The Pope executeth Io. Paule Baillon ThEmprour in England Commocions in Spaine Pope Leo is the cause of the warre Fontarabye taken by the french Martin Luther Confederation betwene the Pope and thEmperour agaynst the fr. king The titles of thempire to the duchie of Millan Practises against the fr. king FrauÌ„cis Guicciardin the writer of this history Monsr d'Escud before Reggia Lightning vpon the castell of Millan The Marquis of Mantua for the Pope The resolucioÌ„ for the warre agaynst the Frenchmen Monsr de Lawtrech returneth to Millan Frauncis Guicciardin generall coÌ„maunder ouer the army The capteines of the league take counsell together The siege of Parma The Popes Capteines and the Emprours take councell to passe further The armie of the league passeth the riuer of Paw A fault of Monsr de Lavvtrech The Svvizzers leauied by the Pope vvoulde not march against the Frenche king The souldiers of the league passe the riuer of Adda The taking of Myllan by the league The death of Pope Leo the tenth The Frenche men before Parma The duke of Vrbin reentreth his estates Election of Pope Adrian the sixt The D. of Vrbin and the Baillons before Sienna Alexandria taken by the Imperialls Ten thowsand Swizzers discend into the Duchie of Millan for the fr. king Iohn Medicis for the french king The French men before Millan Frauncis Sforce at Millan Monsr Lawtrech before Pauia The Swvizzers woulde leaue the sr armie for that they are not payde Monsr Lawtrech determined to set vppon his enemies Thencounter of Bicocque The ouerthrow of the Swizzers Monsr Lawtrech returneth into Fraunce Loda taken by the Imperialls Genes taken by the Imperialls Monsr d'Escud returneth into Fraunce Emotions in Tuskane An accident in the towne of Lucquai The prouinces of â—â—alâ—e are taxed for the conseruation of the duchie of Millan Pope Adrian the vi coÌ„meth to Rome The king of England for thEmprour sendeth Embassadors to the Venetians to draw them from thalliaÌ„ce of the french VVhat thEmprour did in Spaine Roades taken Rhodes rendred vp to the Turke The Castell of Millan rendred by the French. The oracion of Andrevv Gritti touching thalliance vvith Caesar The oratioÌ„ of George Cornaro Andrea Gritty Duke of Venice Consederacion betwene Caesar and the Venetians Cardinall Volterro prisoner The French armie marcheth Confederacie betwene theÌ„prour the k. of England and the Duke of Burbon The french army in Italy The death of Pope Adrian Frauncis Guicciardin The taking of Reggia by the duke of Ferrara The taking of Loda by the French. The frenchmen breake vp from before Millan Cardinal Medicis is created Pope and taketh the name of Clement the seuenth The death of Prospero Colonno and his qualities The Duke of Burbon notable to doe any thing in Burgondie commeth to Myllan The imperials passe the riuer of Thesin The frenchmen go from before Millan The claime of the Kings of England to the Crowne of Fraunce The frenche king determineth to passe the mountes and to follow the ennemie The French king before Pauia The fr. king sendeth the Duke of Albanie into the realme of Naples The Pope counsellâ—th the fr. king and themperour to peace Duke of Ferrara aydes the French king during the siege of Pauia 1525. The defendantes of Pauya in necessitie The french king will â—â—t 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 of his Captemes The Imperialls take the castell S. Angeo Thimperialls drawe neare to Pauia The battell of Pauia wherin the frâ—king is take prisoner The Potentats of Italy in great feare for the imprisonment of the French king The VenetiaÌ„s solicite the Pope to confederate with them Thimperialls determine to accorde with the Pope Confederation betweene the Pope and the Emprour The rightes pretensions of the familie of Est The Pope sendes to visite the french king beeing prisoner The moderation and temperance of thâ— Emprour â—poÌ„ the neâ—es of the victory The Oration of the Bishop of Osimo touching the taking of the fr. king The opinion of the duke of Alba touching the kings imprisonment The sorowes and feares of Fraunce for the imprisonment of the king A treatise of of accord
Levvys at an other tyme a sonnes sonne of the same name both stirred vp by the Popes being then in variance with the same kinges to make many inuasions vppon the kingdom of Naples but with great misfortune and preiudice Touching Charles Durazzo Ladislao his sonne succeeded him who dying without issue in the yeare 1414. the crowne diuolued to his sister Iohane the second A name much accursed for the kingdom of Naples and no lesse vnhappy to both the one and other of the women resembling one an other in dissolute gouernment and wanton customes of life for this Iohane putting the pollecie and direction of the Realme into the handes of those persons with whom she communicated vnchastly her body was immediatly brought into such straites and difficulties that being tormented with Levvys the third with the aide of Pope Martyn the v. she was at last constrayned for her last refuge to make her sonne by adopcion Alphonso king of Aragon Sicyle But entring soone after into contencion with him she brake that adopcion vnder colour of ingratitude made a new adopcion calling to her succours the selfe Levvys who persecuting her with warre compelled her by the necessities of warre to make the first adopcion In so much as hauing with force chassed Alphonso wholly out of the kingdom she enioyed it in peace all the residue of her life And dying without yssue she instituted for her heire as the brute went Rene Duke of Aniovv and Earle of Prouence brother to Levvys her sonne adoptyf who perhaps died the same yeare But the succession of Rene displeasing much the Barons of the realme besides a brute running that the testament was forged by them of Naples Alphonso was reuoked by a part of the Barons people And from thence kindled the fire of the warres betwene Alphonso Rene which by many yeres brought many afflictions to that noble realme yet the accidēts actions of the warre ▪ were more by the proper forces of the realme then by the strength of the parties In this sort the wills of men being different and contrary were kindled the factions not altogither in that time quenched betwene the Aragons and them of Aniovv their titles and coulers of rightes chaunging with the time for that the Popes following more their customs of couetousnes or the propertie of times then iustice or equitie cōsented diuersly to the inuestitures of them But touching the warres betwene Alphonso Rene the victory remained to Alphonso a Prince for his valer more renowmed for his power more mighty for his fortune better fauored who dying soone after without lawful heires without making any mēcion of Iohn his brother successor to the realme of Sicile Aragon bequeathed by testament the kingdom of Naples to Ferdinand his bastard sonne as a iust reward testimonie of his proper getting cōquest therfore he iudged it could not appertein to the crowne of Aragon This bastard notwithstanding he was immediatly after the death of his father inuaded by Iohn the sonne of Rene that by the supportacion of the principal barōs of the realme yet with his fortune vertue he mainteined not only good defēce but also so chassed his aduersaries that neuer after during the life of Rene suruiuing many yeares his sonne he neither had to debate with those of Aniovv nor yet stoode in feare of their inuacions In the end Rene died hauing no yssue male he established as heire ouer his whole estates Charles the sōne of his brother who dying soone after without childrē left by his wil his inheritāce to the frēch king Levvys the xj to whō did not only returne as to his Lord souereigne the Duchie of Aniovv which suffreth no capacity of succession in the women for that it is a mēber of the crowne but also he put him selfe in the possession of Prouence notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine descending of one of the daughters of Rene iustified the inheritance of his estates to appertein vnto him And the sayd Levvys by iust vertue prerogatiue of the same testamēt had good power to pretend that the rightes which those of Aniovv had to the kingdom of Naples should be appropriated to him All which inheritāces being passed cōtinued after his death to the person of Charles the viij his sōne Ferdinand king of Naples began to haue a mighty enemy besides the oportunitie generally offring to who soeuer desired to annoy him For at that time this was the state of the realme of Fraunce it was very populous in multitudes of men for wealth riches euery particular region most fertill plētiful for glory in armes most florishing renowmed a pollicy wel directed discipline administred an authority dreadful in opinion hope most mighty lastly their generall condiciōs faculties so wel furnished as phaps it was not more happy in these mortal felicities since the daies of Charlemain It was newly amplified in euery one of the 3. parts wherein all Gavvle stoode deuided by the aūcients for xl yeares before vnder Charles the vij a Prince for his victories obteined with great daūgers called happy Normādie the Duchie of Guyen holden by the english were reduced to the obediēce of the frēch crowne And in the last daies of Levvys the xj the earldō of Prouence the dukdom of Burgondy almost all Picardy togither with the Duchie of Britaine were by a newe mariage inuested in the power of Charles the viij There was no wāt of inclinaciō in this king to aspire to conquer by warre and armes the kingdom of Naples as iustly apperteyning to him which continuing from his infancie by a certeine naturall instinct was enterteyned and nourished by such as were about him and for the conformetie of humors very agreeable with him they raised his thoughts into vaine regions and made him glorious aboue the triumphes of Caesar and Alexander they told him that with his heroicall minde vertues and disposition did concurre a present occasion to make him surmount the renowme of his predecessors for that in the conquest of Naples was a ready way for him to bring vnder his subiection thempire of the Turkes These things being knowne to many brought many hopes to Lodovvyk Sforce to perswade easily the thing he desired who also reapposed much in the frēdship familiaritie which the name of Sforce had in the french court ▪ for both in him in his brother Galeas afore him was continued by many demonstracions good offices the amitie begon by Francis Sforce their father who xxx yeares before hauing receiued in fee of Levvys the xj whose mind abhorred alwaies the things of Italy the city of Sauōe with the right which he pretēded to haue to Genes possessed aforetime by his father neuer failed him in his daūgers neither with coūcel succors nor affectiō But Lodovvik to solicite in Fraunce with more credit and authoritie and iudging him selfe vnable alone both for
receiue in dowrie and respect of the mariage the principalitie of Squillaco valued at tenne thowsand duckats in yearly reuenue and that Ferdinand should giue to him an estate of an hundreth men at armes This confirmed thopinion of many that all that the Pope solicited in Fraunce bare no other meaning then by feare to draw them of Aragon to these conuencions this was one argument to approue their coniectures that Ferdinand laboured to make a confederacion with him for their common defence but the Pope obiected so many difficulties that there was no other thing obteyned of him then a very secret promise by writing to defend the kingdom of Naples so that Ferdinand would equally promise to protect the estate of the Church These thinges dispatched the companies of men at armes which the Venetians the Duke of Myllan had sent to the Pope for his succors retired with licence and fauour out of the Church dominions Ferdinand also began now with no lesse hope of happy successe to treate with Lodovvyk Sforce who with a wonderfull suttletie arte shewed him selfe some times ill contented with the inclinacion of the french king to the matters of Italy and some times excused and iustified him selfe vpon his necessitie for that by reason of his chiefe for Genes and the auncient confederacion with the house of Fraunce he was constrayned to tender the desires and requestes made to him as he sayd by the same king But some times he promised to Ferdinand in publike and some times to the Pope and P. de medicis apart and seuerally to do all he could to moderate the kinges desire assaying to lull them a sleepe in this hope to the ende they conspired or dressed nothing against him before th affayres of Fraunce were well proceeded and established wherein they were the more easie to beleue him by how much they iudged the resolucion to bring the french king into Italy so ill for his owne sewertie that in consideracion of his particular perill and the common inuest of Italy they supposed he would vtterly disclaime and shake it of All this sōmer past in this nature of doings Lodovvyk working vnder such disguised formes and maners that without giuing any suspicion to the french king neither Ferdinand the Pope nor the Florentyns dispaired of his promises nor yet altogither trusted him But in this meane while were layed in Fraunce with no small studie the foundacions of the warre and expedicion to come whereunto contrary to the councells of most of the greatest inclined more more thaffection of the king who to be more at libertie accorded the differēces he had with Ferdinand and Isabell king Queene of Spayne Princes in those times of great reapport and name for gouernment and wisedom both for that they had drawne their Realmes out of great troubles into a setled tranquillitie also had recouered to Christianitie with a warre of ten yeares continuance the kingdom of Granado vsurped by the Moares of Affrica for almost viij hundreth yeares it was expressed in this capitulacion solemnly iustified by publike oth of both partes in the church that in Ferdinand nor Isabell for Spayne was gouerned vnder their common name should be no action of ayde to the Aragons directly nor indirectly no contract of any new affinitiue or alliance nor that in no sort they should oppose against king Charles for the defence of the realme of Naples The king in counter chaunge and recompence of these beginning by a losse certein for a hope of gaine vncerteine restored without any repayment of money Parpignian with all the earldom of Rossellion pawned many yeares before to Levvys his father by Iohn king of Aragon and father to Ferdinand An exchaunge altogither against the will liking of the whole nation of Fraunce for that that earldom seated at the foote of the hills Pyrennei consequently according to thauncient diuision part of Gallia gaue alwayes necessary impediments to them of Aragon for entring into Fraunce on that side The king for the same occasion made peace with Maximylian king of Romaines and with his sonne Phillip Archduke of Austrich in whom was no want of occasion either of olde or newe hatreds against him but specially for that his father Levvys by the death of Charles Duke of Burgondie and Earle of Flaunders with many other contries conioyning did impatronize him selfe vpon the Duchie of Burgondie and Earldom of Artoys with many other places which the sayd Duke possessed whereof growing no small warres betwene king Levvys Marie the onely daughter of Duke Charles married after the death of her father to Maximilian there was made at last Marie being dead and Phillip the common sonne of Maximilian and her succeding to th inheritance of his mother an accord amongest them more by the wills of the people of Flaunders then readines of Maximylian The better to cōfirme this accord Margaret the sister of Phillip was married to Charles sonne of Levvys and notwithstanding she was very yong ledde into Fraunce where after she had remained many yeares Charles refused her and tooke to wife Anne to whom by the death of Francis her father leauing no yssue male the Duchie of Bryttaine was descended This was a double iniurie to Maximylian being at one time made frustrate the mariage of his daughter and his owne hauing by procuracion afore married the sayd Anne And yet for that he was not able of him selfe to susteyne the warre recontinued by occasion of this iniurie and that the people of Flaunders gouerning them selues by their proper councell and authoritie by reason of the minoritie of Phillip would not dwel in warre with the realme of Fraunce And seeing lastly that the kings of Spayne England had dissolued their armies which they had leuyed against the french he consented to the peace by the which king Charles restored to Phillip his sister Margaret deteyned in Fraunce till then togither with the townes of the Earldom of Artoys reseruing to him selfe the castells but vnder bond to render them at foure yeares ende at what time Phillip being risen to his maioritie might in good validitie confirme the accord past Those townes when the peace was made by king Levvys were acknowledged by common agreement as the proper right of the sayd Margaret The generall peace thus established with all the neighbours to the realme of Fraunce the resolucion of the warre against the kingdom of Naples was confirmed for the yeare following in which time were prepared all prouisions necessary continually solicited by Lodovvyk Sforce who the thoughts of men aduauncing from degree to degree occupied his witts now not onely how to assure the gouernment to him but lifting vp his mind to higher conceites he had an intencion to transferre to him selfe the Duchie of Myllan vnder thoccasion of the warre against thArragons wherein to giue some couler of iustice to so great an iniustice and with more firme foundacions to assure his affayres against all
least that he had inclinations to giue it rather to Philip then to him So ielouse is the condition of imperie and dignitie that agaynst those for the most part is most possibilitie of suspition whose vertue hath best deserued in confidence and fidelitie But by so muche lesse had the king of Aragon occasion to reappose in him by howmuche more he had founde him alwayes intractable to leaue Naples from whence as he had often sommoned him in vayne to returne into Spayne whiche he excused and delayed alleaging many impediments so he feared that if he went not thither in person he should not easily remoue him from the gouernment notwithstanding since the last contract king Philip had charged him to transferre wholly hereafter all his obedience to the king of Aragon In this time the French king beginning to ryse somewhat into health was trauelled with many diuers and contrarie thoughts for both he was discontented with the Venetians disdayning them since the times of the warre of Naples for the desire he had to recouer that whiche was of thauncient appurtenances of the duchie of Millan and for an opinion that through diuerse accidentes their power and greatnes might sometimes hurt him which among other respects had induced him to make confederation with the king of Romaines and Philip his sonne And on the other part the discending of the king of Romains into Italie was nothing agreable to him knowing that he prepared to furnishe his iourney with very strong forces A matter which he feared more then afore for the power which he might put to king Philip successour to suche a greatnes specially beeing in doubt that whilest he was in Englande he did not contract with the king there certayne newe and straite allyaunces And for that also one of the principall occasions for the which he had entred confederation with them was ceassed and cut off by the peace made with the king Catholike by reason of the which he had dissolued left there all his thoughts and impressions touching the kingdome of Naples But whilest he stoode wauering in this varietie and incertentie of minde thembassadours of themperour Maximilian came to signifie to him their maisters deliberation to passe into Italie and to sommon him to giue order for the fiue hundred launces which he had promised to furnishe in his fauour and to performe the residue of his worde touching the restoring of the banished men from the state of Millan and to put him in remembrance lastly to aduaunce payment of the money which should be due to him within fewe monethes To these demaundes albeit the French king had no great will to condisscende yet he made semblant of the contrarie neuerthelesse onely for the regarde of suche as for that time required but wordes expressing howe muche he desired that tharticles of accorde should be executed offering for his parte in due season a readie accomplishment of all thinges he was bounde vnto onely he refused with many excuses to aduaunce the money On the other parte themperour reapposing also as little in the will of the French king as he did in his and desiring vehemently to passe to Rome chiefly to take the crowne imperiall and to choose afterwards his sonne king of Romains studied in the same time by what other meanes he might atchieue theffect of his expectations Therefore both he solicited the Svvyzzers to knit with him who after wany councels and disputes among them selues determined to obserue thalliance which yet remayned two yeres with the French king And also he demaunded passage of the Venetians through their lands who beeing loath for their own particular to graunt him passage with an armie so mightie the offers also of the French king inciting thē to ioyne with him to let his passage tooke courage to aunswere him in tearmes generall and the French king showing himselfe openly estraunged from the confederation made with him and with Phillip gaue in mariage the Lady Clauda his daughter to Frauncis Lorde of Angulesme to whom belonged the succession of the Crowne after his death without issue male he made as though he had bene drawen to that action by the importunities of his subiects hauing aforehande ordeined for that effect that all the courts of Parliament and principall townes of his kingdome should sende Embassadours to beseeche him as in a matter most profitable to the Realme since the hope to haue issue male diminished in him dayly more and more This he signified with speede to king Phillip by expresse Embassadours excusing him selfe that he had no power to resist so great a desire of his whole realme and communitie of his subiects Besides these he had sent bandes of men to the succours of the duke of Gueldres to turne Maximilian from passing into Italie who of him selfe had left and giuen ouer those cogitations for that vnderstanding that Launcelet king of Hungarie was very sicke he drewe neare the confines of that kingdome according to an auncient desire of his father to make him selfe king for the right which he pretended to it for Launcelet otherwise called Ladislao king of Hungaria and of Boeme sonne of Albert which was brother to themperour Federik dying many yeres before without sonnes the peoples of Hungaria who pretended that their king dying without heire masculine the succession of the next in bloud could haue no place had chosen for their king hauing regarde to the merites and vertues of his father Mathyas he who afterwardes to the great reputation and glorie of so little a kingdome vexed oftentimes the mightie empire of the Turkes He to auoyde in the beginning of his reigne warre with Federike agreed with him to take no wife to th end that after his death the kingdome might diuolue to Federike or to his children which albeit he did not obserue yet he died without issue and for all that Federike had not thaccomplishment of his desire for that Thungarians chose of newe for their king Launcelet king of Polonia by occasion whereof newe warres being eftsones raysed agaynst them by Federike and Maximilian they agreed at last the Barons of the kingdome taking a solemne othe that whensoeuer Launcelet should dye without issue they shoulde receiue Maximilian for their king In so much as he then aspiring to this succession after he was aduertised of thinfirmitie of Launcelet he drewe neare to the borders of Hungaria leauing behinde him for that time all his thoughts for Italie But whylest those things were debated betweene the Princes of beyonde the Mountes with so great diuersitie the Pope knowing that without the aydes of the French king he could not molest the Venetians and hauing lesse patience that the yeres of his Pontificacie should so passe away and consume without profite or honour prayed the French king to helpe him to recouer to the obedience of the Church the cities of Bolognia and Perousa which belonging of antiquitie to the Sea Apostolike were nowe tirannised the one by Iohn Paule Baillon
armes to be leauyed agaynst the Venetians troubled his minde and on the other he seemed fearefull to be constrayned to depende too muche of the greatnes of an other but muche more was he moued by an auncient ielousie he had taken agaynst the Cardinall of Amboyse in whose respect it seemed greeuous to him that the armies of the French king should passe into Italie Besides thaffaires of greatest importance were somewhat troubled by the late presumption of the Pope disposing a litle before without the kings knowledge the Byshoprikes of Ast and Plaisance and withall for that the king resisted the newe Cardinall of S. P. ad Vincla to whom by the death of thother the riche Abbey of Cleruault neere to Millan was transferred to take possession of it so irresolute was the Pope wandring betwene feare and ambition and so inconstant the Frenche king obseruing to make his profite on the trayne euent of things for albeit the Pope coulde not bee resolued amyd so many difficulties yet in the end the French king and Caesar both applying with the course and oportunities of times determined to communicate secretly together agaynst the Venetians wherein for the better countenance and coolour to the action and withall to giue perfection to those things that should be debated there assembled in the towne of Cambray for Caesar the Lady Margaret his daughter Regent of Flaunders and of those other estates which were discended to king Phillip by the mothers right assisted for the regarde of this action by Mathevve Longo a secretarie of great credite with Caesar And for the French king was sent the Cardinall of Amboyse followed with certayne other particulars rather to furnishe his trayne then to communicate in thaction They caused to publishe a brute that these estates assembled to solicit a peace betwene tharchduke duke of Gueldres betwene whom they had set downe a truce for fortie yeeres And keeping alwayes vnknowen from the Venetians the true occasion the Cardinal assured by great othes to their Embassador that his king would continue in the confederation he had with them wherein also the Embassador of the king of Aragon folowed him rather not denying then graunting for that albeit that king was the first mouer of these conferences betwene themperour and the French king yet hauing continuation afterwards without him both the one and other of them were perswaded that the prosperitie of the French king would be intollerable to him and as touching the gouernment of Castillo would holde for suspected the greatnes of Caesar and therefore his thoughtes in that action were not conformable to his words At Cambray things were resolued in very few dayes without cōmunicating with thembassador of the king Catholike till after the conclusion which the tenth daye of December was solemnly confirmed in the great Church with the othes of Lady Margaret the Cardinall of Amboyse and the Spanishe Embassador In this publication they expressed nothing but that there was established betwene the Pope and eyther of those Princes a perpetuall peace and confederation but in Articles more priuate and secrete were conteined clauses of right great importance which being full of ambition and wholly contrarie to the couenauntes whiche Caesar and the French king had with the Venetians were couered with a preamble full of great pietie and affection to religion as though the diuersitie of words were sufficient to alter and chaunge the effects of things It was expressed in that preamble that for a common desire to beginne a warre agaynst the enemies of the name of Christ and thimpedimentes which the Venetians had giuen occupying ambitiously the landes of the Church which nowe they ment to remoue to proceede with better consent and agreement to so holy and necessarie an expedition And by the perswasions and counsels of the Pope the Cardinall of Amboyse as his procurer and with his authoritie and as deputed and authorised by the French king and by the personall solicitation of Lady Margaret assigned and authorised by the king of Romains and as gouernes to tharchduke and thestates of Flaunders And lastly by the consent of thembassador of the king of Aragon as fully appoynted by his king they were resolued to make warre vpon the Venetians euery one in his owne right to recouer the thinges they had vsurped vpon them which for the Pope were Faenza Rimini Rauenna and Ceruia for the king of Romains Padua Vincensa and Verona apperteining to him in the name of Thempire and the places of Friul and Treuisan beeing percell of th inheritance of the house of Austria for the French king were Cremona Quiaradada Bresse Bergama and Crema and for the regarde of the king of Aragon were the townes and hauens which had bene morgaged by Ferdinand king of Naples Tharticles were these that the French king was bounde to the warre in person and to giue the first reall beginning the first day of the next Aprill at what tyme also the Pope and the king Catholike should enter into the action That to th ende the king of Romains should haue iust cause not to obserue the truce that was made the Pope should demaunde succors of him as of the protector of the Churche and that after that the king of Romains should sende to him at the least a Capteine and should be bounde fortie dayes after the French king had begonne the warre to inuade thestates of the Venetians in person That which soeuer of them should recouer that which apperteined to him should be bound to minister ayde to the others till they had made a full and sufficient recouerie That they were all bound to defende one another in case the Venetians offred to oppresse them for any places that were recouered and not one of them in particular should compoūd or agree with the Venetians without a common consent that the Duke of Ferrara and Marquis of Mantua and who els would pretend the Venetians to vsurpe any place of theirs had libertie to be named in the league within three moneths and being once named to enioy all the benefits and fauours of the confederation in as full power and nature as the principalles of the same communicating with the fulnesse of authoritie for the reconquering of those things that they had loste That the Pope should sommon the Venetians vnder great paynes and curses to make restitution of suche things as they occupied of the Church That he should be iudge betweene Bianca Maria the king of Romains wife and the Duke of Ferrara touching the contention for an inheritance and succession of Anna her sister and sometimes wife to the sayd Duke That Caesar should inuest the French king in the duchie of Millan for him selfe Frauncis d'Angoulesme and to their issue males for whiche inuestiture the Frenche should paye to him an hundred thousande duckets That Caesar and the Archduke should not during the warre and six monethes after make any innouation agaynst the king Catholike for any respect of the gouernment
an authentike register of all the iniuries which the French kings in times past had done to thempire and nation of Germanie confessing that since the king had accompanied his promise with suche honor and fidelitie that he could do no lesse in common office then for his part to dissolue all remēbrances of things that might minister occasions to be vnthankfull to so great an affection The Cardinall of Amboyse came to him to Trent the thirtenth day of Iune to communicate of their common affaires who beeing receyued with demonstrations well testifying the amitie he bare to his king promised him on the kings behalfe a succor of fiftie launces In so muche that after they had with great agreement giuen directions for other affayres it was resolued that Caesar and the king should speake together in plaine feeld neare the towne of Gard vpon the Marches of both the one and others countreys For which cause the Frenche king prepared to be there at the day appoynted and Caesar in the same regarde came to Riua de Trente bringing in neither of their mindes any suspition the one allured by good experience of benefite and fidelitie and the other assured by the consideration of the same But suche are the variations of Princes and their ordinarie subiection to suspitions and ielousies that themprour after he had bene there onely two houres returned immediatly to Trenta signifying to the French king that by occasion of new accidents hapned at Friul he was constrayned to departe sodenly desiring him to stay at Cremona till he returned to giue perfection to the enterview determined This varietie if notwithstanding it be possible in a Prince so inconstant to finde out the truth many attributed to his credulitie lightnes of belefe some men blowing into his eares something that made him enter into suspition Others made this thoccasion that hauing so small a Court accompanied with a trayne ill appoynted he thought he coulde not present himselfe with that dignitie and reputation as might holde comparison with the pompe and greatnes of the French king who for his part desiring to dissolue his armie to be deliuered of so great a burden no lesse to returne with spede into Fraunce tooke his way to Millan not tarying for themperours signification notwithstanding the bishop of Gurce whom themperour had sent for that effect following him euen to Cremona solicited him muche to tarrie making promise that without all exceptions themperour would returne The discamping of the armie and person of the French king from the confines of Caesar diminished greatly the reputation of his affayres And yet albeit he was accompanied with suche multitudes of men that he might easily refurnish Padoa and the other townes yet he sorbare to sende garrison thither either for thinconstancie of his nature or that he thoughte afore hande to sette vppon some other enterprise or lastely that he interpreted it more to hys honour to discende into Italie wyth a greater armie And whiche more is he pretended as thoughe the former actions had had their due perfection that together wyth the ioynt forces of the whole confederates they should assayle the Citie of Venice A matter very plausible to the French king but greeuous to the Pope and no lesse impugned with open reasons by the king of Aragon About this tyme the Florentins put their laste hande to the warres agaynst the Pisans for after they had cutte off all succours and entrie of graynes into Pisa they leauyed newe bandes to th ende by aduauncing all thindustrie they coulde to choake all their course of vittelles bothe by sea and lande A matter that was subiect to difficultie for the neighborhood of the countrey of the Lucquois who when they coulde secretly doo it obserued wyth a verye negligent fayth their accorde newly made with the Florentins the necessities of their neighbours preuayling aboue the bonde of their promise othe or fidelitie But notwithstanding the secrete succours of those good neighbours the wante of vittayles more and more encreased within Pisa an affliction aboue all others least tollerable and most contrarie to the kinde of man expressing in that aduersitie a peculiar frayltie The souldiours of the playne countrey could not endure it which made those principalls of the Citizens in whose handes rested al publike resolutions being folowed with the greatest part of the youth of the Citie the better to loll the countrey souldiours with deuises accustomed to introduce by the meane of the Lorde of Plombin a practise of accorde with the Florentins An action wherein were artificially consumed many dayes and for whiche the Florentins sent to Plombin Nicholas Machiauel their secretorie the Pisans electing for Embassadors both Citizens and countrey men It was very harde to enclose Pisa for that it stoode in a felden large and full of dytches and marris neyther coulde the entry of vittelles be hindred by any easie meane speciallye by nighte bothe for the faythfull industrie of the Lucquois to refurnishe them and the desperate myndes of the Pysans refusing no perill wherein was anye oportunitie of prouision But to ouercome those difficulties the Florentine Capteines determined to deuide their armie into three partes bestowing one parte at Messana withoute the gate of Plagei the seconde at Saint Peter de Rene and Saint Iames ouer agaynst the gate of Lucquay and the thirde was appoynted to the auncient Temple of Saint Peter d'ingrado standing betweene Pisa and the mouth of Arna In euery campe beeing well fortified they bestowed a thousande footemen with conuenient numbers of horsemen And to let that none shoulde passe ouer the mountaynes by the waye of the vale of Osola whiche leadeth to the mount Saint Iulian they buylded towardes the great hospitall a Bastillion capable of two hundred and fyftie footemen By these impedimentes the Pisans fell more and more into want of vittelles who seeking to gette by pollicie that whiche they dispayred to obtayne by force deuised that Alphonso Mutulo a young man of Pisa but of base condition who beeing aforetyme taken prisoner by the Florentin souldiours and receiuing many pleasures of his keeper shoulde offer to bee thinstrument to make them surprise the gate that goeth to Lucquay Their deuise bare this meaning that at the same tyme that the campe whiche was at Saint Iames shoulde go by nighte to execute thenterprise they woulde not onely oppresse it when one parte was entred but also woulde charge the other campes of the Florentines whiche according to the resolution were to approache more neare the Citie but for that they made not their approche rashely nor in disorder the Pisans wonne no other thing by this practise but the lyues of certayne particulars who at the signe giuen were come to the first gate thinking to enter the Citie amongst whom was slayne with a shotte Paule de Parana captayne of a companie of lighte horsemen to the Florentins and Canaio de Pratovechio to whome Alphonso Mutulo had bene prisoner and vnder his assuraunce
whiche the French king had giuen him in the yle of Escalo a great passage vpon the countrey of Verona neither inuironed with walles nor made strong with other fortifications But whylest he laye there without iealousie or doubte of anye thing he serued as a notable example to all Capteines howe muche it importes them in all tymes and all places to bee vigilant and so manage their affayres with care and industrie that they maye haue confidence in their proper forces without reapposing in this vayne imagination that eyther their enemies bee farre of or that by an opinion of their weaknesse they maye thinke their estate to stande in more securitie for as the Marquis had couenaunted with certaine estradiots of the Venetian armie to come to him in that place to take his paye and followe his ensigne who from the beginning of the conference had manifestly communicated the deuise with their capteines And as the capteines vpon this occasion had ordeined to assayle him vnprouided So Luke Maluezzo with two hundred light horsmen and Zitolo de Perousa with eight hundred footemen whiche were secretly come from Padoa to Leguagno beeing ioyned to the bands which were within and fiftene hundred men of the countrey and sending before certayn horsemen who cried Turko Turko that was the Marquis name making as though they were those estradiots that were exspected they conueyed them selues in the peepe of the daye without that there was any doubt made to the yle of Escalo the same morning that was appoynted where finding no resistance they entred and finding all the souldiours without gard and suche as followed the person of the Marquis sleeping in their owne negligence they put them to the spoyle and tooke prisoner amongst others Monsr de Boyssi lieftenant to the Marquis and nephew to the Cardinall Amboyse The Marquis vnderstanding thalarme leaped naked out at a windowe and hidde himselfe in a tuffe of corne but he was discouered to thenemies by a paisant of the same place who respecting more thestate of the Venetiās thē his particular profit made as though he would saue the Marquis for the offers he made but did the contrarie for that the Marquis not hable to lye hidden in so yll a fortune was presented afore the generall and so ledde to Venice and there put prisoner in the litle tower of the publike pallace to the wonderful reioysing of euery one Caesar till this day had giuen no impediment nor medled to hinder the proceedings of the Venetians for that he had not yet leauyed a force sufficient to put him selfe in the feelde He was hardly bestead many dayes in the mountaine of Vincense where the countrey men bearing deuotion to the Venetian name and reapposing muche in the difficulties of the place were drawne into manifest rebellion agaynst him And after Padoa was reobtayned by the Venetians he discended into the plaines where beeing encountred with multitudes of the mountaine men and paysantes in a passage of good situation and strength his case was in no little perill But after his valour and pollicie had remoued the daungers that were opposed and by their proper disorder had put the mountayne men to the chase he came to Escalo vpon the frontier Vincentin where the Venetian armie had recouered a great part of the countrey of Vincense and taken Serauallo a passage of importance where they executed many cruelties vpon the Almains which was recompensed with like example of slaughter by Maximilian vpon the Italian footmen and mountayne men winning vpon them the passage not many dayes after A matter which ought not to finde so ready imitation amongst Christians notwithstanding the lawes of armes are full of seuerities for that in actions of reuenge the vertue is greater to pardon then to punishe and to a Prince by so muche more honorable is his victorie by howe muche he vseth his clemencie aboue his iustice But as yet his forces beeing not so great as the necessitie of his affayres required he occupied the time in small enterprises sometimes besieging this borough and sometime that passage with very litle honor and reputation for the name imperiall and as alwayes his conceptions were farre greater then his forces or occasions so he solicited at the same time with the confederates the vnion of all their forces to make an action vpon the citie of Venice making his commoditie ouer and aboue the preparations by lande of the sea armies of the French king the king of Aragon and the galleys of the Pope beeing at that time cōioyned and assembled into one Nauye To which demaūd notwithstanding no mencion was made in the confederacion of Cambray the French had cōsented if the condicions had bene such as the benefit of the conquest had turned to a common profitte so readye is thinclination of Princes to embrace enterprises which depend vpon benefit But it was a thing greeuous to the Pope with whom both then and at other times when it was commoned vpon more amplie the king of Aragon ioyned to detest it for that it seemed to bring particular profitte to the French vsing this cooller that it was both vniust and dishonest The calamities of warre are hardly lymited and lesse seldome conteyned in one place certeine for whilest the contreys of Padoa Vincensa and Verona suffred these tormentes by the armies of thAlmains and Italyans the contrey of Fryul and those places which were for the Venetians in Istria were afflicted with more miserable persecutions and ruines for that the Prince of Hanau being entred by Caesars direction into the contrey of Fryul with ten thousand men trayned after he had attempted in vaine to take Montfalcon caryed by force the towne and castell of Cadore with a pityfull execucion and boucherie of those that defended it And on the other syde certeine light horsemen and footebandes of the Venetians folowed with many of the contrey men tooke by force the towne of Valdisera and by accord the towne of Bellona where was no garrison for thAlmains The Duke of Brunsvvik whom themperour had likewise sent thether being repulsed at Vdnia the principall towne of Fryul was marched to Ciuital d'Austrich a towne situat in a high place vpon the ryuer of Natisona where Federik Contarino laye in garrison with a verye small companie reapposing much in the forces of the people who had myndes well resolued to defend them selues to his succors as Ioh. P. Gradiuio Magistrat of Fryul was cōming with eight hundred horsemen and fyue hundred footemen he was put to flight by certeine handes of thAlmains And yet notwithstanding they had shaked Cyuitall with their artillery they could not cary it neither with the furious assalts which they gaue nor with the rumor they spred that they had defeated the succors that came to reskew them so great a resolution dothe the defence of libertie aboue all other respects breede in the mynde of men In Istria Christopher Frangypan defeated nere the borough of Vermes the cōmissaries of the
declaring as nothing all election that shoulde be made by symonie and giuing an entry and meane very easie to any Cardinall to impugne it This constitution he had pronounced from the tyme he was within Bolognia standing then discontented with certayne Cardinalls who laboured openly to purchase the promises of other Cardinalls to possesse the Papacie after his death He began nowe to growe better and better eyther by his strong and hable complexion or els for that by destinie he was reserued to be the author and principall occasion of more great and long calamities for it was not reasonable to attribute the recouerie of his helth to the vertue or remedie of medicines for that he obeyed neither rule nor order eating in the greatest perill of his maladie rawe apples and things contrarie to the prescription of Phisicke The Pope was no sooner deliuered from daunger of death then he returned eftsones to his olde deuises and cogitations continuing at one time to solicite a peace with the Frenche king and a confederation with the king of Aragon and the Senate of Venice agaynst the Frenchmen suche was his desire to chase out of Italie all dominion and imperie of the Frenche And albeit his will was more inclined to warre then to peace yet he seemed oftentimes drawen with varietie of fancies and for many reasons followed sometimes one opinion and sometimes an other not beeing hable to settle in minde and iudgement hauing his thoughts wandring and reaching to endes farre aboue his power The thing that carried his inclination to the warre besides his auncient hatred agaynst the Frenche and that he was not hable to obteine all the conditions of peace which he desired were the vehement and importunate perswasions of the king of Aragon who feared nowe more then euer least the French king beeing once at peace with the Pope would not execute vppon the realme of Naples vppon the first occasion Wherein to th ende his counsells might carrie a greater authoritie besides the armie at sea which was affore repassed out of Affrika into Italie vnder Peter Nauarre he had sent newly out of Spayne an other sea armie conteyning fiue hundred men at armes six hundred horsmen mounted vpon iennets and three thousand footmen Neuertheles this king proceeding vnderhand with his accustomed subtelties made show that he desired more then euer the warre agaynst the Moores from which his owne profire or particuler interest did not draw him but onely a holy deuotion which he had alwayes borne to the sea Apostolike onely he alleaged that beeing not hable of him selfe to interteine his souldiours it was necessarie that the Pope and thestate of Venice shoulde minister to him wherevnto to th ende they might condiscende more easily his bands that were all descended into the yle of Capri neare to Naples made showes as though they prepared to passe into Affrika But his immoderate demaundes muche amasing the Pope and his suttleties pleasing him nothing at all he entred into many suspicions well knowing that that king ceassed not to giue to the Frenche king hopes all contrarie he knewe the Venetians would not willingly be drawne from his will and purposes euen so he was not ignoraunt that for the greatnes of suche a warre wherein they were they were no longer hable to beare out the burden and charges as before And that time had brought the Senate nowe to seeke more to defende their owne then to take in hande a newe warre which could not be continued without intollerable exspences He hoped that the Svvizzers by a common inclination of those contreimen would declare them selues agaynst the Frenche king but hauing no certentie thereof he seemed to holde it vndiscrete to oppose him selfe to so great daungers for a hope so yll assured not beeing ignorant that as yet were not reiected and cut off their practises with the Frenche king and many of their chieftaines and principalls to whome reuerted not small profites by the Frenche amities labored all they might that in thassembly which was presently to be holden their alliance might be renewed with the kinge Touching the will and intention of Caesar notwithstanding he had many inclinations by the king Catholik of his owne nature a sworne enemie to the Frenche name yet his hope of him was lesse then his feare knowing the great offers that were made to him of new aswell against the Venetians as against him to the which the French king was hable to giue more high state and perfection then to any others that could be made to him he sawe that if Caesar shoulde ioyne with the Frenche king he had greatly to feare the counsell by reason of his authoritie And also his owne power ioyned in good fayth and meaning with the forces and treasures of the Crowne of Fraunce and with thopportunitie of thestates of them both the Pope coulde not in reason haue any hope of the victorie which he founde very harde to obteine agaynst the Frenche king alone But that whiche gaue him the greatest stomacke was a hope he had that the king of Englande would be wonne to rayse warre agaynst the Crowne of Fraunce both by the counsels and perswasions of the king Catholike his father in lawe and for thauthoritie of the sea Apostolike which was then great in the yle of Englande and in whose name he had with vehement petitions implored his succors against the french king as agaynst an vsurper oppressor of the Church to these inducements was ioyned also the naturall hatred aswell of that king as of the people of England to the french nation much helping in this action the forwardnes of the kings youth great abundance of treasor left to him by his father which was supposed to amount to a wōderful quantity These were proper instrumēts to kindle fire in the mind of this yong king hauing neuer experiēced in his kingdom but fortunes happy plausible he was also pushed forward by an honorable desire to renew the glory of his auncestors who intituling them selues kings of Fraunce and at sundry times vexing that kingdome with great warres had not onely holden for many yeres Guyenne and Normandy rich mighty prouinces of that crowne and taken in a battell neare to Poyeters the Frenche king with two of his sonnes and many of his Nobilitie but also had occupied together with the moste part of the kingdome the citie of Paris the capitall citie of the kingdome lastly their vallours and fortunes haue bin so terrible to the Frenchmen that if Henry the fift then king of Englande had not exchaunged this life in the flower of his age and glorious course of his victories it was beleeued he had made an absolute conquest of the whole realme of Fraunce and brought subiected to him selfe the Crowne and imperie of that nation The memorie of these honorable victories working with the youth and disposition of the king were not of little force to draw him to action notwithstanding his father vppon
yet not of that importaunce as to turne their mindes to diuisions for that without it they were both honorably raysed aduanced and withall there was no forme of disposing of the publike affaires without thē was the very originall and principall cause of the great calamities which fell afterwards vpon that citie The factions diuisions amōgst the citizens being grounded therevpon and thenemies of the Gonfalonnier suspecting him with the Cardinall of Volterre his brother to be at the deuotion of the French king and to reappose altogether in his amitie opposed as muche as they could agaynst the deliberations that were to be made in fauour of that king desiring that all might be transferred to the Pope By this also it came to passe that the name of the familie of Medicis beganne to be lesse hatefull in that Citie then before for that those chiefest and mightiest Citizens who earst denyed their returne were nowe no more concurrant to persecute them and muche lesse to hinder the communitie and conuersation of others with them The malice they bare to the Gonfalonnier wrought this alteration change of their affection and the more to abate his authoritie they stucke not to expresse by many tokens how little that familie was estraunged from their fauour and amitie not forbearing also to giue shadowe to others to desire their returne and greatnesse And of this it happned that not onely those that were their assured and perfect friendes in whom was no great power entred into hopes of innouation and newe thinges but also many of the Nobilitie and youth of the Citie pushed on eyther by their great prodigalities and exspences or by certayne particular disdaynes or at least by ambicious desires to surpasse others in dignities exspected a mutation of that estate by the meane of their returning that disposition hauing bin norished and encreased many yeares by the Cardinall Medicis with great sleight and subteltie for euer since the death of his brother Peter whose name was both feared and hated he had made no show to entermeddle in thaffaires of Florence nor to haue any desire to aspire to the auncient greatnesse of his familie And to omitte no office which might eyther make him merite the more or insinuate further he forgate not with great humanitie and fauours to welcome and receiue all the seuerall people of Florence that had recourse to Rome offring himselfe a ready instrument for the dispatche of their affayres wherein disposing his fauour no lesse to suche that had bene manyfest enemies agaynst his brother then to others whom he helde indifferent he vsed in his behauiour and speache to laye all the fault vpon his brother as though the faultes with the memorie and hate thereof were determined together with his death This forme and manner of behauior he continued many yeares which accompanied with the opinion that went of him in the Court of Rome to be by disposition liberall affable and gracious to all men brought hym in the ende to bee acceptable to many at Florence In whiche respect the Pope that desired not a little thalteration of that gouernment preferred him with great foresight to that legation The Florentins appealed from thinterdiction and to commit the lesse offence in thappellation they called it not the councell of Pisa but named it the sacred councell of the Churche vniuersall And as though by thappellation theffect of thinterdiction had bene suspended the priestes of the foure principall Churches were cōpelled by commaundement of the supreme Magistrate to make publike celebration of all diuine offices the same disclosing more and more the diuision of the Citizens and left in the discression of euery one either to obserue or contemne thinterdict for this reason thembassadors of the kings of Englande and Aragon made new instance to the french king offring him peace with the Pope so farreforth as he would see Bolognia rendred to the Church and that the Cardinalls might make a presence at the Councell of Latran when they offred that the Pope should receiue them all to pardon But the regard and consideration of Bolognia holding him from consenting to the peace he made answer that as he did not defend a citie in contumacie and rebellion against the Church vnder whose iurisdiction obedience it was gouerned in the same forme and estate of policie wherin it had bin ruled many yeres afore the pontificacy of Iulius to whom it belonged not to demaund a greater authoritie then had bin required practised by his predecessors so also touching the Councell of Pisa it had bin introduced in a most honorable and holy purpose to reforme the notorious intollerable disorders of the Church wherevnto would be easily reduced her auncient vertue brightnes and that without perill of schisme or diuision if the Pope would agree to assist that councell the reason being no lesse iust then the action conuenient for him managing the supreme place he added lastly that his vnquietnes together with his inflamed minde addicted to warres and troubles had chiefly induced him to binde himselfe to the protection of Bolognia whiche for his honor he would defende with no lesse care and studie then he would see to the protection of his towne of Paris The Pope then shakinge of all his cogitations and thoughts to the peace no lesse for his auncient hatreds and couetousnes then for feare of the councel his desire to Bolognia and finally suspecting that if he deferred any lōger to deliberat resolue he should be left abādoned of euery one the spanish souldiers beginning now to ēbarke at Carpy making as though they would passe into Affrika he determined to finish the cōfederation negociated with the king Catholike the senat of Venice which was solemnly published the fifth of October in the Church of S. Maria de populo the Pope and all the Cardinalls assisting This confederation bare that they shoulde principally preserue the vnitie of the Churche and the better to defende her from present schisme to reuerse and dissolue the assembly of Pisa To recouer the Citie of Bolognia apperteining immediately to the sea Apostolike together with all other peeces and places whiche directly or indirectly belonged to the Churche Ferrara beeing comprehended vnder that sence That agaynst all suche that shoulde oppose agaynst any of these thinges or labour to throwe any impedimentes these wordes signified the Frenche king they shoulde proceede to chase them out of Italie with a mightie armie wherein the Pope was to mayntaine foure hundred men at armes fiue hundred light horsemen and sixe thousand footmen The Senat of Venice should furnish eight hüdred men at armes a thousande light horsemen and eight thousand footmen And to the king of Aragon were allotted twelue hundred men at armes a thousande light horsemen and tenne thousand footemen for the interteinment of whome the Pope shoulde paye during the warre eight thousande duckettes euery moneth and the Venetians as much furnishing presently a paye for
two monethes within which time they were bound to march into Romagnia or to other place where the confederates should be That the king of Aragon should arme twelue gallies and the Venetians fourteene whiche at the same time should make warre vpon the Frenche king in Lombardie That Dom Raimond of Cardona then Viceroy in the realme of Naples shoulde be capteine generall of th armie That if in this warre there were conquered any townes in Lombardy which had bene the Venetians that in that case shoulde be obserued the declaration of the Pope who forthwith in a writing apart seueral pronoūced that they should be rendred to the Venetians There was reserued for Caesar liberty to enter into the confederation and likewise to the king of Englande bearing to the one an vncertayne hope to be hable in the ende to seperate him from the french king and for the other was left a tyme by the expresse consent of the Cardinall of Yorke who 〈…〉 alwayes assist and communicate in the treatise of the league As this confederation was fully resolued established Ierome Donato the Venetian embassador died who for his singuler wisdome and habilitie being very deare to the Pope had in this action other affaires during his legation done many great seruices to his contrey This confederation made by the Pope vnder cooller to deliuer Italy from the imperie of straungers drew the mindes of men to diuerse interpretations according to the diuersitie of their iudgements passions for many beguiled with the respect magnificence of the title set out with great merites prayses so diuine and high an enterprise sayde it was an action right worthye the maiestie of his place and that the greatnes of his minde could not haue chosen an enterprise more gracious nor lesse full of discression then of magnanimitie stirring vp by his industry one stranger against an other In such sort that the blood of forreiners more then of naturall Italians being spilt vpon the French men not only the liues of Italians were spared and reserued but also after one of the parties should be expulsed it would be easie with the naturall armies of the countrey to chase out the other beeing already weakened and out of breath Others on the other side in whō perhaps were setled more depe impressions considerations of the substance of things reapposing litle in the deluding showes of a title magnificall feared that the warres that were begon with intention to deliuer Italie from forreine powers would not grow more to hurt the vitall spirites of that body then other warres that had bene begon with a manyfest profession and resolute intention to subdue it They saide it was no lesse vayne then yll aduised to hope that the armies of Italie depriued of vertue of discipline of reputation of Capteines of authoritie and the willes of their Princes not conformed should be mightie ynough to driue out of Italie him that is already possessed of conquest and victorie in whom albeit all other remedies should fayle at least he could neuer fayle of the meane to be reunited with those that he had vanquished to the common ruine of all the states and regions of Italie They foresawe that there was more reason to feare that in these newe stirres were not occasion to make pillage of Italie by new nations then to hope that by the vnion of the Pope and the Venetians there should be any habilitie to vanquish the Frenchmen and the Spaniards They sayd that as it was to be wished that the disagreement and yll disgested counsells of their Princes had not opened the way to forrayne armies to enter into the mayne body of Italie so notwithstanding since by their infelicitie two of the moste worthy members of that body were occupied by the Frenche and Spanishe kings it was to be esteemed a farre lesse calamitie that they both continued there vntill eyther the goodnes of God whose rule goeth through all or the fauor of fortune who ordereth things in time would minister occasions better grounded and ayde them with oportunities more conuenient for that the one king waighing in ballance agaynst the other their mutuall iealousies would defende the libertie of such as were not yet falne into seruitude then that betwene them selues they should fall into armes by meane of which whilest the warre should last the partes that yet remayned sounde would be torne in peeces by pillages by fyrings by blood and by other miserable accidents which warre draweth with it And lastly which of them should remayne victor would assuredly afflict the whole body with a more hard heauy seruitude But the thoughts of the Pope in whom was an other opinion being become more violent and kindled by the new confederacion Assoone as the tearme limited in thadmonicion published before against those Cardinalls that were Authors of the councell was passed he called together the publike Consistorie with great solemnitie and sitting in habit pontificall in the hall named the hall of the kings he declared that the Cardinalls of S. Cross of S. Mallo of Cosense and of Bayeux were falne from the dignitie of Cardinalls and had incurred all those paynes whereunto are subiect heretikes and schismatikes he published also an admonicion of the same forme against the Cardinall S. Seuerin whom he had not molested till that day And proceeding in the same heate to the deuises for warre he solicited continually the comming of the Spanyards hauing an intencion affore all other thinges to bringe warre vpon the Florentyns both to draw to the deuocion of the confederats that cōmon weale restoring to the gouernment the famulie of Medicis and also to satisfie the infinit malice which he bare to Peter Soderin Gonfalonnier as though it was thorow his authoritie that the Florentyns would neuer be seperated from the french king giuing also a consent afterwards that the councell should be holden at Pysa Of this resolucion many signes relacions were brought to Florence where falling into preparacions to be able to susteine the warre it was propownded amongst other thinges that it could not be vnreasonable to resist with the reuenues goods of the Church the warre which the Church went about to make vniustly And therefore it were no offence to equitie or conscience to constraine the Churchmen to contribute some great quantitie of money but vnder these condicions that they should be bestowed in places of sewertie and the money not to be disburssed but in the action of warre which not hapning and the feare thereof ceassing euery porcion should be restored to the parties that lent it To this deuise many of the Citizens spake against some for feare to incurre the paynes imposed by the cannon lawes vpon the defilers of the libertie of the Church they were the least in number and most inferior in power and authoritie but the greater parte impugned this proposicion onely to obiect against the will and reasons of the Gonfalonnier of whose authoritie it
our necessitie is so great and our daunger so manifest not standing subiect to any thing that may more preiudice vs that it is suffered not onely to serue our turnes with that part of those reuenues which is not conuerted into workes of pietie and charitie but also it is lawfull to lay handes euen vpon the thinges sacred for that according to the lawe of nature the defense and resisting of iniuries is common to all men allowed of God and approued of all nations A perpetuall rule to men engendred together with the world it will laste as longe as the worlde and is not subiect to derogacion by any of the lawes ciuill or cannon grounded vpon the wills and tradicions of men which being not otherwayes recorded then in paper or other matter fraile and declyning haue no power to derogat a perpetuall law not made by men or their councells but engraued by nature her selfe in the spirits and hartes of all mankind we must not exspect and temporise till we be brought into the last extremitie for that being once enuyroned with oppressions our recoursse to remedies woulde be too late and we should stand to lament the harmes which we might haue auoyded it is too late to prouoke to vomit when the poyson hath pearsed to the bones the soldiour serueth no turne that beginneth to march when the battell is done Besides all this how can it be denied that the state and multitude of priuat persons shall suffer great distresse by it seeing that by thimpostes that are layed vpon them the greatest part of them are constrayned to cut of some of those exspenses without the which they can not liue but with great incommoditie diminucion of things necessary to their degree That is the necessitie which hath bene considered vppon by such as haue made the lawes by which we are forbidden to exspect till our Citisens be brought to the daūger offamine and no longer able to susteyne their famulies On the other part by this taxacion there is no incōmoditie imposed vpon the Churchmen for that they doe onely disfurnish them selues of that parte of their reuenues which either they kepe vnprofitable in their coffers or reserue to exspend in prodigalities superfluous or perhaps some of them I speake vnder pardon would lashe out in pleasures dishonest This is a perpetuall resolucion of all wise men that the libertie of cities and common weales is acceptable to God for that in them more then in any other sort of gouernment is preserued the common benefit iustice administred without acception of persons the minde of Citisens raysed more and more to workes of vertue and honor and more respect and reuerence borne to religion And yet you beleeue it is an action not a litle displeasing to God that to defend a thing so precious for the which who sheds his proper blood winneth greatest merit and prayse you employ a litle part of the frutes and reuenues of temporall thinges which notwithstanding they are dedicated to Churches yet they are all discended vnto them by almes by donations and by inducements of laye men our elders They are to be no lesse employed for the preseruacion and sauetie of Churches subiect and exposed in a time of warre then thinges secular which are layed downe to the crueltie and couetousnes of soldiours neyther are they more to be respected in a warre made by the Pope then if there were a persecution by the Turkes or the greatest tyrants of the worlde forbeare not whilest you haue tyme to prouide for the sauetie of your contrey be not curious in conscience to defend your libertie then the which you can not offer to God a temporall sacrifice more acceptable or worthy Thinke that to chasse the warre from your houses from your temples from your Monasteries and from your possessions there is no better remedie then to make knowne to him that is risen to offende you that you are determined to forget nothing that may serue to your defense That force is iust that is raysed in a necessary cause and where you want secular meanes to warrant your liues to apply the goods of the Church in this proporcion can be no breache of equitie nor conscience nature by prerogatiue makes things lawfull for defence which the law ceremonially reserueth for other respects The discoursse of this graue Magistrat no lesse reasonable in it selfe then necessary for their common sauetie wrought such impression in the mindes of the hearers that the law proponed was without any difficultie approued by the great councell By reason whereof notwithstanding the displeasure and discontentment of the Pope increased more and more taking more hoat occasion to dispose the confederats to begin warre with the Florentyns yet the perswasions of Pandolffo Petruccio had power to turne from that opinion aswell the Pope as the Deputies that solicited in Italy for the king of Aragon for Pandolffo giuing councell to assaile Bolognia blamed much all deuises and enterprises to bring the warre into Tuskane alleaging that Bolognia being vnable for her proper weakenes to defend her selfe should be enforced to call in the forces of the french king And for the Florentyns what with their own power concurring also the proper profit of the king he would no lesse see to their defence then to Bolognia That albeit the Florentyns bare a certeine inclinacion of minde to the french king yet neuerthelesse they were wise and stoode alwayes ielous of the preseruacion of their estate neuer hauing at his instance offended any with armes during so great stirs yea they had not ministred to him in any other sort of seruice but onely furnished him for the defense of the state of Lombardy with two hundred men at armes according to the bondes of the capitulacion made in common betwene him and the king Catholike he sayd there could not be done to the french king a thing more agreeable or profitable then to constraine the Florentyns to giue ouer to be Newters and to ioyne their cause with his That it would be a matter of great indiscression if his enemies were the cause to make him obteyne that which he could neuer bring to passe by his authoritie the king hauing in vaine solicited by many prayers and promisses to declare them selues for him That it was discerned of many by many signes and by him comprehended by most certeine knowledge how greeuous it was to the Florentyns that the councell should be celebrated at Pysa whereunto they had not consented for other respect then that they durst not gainesay the french kings demaundes made immediatly after the rebellion of Bolognia A tyme when in Italy was not seene any armie to oppose against him Besides it was a thing certeine that thauthoritie of Caesar was concurrant in the councell accompanied also with the consent of the king Catholike That likewise he knew that the Florentyns were not to suffer the french soldiours to stay vpon their landes And that it was a matter daungerous
that the Authors and workers of the same were pushed on with endes ambicious They were all caried with couetous desires of temporall thinges and vnder the shadowe of the weale and benefit vniuersall they respected their perticular interests making holines and pietie a couer to their greatnes and glorie And yet which of them should be raysed to the Popedome stoode in no lesse necessitie to be reformed then others that they went about to compell to reformacion Moreouer it was seene of many that besides the ambicion of Preestes the quarrells of Princes and questions of estates had stirred vp and nourished this councell That respect had moued the french king to procure it the king of Romaines to consent to it and the king of Aragon to desire it So that it being clearely deserned that vnder the cause of the councell was comprehended the quarrel of armes and Empires the people expressed an vniuersall horror that vnder deuout shadowes of spirituall thinges instruments of warres and troubles men should thirst and aspire to matters temporal And therefore not onely at the entrey of the Cardinalls into Pysa the common disdayne and hatred of people was disclosed but also euen in the actes of the councel their grudge and discontentment burst out more manifest for albeit they summoned the Cleargie to be in the Cathedrall church at the first session yet much lesse that any of them respected the summonce seeing the very Preests of the Church refused to lend their ornaments and vestures when according to their custome they meant to haue celebrated the Masse for thimploracion of the ayde light of the holy spirit yea the Prestes iustifying their contēpt with actes of greater insolēcie forbare not to shut the dores of their church would not suffer them to enter The Cardinals compleyned of these contempts at Florence where was commaunded that neyther the vse of Churches nor the seruice of instrumēts ordeyned for diuine office should be denied thē but as touching the Cleargie there was no compulsion eyther to be at the Church or to assist the action These directions almost repugnant in them selues as they proceded of the diuision of the Citisens by meane of them on the one side the coūcel was receiued into their dominiō on the other side followed with contēpt reiection brought at one time offence to the Pope and discontentment to the french king In regarde whereof the Cardinalls seeing howe daungerous it was to remeine in Pisa without armes no lesse considering that it would bring diminucion to thauthority of their councell to celebrat in a citie that obeyed not their decrees were vpon tearmes to depart assoone as they should haue accomplished thaffaires of the councell wherein their resolucion was further compelled and hastned by an accident hapning suddeinely which albeit was by chaunce tooke notwithstanding his foundacion of the wicked disposicion of mē for a french soldiour in a publike place committing some insolēcy vpon a strompet and such as saw it raising a present outery many soldiours aswell french as of the Cardinalls traine and other Prelats prepared in armes to the place where the brute was on the other side likewise many trowpes of the people of Pisa of the Florentyn bands flockt thether to behold the accident And as for the most part popular tumults are full of faction and varietie of affection so the alarme being sownded some cryed vpon the name of Fraunce and some vppon the title of Morzocco the signe enseigne of the common weale of Florence occupying amōgest them daūgerous fight wherin their furie made them feare nothing lesse thē the hazard of their liues which at other tymes they would seeke to preserue with no litle care ielousie But the Capteines and chieftaines of the french and commaunders of the Florentyns ioyning discression to vallour and authoritie abated the sury of the fight their diligence doing much to restrayne thintemperance on all sides In the ende the tumult was appaysed many on both partes bearing away no small hurtes amongst whom fell into that fortune the Lord Chastyllion the Lord of Lavvtrich notwithstanding neither the one nor the other bare away any wounds of peril This accident brought such astonishment to the Cardinals happly at that hower assembled in the Church of S. Michaell which is there ioyning that they made the day after the second session wherein they ordeined that the councel should be transferred to Myllan not holding thopportunitie of that place conuenient for the actes of the councel which gaue no sewertie for the sauetie of their liues And therefore before the xv day of their arriual they departed in great diligence from Pisa greatly to the reioycing of the Florentyns Pisans no lesse to the contentment and liking of the Prelats that followed the councel whom it did not a litle discontent to be come into a place which what for the incommodity of lodging what for the incōueniency of other wants growen by the long warrs that were passed did not minister to them that fulnes of helps means to liue delicatly prodigally which the Prests frēch men are wont to find in the like actions They murmured also being come thether by the kings cōmaūdement against their wils they desired chaūg of place all other accidents that might bring difficulty prolongation or dissoluciō of the coūcel But such was the vniuersal contempt of this councel that the hatred grudging of peoples following the Cardinalls to Myllan they founde there euen the like despising farre greater difficulties for the cleargie of Myllan communicating in the contempts of Pysa euen in the beginning refused of them selues to celebrat the diuine seruice as though there were entred into their city not cardinals of the church of Rome who were wont to be honored and worshipped in euery place but persons profane accursed carying with them all priuacion of honor reuerence and respect And when they had occasion to shew them selues in publike the cōmons forbare not to raile at them skorning them as well in wordes as gestures but specially their malice was most expressed vpon the Cardinal of S. Cross whō as they supposed to be the author of that stir so euery one exercised their iudgement most vpon him being also in the last session of Pisa elected President of the councell These were the manifest common murmures of people that heretofore councels were wont to bring to contreys benedictions peace cōcord but in this was bred to contreyes kingdoms peoples maledictions warres discordes That other councells were assembled to reunite the Church that was out of vnitie but this was assembled to breake her vnitie when she was in good agreement That the contagion of such a pestilence infected al such as receiued it altered all those that obeyed it abused euen those that fauored it defiled such as had conuersacion with it and seduced all those that heard it There was to
be exspected of their cōming no other thing then blood famine pestilence together with the perdicion both of bodies and soules of men by the originall and cause they gathered what would be the successe and effect and reasonably they could exspect no frute or confirmacion of vnity from such as began to sowe their labors with seedes of diuision Gaston de Foix who not many monethes affore the departing of Monsr Longueville had bene preferred both to the Duchie of Myllan and to the armie somewhat suppressed those murmures tending almost to a tumult and manifest sedicion he ioyned to his authoritie commaundements thretning and peynall constraining the Cleargie to celebrate seruice as they were wont and enioyned the Commons to speake more modestly hereafter In regard of these difficulties the beginnings of the councel were continued with very litle successe or issue The plots that had bene layd with so great deuise study brought forth euents quite contrary to thexspectacion of the authors thinges debated by long time deepe discourse of councel drew no resolucion according to the weening cōiectures of the parties where sownd meaning goeth not with the wisdom imaginacions of men there their workings are ful of frailty the whole body of their actions clothed with imperfections But the thing that most troubled the hopes of the Cardinals was that Caesar did not onely from day to day deferre to send eyther Prelats or Proctors notwithstanding the consent he had giuen that often tymes reassured by perpetuall promisses to the french king the Cardinal of S. Seuerin but also he alleaged for his excuse being happly induced councelled by others that it was not agreable to his dignitie to send to the councel of Pisa the Prelats of his proper estates territories if both the example and name of all Germany were not concurrant in thaction And for that cause he sayd he had called a conuocacion of the Prelats of Germany at Auspurge to deliberat of some ioynt vniuersall forme of proceeding to be vsed touching the councel assuring notwithstanding the french mē that vnder that meane he would so work as they should all be sent Moreouer he much troubled the kings mind with his varietie diuers maners of proceeding for besides his vncertein cold dealings in the affaires of the coūcel be inclined fully opēly to the mocion of peace with the Venetians which was solicited by the Pope the king of Aragon with many offers And on the other side cōplaining bitterly against the king Catholike both for that contrary to all shame he had so apparantly impugned the league of Cambray also in this new confederacion which he rather called traison he had named him but as accessary he suborned Galeas S. Seueryn to goe to Rome in person as enemie to the Pope but refurnished by the king for the greatest part of his armie and releeued with great quantities of treason And yet he made no declaracion of these thinges with such assurance as it could not be doubted what he would at last determine notwithstanding all his demaunds were satisfied to him In this sort the kinges mind was eftsoones trauelled with his accustomed suspicions that if he abandoned Caesar he left him at liberty to ioyne with his enemies And if he would still sticke to him and susteine him his alliance would be bought with too deare a price and yet doubtfull what frute would reuert of it well knowing by experience of thinges past that oftentymes his owne disorders did hurt him more then his forces did ayde him yea the king was not able to iudge in him selfe which would most hurt him in this action either the well doings good successe of Caesar or the contraries besides the king Catholike nourished him enterteyned him as much as he could in that doubt And to make him proceede more slowly in the prouisions of the warre he gaue him hope not to stirre in armes The king of England did the like and for the same causes who had made aunswer to the french Embassador that it was not true that he had consented to the league made at Rome but that he was fully determined to keepe thalliance which he had with the french king Besides at the same time the Bishop of Tyuoly proponed peace in the name of the Pope so farre forth as the king would no more fauor the councell and withdraw him selfe from the protection of Bolognia for the which he offered to giue assurāce that the Pope should dresse no more new enterprises against him The king seemed lesse displeased with the peace notwithstanding it bare hard condicions thē to put him selfe to the daungers exspenses of the warre which by computacion seemed infinit hauing to make resistance against his enemies and to refurnish the wants of Caesar Neuerthelesse disdaine drew him almost to be forced by the king of Aragon to make peace for feare of warre besides that it was a matter very hard to assure him that the Pope would obserue the couenants of peace after he had recouered Bolognia should be deliuered from the feare of the councell he doubted also that when he should be ready to consent to the condicions offered the Pope would draw backe as he was wont to doe at other tymes In which maner of proceeding besides that his dignitie should be offended and his reputacion diminished Caesar would hold him selfe iniuried for that leauing him in warre with the Venetians he sought of him selfe alone to conclude the peace Therefore he made precise aunswer to the Bishop of Tyuoly that he would not condiscend to subiect Bolognia to the Church in other forme then it had wont to be in auncient tymes And at the same time to establish a firme resolucion with Caesar who lay at Bruuech a towne neare to Trente he sent to him in great diligence with very large offers Andre de Burgo Caesars Embassador resident with him At this time certeine of his subiects of the contrey of Tyroll occupied Batisten a place of very great strength in the entrey of the vallye of Caldora The practises of the peace being wholly broken dissolued the first thoughts deuises of the king were that when Monsr Palissa leauing in Verona three thowsand footemen to appease Caesar not well contented with his departure should haue led the residue of the bands to the Duchie of Myllan there should be made new leauies of footemen And so all the armie being reassembled they should marche to assaile Romagnia hoping to occupye it either all or in parte before the Spanyard should approach And then either to march further according to occasions or at least to enterteyne and beare out the warre vpon the dominions of others vntill springe time when the king passing into Italy in person with all the forces of his kingdom hoped to make an vniuersall suppression of his enemies But as he stoode wauering in this deuise his resolucions not proceeding with
Florentins were of great importance to him both for that the warre was made very neare them and also for thopportunitie of their frontiers to trouble thestate ecclesiastike besides cutting off of vittayles and other commodities from th armie of the enemies if they should approch Bolognia he solicited them with great instance to declare on his side and ioyne with him in the warre with all their forces for that the present necessitie required an other matter then eyther a succor litle or limited or that they should nowe stande conteined within the tearmes of confederations Besides they could neuer exspecte a more great or goodly occasion to binde him perpetually to them nor do a more singular benefite or pleasure which both he and his successors should reknowledge to them and their estate from age to age Lastly he tolde them that if they discended into the matter with necessarie consideration they shoulde finde that to succor and defende him did comprehende to support and protect their owne cause for that they were not ignorant what hatred the Pope bare to them and with what desire the king Catholike laboured to dresse and establishe in that Citie an estate depending wholly vpon him But at Florence the opinions of men varied and were deuided for many blinded with the sweetnes of present sparing considered not what the tyme to come might bring and with others preuayled not a litle the memorie of auncient dealings wherein neither the fayth nor the actions of that cōmon weale had bene at any time thankfully requited by the king raigning nor by Charles the eyght his predecessor They remembred howe he had solde with a great price his promise not to hinder them in the recouery of Pisa by which examples they sayde they had no reason to trust eftsones in his promises neither could they stande assured by any offers he could make that he would yeelde recompence for any office or benefite they should do to him In these respectes they helde it great rashnes to resolue to enter into a warre which not well succeeding they should partake in all the euills more then eyther reason would or in due proportion they ought and falling out happily they should in no sort communicate with the fruites and benefites or at least in very small parte and share But of farre greater importance were they who either for hatred or for ambition or for the desire of an other forme of gouernment were opposed agaynst the Magistrate or Gonfalonnier They extolled the reasons afforesayde and inferred others that beeing newters they should not incurre the hatred of eyther partie nor giue to any of the two kings iuste occasion to complayne for that touching the french king they were not bound to him in any other thing then to ayde him with three hūdred men at armes for the defence of his proper estates a proportion which they had already accomplished to him And for the king of Aragon he could not be discontented with them but would esteeme it a great gayne if they would forbeare to intermeddle otherwise in that warre They occupied also this reason that suche as kept their fayth best were most worthy of prayse and merite and by that example he was to hope that when he shoulde fall into affayres and doings they would likewise obserue iustly to him that which was promised in the capitulation made in common with the French king and with him That proceeding in this sort if peace were made betwene the Princes the Citie should be named and preserued of them both And in case the victorie should fall to the one of them neither holding him selfe offended nor bearing them any particular hatred they should more easily buy his friendship with the same money and happely with a lesse quantitie then they should haue disburssed vpon the warre which was an expedition meane with the which more then by armies and warres their elders had many times saued their libertie where if they should proceede otherwise they should defray for an other during the warre and without any necessitie intollerable exspences And yet the victorie falling to thenemie the libertie and safetie of their countrey should remayne in most manifest perill The aduise of the Magistrat or Gonfalonnier was contrarie to thoppinions of these men he helde it better that the common weale should take armes for the French king for which reason he had afore fauoured the councell and giuen to the Pope sufficient matter to be discontented to th ende that the Citie beeing prouoked by him or at least beginning to enter into suspicion might be as it were constrayned to make that resolution he perswaded besides that in that nature of time it could not be but a councell preiudiciall to remayne ydle ▪ exspecting the issue of the warre managed so neare them and betwene Princes so mightie and farre aboue them for that in the warres of an other then is newtralitie commendable and apt to shake off and auoyde many troubles and exspences when our proper forces are not so weake as may make vs feare the victorie of eyther partie seeing that then it bringeth vs a suretie and oftentimes by their long warres we are enhabled to good meanes to encrease our estate He tolde them it was no sure foundation not to haue offended eyther partie or not to haue giuen any iust occasion to complayne for that very rarely it happneth that the insolencie of the conqueror is brydled or repressed eyther by equitie iustice conscience or other discrete considerations the same beeing the reasons whye great Princes esteeme them selues not the lesse iniuried when they are refused in the things they desire but stande disdainefull agaynst euery one that followeth not their will and ioyneth not their mindes to their fortune The Prince for the time he cōmaundeth hath his fortune hardly brought to limitte his desires or in his ambition to respect other things then suche as may glorifie his victories That it was a follie to beleeue that the French king would not take it for an offence to see himselfe left abandoned in so great perills to finde that the effects nothing aunswered the confidence and exspectation whiche he had in the Florentins bothe touching matters which he promised to himselfe of them and also for thinges which they had so oftentimes assured That it was also a greater follie to beleeue that the Pope and the king of Aragon beeing victors would not dispose immoderately of the victorie agaynst that common weale waighing with thinsatiable hate of the one the ioynt desire of them both to erect there a gouernment to their fancie least that Citie remayning in her libertie woulde be alwayes more inclined to the Frenche then to them Thexperience and proofe of which desire might be easily discerned in that the Pope the king Catholike approuing it had preferred the Cardinall Medicis as Legate to th armie So that as to remayne Newter was as muche as to offer them selues a willing pray to who soeuer should
by desire to be Cardinall was appoynted in an assembly of all the states of that ylande where he shewed with equall fauor full testimonie what was the iustice of the Popes cause Vppon this both it was determined to send the Prelats to the councell of Latran in the name of the whole Realme And also thimportunities of the Popes Embassador concurring the king commaunded the french kings Embassador to depart out of the Realme he published this reason of his commaundement that it was not cōuenient to enterteine about the person of a king and in a kingdome so deuout to the Churche a man that represented a king so manifestly persecuting the sea Apostolike Now began to be discouered the secret resolucion wherein the king of England with his armie by sea should molest the shoares of Normandy and Britaine should send eyght thowsand footemen into Spaine to make warre vpon the Duchie of Guyenu together with the forces of the king of Aragon A suspicion which not a litle afflicted the french king both for that the memorie of the warres past had made the english name very terrible to those peoples and also he knewe the daunger woulde grow so much the greater by how much the spanish forces were ioyned with them He was fearefull also by the consideracion of his owne weakenes hauing sent into Italy all his companies of men at armes sauing two hundred launces which if he should call backe eyther in part or in all the Duchie of Myllan which he esteemed much should remeyne in manifest perill And if for his resupplie he should encrease the auncient band of eyght hundred launces he could reapose litle confidence and hope for lesse assurance amyd so great daungers in persons newly created and vnexperiēced he added to this the suspicion of thallienacion of Caesar which daily more and more encreased for notwithstanding Andrevv Burgos whom he had sent with so great exspectacion and being returned brought tydings that Caesar was disposed to abide in the confederacion yet he made offers of very harde condicions entermedling many cōplaints for he required of the king to assure him to recouer al that apperteyned to him by the capitulacions of Cambray alleaging that he could no more trust in simple promisses for that he hath alwayes knowen both from the beginning and since that it was a matter very greeuous to the king that he should conquer Padoa And that to consume and hold him in continuall trauels he had willingly wasted two hundred thowsand duckats euery yeare knowing that to him the spēding of l. thowsand was much more That he had refused the last yeare to deliuer to him the person of Tryuulce being a Capteine that had both the will and the experience to put a speedy ende to the warre he required that the kings second Daughter being but two yeares olde might be promised to his Nephew induing her for her dowrye with Burgonnye and that the Daughter might presently be deliuered to his handes Lastly that there should be left referred to him the quarrells of Ferrara of Bolognia and the controuersie of the councell forbidding the french armie to march towards Rome protesting that he was not to endure that the king should any way encrease his estate in Italy These condicions of them selues greeuous and almoste intollerable were yet made more heauy by the experience he had that notwithstāding he should accord to him so many thinges yet he could not be assured that he would not varye eyther according to occasions or according to his custome yea thiniquitie of the condicions offered serued almost as a certeine argument that being already alienated from the french king he sought thoccasion to put it to effect vnder some cooller seeing that aswell in words as in works he disclosed many signes of an ill will for both the Proctors which he had so many tymes promised to sende to the councell of Pysa were not come with Burgos and also the Prelats assembled at Auspurge had at last made aunswer by a publike decree that the councell of Pysa was schismatike and detestable but yet with this moderacion that they were ready to chaunge sentence if they might be resolued in the contrary by reasons more strong and auaileable And yet notwithstanding the king at a tyme when he stoode most neede to assemble his forces was constrayned to menteyne at the request of Caesar two hundred launces and three thowsand footemen in Verona a garde of a thowsand footemen in Leguague Moreouer the feare of the Svvyzzers vexed not a litle the kings mind for albeit he had obteyned to send to their parliaments the Bayliffe of Amyens to whom he had giuen very ample commissions and was nowe resolued by discreete councell if such may be called councells discreete as are taken when thoportunitie of helping is past to spare no liberalities nor offers of money to reduce them to his amitie yet what with the hatred of the Commons which in this respit was made greater and with thimportunate perswasions of the Cardinall of Syon preuailing aboue thauthoritie of those that from parliament to parliament had hindred all resolucions that were to be made against him it was discerned that they inclined to send 6. thowsand footemen to the pay of the confederats who made demaund of them to oppose against the firme squadrons of the launceknightes Besides all this the king found him selfe depriued of all hopes of peace and agreement notwithstanding during the heate of the warre there had bene great labor and solicitacion made by the Cardinall of Nantes and the Cardinall of Strigonia A mightie Prelate of the Realme of Hungria for the Pope had made this last and resolute aunswer that if they would be better heard then before they shoulde so bringe to passe that the diabolicall councel of Pysa might be reuersed see restored to the Church her cities of Bolognia and Ferrara Wherein expressing no lesse violence in effects then furie in wordes he had newly deposed from their dignities many of the french Prelats which were resorted to the councell together with Phillipp Dece one of the most excellent lawyers of that time both for that he had written and disputed in the iustice of their cause and did follow the Cardinalls to be at hand for direction when matters required aduise and interpretacion of law In all these difficulties daungers and aduersities which inuyroned the french king on all sides he had not one firme or certeine footing in any part of Italy The estates of Ferrara and Bolognia serued him as in times past more for vexacions and charges then for any other vse And touching the Florentyns to whom he made a new instance to ioyne with him in a warre against Romagnia he could not draw from them other then general aunswers No he rather held them suspected by reason of the Vicerois Embassador of Naples ordinarily remeining at Florence but much more for that they had sent thEmbassador to the king Catholike did
no more communicat with him of their affaires as they were wont But most of all for that hauing labored to prolonge the league which was finished within fewe moneths without that they demaunded eyther money or other great obligacions they temporised to th ende to be at libertie to take that part that seemed best for their sauetie conueniencie of their affaires The Pope also to augment this disposicion for feare withall lest his too great seueritie and rigour induced them to follow with their force the fortune of the french king both gaue them absolucion of paines censures the common weale not suing for it and also sent as Nuncio to Florence with very easie and gracious condicions Ioh. Gossadin a Bolognois one of the Clerkes of the chamber Apostolike laboring to take from them the suspicion that they had had of him So that the king seeing him selfe left alone against so many ennemies eyther already pronownced or very likely to be so And hauing but very hard meanes of resistance if so many aduersities should thunder vppon him in one time he addressed speedy commaundement to Monsr de Foix to march with as great diligence as he could against the army of the confederats against whom as he promised to him self the victory supposing thē to be the weakest so being possessed of the victorie he shoulde proceede to assayle Rome and the Pope without any respect in the good yssue and succeeding of which he had opinion that he shoulde stande acquited of all his greate daungers And to th ende that both the enuye of thenterprise might bee diminished and his iustificacions the more increased he gaue order that thenterprise shoulde be made in the name of the councell of Pysa by whom should be assigned a Deputie Legat to goe with the armie and vnder the sayd name to receiue the townes that should be conquered Thus Monsr de Foix departing from Bressia came to Finalo where he remeyned certeyne dayes partely to make prouision of vittells that came out of Lombardye and partely to reassemble and drawe into one strength all his bandes which the king had sent out of Italy except such as by necessitie remeyned for the garde of townes and partely for the great and suddeine raynes that fell which gaue impediment to his marching from thence he went to S. Georges which is vpon the territories of Bolognia and thether came to him a new supplie of three thowsand footemen Gascons A thowsand aduenturers and a thowsand Pickards all men of choysse and such as the french men made great reputacion and reckoning of his whole campe according to a iuste number conteyned fiue thowsand launceknightes fiue thowsand Gascons and eyght thowsand Italians and frenche with a thowsand six hundred launces comprehending the bande of two hundred gentlemen The Duke of Ferrara was also to ioyne to this armie with a hundred men at armes a great traine of good artilleries Monsr de Foix hauing left behind him all his great shot and municions for the deepe and fowle wayes to drawe them To this armie was also to come and was already on his way the Cardinall S. Seuerin appoynted Legat of Bolognia by the councel he was a braue and valiant Cardinall bearing more inclinacion to armes then to holy exercises and contemplacions of religion And lesse giuen to the vocacion of the church or ciuil or priuat profession then to publike action warlike imitacion Assoone as Monsr de Foix had set downe these directions for his affayres he marched forward to seeke thennemies his vallour carying him in a burning desire to fight with them no lesse for the continuall commaundements and incitacions of the king then by a resolute working and propertie of his owne minde naturally thirsting after glorie and in him so much the more vehement kindled by how much his former successe and victories caried him into a weening of further fortune and felicitie And yet he gaue not him selfe ouer so much to this humor of glory and desire as that his intencion was to set vppon them rashly but approching neare their campe either to see if he could willingly drawe them out to the battell in some place where the qualitie of the situacion might giue least impediment to his vertue or els to constrayne them to fight in cutting of their vittells and their other succours But farre other was thintencion of thennemies in whose armie after the regiment of the Duke of Vrbyn was gonne vnder cooller of some controuersie were a thowsand foure hundred men at armes a thowsand light horsemen seuen thowsand spanish footemen with three thowsand Italians newely leauyed They were of this opinion that being both inferior in nūbers the french horsemen better disposed then theirs it could not be for their sewertie to fight in a place of equalitye at the least affore the six thowsand Svvyzzers were come which being newly graunted by the Cantons there was practise at Venice whether the Cardinall of Syon with twelue Embassadors of that nation were gon for that purpose to leauy at the cōmon charges of the Pope and the Venetians There was added to this the wil of the king of Aragon who had giuen commaundement both by letters and Messengers expresse to absteine from battel as much as could be for he hoped specially in the thing which the french king feared most that if the battel were deferred vntil the king of England he began the warre in Fraunce the french king would be constrained to cal home either all or the greatest part of his companies by that meane he should put ende to the warre of Italy remeine possessed of the victorie without blood or daunger And for this reason he had forbidden the Viceroy to beseege Bolognia had it not bin for the great instance and complaints that the Pope made Thus the Viceroy of Naples together with the other capteines were at this point to encampe alwayes neare to the french armie both to let that the townes of Romagnia remeyned not to them in pray also to stoppe the way for going to Rome And withall they were resolued to keepe them alwayes in places of strength where eyther for their situacion or to be backt with some great towne the french men shoulde haue no opportunitie to charge them but to their great disaduauntage And therefore they were determined to make no account nor difficultie to retyre as often as neede shoulde bee iudging as men well vnderstanding the qualitie of warre that they were not bownd to thapparances and brutes that ranne but principally had to looke to obteine the victorie which was followed with glory with reputacion with praise of men According to which resolucion the same daye that th armie was lodged at the castell Guelffe at Medicina such as were incamped neare those places retyred to the wals of Ymola The day following the french men passed within a mile an half of Ymola thennemies keeping good order in
the place where they were incamped But refusing to assaile thē at so great a disaduantage they passed further the vauntgard lodging in the borow of Bubana foure myles from Ymola and the other part of th armie at Mordana and Baguaro townes somewhat more then a myle one from an other They chused their lodging places beneth the high way for the oportunity of vittels which with sewertie were brought by the riuer of Pavv Lugo Bagua Cauall and the townes thereabout being abandoned of the Spanyards eftsoones returned to the deuocion of the Duke of Ferrara when Monsr de Foix entred vppon the territories of Bolognia The day after the Spanyards leauing sufficient garrison in the castell of Ymola and lx men at armes in the towne vnder Ioh. Sassatello went to Castell Boulonnois and incamped vppon the high way their campe stretching towards the Mounteines And the same day the french men tooke by force the borow of Solarola the terror whereof made Cotignola and Granarola to render to them where they remeyned the daye following And the ennemies encamping in a place called the sielde of flees In these litle remouings and nearenes of places the two armies marched alwayes in good order their artillerie going formost with the face to thennemye as though the battell were to beginne at euery hower And yet both the armies marched with very great respect the one not to be constrayned to come to blowes but in a place where thaduauntage of the situacion shoulde recompense the disaduauntage of their number and forces And the other to seeke to drawe thennemies to a necessitie to fight but with this regarde that at one tyme both the weapons and place shoulde not bee contrarye to them In that place Monsr de Foix receyued a newe commaundement from the Kinge to hasten the battell the same causes and reasons still increasing that had first induced him to aduaunce to seeke thennemyes For where the Venetians had obstinately refused to make peace with Caesar but vppon condicion that they might reteyne Vincensa notwithstanding they were muche weakened by the accident of Bressia and also muche pressed first by requestes and after by protestacions and threatninges of the Pope and Kinge of Aragon There was at last made betwene them a truce for eyght monethe◠before the Pope with couenant that either partes should reteyne the thinges they possessed and to pay to Caesar fiftye thowsand florins of the Rhein The same remouing from the king all doubtes that he would not be deuided from him and at the same tyme he had intelligence that he would haue warre beyond the Mountes for Ierome Cabauillo the king of Aragons Embassador and resident in his Court making instance to be heard in playne councell tolde him he had receiued commaundement from the king his Maister to departe exhorting him in his name to forbeare to fauor against the Church the tyrants of Bolognia for so vniust a cause to leaue of to trouble a peace of so great importance and profit to the whole common weale of Christendom In which exhortacion he offered that in case he feared to receiue any domage for the restitucion of Bolognia he would assure him in all sorts he would desire Adding in the ende for a resolucion immouable that he would not nor could not faile to defend the Church according to the office of euery Christian Prince Therefore Monsr de Foix being now certeine that he should neuer accomplish his intencion in accoasting and following thennemie for that for the commoditie they had of the townes of Romagnia he could not easily cut of their vittells nor force them to the battell without great disaduauntage And his owne armie also suffering no small necessitie of vittells by the barreinnes of places where he lay he tooke councel of his Capteines and determined to goe to incampe affore Rauenna he hoped by this meane thennemies not to diminish their reputacion would not suffer to be lost before their eyes a citie of that importance And withall he doubted not vnder this occasion to fight with thennemies in a place of indifferencie And to lette the ennemie happly suspecting his deuise to approche to Rauenna he incamped betwene Cotignola and Granarola seuen myles from them where he stayed foure dayes exspecting from Ferrara twelue Cannons and twelue other lesser peeces of artillerie Thennemies doubted such a resolucion and for that cause sent to Rauenna Mark. Anth. Colonno who before he entred into the iorney tooke the fayth and promisse of the Legat the Viceroy Fabricio and Peter of Nauarre with all the other Capteines of th armie otherwayes he woulde not vndertake thenterprise that if the frenche came to encampe affore it they should make to his succours with the whole armie There went with him in this expedicion three skore men at armes of his owne bande An hundred light horsemen vnder Peter de Castre and six hundred spanishe footemen commaunded by Capteyne Parades and Salezart touching the residue of th armie they encamped neare the walls of Faenza along the gate that goeth to Rauenna enterteyning the tyme of their abyding there with a hoat skirmishe with thennemie About that tyme Monsr de Foix sent an hundred launces and fiueteene hundred footemen to take the borowe of Russi garded by a garrison of the place it selfe who notwithstanding in the beginning according to the manner of commons and popular men showed them selues very resolure and assured yet their naturall feares vanquishing their frayle showes of courage they entred the same daye into a parley to render and yeelde during which commonings the French men taking thopportunitie of their negligence and disorder entred the place with no litle furie and sacked it putting to the sworde more then two hundred men and reduced all the residue to the calamitie of prisoners from Russi Monsr de Foix drewe neare to Rauenna and the day after incamped neare the walls betweene the two riuers in the middest whereof the towne hath her situacion The ryuer of Ronquo which olde histories call Vitis and the ryuer of Montono not a litle esteemed for that next after Pavv it is the chiefest of those riuers that haue their heade on the left hande of th Appenyn and entreth into the sea of his propper coursse fall from th Appenyn hills And where they take their head there they make the separacion of Romagna from Tuskane These riuers make their coursse so as they inclose the citie of Furly Montono that ronneth on the left hande toucheth almost the walls And Ronquo falling on the right hande passeth within two myles of it and afterwards are restrayned and drawne narrow neare Rauenna with so litle space that the one on the one parte and the other on the other make their coursse fast by the walls A litle belowe which walls their waters meeting and embrasing together they fall afterwards into the sea beeing nowe three myles of but in olde tyme as is sayd did beate vpon the walls of the towne Monsrde Foix
please the wills of the Svvizzers Touching thassignation of the maner and time it was referred till the Bishop of Gurce mette with the Pope to whom he was to go both to conclude thalliance betwene Caesar and him and to solicite peace with the Venetians and so by the meane of common alliance to confirme Italie in her auncient suretie that the Frenche king should no more trouble it In that assembly also was disputed the expedition against the Florentins wherein Iulio de Medicis made instance aswell in his owne name as for the Cardinall he proued that the alteration of that state would be easie for the diuision amongest the Citizens for thaffection of many that desired their returne for the secrete intelligences they had with sundrye noble and mightie personages And withall for that one parte of the men at armes of that common weale being in Lombardie and an other moytie inclosed within Bressia they had not sufficient forces to make defence agaynst an assault so sodayne Lastely besides the money he offred he showed the frute that woulde come by restoring them to their former dignitie for the authoritie and power of that Citie beeing taken out of the handes of one that depended wholly vpon the French king it would fal to thadministration of persons who standing discontented and wronged by that king had no reason to depende or holde vpon other alliance then of the confederates Barnard de Bibiena afterwardes Cardinall vrged this matter muche in the name of the Pope who for that occasion had sent him to Mantua a man for his learning no lesse meete for this legation then for his affection moste friendly to the Medicis in whose house both he and his brothers had bene trained vp euen from their youth Iohn Vittorio Soder in a Lawyer and brother to the Gonfalonnier was at this time Embassador to the Florentins with the Bishoppe of Gurce to whom nothing was sayde nor any thing demaunded eyther by the Viceroy or in the name of the league Onely the Bishop declared to him the daunger and howe conuenient it was that they accorded with Caesar according to the demaundes made before offring that Caesar and the king of Aragon should receiue them into protection But the Embassador in whom was no power to conclude could do no other thing then aduertise the common weale and exspect aunswers neither did he solicite the Viceroy by him selfe or by others nor vsed any diligence to hinder the workings of the Medicis hauing no fulnesse of authoritie he was driuen to be silent in thinges that concerned directly the safetie of the common weale And yet the matter of it selfe was not without many difficulties both for that the Viceroy had not so great an armie as to aduenture to make triall of his forces without necessitie and also the Bishop of Gurce to let the Venetians for recouering Bressia or to make any greater proceedings desired that the Spaniards might passe into Lombardie with all speede conuenient By these considerations it was beleeued that if the Florentins forbearing their nigardnes as the present perills required had consented to contribute to Caesar the money he demaunded and releeued the Viceroy with some small summe whereof he had great necessitie they had easily turned away and auoyded the storme yea the Bishop of Gurce and the Viceroy might perhaps with better will haue entred into couenant with the common weale of whom they were certayne to receiue the things that should be promised then with the Medicis who had no habilitie to giue them any thing if first they returned not to Florence with armes But the cause of that Citie being almost abandoned eyther by the negligence or by the malice of men it was determined that the Spanishe armie together with the Cardinall and Iulian Medicis shoulde marche towards Florence In which expedition the Pope had declared the Cardinall Legate of Tuskane with fulnesse of power to leauie the souldiors of the church and wage suche others of the townes adioyning as he shoulde thinke conuenient for that seruice The Pope omitted nothing that might aduaunce this enterprise rather applying his authoritie to his will then to the equitie of the matter But assone as the assembly of Mantua was broken vp the Viceroy returning to the territories of Bolognia caused his armie to marche with speede agaynst the Florentins who had very small respite to make necessarie prouisions for that they were not aforehand aduertised of the resolutions of Mantua The Cardinall ioyned with the Viceroy assoone as he drewe neare the frontiers hauing caused to be drawen from Bolognia two Cannons to supplie the want of the Spaniards who had no peeces of batterie Also Frauncis Vrsin and the Vitelli capteines for the Churche came thither to him but without their bands of souldiours both they and the other companie of the Church being forbidden by the Duke of Vrbin who notwithstanding Iulian Medicis had had some bringing vp in his Court A matter to moue fauor and that he had alwayes professed to desire the greatnesse of the Medicis which was a strong argument of affection refused to refurnishe them with artilleries or any sort of succours eyther of his souldiours or subiectes though the Pope had commaunded the contrarie by large letters aswell to him as to other townes subiect to the Churche Assoone as the Viceroy was entred vpon the landes of the Florentins there came to him an Embassador who in the name of the whole common weale declaring the respectes they had alwayes borne to the king of Aragon both what were their actions in the laste warres and also what that king might hope for of suche a Citie receyuing it to his amitie besought him afore he passed further to signifie what it was he demaunded of the Florentins for that in demaundes reasonable and not exceeding their power they would willingly satisfie him The Viceroy aunswered that his comming had not bene determined onely by the king Catholike but also by all the confederates for the common suretie of Italie seeing that so long as the Gonfalonnier remayned in that administration they coulde not be assured that that common weale would not followe the French king and be seruiceable to his occasions Therefore he demaunded in the name of the whole league that the Gonfalonnier might be depriued of the gouernment and that there might be instituted a forme of policie not suspected to the confederates which coulde not be vnlesse the Cardinall and Iulian Medicis were restored to their naturall countrey That if they would consent to these things they should finde agreement in the residue more easily Lastely he willed him to signifie this reapport and his intention to the state of Florence and yet he woulde not staye his armie tyll aunswere were returned At Florence immediatly vpon the brute of the marching of the Spaniards mighte be discerned an vniuersall astonishment in the mindes of men bothe doubting that the Popes forces woulde inuade them on some other side and fearing
neuer consented to the conuocacion of Pysa disauowing all such as had vsed his name Assoone as he had thus ratified the councell of Latran he departed from Rome to be present when Maxymylian Sforce being now come by commission of Caesar to Verona should take possession of the Duchie of Myllan the Cardinall of Syon disposed him selfe very hardly to exspect and attend his comming and also the Embassadors of the whole nation of Svvyzzers that were at Myllan for that they would that in the demonstracions and solemnitie of thactions that was to be vsed it might appeare that the Svvyzzers were the men that had chassed the french men out of that state and by their vallour and courage Maxymylian receiued it They would that the veritie and effect of that conquest might be transferred to them by such publike ceremonies as were to be vsed in the enstalling of him whom their vertue onely made Lord of the Duchie But such was the working of the Viceroy that more by practise then by his authoritie he obteyned so much that they taried for the comming of the Bishop of Gurcy who after he had ratified at Florence in the name of Caesar the confederacion made in Prato and receiued certeine summes of money of the Lucquoys whome he tooke into protection came at last to Cremona where Max. Sforce and the Viceroy attended him from thence they went al together to Myllan to make their entrie at the day appoynted into that citie with solemnities and honors accustomed to newe Princes In which action albeit it was long disputed betweene the Cardinall of Syon and the Viceroy which of them should giue him the keyes at the entry of the gate in signe of possession yet in the ende the Viceroy giuing place the Cardinall put into his handes the keyes of the towne in the vniuersall name of the Svvyzzers And that day being one of the last dayes of December he did all thinges both in showe and act that were necessary to make knowen that Maxymylian Sforce receiued the possession of them he was receiued with an incredible gladnes of all the people both for the desire they had to haue a Prince proper and perticular and also they hoped he would resemble his grandfather or his father of whome the memorie of one remeyned very fresh in the mindes of the people of that state and touching the other the despites they had receiued by the gouernment of straungers had turned their hatred into good will The working of tyme with thexperience of the yoke of straungers had made in that people a wonderfull conuersion and nature in those actions works not a litle bringing that people to reioyce at the returne of him whose father they abhorred with a iust and vniuersall hatred But these gratulacions and ioyes were yet vnperfect vntill the castell of Nouarro were recouered A matter not long deferred for that they within yeelded it vp their fortune being farre inferior to their faith The confederacion made at Rome had not altogether broken the hopes of agreement betweene Caesar and the Venetians for that the Pope had vppon the suddeine sent to Venice Iacques Staffilio his Nuncio with whom went accompanied three Embassadors of the Svvyzzers to perswade them to accord And on the other side the Senat the better to enterteine the goodwil of the Pope and not to giue cause to Caesar to inuade them with armes had sent to their Embassadors a newe direction to cleaue to the councell of Latran They had commaunded also the men of warre assoone as the confederacion was made to retyre vpon the territories of Padoa And for that cause the Viceroy not willing to trouble the hopes of the peace had turned his armie towards Myllan But all these thinges serued to no purpose for that the same difficulties did yet continue touching the restitucion of Vincensa and the payments of money which Caesar demaunded That was the cause that the Pope assayled not the Duke of Ferrara whom agreement going betweene Caesar and the Venetians he supposed he should be able to vanquish with the aydes of the Venetians together with the brute that the Spanyards were to come on if neede should be otherwayes he had resolued to deferre that expedicion till the springe tyme for that he accounted it a matter of hard action to take in a season of winter the towne of Ferrara the situacion being strong in respect of the riuer and greatly fortefied besides by the continuall industrie of Alfonso It may happly seeme to some if I intangle my historie with thaccidents of Fraunce in that yeare that I wander or chaunge my course which is not to speake of matters hapning out of the bondes of Italy But because the affayres of that nation haue some affinitie and relacion with the busines of these partes And that to the successe of the one the councells and yssues of the other were oftentymes conioyned I am constrayned not to passe them altogether vnder forgetfulnes and silence About the beginning of Maye an armie of six thowsand English footemen sailed in vessells of England and Spayne to Fontarabye A frontyer towne belonging to the crowne of Spayne vpon the coast of Fraunce and standing vpon the Occean sea The seruice and purpose of this armie according to the couenants made betweene the father in law and sonne in law was together with the forces of Spaine to set vpon the Duchie of Guyen which is a part of the prouince of Aquitaine according to the auncient names and diuisions of the same Against this warre the french king not yet assured on the coast of Picardy prepared a new pencionary band of eight hundred launces which he had erected waged many bands of footemen of the lower parts of Germany not subiected to thEmprour And knowing of what importance for the defence of the Duchie of Guyen was the Realme of Nauarre which was both appropriat and dowrie to Katherin de Foix and possessed ioyntly with Iohn the sonne of Albert who was her husband he called to the Court the father of the sayd Iohn and carefully considered how he might make him his friende and consociat Wherein serued to good purpose the death of Gaston de Foix by the instigacion of whome pretending the same kingdom not to fall vpon the femall and by consequent to apperteine to him as to the next heire male of the house of Foix the french king had pursued the sayd Iohn On the other side the king Catholike who had sette his eyes vppon that Realme required the king of Nauarre to stande Newter betweene the french king and him And to suffer to passe thorow his Realme his souldiours that were to enter Fraunce And for the assurance of these things he would put into his handes certeine places of strength vnder promise to render them assoone as the warre should ende It hath bene a perpetuall desire in the auncient kings of Spaine to impatronise them selues vpon the Realme of Nauarre In which respect the
gaue this as a warning and lesson that that man was neither to be excused nor esteemed worthy of compassion who beeing once beguiled by an other returneth eftsoones to reappose confidence in him An enemie reconciled charitie leades vs to loue him but wisedome willeth vs not to trust him and to a friend once disproued there can be no greater daunger then eftsoones to reenter into confidence with him The Cardinall of S. Seuerin was of an other opinion who as his aduersaries sayd crossing Tryuulce more through enuie then for other occasion for that with his brethren he had alwaies defended the Gebelin faction in Myllan replied in the contrary that nothing could be more profitable to the king and his seruices then in ioyning with Caesar to breake the vnion of thennemies specially the confederacion being made by such meane as they might hope it would last That it was the propertie of Princes in their councells and deliberacions to preferre alwayes profitte affore good will affore hatred and affore other affections And what greater benefit could be done to Caesar then to ayde him presently against the Venetians with hope that his Nephew should come to succeede in the Duchie of Myllan That Caesar being seperat from the others the king Catholike would not obiect against his authoritie as well for thinterests of his Nephew as for other regards Moreouer that as nothing could more amaze the Pope then this confederacion so of the contrary to confederat with the Venetians was full of indignitie since there must be accorded to them Cremona Guiaradada members so conuenient to the Duchie of Myllan that to recouer them the king had stirred vppe all the worlde And yet if the vnion of the others were not broken and deuided the confederacion with the Venetians would not suffice to obteyne the victorie At last this opinion caried the king the rather for thauthoritie of the Queene who desired greatly thaduauncement of her Daughter onely her desire was accompanied with this condicion so farre forth as it might bee obteyned that till the consummacion of the mariage the younge Damesell might remeyne with her And she to bind her faith and promisse to keepe her in the name of Caesar as the spowse assigned for his Nephew to whome she would redeliuer her assoone as her age and yeares made her able to the full office of mariage But the Kinge beeing afterwardes certefied that Caesar woulde not agree vnder this forme of lymitacion but rather that he foysted in those offers for the tyme and by suttletie to detract his diligence and giue him cause to proceede more slowely in his other plottes he brake off from this practise and sent backe againe for Monsr de Asperot brother to Monsr de Lautrech already gone from the Court with his commission to finde the Bishoppe of Gurce On the other side the feare of the vnion betweene the king and the Venetians encreasing dayly the king of Aragon aduised Caesar to render Verona and to transferre the warre into Burgondy by the helpe of the money which he shoulde receiue of the Venetians and with the Spanishe armie Of this aduise was the Bishop of Gurcy who hoping to be hable to moue Caesar by his presence nowe returned into Germanie being followed not onely of Dom Peter de Vree which was come with him but also of Iohn Baptista Spinella Count of Carriato Embassador to the sayde king of Aragon resident with the Venetians And because no newe difficulties should breake of the matters that were nowe in action he induced first the senate to make truce with Caesar for the whole moneth of Marche And those Embassadors gaue them their fayth that Caesar shoulde render Verona if they would promise him within certayne times two hundred and fiftie thousande duckets and for yerely pension fiftie thousande In these alterations of affayres and in these times so deuided and conspiring the Pope fell sicke And happly he was then more full of high conceites and trauelling thoughts then at any time before for notwithstaÌ„ding he had brought his fortune to be equall to his desires obteined the thing he aspired vnto yet his deuises plots did nothing diminish but grewe increasing by the same meane which should haue satisfied them he had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the yere to sende to thenterprise of Ferrara which he so muche desired and his opinion was that that state was hable to make no resistance both for that it was naked of all succours because the Spanish armie was to ioyne with his companies He had secretly bought of Caesar for the price of xxx thousande duckets the Citie of Siena for the behoofe of the Duke of Vrbin to whom except Pesera he woulde neuer giue any thing of thestate ecclesiastike to th ende to reserue to him selfe the whole glorie to haue simply and onely studyed for thexaltation of the Churche he agreed to lende to Caesar fortie thousande duckettes receyuing Modona in gage he threatned them of Lucquoy who in the heate of th affayres of the Duke of Ferrara were become lordes of Garsagnana making instance that they woulde deliuer it to him He was out of conceite with the Cardinall of Medicis for that he thought him to cleaue more to the king Catholike then to him And because he knewe he was not hable to dispose of the Citie of Florence as he thought he studied already newe plottes and newe practises to alter that estate He was yll contented with the Cardinall of Sion from whom he tooke the name of Legate and enioyned him to come to Rome for that in the Duchie of Myllan he had appropriate to him selfe a yerely rent of more then thirtie thousande duckets of the estates and goods of diuers persons The better to assure the Duke of Vrbin of Sienna by intelligences of his neighbours he had of newe taken into his paye Charles Baillon to chafe out of Perousa Iohn Paule who by affinitie was very neare ioyned to the sonnes of â—andolffe Petruccio successors to the greatnes of their father He would of newe create Duke of Genes Octauian Fregosa deposing Ianus from that dignitie an action wherevnto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa because for the degree that his auncestors helde in that state it seemed best to apperteine to him He studied continually either howe he might worke out of Italie the Spanish armie or cut it in peeces by the ayde of the Svvizzers whom aboue all others he exalted and embraced In this deuise he had this intention that the kingdome of Naples beeing occupied by him Italie should remayne free from straungers A speeche that often passed out of his mouth and to that ende he had hindred that the Svvizzers did not confederate with the king Catholike And yet as though it had bene in his power to batter all the world at one time he continued his accustomed rigour agaynst the French king and notwithstanding he had heard a message
had with his enemies The king knewe that those reasons were full of fidelitie and trueth and yet he coulde not disgest them without murmure for that the Pope had cunningly mingled threats with perswasions And albeit be confessed that his necessitie constrayned him to make some resolution that might diminishe the number of his enemies yet he was at a poynt rather to giue him selfe vp to all daungers then to resigne his rightes to the duchie of Millan Wherevnto besides his owne inclination he was incouraged by thimportunities and counsels of those of his Court to whom albeit it was grieuous to followe the warres any more in Italie yet respecting the dignitie of the Crowne of Fraunce it was farre more intollerable to see their king so infamously constrayned to disclayme his properties in the duchie There was discerned the same obstinacie in the Parliamentes and assemblies of the Svvizzers To whome notwithstanding the king made offer to paye presently foure hundred thousande crownes and eight hundred thousande at sundry tearmes and albeit the Cardinall of Sion with many other of their rulers inclined to accept those conditions waighing thestate of the daunger if the Frenche king should ioyne with Caesar and with the king Catholike yet the commons of that nation increased in their generall hatred to the name of Fraunce and made prowde by so many victories tooke to them selues a confidence to defende the duchie of Millan agaynst all princes knitte in one strength The authoritie of the Cardinall of Syon was muche diminished amongest them and their other chiefe rulers were suspected by reason of the pensions which they were wont to receiue from the Frenche Matters which made the Cantons with more obstinacie to stand vpon the ratification of the accorde of Dyon And besides giuing themselues ouer to rashnes and disobedience to counsell they debated to enter of newe into Burgondy an action which the Cardinall and other chieftaynes amongest them labored to hinder not onely with manyfest authoritie but indirectly and with many sleightes deferring from one day to another that resolution Therefore the French king standing neither offended with them nor assured of them forbare not to continue with the king Catholike the practise of the mariage in the whiche as before the principall difficultie was whether the Damosell should remayne in the power of her father in lawe tyll time had made her hable to the consummation of the mariage for that the father reteyning her it seemed to Caesar that he could in no sorte be assured of theffect The king was content to enterteine the difficulties that hapned in this action for that he saw there was some hope that the brute of this match which he diligently spread abroade might to his profite mollifie the mindes of others by reason of thinterests they had in it The king Catholike sent to him Quintaine his secretarie whom in that negociation he had sent to him the yere before and he going afterwards by his consent to Caesar returned eftsones to the Frenche king At whose returne to th ende the difficulties of the peace might be resolued with greater commoditie and respite the king and Quintaine in the name of the king Catholike prolonged yet for an other yeare the truce that had bene made the yeare before The prolongation was vnder the same conditions that were before sauing that they suffred a secret addition of this article that during the truce the French king shoulde not molest the state of Millan in which article Genes nor Ast had no comprehension This condition whiche the king concealed as muche as he coulde the king Catholike caused to proclayme it solemnly throwe all Spayne a thing which made the world vncertayne which was most true eyther the negatiue of the one or the affirmatiue of the other In the same couenaunt was reserued to Caesar and the king of Englande a respite of three monethes to enter into the agreement which albeit Quintaine did assure on bothe their behalfes yet touching the king of Englande there was no apparaunce and in that he beguyled him selfe muche But for Caesar the king of Aragon who alwayes stoode resolued not to haue warre on the parte of Spayne had perswaded him that there was no better meane to compasse the mariage that was solicited This prorogation of the truce aggrauated the Popes suspicion that betweene those three Princes were eyther made already or at a poynt to be made some conclusion of greater things to the harme of Italie And yet for all that not going from his firste deliberation that it would be a matter very hurtefull to the common libertie to suffer the duchie of Millan to diuolue into the power of Caesar and the king Catholike and of no lesse perill to haue it recouered by the French king he founde it a harde matter so to temper and proceede in things that the meanes which aided one of his intentiōs should not hurt the other since one of the daungers came of the embasing and the feare the other of the greatnes suretie of the French king Therfore to deliuer the king frō necessitie to agree with them he continued his perswasions to the Svvizzers to whome the truce that was made was suspected that they had reason to compounde with him And to th ende to make to the king in all euentes the discending into Italie more harde he tooke more paynes then euer he did to agree Caesar with the Senate of Venice who for their partes iudging that to make truce would be to assure the matters of Caesar in the townes that remeyned to him stoode resolued with a wonderfull constancie of mind eyther to make an absolute peace or to continue the warre not retyring from so honorable a resolucion for any accident or ill aduenture whatsoeuer for besides so many aduersities hapned in the warre and the dispaire that that yeare the french king would sende no armie into Italy they had against them this token both of the anger of heauen and ill disposicion of casuall accidents which are vainely surmised to depend vpon the power of fortune that in the beginning of the yeare a great fire kindled in Venice which beginning in the night at the bridge Rialto was caried by the violence of the North windes resisting all remedies of the diligence and trauell of men and consumed the moste rich and populous part of the citie But because the Pope showed such forwardnes to haue them accorded there was eftsoones made betweene them a new compromise in his owne person which bare full power without lymitacion and was not restrayned to any tyme and yet with a secret promisse vnder his hand to pronownce nothing but by the consent of both parties And after the arbytracion was giuen vp he enioyned by writ both the one and the other to surceasse from armes an order very slenderly obserued by the Spanyards and Almains for that those companies of the Spanyards which were in garrison at Pollesina and in Este made pillage of
of the king of England he did not of new determine to make warre but rather did enterteyne and recontinue the plot that was layed before Therefore because they would not be taken vnprouided they fell to solicit a confederacion with the Pope and with the Svvyzzers But the Pope enterteyning both parties with wordes gracious and studying to nourish them all with diuers hopes deferred stil to make any certaine declaracion And touching the Svvyzzers their former hatreds did not onely still continue but by time were made greater by increase of occasions for that the causes that had taken their beginning of griefes publike bothe for the deniall of augmentacion of their pensions for the calling of launceknightes to the kinges paye and for the disdaynefull and iniurious wordes deliuered against their nation were redoubled and reincreased of priuate sorowes displeasures and ambicious desires The same rising both vppon an enuie which the Commons bare to many perticulars receiuing giftes and pensions of the king also for that those factions that most hotly obiected them selues against such as followed the french amities which commonly were called at that time Gallizzanti being by that meane aduaunced with the fauor of the Commons into reputacion and greatnes feared a diminucion of their authoritie if the common weale were of new reallied with the french In so much that the councell disputacion of affaires passing not in a coursse of publike zeale but with ambicion and dissentions ciuill these bearing more credit then the Gallizanti it was obteyned that they should refuse the vnreasonable offers of the french king In this disposicion of mindes and affayres thEmbassadors of Caesar king of Aragon Duke of Myllan assembled and met affore the Svvyzzers contracted with them in the name of their Princes a confederacion for the defence of Italy reseruing a respit for the Pope to enter vntil the Monday of the lent following In this capitulacion it was agreed that to compell the french king to disclaime all his rights interests in the Duchie of Myllan the Svvyzzers receiuing monethly of the other cōfederats xxx thowsand duckats should inuade either Burgondy or Dauphyne And the king Catholike with a mightie army should make strong warre vpon the realme of Fraunce either vpon the side of Parpignan or Fonterabye By these inuasions the confederats pretended that the french king cōpelled to apply to the defense of his own realme should haue no oportunitie to molest the Duchy of Millan though he had made a resolucion agreable to his will this deliberacion of the king was kept secret vntill the moneth of Iune but at last such was the greatnes and care of the seuerall preparacions that they could no longer dissemble so great and apparant stirres The prouisions of money were great vniuersally reached to all the parts in the realme he leauied many bandes of launceknightes he caused to be drawne towardes Lyon great stoare of artilleries And had lately sent into Guyhen to leauy tenne thowsande footemen from the marches of Nauarro vnder Peter of Nauarro who was newly entred into his pay This was the reason that he ioyned him selfe to the french seruice the king of Aragon was discontented with him and charged him most of all others with the ill successe of the battell of Rauenna he would not pay his ransom that was rated at twentie thowsand duckats which the late king had giuen to the Marquis of Rottelyn to recompense in some parte the hundred thowsand crownes which he had paid in England for his ransom but the new king electing him to his seruice defraied his ransom at his first comming to the crowne tooke him into his pay which yet the sayed Peter of Nauarro would not accept till for the safetie of his honor he had sent to the king of Aragon to excuse himselfe that being abandoned of him he gaue place to necessitie renouncing notwithstanding the estates which he had giuen him in the kingdome of Naples By this time it was manifest to all the worlde that those preparacions tended to make warre vpon the Duchie of Millan that the king determined to goe thether in person So that the kinge beganne in demaundes and speaches discloased to require the Pope to ioyne with him wherein he vsed besides many other instrumentes and perswasions by the meane of Iulian his brother who had newly taken for wife Philiberta sister to Charles Duke of Sauoye and aunt to the king by the mothers side his dowrie being assigned to him vpon the hundred thowsande crownes which the Pope gaue him This gaue the kinge some hope that the Pope respecting the alliance would be readily inclined to embrase his amity the rather for that he hauing before treated with the king Catholike to mary Iuliā with one of his parentes which was of the house of Cardoua it seemed he had preferred that alliance to the other more for his owne regard then for other reason he douted not also that Iulian would not willingly help forward for desire to get by that meane some estate by the which he might furnish thexpenses conuenient to so great a mariage with all the better to establish the perpetuall gouernment which the Pope had newly giuen him of the cities of Modona Reggia Parma and Plaisance which being not supported by the fauor of mightie Princes he had litle hope to be hable to keepe them after the death of his brother But the king began euen now to fall from his hope both for that the Pope had transferred to the king of Aragon for two yeres the moneys and collections called the Croissards of the realme of Spaine whereof it was thought he would draw by way of contribucion aboue a million of duckattes And also for that he heard with great inclinacion Alberto Carpy Ier. Vich Embassadors of Caesar and the king Catholike who did not only keepe almost alwayes about him but also it seemed the Pope did communicate with them all his councells Neuerthelesse the Pope interteined the king in suspence both giuing good wordes and showing sounde intencion to those that negociated for the king but alwayes without any resolucion as one that desired aboue all other thinges that the Duchie of Millan shoulde not bee possessed by forreyne Princes Therefore the king whom it imported to bee better assured of his intencion addressed to him newe Embassadours amongest whome was VVilliam Buda of Paris a man in science of humanitie eyther Greeke or Latin of most absolute and onely erudicion of all the learned men of our time Afterwardes he sent to him in the same legacion Antho. Maria Paluoisino A man verie acceptable to the Pope seeking to omitte no meane wherein might bee any oportunitie to aduaunce his purpose But all was labour loste for that before his comminge euen from the moneth of Iulie he had verie secretlie contracted with the others for the defense of the estate of Myllan Notwithstandinge seekinge to keepe couered that resolucion
vntill the necessitie of affayres constrayned him to declare him selfe and desiringe withall to publishe it with some excuse Sometimes he required the kinge to consent that the Churche might reteyne Parma and Plaisance and sometimes he preferred other demaundes to the ende that any one of the thinges which he demaunded beinge refused it might appeare that necessitie more then will had caried him to knitte with the kinges enemies And at that time distrusting not to be denyed of some one of those thinges which altogether he woulde not preferre without some honest colour he made diuerse aunsweres doubtfull suttle and irresolute But as for the doinges of mortall men there is reserued in the infallible iustice of God an equall measure and like proporcion of recompence so there were others that vsed towardes him the same sleightes and suttleties wherewith he abused the kinge For Octauian Fregosa Duke of Genes fearinge on the one side the great preparacions of the Frenche Kinge and on the other side holdinge for suspected the victorie of the confederates for thinclination of the Duke of Myllan and the Svvizzers to their aduersaries had made a verie secrete contracte with the Frenche Kinge by the meane of the Duke of Burbon and yet verie firmelye assured the contrarie to the Pope bothe in the time of the action and after it was resolued Yea because Octauian was one of the auncient frendes of the Pope and of his brother Iulian to whome they had borne no small fauours at suche time as he was created Duke of Genes the Pope did so simplie beleue him that the Duke of Myllan suspecting thinges for the rumors and brutes that went and determined to inuade him with foure thowsande Svvizzers alreadie come to Nouarro together with the faction of the Adorney and the Fiesquey the Pope was the cause that thenterprise brake and passed no further This was the capitulacion of Octauian Fregosa That the towne and iurisdiction of Genes shoulde bee rendered to the kinge together with the castell That Octauian shoulde beare no more the name of Duke but take vppon him the name of perpetuall Gouernor of Genes for the kinge with power to dispose the offices of Genes That the kinge shoulde geue vnto him an hundred men at armes the order of Sainct Michaell And a yearelye pension duringe his life That the king should not reedifie the fortresse of Codifa very hatefull to the Genovvais and shoulde also recontinue and graunt to the Citie all those capitulacions and priuileages which had beene reuersed and burned by king Lovvys That he should geue a certeyne proporcion of ecclesiastike reuenues to Federyke Archbishop of Salerno brother to Octauian and to himselfe certeine places in Prouence if euer it hapned that he were chassed out of Genes When these matters were spred abroade it was not hard for Octauian to iustifie his resolucion for that it was discerned of all men that he had great reason to feare the Duke of Myllan and the Svvyzzers The onely thing that was noted ill in him was that he had so many tymes denied the truth to the Pope of whom he had receiued so many benefits and had broken hys promisse and faith in entring into couenants without his priuitie And yet in a long letter which he wroate to him afterwards for his iustificacion he discoursed at large with great care and humilitie the causes that had moued him together with all thexcuses wherein he might reasonably defend his honor and the propertie of thaction he tolde him nothing was done in despising the respect and deuocion which he ought him acknowledging in his person the full maiestie of Pope and his chiefe rayser and aduauncer his conclusion was that it would be more hard for him to be iustified if he wroate to persons priuate or to any Prince that measured th affayres of estate according to regardes priuate But writing to a Prince wiser aboue all others of that tyme and to whose wisedom it was seene he could not otherwaies saue his estate That it was matter supersiuous to offer excuses to him that so well vnderstoode and knewe what was lawefull to Princes or at least what they were wont to doe not onely when they were reduced to those necessities but also when they went about to encrease or make better the condicions of their estate But by this tyme matters were wrought from wordes and councells to deedes and execucion for the king that was nowe come to Lyons accompanied with the whole presence of the Nobles of Fraunce and Dukes of Lorraine and Gueldres caused to marche towards Italy his power which was the most mighty and florishing armie that had bene seene of long tyme he stoode assured to haue no troubles beyond the Mountes for that the king of Aragon who fearing at first least so great preparacions might bee turned agaynst him had armed his frontyers and perpetually vnited the Realme of Naples to the kingdom of Castillo to make those people 's more ready to defende it And assoone as he had credible vnderstanding that the warre should be made in Italy he dismissed all the companies he had leauyed holding no more reckoning of his promisse made that yeare to the confederats to make warre vpon Fraunce then he had done of al other couenants and contractes made to them the yeres before So ready he was to be caried by occasions and so light to laye downe his faith and word more to the profit of his affayres then preseruacion of his reputacion and honor At the brute of the descending of the french king the Viceroy of Naples who hauing bene many moneths as it were in truce with the Venetians now come to the contrey of Vincensa to draw neare to thennemies that lay incamped in a very stronge place neare Vincensa remoued his armie to Verona to go as he sayd to the succours of the Duke of Myllan And the Pope dispatched into Lombardye his companies of men at armes with the regiments of the Florentyns vnder the gouernment of his brother chossen Capteine of the Church to minister likewise to the ayde of Myllan according to his resolucion not many dayes before with the other confederats Neuerthelesse he forbare not to perseuer in his fayre showes and semblances making the worlde to beleeue that he sent out that strength onely for the garde of Plaisanca Parma Reggia Wherein he had so cunningly proceeded with thEmbassadors of Fraunce That the kinge nowe doubting no more to fall to agreement with him had dispatched from Lyons to his Embassadors A new commission with authority to conclude consenting that the church should remeine possessed of Plaisanca and Parma vntill he had satisfied it with suche a recompence as the Pope should holde him selfe contented But all these remedies were but cures vnperfect whose sores burst out after agayne they were shadowes whose bodies were farre of yea they serued for nothing for those causes that hereafter shall be expressed for it was a destinie set downe that the
meane to execute against the parties so that dispatches went out according to the olde rates The king for his parte promised not to take into his protection any of the Cities of Tuskane And albeit afterwardes he required to haue libertie to protect the people of Lucqua who offered him fiue and twentie thowsande duckats saying he was bounde to that protection by thobligacion of his predecessor yet the Pope would giue no consent but promised for his parte that he woulde forbeare to molest them in any sorte Lastly they agreed by indifferent consent of them both to sende frear Giles Generall of the Augustins and an excellent preacher to Caesar in the Popes name to dispose him to render to the Venetians Bressa and Verona taking a recompense of money And so vppon the expedicion of these matters but not sette downe by wryting except tharticle for nominacion of benefices and payment of the Annats according to the true vallue the Pope in fauour of the king pronounced Cardinall Adrian de Boisy brother to the great Maister of Fraunce and of the greatest authoritie with the king and in the generall gouernment That the enteruiewe brake vppe the king departing from the Pope verie well contented and in great hope to haue him his perpetuall frende who for his parte expressed no lesse with all reasonable demonstracions but in his minde he nourished other impressions for that bothe it was a matter no lesse greeuous to him then affore that the Duchie of Myllan shoulde be possessed by the Frenche king and Parma and Plaisanca restored and also that the Duke of Ferrara should be eftsoones reinuested in Modena and Reggia And yet all these not long after turned to vanitie and smoake for that the Pope being gone from Bolognia to Florence remeining there about a moneth had receiued of the Duke promises of the money that should be payd assoone as he should enter into possession being there set down in writing by common consent thinstrumentes that were to passe betwene them the Pope neither denying nor accomplishing but interposing many delayes and excuses refused to giue perfection to things The king being returned to Myllan dismissed his armie except seuen hundred launces six thowsand launceknightes and foure thowsand frenchmen such as they caladuenturers whom he left for the gard of that estate And for his owne person he teturned into Fraunce with great speede about the first beginning of the yeare 1516. leauing behinde him as his Lieftenaunt Charles Duke of Burbon he thought he had left his affayres in Italie in good estate of sewertie both for the allyance newlie contracted with the Pope and also for that about that time he was newly compounded with the Svvyzzers who notwithstanding the perswasions of the king of England to haue them to reenter into armes against the frenche king renewed with him thalliance by the which they bound them selues to furnishe alwayes for his seruice and at his paye both in Italie and out of Italie for defense and offence and against all nations suche numbers of footemen as he would require and that vnder their vniuersall name and publike enfeignes onely they excepted to beare armes against the Pope the Empire and thEmperour And on the other side the king confirmed to them of newe their auncient pensions with promisse to paye them within a certaine time the six hundred thowsand duckats agreed vpon at Dyon with three hundred thowsande if they gaue vp to him the villages and vallies apperteyning to his Duchy of Myllan A matter which the fiue Cantons that possessed those places refusing to do as also to ratifie the accord the king began to pay to the other eight Cantons that parte and porcion of the money that apperteined to them who accepted it but vnder this expresse condicion that they should not be bound to take his pay against the fiue Cantons About the beginning of this yeare the Bishoppe Petruccio an auncient seruant to the Pope chassed out of Siena by the Popes aide and some helpe from the Florentins Borgueso sonne to Pandolffe Petruccio his cossing and impatronised him selfe vpon the place the authority and gouernment remeining by equity in the possession of his said cossing the Pope had two respects inducing him to this actiō the one for that that citie standing betwene the estate of the Church and the dominion of the Florentins was gouerned by a man wholly at his deuocion the other was much more particular and mouing for that he hoped with the fauor of some good occasion to make it fall into the gouernment of his brother or his nephew wherein he douted nothing of the Bishops consent hauing already framed him tractable to all his desires and ambicions The warre continued kindeled betwene Caesar and the Venetians who for their partes desired to recouer by the aide of the frenche king Bressa and Verona But for other places and regions of Italie things seemed to stand in a peasible estate onely there beganne to burst out mocions of new stirres that were pushed on by the king of Aragon who fearing least the greatnesse of the frenche king would bring some aduersities to the realme of Naples delt with Caesar and the king of Englande to recontinewe the warre A matter not onely of no great difficultie and hardnesse to drawe Caesar vnto being both desirous of innouacion and newe thinges and also was not able easily to kepe the townes which he had takē from the Venetians But also it was fullie concluded and agreed vnto by the king of England The remembraunce of the late infidelitie and breache of promise of his father in lawe being of lesse power in him then either his present emulacion or auncient hatred against the crowne of Fraunce besides he was enuious that the Skottish king being in minoritie should be gouerned by people of his appoyntment or any waye depending on him These matters had bene followed both with better councell and greater forces if during the negociacion the death of the king of Aragon had not hapned who after he had bene vexed with a long indisposicion died in an inferior village called Madrigalege as he went to Seuile with his Court he was a king excellent in councell and so furnished with al other properties of vertue that he bare no occasion matter of reprehension if he had bene constant to keepe his promisses for touching thimputacion of nigardnes or the reapport that went of him to be straite in exspenses it was proued vntrue by the testimonie and discouerie of his estate after his death leauing behinde him no amasse of treasor notwithstanding he had reigned xlij yeares But it hapneth oftentymes by the corrupt iudgement of men that in a king prodigalitie is more praysed though the raking and oppression of subiects be ioyned to it then a sparing straitnes wherin is nourished an orderly absteyning from taxing the goods of others To thexcellent vertues of this Prince was ioyned a most rare and perpetuall felicitie
a power in the person of one onely prince whose youth and other apparances made showe of great effectes of ambicion in him besides that there was promised and prophesied vpon him by many predictions a right great large empire together with many worldly fortunes and felicities And albeit he was not so riche in treasor and money as was the French king yet it was noted in him a matter of right great importance to be hable to furnishe his armies with footemen of Svvizzers Germains and Spaniards people for their vallour of great glorie and reputation through the world A matter wherein he had a singular aduantage of the French king who for that he had not in his kingdome a strength of footmen to oppose agaynst the vertue of these had no meane to make strong warre but by drawing with great expences and intollerable difficulties bandes of footemen out of forreine contreis A necessity which cōstrained him to enterteine with great charge and diligence the nation of Svvizzers and to endure of them many iniuries and yet he neuer stoode fully assured neyther of their constancie nor of their fidelitie Moreouer it was not to be doubted that betwene these two Princes of equall youth and ambicion and hauing indifferent reasons and occasions of ielousie and contencion would not in the ende arise a great and daungerous warre for the French king was not without a burning desire to recouer the kingdome of Naples to the whiche he aspired and pretended iust title and he tooke greatly to hart the restoring of king Iohn to the realme of Nauarre touching the which he nowe discerned that he had bene fed with vaine hopes It troubled the Emperour to pay the hundred thousande duckets promised in the accord of Noyon and he interpreted agaynst the king that in reiecting thaccord made before at Paris and vsing immoderatly thoccasion when he was to passe into Spayne he had almost forced him to make a new accorde Besides the cause of the duke of Gueldres was greene and fresh betwene them A matter of it selfe without any other concurrancie sufficient to stirre them vp to warre armes for that as the French king on the one side had taken him into his protection so on the otherside he was holden by the people of Flaunders a seuere and bitter enemie But aboue all other quarrels the Duchie of Burgondie wrought in the mind of themperour no small emulacion which duchie being possessed by Levvis the eleuenth by reason of the death of Charles duke of Burgondie grandfather by the mothers side to themperours father hath euer since tormented the minds of his successors Lastly there wanted no matter or occasions of strife and warre for the duchie of Millan of which the king raigning had not since the death of Levvis the twelfth neither demaunded nor obteined the inuestiture Besides there was pretended to the rightes which had bene gotten to him by the inuestiture which had bene made to his predecessor many chalenges exceptions aswell touching the inualiditie as the losse of those rights which was matter sufficient to stirre them vp to quarrell Neuerthelesse neither the time ronning nor the oportunitie present which are the guiders of actions consented as then that they should enter into any innouacion for besides that themperour of necessitie was to repasse first into Germanie to receiue at Aix the crown of thempire according to the custome of those that are elected yet they were either of them so puissant mightie in their particular that the difficultie to offend one another kept them restrayned from all inuasion vntill they had perfect informacion of the intencion disposicion of other Princes but specially of the Pope in case the warre were to begin in Italie his intencions inclinacion were so obscured couered with artificial faire semblāces that much lesse that they were knowen to others seing happly at sometimes they held no resolucion in himself notwithstāding he had dispēsed with Charles for thacceptatiō of thelection made in his person contrarie to the tenor of thinuestiture of the realme of Naples wherin being made according to the auncient forme of inuestitures he was expresly forbidden suche a matter But what soeuer he did in that action proceded not so much of good will as for that he had no occasion to refuse it to him without offending him greatly So that the regions of Italie for these reasons stoode in good estate of peace and tranquilitie notwithstāding in the end of the same yere the Pope sought to possesse the citie of Ferrara not with manifest armes but by secret ambush and deuise for albeit it might haue bene beleeued that for the death of his Nephewe Lavvrence de Medicis especially for that there wanted in his house rather men then estates he would haue shaked of all thoughtes ambicion to occupie Ferrara to the which he had alwayes aspired before yet whether he was pushed on by a hatred conceiued agaynst that Duke or by a desire to make himselfe equal or at least to come as neare as he could to the glory of Iulio he had not neither for the death of his brother nor for the losing of his nephew diminished any part of that burning ambiciō by which experience it maye be easily discerned that the ambicion of Priestes taketh of nothing so great norriture as of it selfe But the qualitie of the time and the situacion and fortresse of that Citie whiche Alfonso with great diligence had reduced to good rampiers fortifications would not agree that he should make his enterprise with forces open and discouered seing withal he had prouided an infinit quantity of faire artilleries municions improuing to thuttermost his reuenues limiting al his exspences imposing newe raxacions and tributes and lastely expressing in all things the minde of a marchant more then of a prince it was beleeued he had gathered together a huge masse of money and treasor In so much that if the condicions of the time changed not there remayned to the Pope no other hope to cary it then by the way of secret conspiracie and practise wherof as he had in vayne made experience in times past with Nicho. d'Este and many others And Alfonso for that he knewe not that he followed any more those practises helde himselfe almost assured not of his will but of his conspiracies and ambushes So it seemed to the Pope for the meanes that were offred to him and for that Alfonso by thoppression of a long maladie was reduced to those desperate tearmes that there was almost no hope of his recouerie and withall for that his brother the Cardinall because he would not remayne in the Court of Rome with disgrace was gone into Hungrie that the time consented to execute some plot layde and preferred by some exiles of Ferrara and by their working by Alexander Fregoso Bishop of Vintemille who was then at Bolognia for that aspiring to be Duke as his father the Cardinall had
get Ferrara In these times and in very good season for those practises the french king no lesse taking thoccasion of the tumultes of Spaine then obseruing the perswasions of the Pope which he afterwards assured by complaintes sent out an army into the kingdom of Nauarre vnder Monsr d'Asperot brother to Lavvtrech to raunge that kingdom reduce it to his auncient king requiring at the same instant Robert de la Marche and the Duke of Gueldres to breake out and vexe the confyns of Flaunders The sedicions of Spaine were the cause that Monsr d'Asperot made an easie conquest of the kingdom of Nauarre both beeing destitute of succours and also not without a great memory and deuocion to their originall and auncient king for after he had forced with his artilleries the castel of Pampeluna he entred the frontyers of the kingdom of Catelognia and tooke Fontarabye ronning vp euen to Logrogma of this enterprise it hapned as oftentimes commeth to passe in humane thinges that that which men thought would haue brought preiudice and harme to Caesar turned greatly to his seruice and benefit for the matters of Spaine beeing trauelled till that time with diuers aduentures and fortunes were nowe reduced into very great perplexities and troubles for that on the one side the multitude and popular sorte were bandyd together and on the other side many Nobles and Barons had taken armes for the seruice of Caesar They for thinterest of their estates feared the popular libertie being nowe come to a manifest rebellion and the rather to haue it gouerned by a head of authoritie they had drawne out of the castell of Sciatyua the Duke of Calabria whose fidelitie made him refuse to come out of prison because he woulde not beare armes against Caesar But such is the affection and conscience of men towards their naturall contrey and such the perpetuall custome of contrey men when they see inuasions made by forreine forces that ciuill quarrells can not take from them the feeling of common and forreine daungers for when the Spanyards sawe the armies of Fraunce make slaughter and hostilitie vpon their contrey notwithstanding they had suffered the losse of the Realme of Nauarre beeing a member of their dominions by the vniting which the king Catholike made they felt them selues so touched in conscience and affection that partly for those regards and partly for a happy encownter which the armie of Caesar had made they became men conuerted and returned to the obedience of their king leauing suppressed and forgotten their domesticall hatreds contencions After this easie conquest of the Realme of Nauarre there happened to the king a farre greater successe if he could haue vsed thoccasion for as both he Caesar had their Embassadors with the Svvizzers soliciting seuerally that nation to stand with them so the Cantons did not onely refuse contrary to thopinion of many and against the hope that was giuen the friendship and offers of Caesar but also embrased thallyance of the French king binding them selues to furnish for his seruice so many footemen as he would and for what enterprise it pleased him and not to suffer any leauies of souldiers for any other against him There rested the execucion of the capitulacion made at Rome betwene the Pope and the king who when he was required to ratifie it began to temporise and dwell in suspense being aduertised by many that there was no exspectacion of sewertie in the Pope in whom was no opinion of fidelity and confidence and who since he was possessed of the dignitie and place of Pope had alwayes made declaration of small friendship towards the french That it was to be feared that his doings were intangled with suttletie and deceite since there was no congruencie of reason that the Pope should desire the diuoluing of the realme of Naples into his power or to th inheritance of his sonne for that by howe muche more iurisdiction the french should haue in the kingdom of Naples and the Duchie of Myllan by so much lesse would be the sewertie of the Pope amid a power so mighty and redowted That so greate a showe of amitie breaking out vpon suche a sodayne could not be without misterie That the tokens of deceite that appeared warned him to take heede that vnder the practise to conquer the kingdome of Naples he fell not into the snares layde for him to loase the Duchie of Millan for that to sende his armie into Naples was none other thing then to giue power and oportunitie to the Pope with his sixe thousande Svvizzers to breake it and put all to extreame hazarde which beeing ouerthrowen there remayned no defence for the duchy of Millan An estate which as he knew the Pope had fayled to take from him by armes and warre so it was to be feared that he would assaye to depriue him of it by trecherie deceit These reasons so wrought with the king that they made him doubtfull to ratifie the capitulation and therfore exspecting happly an aunswere of some other practises he sent no dispatche of the ratificacion to Rome but left the Popes embassadors in suspēce But for that the Pope eyther in deede notwithstanding his showes semblances had his mind estranged from the king or for that all the tearmes and dates to answere being past he began to suspect a truthe or happly for that he feared least the king woulde discouer to Caesar his practises so some alliance to passe betwene them to his preiudice or it might be he was pushed on by a vehement ambicion to recouer Parma Plaisanca and to do some thing worthy of memory or lastly perhaps he might take to displeasure thinsolencie of Monsr de Lavvtrech and the Bishop of Tarba his minister who contemning his commaundementes in thestate of Millan and reiecting some ecclesiasticall edictes disdayned him with very prowde and insolent words for some of these causes he determined to enter league agaynst the French king with Caesar who also for his parte beeing kindled for the warre of Nauarre and pushed on by many of thexiles of Millan and lastly induced by some of his counsell desiring to embase the greatnes of Monsr de Cheures who had alwayes perswaded him not to seperate him selfe from the French king resolued to ioyne confederacion with the Pope agaynst the king which he was thought to hasten the more vnder a hope that with the Popes authoritie his owne he should eyther diminish or dissolue the alliance made with the Svvizzers affore it were confirmed by bondes and other offices of gratification Moreouer the Pope tooke greater occasion of confidence in this that Caesar who had heard Martin Luther in the Parliament of VVormes whither he was come vnder his safconduit and hauing passed him to be examined by many diuines who made report that his doctrine was erroneous dangerous for Christendome had banished him to gratify the Pope Only at last there was cōtracted betwene Caesar the Pope a
Protenotorie Caraccioll who hoped that for the tearmes wherin things stoode the Senate would speedily drawe to a conclusion to renew the former confederation with the same conditions and to paye to themprour fourescore thousande duckets in recompence that in tymes paste he had withdrawne his ayde leauing there wholly all demaundes to contribute hereafter with money But the accident of Millan reduced the Senate to no litle perplexitie for on the one side they stoode grieued to be the onely people in Italy that with so great daunger contended agaynst themprour seeing they were threatned by the Marquis of Pisquairo to transport the whole warre vpon their estate whereof they discerned already certayne preparations And on the other side they were not ignorant that in case thaccorde went throw themprour should with greater facilitie make himselfe absolute lorde of that Duchie which being ioyned to so many estates and so many other oportunities they sawe was the onely line to leade him to subdue them together with the residue of Italy A matter which was continually declared to them by the Bishop of Bayeux whom the Lady Regent had sent to solicite an vnion with thItalians agaynst themprour for which purpose in so great a doubt and in so daungerous apparances they made many assemblies but without any resolution for the diuersitie of opinions And albeit to accept thaccorde was a thing more conformable to their custome and maner of proceeding for that it so tooke them out of daungers present as they might hope in the tract of tymes and benefite of occasions which common weales may attend who in comparison of Princes are immortall yet it seemed to them a matter of too great importance to suffer themprour confirmed in thestate of Millan and to see the French remayne excluded from all hope of alliance in Italy Therefore after they had at laste resolued to be bounde to no thing they made this aunswere to the Protenotary Carraccioll That the forme of their actions paste gaue fayth to all the world and he himselfe being present at the conclusion of the confederation could well testifie with what great affection they had alwayes desired thamitie of themprour with whom as they contracted a consederation in a tyme when if they had harkned to the French it had bene as all the world knewe anoperacion of right great consequence so they had perseuered and would for euer continue in the same disposicion towards him Only the necessity of thinges kept them in suspence both for that they saw in Lombardie many chaunges and innouations of great importaunce and also for that they remembred that their confederacion with thEmperour together with so many mouings and stirres hapned that yeare in Italie drewe no other end or meaning then to transferre Frauncis Sforce to the Duchie of Millan as the principall fundacion of the libertie and suretie of Italie In which regard they besought his Maiestie that maintaining in that case him selfe and deducing affore all the world his bountie he would remoue and make cease so great an innouacion and establish the tranquillitie of Italie which as it was in his power to doe being nowe the starre that guided the whole firmament so for their partes he should find them alwayes disposed and prepared both with their authoritie and with their forces to follow so holy an inclinacion and honor him besides with all other sortes of office and humility whether he would extend them generally or applie them to his particular interests This aunswere albeit it conteined no hope of cōclusion yet it bred not for al that any ouerture or beginning of warre for that both the sickenesse of the Marquis of Pisquairo which aggrauated dayly in worse degrees the desire to impatronise him selfe first of the whole estate of Millan and to establish and assure that conquest together with thinclinacion of thEmperour extending to put end and resolucion to so many other affaires which he had in hande would not suffer him to giue beginning to an enterprise of so great consequence About this time the Duke of Burbon was arriued in Spaine and came to thEmperours Court the fifteene day of Nouember concerning whom it is not reasonable I omit here to touch by the way that albeit thEmperour receiued him with all honors and demonstracions of Court embrasing him with the title and grace of his brother in law yet all the Lordes and Nobles of the Court accustomed in all other things to follow thexample of their Prince abhorred him as a person infamous and called him traitor to his king suche was their hatred against him that one of them being required in thEmperours name to suffer his house to be made readie for the Duke of Burbon aunswered in the corage stowtnes of a Spaniard that as he would not deny thEmperour any thing he would demaunde of him so his Maiestie should well vnderstand that assoone as Burbon was gone out of his house he would burne it as a pallace infected with the infamie of Burbon and vnworthie afterwardes for the dwelling of men of honor The graces and honors which the thEmperour shewed to the Duke of Burbon augmented greatly the distrust of the frenchmen who somewhat by that meane but more for the returning of the Ladie Regent without effect began to haue cold hopes in thaccord notwithstanding it was continually negociated by men expresse remeining with thEmperour In respect whereof they labored as much as they could to aduance the league with the Pope wherein did concurre the perswasions and authority of the king of England and the redoubled and vehement instances of the Venetians together with this oportunitie not of the least consequence The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo who about that time which was the beginning of December made his last end happily by the iust sentence of God who would not suffer him to enioy the frute of that seede which he had sowen with so great malignity He was of the house of Abalos originally deriued from Catalignia and his predecessor came into Italie with king Alfonso of Aragon he who the first of that house made conquest of the kingdome of Naples He began to follow armes at the battell of Rauenna where being very younge he was taken prisoner And afterwards aspyring to a reputacion of a Capteine he followed all the warres which the Spanyards had in Italy Insomuch as though he had not past the age of xxxvj yeres yet for experience he was olde for inuencion suttle in councell graue in execucion resolute wise to forsee a daunger and quicke to auoid a mischiefe he bare great authoritie and credit with the infanterie of Spayne ouer whom as he had bene of long Capteine generall so both the victorie of Pauia and all other actions of merit executed by that army since certaine yeares were principally succeeded by his councel and by his vertue he was assuredly a Capteine of great vallour but one that with arte and dissimulacion knewe how to drawe fauor and grace
succession of thirteene Popes a Pope of blood and nation a Romaine and of language and education of one familiaritie with themselues it standeth in the testimonie and relation of those who are to write of the accidents hapning in Italy since his election So is to be verified the sentence of the prouerbe that The office setteth out the dignitie of the person that manageth it The ende of the tvventeeth and last Booke Intention of the authour The estate wherein Italie was anno 1490. The good estate of Italy afore the troubles Laurence de medicis Ferdinand King of Aragon A league for 20 yeares betwen the king of Naples Duke of Myllan and the Venetians Laurence de medicis dyeth 1492. Pope InnoceÌ„t the viij dieth Creation of Pope Alexander 6. Corrupcion of Cardinalls in thelection of the Pope Pope Alexander the sixt stayâ—â—d with man â—â—â—es Peter de medicis heire to Laurence Lod. Sforce iâ— ielous oâ—â—â— the amities betwene â— de medicis the Aragons Lodo. Sforce insinuateth enuy into the Pope against the Aragons and Medicis Thimpudency of the Pope to iustifie his children Confederacion betwene the Pope the Venetians the Duke of Myllan The title of the house of Aniow to the kingdom of Naples 1264. The name of Iohane a name vnhappy for the kingdom of Naples The state of the Realme of Fraunce vnder Charles the viij Lodo. Sforce seeketh to draw the pope to his purpose Thembassador of Myllan perswades the french king to the voyage of Naples Confederacion betwene the kinge of Fraunce and Lodo. Sforce The thoughts of Ferdinand King of Naples The suttleties of Lod. Sforce Preparacions in Fraunce for the warres of Italy The Duchie of Brittain inuested in the crowne of Fraunce Mariage of Blanche Mary Sforce with themprour Maximylian Death of Ferdinand king of Aragon Confederacion betwene the Pope and Alphonso k â–ª of Naples The french k. sendeth Embassadors to the Pope Florentins and Venice â—4â—â— The Florentyns aunswere the french Embassadors The french king angry with the Florentyns aunswere The french king prayeth amitie of the Venetians The aunswer of the Venetians The king of Naples sendeth out his forces The beginning of the warre The king of Naples sendeth out an armie to take the citie of Genes Lowys Duke of Orleans entreth Genes and preserues it The Duke of Calabria marcheth towards Calabria The 〈…〉 The Veretians 〈…〉 rs Coniectures against the suttelties of Lodowyk Sforce Foreshowes of the calamities of Italy The 〈…〉 king 〈…〉 full to g 〈…〉 with th 〈…〉 pri 〈…〉 Naples Cardinal S. P. ad 〈…〉 la giues a new life to th 〈…〉 pedicion The french king in Ast The french king discribed Lodo. Sforce goeth to visit the french king in Ast The number of the 〈…〉 h kings armie How when great shot came first into Italy The ColoÌ„noys for the french king The french king visites Iohn Galeas duke of Myllan The death of Iohn Galeas The manifest aspiring of Lo dowrk Sforce to the duke doÌ„ Lodo. Sforce Duke of Mylâ—an by vsurpacion The french king in mind to returne into Fraunce Laurence and Iohn de medicis with the french king The way that the french armie tooke to Naples M. Montpensier leader of the vauÌ„tgard P. de medicis comes to the french king Peter de med 〈…〉 accordeâ— with the fâ—â—ch king The â—lâ—renâ—â—ns discontented with P. de medicis A â—umulâ— in Florence P. de medicis fleeth out of Florence The Pysanâ— offer to reuolt Cardinal S. P. ad vincla per swades the Pysans not to reuolt The french king draweâ— toward Florence The french king entreth Florence A resolut part of a Coi 〈…〉 er Capitulacion betwene the french king and the â—â—â—â—rentynes The french king at Siena The Pope is ielous of his 〈…〉 The french king entreth Rome 1494. Perswasions of some Cardinalls to the french king to depose the Pope Capitulacions betwene the Pope and the french king Cardinall Valence the Popes sonne The french king kisseth the Popes feete The king parteth from Rome and draweth towards Naples The kingdom of Naples beginneth to conspire Iohn Iacques Triuulce goeth to the french king The yong king Ferdinand speakes in great sorow to the multitude The french king entreth Naples Beginning of the warres of Pysa 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 The pretended â—aâ—â— of the Duke of Myllanâ—â— Pysa The complaintes of the Pysans afore the french king ThEmbassador of Florëce confuteth those complaintes P. Anth. Soderin reasoneth touching a forme of gouernment for Florence Against this opinion reasoneth Guido Anth. Vespucci Iero. Sauonarola esteemed for a prophet in Florence The french king makes offers to Dom Federyk Dom Federyk aunswereth the king The french king sendes an armie to inuade Yschia The death of Ge. Ottâ—a Tinke and kept in refuge by the Pope Lodo. Sforce beginneth too late to feare the greatnes of the french A confederat league against the french king The french king vseth negligence in ordering the thinges of Naples The french king taketh councell of his Lordes a hat to dâ—e against the league of Consederatâ— Gil. Burbon Dâ—s Montpensier the kinges Lieftenant in Naples The realme of Naples beginneth to reclayme the name of thAragons The french king crowned king of Naples Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane being the kings prisoners show reasons to be redeliuered Their reasons are disproued by Monsr de Ligny The Venetians and 〈…〉 prepare the french 〈…〉 Fraunce 〈…〉 An attempt vpon the owne of Nouare Ier. Sauonarola a freas preacher in Florence The king aspireth to the surprising of Genes The armie of the confederats The battell of Taro. The french kinges atteÌ„pt vpon Genes spedd euill Ferdinand to reconquer his kingdom of Naples The citie of Naples riseth to let in Ferdinand Marquis 〈…〉 Pis 〈…〉 Monsr M 〈…〉 from N 〈…〉 Alphonso king of 〈…〉 th The seege of Nouaro The Pope commaundes the french king to goe out of Italy Capitulacion betwene the french king and the Florentyns Peace betwene the french king and the Confederats Monsr Trymouille◠〈…〉 The Prince of Orange speaketh The french poâ—ks their beginning Lodowyk sutle in dissembling Shiftes of Lod. Sforce to breake the peace The Venetians in mind to 〈…〉 the Pysans Peter de medicis at the instigation of the Confederate determineth to returne to Florence A 〈…〉 mi 〈…〉 d 〈…〉 enterprise 〈…〉 insurrections Virgini Vrsin with the french king 〈…〉 by 〈…〉 The Venetians in minde to take vpon them the defence of Pysa The Senat of Venice debateth vpon the action of Pysa The Duke of Veniâ—e reasoneth in fauâ—r of the Pâ—sans and preuaileth Pysa in the protection of Venice Lodowyk vauntes him selfe to be the sonne of fortune Couenants be to â—ne Ferdinand king of Naples and the Venetians The hencâ— nauie 〈…〉 at Caâ—e â—a The Marquis of Mantua for the Venetians in the kingdom of Naples The french king makes a pâ—sting pugrimage to T 〈…〉 rs and S. 〈…〉 The french king determineth to send Triuulce into
betwene the Viceroy and the Venetians The person of the frenche king led prisoner into Spaine Occasions giuen to themperour of new emotions Conspiracy agaynst the Emprour Capitulations betwene the confederates agaynst the Emprour The 〈…〉 ing 〈…〉 s 〈…〉 in the cas 〈…〉 of Madrill The Lady Alanson treateth with theÌ„prour for the kinges deliuery Cardinall Saluiatio the Popes Legate in the Court of themprour Ierome MoroÌ„ prisoner The Duke of Burbon in Spaine The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo Deuises of Princes against the power of thEmprour Qualities of Pope Leo and Clement Pope Clement the 〈…〉 makes a lâ—agee agaynst themprour ThEmperour maried to the daughter of Portugall Oration of the Chauncellor Oration of the Viceroy The treaty of Madrill touching the deliuery of the fr. king The fr. king marieth themprours sister Themprour vvriteth to the Pope touching the fr. kings deliuery The maner of the deliuery of the french king The fr. king complaineth vppon thEmprour The inhabitants of Myllan rise vp against the imperialls Themprour ill contented The Pope the fr. king and Venetians make league together Loda surprised by the Venetians The armie of the lâ—â—gue before Millan The army of the league broken vp from before Myllan Katherine de Medicis The Pope in great astonishment The inhabitants of Millan ill handled by the Spanyards The inhabitantes of Millan implore the compassion of the Duke of Burbon The armye of the league come before Millan the second time The Castell of Millan rendred to thimperialls Soliman Ottoman in Hungria The Pope moueth the confederates to inuade the realme of Naples Prouisions of the Emprour against the confederats Cremona rendred to the confederats Capitulacion betwene the Colonnois and the Pope to deceiue him King of Hungrie ouerthrowen in battell by Solyman Truce betwene the Pope and thEmperour Cremona giueÌ„ by the confederates to Fr. Sforce The league signified to the emprour Deliberation of the duke of Vrbin Catherine de Medicis Duke of Vrbin goeth agaynst the launce knights of George Fronsp Death of Iohn de Medicis Encounter of the Nauye of thempror with the fleete of the confederates The prince of Orenge vvith the Launceknights Ierom Moron out of prison Capitulations betwene theÌ„prour duke of Ferrara 1427. The duke of Burbon goeth out of Millan and leaueth there Antho. de Leua The duke of Ferrara perswadeth the duke of Burbon Continuation of the warre begon in thestate ecclesiastike Caesar Fieremosquo sent by themprour to the Pope The confederates resolue to inuade Naples Monsr Vaudemont the Popes lieftenant Exploytes of the Nauy of the confederates Katherine de Medicis Count Caiazzo goeth from thimperialls to the pay of thEcclesiastikes The Duke of Ferrata couÌ„celleth the Duke of Burbon to goe to Rome The Pope loaseth corage and why The Pope accerdeth with thImperialls Tumult in Florence The Pope compelled to harken to the warre The duke of Burbon draweth his army directly to Rome The Duke of Burbon slayne at the assault of Rome Rome taken and sacked The Pope being abaÌ„doned of all hopes compoundeth with the Imperialls Plague in Rome Confederacion betwene the French king and the king of England Monsr Lawtrech Capteine generall of the league The Cardinal of Yorke in Fraunce Awicked act Genoway returneth to thobedience of the French king Alexandria taken The sacke of Pauya Demaundes which the Emperour made to the armie of the confederats if thaccord went on The Duke of Ferrara entreth into the league Accorde betâ—eene the Pope and themprours Agents The Pope goeth out of prison The Pope thanketh Monsr Lavvtrech for his deliuerie 1528. VVarre denounced agaynst themprour by the kings of Englande and Fraunce The lie giuen by the french king to themprour For what occasioÌ„ the king of EnglaÌ„d refused his wife the Lady Katherine of Aragon Lawtrech entring into the Realme of Naples Andre Dore retyreth from Genes Peter Nauare taleth Aquila The Imperial army yssueth out of Rome The contents of Monsr 〈…〉 treches army Monsr S. Pol appoynted to the warres of Italy Miserable condition of the citie of Millan The Frenche befiâ—gâ— Napler Resolution of thImperialls within Naples Fight at sea betweene the Imperials and French. Death of the Viceroy Dâ— Hugo Monkado Disc 〈…〉 dities aswel of the imperials as the French during the siege of Naples Obstinacie of Monsr Lavvtrech The affaires of the French men begin to decline Antho. de Leua recouereth Pauia Duke of Br 〈…〉 dswyke in Italie for the Emperour Loda besieged by thimperialls The bandes of LauÌ„ceknights vnder Brundswike do mutine The Popes excuses to the confederats The Popes inâ—â—â—ion touching â—lâ—rice Cardinall CaÌ„peius Legaâ— in England Andre Dore leaueth the paye of the French. Couenantes betwene themprour and Andre dore Many difficulties in the â—â—â—army Death of Monsr Lawtrech Capitulations of the Marquis of Salussa with the Imperialls The proceedings of MoÌ„sr Saint Pol in Lombardy The taking of Genoway by Andre Dore New gouernment established in Ge 〈…〉 ay Mont Ian misseth to surprise Andre Dore. Execucions at Naples Proceedings of Monsr Saint Polin Lombardy Deuises of the Pope â—â— restore his house in Florence Cause of the ruine of the Cardinal of Yorke All the Princes harken to peace Monsr Saint Pol prisoner to Antho. dâ— Leua The Pope at accord with thEmprour Peace betwen thEmprour French king negociated in Cambray Themprour sendeth to the P. of Orenge to inuade the states of the Florentins Themprour at Genes vvhither the princes of Italy send embassadours to him The Pope maketh offers to Malatesâ—a The Pope the Emperour as Bolognia Capitulacions betwene the Emprour the Venetians duke of Millan Myllan rendred by themprour to FrauÌ„cis Sforce Lastra taken Camisado Themprour taketh the Crowne at Bolognia Empoly sackt by the Marquis of Guast The Florentins out of hope to be succoured by the fr. king The prince of Orenge slaine The issue of the vvarre of Florence The flaâ—e of the Ciâ—ie of Florence after the siege Ferdinand elected king of Romaines The French king and king of England ill disposed to the Emprour The French king inciâ—â—â—â— the Turke against thEmprour The Pope holdeth him selfe offended with the Empr 〈…〉 The Turke returneth with shame to Constantinople Enteruiew of the king of England and French king A second enteruiew of the Pope and Emprour aâ— Bolognia Katherine de Medicis A league for the defense of Italy The Pope wil not â—arken to â— councell The Pope refuseth to giue his Neece in mariage to the Duke of Myllan Enteruiew of the Pope and fr. king at Marseilles Katherine de Medicis maried to the second sonne of Fraunce The Pope knoweth his end Barberossa aâ— Thunis Death of pope Clement the vij Creation of Pope Paule the thirde A TABLE OF THE MOST PRINCIPALL AND GENERALL MATTERS CONTEYNED in the historie digested according to the order Alphabit A ASensible and apparant token of the ruyne of Princes when they esteme themselues more then they are and make their enemies lesse then they find them 21. A good
of Orleans entreth Genes and preserueth it 37. Lod. Sforce goeth to visit the French king in Ast 44. Lod. Sforce Duke of Millan by vsurpacion 49. Lawrence and Iohn de Medicis with the french king 50. Lod. Sforce beginneth too late to feare the greatnes of the french 85. Lod. Sforce sendeth hawty messages to the D. of Orleance 95. Lod. suttle in dissembling 130. Lod. vaunteth him selfe to be the sonne of fortune 144. Lod. will aswell serue his turne vppon the k. of Romaines for his ambicion as he did of the fr. k. in his necessitie 160. Lodowyk perswadeth Caesar to goe to Pisa 161. Lewys Duke of Orleance succeedeth to the crowne 185. Lewys the 12. king of Fraunce entiteleth him selfe Duke of Myllan 189. Librafatta taken by Pawle Vitelly 200. Lod. strengthneth him selfe against the king 223. Lod. moostereth all the inhabitants of Myllan and laboreth to reconcyle the harts of the people 225. Lod. abandoneth Millan 228. Lamentacions made at Venice for the ouerthrow 423. Last action of the Florentins against the Pisans 433. League of Caesar and the frenche king against the Venetians 466. Leguaguo taken by Chaumont 475. Lanterne of Genes razed by the people 678 law de Medicis Ioaseth thoccasion of the victorie 740. law de Med. is hurt 741. Lightning vppon the castell of Millan 785. Loda taken by thImperialls 833 Ladie Alenson treateth with thEmperour for the french kings deliuery 938 Lye geuen to thEmprour by the french king 1091. League for the defense of Italie 1178. M Mariage of Blanche Maria Sforce with thEmprour Maximilian Fol. 25 Manifest aspiring of Lod. Sforce to the Dukedom of Millan 48. Mountpensier leader of the vauntgard 50. Marquis of Pisquaro slaine 113. Mountpensier stealeth from Naples 115. Monsr Trimouilles opinion touching the peace 123. Marquis of Mantua in the kingdom of Naples for the Venetians 149. Mountpensier dyeth 157 Monsr d'Aubigny cōsenteth to depart the kingdom of Naples 158. Matters of enterprise doe for the most parte nourish their proper impediments 182. Monsr Beaumont a chiefe leader of the french armies 246. Monsr Beaumont sendeth to demaund Pisa in the kings name 247 Monsr de la Palissa made prisoner 289. Monsr d'Aubigny ouerthrowē taken prisoner 295. Malice is infinit in her actions c. 358. Marquis of Mantua prisoner 437. Maximilian returneth into Germanie 451. Monsr Chaumont against the Venetians 468. Marquis of Mantua escapeth out of prison 488. Myrandola besieged 504 Myrandola yeeldeth to the Pope 507. The Man that aspireth is apt to beleue all thinges that are conformable to his hope and oftentimes c. 525. Monsr de Foix his army 578. Monsr de Foix encourageth his souldiours to the battell 583. Mindes thirsting after glory are infinite in opinion and weening c. 588. Monsr de Foix slaine 588. Maximilian Sforce restored to Myllan 623. Martyn Luther against the Pope 771. Martyn Luther 781. Monsr d'Escud before Reggia 784. Marquis of Mantua for the Pope 780. Monsr Lawtrech before Pauia 829. Many impediments do follow the deliberacion of great causes and c. 851. Moderacion and temperance of thEmprour vpon the newes of the victory 915. Maner of the deliuering of the frenche king 966. Many errours in popular commocions c. 983. Monsr Lawtrech Captaine generall of the league 1072. Miserable condicion of the city of Millan 1099 Many difficulties in the frenche armie 1119. Montiā misseth to surprise Andre Dore 1130. Monsr Saint Pol prisoner to Antho. de Leua 1143. Millan rendred by thEmprour to Fraūcis Sforce 1162. N New Princes haue new councells and of new councells commonly resorte new effects 20. Number of the french kings army 45. Nocero taken by Ferdinand 137. Newe practises betwene the kinges of Fraunce and Spayne 180. New castell of Naples assaulted 301. Necessitie is mightie to bende those hartes that are inuincible against all other meanes c. 362. Nothing can satisfie the ambicion of man. 489. Nothing more vnworthy then to adde to a naturall crueltie a great authoritie c. 506. Number of the dead at the battell of Rauenna 588. Nothing flieth faster away then occasion c. 614. Nouaro besieged by the french 643. No certaintie in the councells of mortall men and lesse exspectacion of their worldly euents c. 729. No greater ennemy to great men then too great prosperitie for that it taketh c. 778. Necessarie for Capteines in warre to chaunge councells according to the variacion of accidents c. 192. Nothing more hard then to auoide destinie c. 940. Nothing more suttle then occasion which being taken and applied draweth with it good issue but c. 1011. New gouernmēt established in Genes 1128. O Oration of Antho. Grymany 206. Occasion doth muche to induce the minds of souldiors but example is it that confirmeth their vertue making them c. 288. Ouerthrow of the Duke of Atry 294. Ouerthrow death of Monsr de Nemours 296. Oration of Nicholas Foskarin 388. Oration of Andrew Gritty 391. Ordenance house in Venice on fire 415 Oration of Antho. Iustinian to Caesar 427. Oration of Leonard Loredan 440. Oration of Tryuulce 510. Ouerture of the councell of Pisa 543. Order of the frenchmen at the battell of Rauenna 583. Of all voluble thinges there is nothing more light then reapport and in times of Mutacion c. 640. Ouerthrow of the Venetian army 657. Ouerthrow of the frenche neare Tyrewaine 663. Occasions of contention betwene the Emperour and french king 768. Ouerthrow of the Swizzers 832. Oration of Andrew Gritty 844. Oration of George Cornaro 847. Oration of the Bishoppe of Osmo touching the taking of the french king 916. Oration of the Duke of Alba touching the french kings imprisonment 920. Occasions giuen to thEmprour of new emocions 933. Oration of the Chauncellor 952. Oration of the Viceroy 956. Oftentimes ingratitude and reproache are farre more readie then the remuneracion or praise of good workes 1057. Occasion why the king of England refused the Ladie Kathe. of Aragon his wife 1092. P Pope innocent the eight dyeth 4. Pope Alexander the sixt stayned with many vices 5. Peter de Medicis heire to Lawrence 5. Preparations in Fraunce for the warres of Italie 23. Pope commaundeth the frenche king not to passe into Italie 39. Peter de Medicis cōmeth to the french king 52. Peter de Medicis accordeth with the french king 53. Peter de Medicis fleeth out of Florence 55. The Pisans offer to reuolt 55. Pope is gealous of his owne safety 61. Perswasions of some Cardinalls to depose the Pope 63. P. Antho. Soderin reasoneth touching a forme of gouernment for Florence 77 And against that opinion reasoneth Guido Antho. Vespucci 80. Pope commaundeth the frenche king to go out of Italie 118. Peace betwene the french king and the confederats 122. Prince of Orenge speaketh 125. Peter de Medicis at thinstigation of the confederates determineth to returne to Florence 133. Pisa in the protection of Venice 144. Prince of Bisignian compoundeth for him selfe and
Alphonso And assoone as he was arriued at Vellitre the Cardinall of Valence fledd secretly from him with the which albeit the Pope showed him selfe much discontented offering to giue the king such assurance as it pleased him yet wise men beleued that it was not without his practise and commaundement as one that sought to haue in his power to obserue or not obserue the conuencions he had made with his maiestie an action agreeing with his ambicion which most gouerned him but farre from the office of his profession which he least esteemed making nothing vnlawfull for that he challenged to him self to haue power to dispense with all things from Vellitre the vauntgarde marcheth to Montfortyn a towne of the Church seated in la Campagnia and subiect to Iacques a gentleman Romayne who had at first followed the pay of the french king But since the hate he bare to the Collōnoys preuailing more with him then his proper honor he was become mercenarie to Alphonso The place being well shaken with the great artillerie was taken notwithstanding his strong situacion within few howres by the french who executed by the sworde all that were found within it except his three sonnes and certeine others that retyred into the castell but made prisoners assoone as they saw thartillerie planted from thence th armie marched to Mont S. Iohn a towne of the Marquiss of Piscaire seated in the sayd Campagnia vpon the confins of the kingdom this towne besides it was strong by nature and industrie of men yet it was well furnished with souldiors to defende it hauing in it three hundred footemen straungers and fiue hundred of thinhabitants well appoynted for all daungers In so much as it was not thought pregnable but by a hard and long seege But after the french men had somewhat searched the walls with their cannons they gaue in the presence of the king then come from Veruue so hoat and violent assault that vanquishing all difficulties they tooke it by force the same day And following their naturall furie as also to warne others by this example not to be so obstinate to resist they made lamentable slaughters wherein sparing no sort of barbarous crueltie they followed the desolacion of the place with setting fire on houses A maner of making warre not vsed in Italy in many ages before and therefore filled the whole realme with more generall feares and terrors for in Italy in all victories obteyned in what order so euer the most extreme and last action wherein the Victor would stretch out his crueltie was to disarme spoyle the souldiors and so let them goe vanquished and for townes taken by force to put them to sacke and pillage and thinhabitants to raunsom pardoning alwayes the life of men not slayne in the heate and furie of the fight This was all the resistance the payne and impedimentes which the french king had to conquere so large so rich and so populous a kingdom for the defence wherof there was not showed in any sort any vertue any courage any councel any force any faith nor any desire of honor for after the Duke of Calabria after his going out of Rome retyred to the borders of the kingdom and from thence called to Naples by the flying of his father had taken vpon him thautoritie and title of king but more with solemnities then with pompe and ioyes accustomed and that he had assembled his armie contayning fiftie squadorons of horsemen and six thowsand footemen of choysse and ledd by the best reputed Capteynes in Italy he incamped him selfe at S. Germayn to stoppe thennemie for passing further being drawne thither by thoportunitie of the place inuyroned on the one side with high and rough mountaynes and of the other with a contrey full of mareshes and waters and had in the front the riuer of Garillan which the Auncients called Liri albeit it was not so deepe in that place but at sometymes it was passible at a forde by reason whereof and that the passage is very narrow and straite they say with good reason that S. Germayn is one of the keyes of the kingdom of Naples he sent also bandes and trowpes to the next mounteynes to keepe the way of Cancella But all was in vayne and in these doinges he did no other thing then keepe his minde in languishing like as the Surgeon torments his patient by applying varietie of medicines to a wound that resistes all cures and remedies for his armie already stricken with a generall terror with the onely name of the french men declared apparant tokens of pusillanimitie and faintnes And the Capteynes and leaders partly tendring the safetie of them selues and their owne estates distrusting already of the defense of the kingdom and partly desiring innouacions and new thinges began to wauer no lesse in faith then in courage Lastly all the kingdom being in insurrection it was not without feare that at their backes should happen some perillous disorder Therefore councell giuing place to cowardnes and frayle feares ouerruling resolucion and constancie of minde vnderstanding after the taking of Mount S. Iohn that the Mareshal de Gie was at hand with three hundred launces and two thowsand footemen they discamped with shame from S. Germain and retyred to Capua with such confusion and feare that they lefte by the way viij great peeces of artillerie without garde giuing thennemie a meane to helpe forwarde their destruction with their owne weapons This citie the newe king reapposing much in the amitie of the towne towards the house of Aragon and in the strong seate of the place he hoped to defend and to keepe also Naples and Caietta not making distribucion of his forces to other places The french men went after but dispersed and out of order marching more after the manner of trauellers then like men of warre and without all regard either to keepe vnder their enseignes or to be ruled by the direction of their Capteynes they tooke libertie to goe where so euer they thought to find pillage And so neare was the encounter of these two armies that one part of them most often lodged the nightes in places where the Aragons were dislodged in the mornings Neither in Capua was any greater demonstracion of vertue or fortune for that after Ferdinand had there bestowed his armie much diminished in numbers since the retraict from S. Germain he was sent for by letters from the Queene expressing that since the losse of S. Germain there were such murmures and mutinies within Naples as without his presence there was manifest daunger of a generall tumult for which cause he went thither with a smal company by his presence to giue impediment to the perill present promising to returne eftsoones to Capua the day following Iohn Iacques Triuulce to whome he had left the garde of the citie had secretly sent to the french king for a Heralde to come vnder sewertie to speake with him which being graunted Triuulce with certeine gentlemen of Capua went to
Fraunce for the kinges sewertie And being possessed of the kings money he prepared him selfe to goe with the Vitellies to the kingdome of Naples where both before the losse of the castells and after was continuall insurrection in many places with diuerse accidents and fortunes For after Ferdinand had in the beginning made heade in the playne of Sarny the frenchmen that were retyred from Piedgrotte were incamped at Nocere within foure myles of thennemie where their forces being equall it appeared their disposicions did not differ for that they consumed the time vnprofitably in skyrmishing without any action worthy of memorie sauing that seuen hundred of the armie of Ferdinand aswell footemen as horsemen being led by a double intelligence to enter the borow of Gisone neare the towne of S. Seuerin remeyned almost all vppon the place either slaine or made prisoners But the bandes of the Pope being come to the succors of Ferdinand and by that meane the french made more inferior they retyred from Nocere which by that occasion together with the castell was taken by Ferdinand with a greater slaughter of such as had followed the french quarrell In this time Monsr Montpensier had foreseene to furnish of horses and other thinges necessary for the warre such as were come with him from the new castell with whom after he had remounted them in good order he went to ioyne with the others and after came to Ariana A towne abounding with vittells of the other side Ferdinand seeing him selfe lesse stronge then thennemie stayed at Montfuskule to temporise without assaying of fortune vntill the confederats had refurnished him with a greater succor M. Montpensier tooke the towne and afterwards the castell of S. Seuerin and with that fortune had done farre greater thinges if the want present of money and the difficulties to get some had not bene impediments to his oportunitie and vertue for hauing no releeffe sent out of Fraunce nor meane to leauye any in the kingdom of Naples he could not pay the souldiers by which reason the armie inclining to discontentment and the Svvyzzers drawing into murmure he had no possibilitie to doe thinges whose effectes might aunswer the forces he had In such like actions were consumed by the one and other armie about three monethes In which season Dom Federyk hauing with him Caesar of Aragon made warre in Pouylla he was ayded by those of the contrey against whom made head the Barons peoples that embrased the french part of the other side Gracian de Guerres made valiant defence in Abruzze against Ferdinand and the Prefect of Rome who had the kinges pay for two hundreth men at armes vexed with his estates the landes of Montcasin and the contrey thereabouts where was somewhat declined the prosperitie of the french by the long sicknes of M. d'Aubigny the same breaking the course of his victorie although almost all Calabria and the principallitie remeyned at the deuocion of the french king But Consaluo who with a strength of the spanish bandes with such of the contrey as bare frendship to thArragons now well increased by the conquest of Naples had taken there certeine places and made stronge in that prouince the name of Ferdinand where the french founde the same difficulties which were in the armie for want of money Notwithstanding the citie of Cosenze being drawne into rebellion against them they recouered it and sackt it But in these great necessities and daungers appeared no succors at all out of the realme of Fraunce for that the king staying at Lyons amused the time about iustes torneyes and other pleasures of Court leauing there all his thoughtes of the warre And albeit he assured his councell alwayes that he would eftsoones consider of th affayres of Italy yet the effects actions that proceeded from him discredited the promises he had made to haue remembraunce of them And yet Argenton brought him this aunswere from the Senat of Venice that they pretended to haue no disfrēdship with him for that they entred not into armes vntill he had gotten Nocere and yet for no other cause then for the defense of the Duke of Myllan their confederat and therefore they thought it a thing superfluous to ratifie eftsoones the auncient frendship with a new peace Besides they offered him that by the mediacion of persons indifferent they woulde induce Ferdinand to giue him presently some summe of money with constitucion of a tribut of fifty thowsand duckats by yeare and to leaue in his handes for his securitie Tarenta vntill a certeine time The king as though he had had a prepared puissant succor refused to open his eares to these offers notwithstanding besides these perplexities of Italy he was not without vexacions vpon the frontyers of Fraunce seeing Ferdinand king of the Spanish come in person to Parpignian had made incursions into Languedock where they did no small harmes adding to their present furie other demonstracions of farre greater emocions Besides it was not long since the Daulphyn of Fraunce the onely sonne of the king dyed All which thinges if he had bene capable to make wise election of peace or warre ought to haue brought him with more facilitie to condiscend to some accord About the ende of this yeare were determined the controuersies hapning by reason of the citadell of Pysa for the french king vnderstanding by good informacion thobstinacie of the capteine sent thether at last Monsr Gemel with threatnings and cōmaundements rigorous not only addressed to him but generally to all the french apperteyning to the charge and seruice of the sayd citadell And a litle after he dispatched thether expresly M. Bonne Cousin to the Capteine to th ende that being informed by a person whom he might trust both of the kinges message and also the meane to satisfie with present obedience his former faultes and contumacie and of the other part the daunger wherin he stoode continuing in disobedience he might with more readines proceede to thexecucion of his Maiesties commaundement iust will All these could not remoue the Capteine from his first resolucion who abiding in his transgression made no reckoning of the message of Gemell staying there a few dayes according to his commission to goe with Camylla Vitelli to find Virginio And much lesse was thē comming of Bonne who was hindred many dayes for that by direction of the Duke of Myllan he was reteyned at Serazena to any purpose to turne the Capteine from his obstinacie But hauing wrought Bonne to his consent opinion he made a contract with the Pysans Luke Maluezze communicating in the name of the Duke by vertue whereof he deliuered to the Pysans the first day of the yeare 1496. their citadell receiuing of them twenty thowsand duckats whereof xij thowsand to remeyne to him selfe and eyght thowsande to be deuided in shares amongest the particular souldiers This money was not leuyed of the stores or welth of the Pysans in whom was no meane to interteyne their
councell and vnder cooller of modestie he blamed apparantly that with armed hand and in a time when Italie burned with an vniuersal fire of warre there should be such negociation of a matter which without the concorde and consent of all Princes could not bring forth but fruites full of venim and infection lastly he was well aduertised that he prepared a strong army by sea with the which albeit he published a brute that he would passe in person into Affrika yet it could not be decided whether he leauied that force for other endes Wherein he was so muche the more suspicious by howmuch his words were alwayes full of sweetnes and affabilitie for he alwayes besought the king as it were with a brotherly affection to make peace with the Pope forsaking if otherwise it coulde not be wrought some peece of his owne rightes both not to shewe himselfe a persecuter of the Churche contrarie to the auncient pietie and deuotion of the house of Fraunce and also not to turne him from the warre which he had determined to make vpon the Mores in Affrika for thexaltation of the name of Christ he added lastely that albeit it had beene a perpetuall custome amongest Christian Princes when they prepared armies agaynst infidells to demaunde succors of others in a cause so holy and honorable yet for his part it suffised him not to be hindred and was content to require no other ayde but that Italie might remayne in peace Whiche wordes notwithstanding they were caried to the Frenche king by his Embassadour and pronounced by his owne mouth to the Frenche Embassadour resident with him and that with great demonstration of amitie yet it seemed that they conteined a secret protestation to take armes in fauor of the Pope A matter which seemed not likely to the king that he durste do without hope to be hable to induce Caesar to the same These things troubled muche the kings mind filled him ful of many suspiciōs fearing that to work the peace by the meane of the Bishop of Gurce would be a thing no lesse vayne then preiudiciall vnto him And yet not to stirre vp Caesar he determined to sende to Mantua the Bishop of Paris a Prelate of great authoritie and deepe knowledge in the science of the Lawes These were the doubtes of the one king and the deceites of the other the one full of deuises and the other not voyde of distruste they both open in words and yet kept both their intentions dissembled A matter of familiar custome with Princes to interteine one an other with vayne hopes and artificiall feares All this whyle Iohn Iacques Triuulce remayned with th armie at Sermidi dispersed into many places thereaboutes for the better commoditie of lodging and vittelles And in this time he receyued signification from the king that it was his will that the warre should be administrated by him with this limitation that exspecting the comming of the Bishop of Gurce he shoulde abstayne from all violent action vpon the state ecclesiastike the hardnes of the season beeing also agaynst it by reason wherof it was impossible to incampe in the fielde notwithstanding Marche was nowe begonne Therefore Triuulce both for that he had no occasion to attempt any other enterprise and for that he was in places so very neare determined to deuise howe he might offende th armie of thennemies who being dispersed abroade when Monsr Chaumont returned from Sermidi to Carpy moste parte of their footemen were lodged at Bondin and the horsemen in the townes neare about Finale But assoone as he had receyued his commission from the king he marched the day after to Stellata and the day following somewhat further where he bestowed th armie abrode in the villages thereabouts and raysed a bridge of boates vpon the ryuer of Pavv betwene Stellata and Ficquerolla hauing giuen direction to the duke of Ferrara to make an other a myle lower at the place which is called the poynt beeing that breache or braunche of Pavv which goeth to Ferrara that also he should marche with thartillerie to the hospital a place right oueragainst Bondin In this meane while Triuulce was aduertised by his espials that many trowpes of light horsmen of that part of the Venetian armie which lay on the other side Pavv were the next night to approche Mirandola to dresse some ambushe Agaynst whome he sent out secretly certayne horsmen who being come vp to Belair a plaine house in the contrey of Mirandola found within it Leonard Napolitain capteine of the Venetian light horsmen a man of great place reputation in th armie he nothing doubting that his enemies would discend so farre as to that place was withdrawne thither onely with fiftie horse and there exspecting a greater strēgth that was to follow he with many of his were slain their vallour not being able to resist the malice of their fortune Alfonso d'Este came to the hospitall according to his direction beginning the night following to imploy his artillery against Bondin And at the same time not omitting thoportunity of their felicitie Triuulce sent Guaston lord of Foix the kings sisters sonne a man very young and newly come to the armie the yeare before to runne vp euen to the barres of thenemies campe with an hundred men at armes foure hundred light horsemen and fiue hundred footmen with whom he put to flight fiue hundred footmen appoynted to garde that front or parte of the campe By this example bringing distruste of greater perill all the residue leauing Bondin vnder good garde retyred into places of strength on the other side the Canall The counsayles of warre and enterprise carrie with them for the moste parte a successe variable and differing from exspectation for that no more in those actions then in any other mortall causes the deuises of man can not be separate from their imperfections not one of the plottes of Triuulce succeeded as was looked for for that thartillerie planted agaynst Bondin made little exployte both for the distance of the place Pavv being betweene them and also the ryuer beeing swelled and the rising parte cutte of by them of Bondin it so drowned the countrey that there was no possibilitie of passage from the front of the Frenche campe to Bondin but vpon barkes In so muche as the Captayne dispayring eftsoones to vse the commoditie of that waye to distresse the lodging of thennemies called from Verona two thousande Launceknightes giuing also direction to leauie three thousande Grisons the better to drawe neare them by the wayes of Saint Felix in case the peace proceeded not by the working of the Bishop of Gurce whose comming had bene made somewhat the more slowe and delitorie for that at Sale vppon the lake of Garde he had in vayne exspected aunswere from the Pope whome he had prayed by letters to sende Embassadours to negociate At laste he came to Mantua accompanied with Dom Peter de Vree ordinarily resident with Caesar for the king of Aragon not manye
dayes after arryued there the Bishoppe of Paris the Frenche kinge who to be more neare the solicitations of peace and the better to furnishe his prouisions for the warre was nowe come to Lyon perswading him selfe that the Pope woulde also sende thither and ioyne frankly in the action But suche was his obstinacie agaynst the deuoute willes of all these great Princes that he made greate instance to haue the Bishop of Gurce to come to him not so much that he thought it aunswered thexspectation of his dignitie Pontificall as for that he hoped that in loading him with honours ceremonies and promises ioyned to the efficacie and authoritie of his presence he might raunge him and make him conformable to his wyll beeing nowe more estraunged then euer from peace and agreement wherein to make the labour more easie and the successe agreable to hys desyre he solicited Hierome Vich whiche was of Valence and Embassadour resident for the king Catholike to goe on hys behalfe to the Bishop of Gurce The Bishoppe of Gurce refused not to condiscende to the Popes wyll but he obiected that it were good he woulde firste take order for that that was to be done afterwardes assuring that the difficulties woulde bee more easilye dissolued and decyded if the negociation were firste managed at Mantua with intention to goe afterwardes to the Pope with matters well debated and almoste resolued He alleaged that this course he was bounde to take no lesse for the necessitie then for the facilitie of thinges For as it coulde not bee conuenient for him to leaue alone the Bishoppe of Paris whome the Frenche king had sent to Mantua at the instance of Caesar so there was no hope he shoulde debate in th affayres of his king and no lesse inconuenient to require him to goe with him to the Pope seeing that neyther it aunswered his commission nor the dignitie of his king to goe to the house of thennemie affore their controuersies were accorded or at least very neare to bee resolued Of the contrarie the two Embassadors of Aragon declared that the whole hope of peace making depended vppon the agreement and composing of the affayres of Ferrara for that they beeing determined and no more cause remayning to the Pope to sustayne the Venetians they shoulde bee constrayned to yeelde to peace with suche lawes and conditions as Caesar woulde That the Pope pretended that the sea Apostolike had great and strong rightes ouer the citie of Ferrara and did esteeme Alfonso to haue vsed towards him a great ingratitude and had done him many vnworthy iniuries That to abate and qualifie the rigor of his minde whiche was nowe full of displeasure it was more conuenient that the subiect or vassall shoulde implore the clemencie of his Lorde then to come and dispute of his iustice For which reasons they perswaded that it was not only comely and honest but also conuenient and necessarie to go to him in which iuste humilitie and submission they doubted not but he woulde diminishe a great parte of his rigour They thought it not profitable that that diligence that industrie that authoritie whiche was to be imployed to dispose the Pope to peace shoulde be consumed in perswasions tending to endes doubtfull Lastely they added with very sweete wordes that neither could matters haue their full disputation nor the quarrells sufficiently searched into vnlesse all the parties were together in full assistance And that within Mantua was onely but one parte for that Caesar the French king and the king Catholike were in suche vnitie of leagues parentages and amities that in this action they were to be reputed as brethren thinterestes of euery particular beeing common to them all What by these perswasions and other respectes more speciall and priuate the Bishoppe of Gurce suffered him selfe to bee wonne to goe thither with intention that the Bishoppe of Paris shoulde exspect at Parma what woulde be the successe of his voyage During these actions the Pope notwithstanding all solicitation made apperteining to the peace had not yet altered his thoughtes from the warre interteyning the one with showes dissembled and embrasing the other with desires burning and importunat He supposed to surprise of newe the bastillion of Geniuola recommending the charge of that enterprise to Iohn Vitelli But aswell for the small and slowe paymentes that were made the numbers of footemen were farre inferiour to thappoyntment as also that all the countrey thereaboutes stoode ouerflowed bothe by the plentie of raynes that fell and by the cutting of the rysinges of the ryuer of Pavv there was nothing aduaunced Besides Alfonso d'Este was the stronger by water who with an armie of Gallies and Brigantins so charged the Venetian fleete neare S. Albert that what with the furie of that encounter and with the feare of an other fleete of lesser vesselles which they discerned sayling from Comaccho they retyred to the porte of Rauenna with the losse of two fustes two barbottes and more then fourtie smaller vesselles This accident disappoynted the Popes hope to take the Bastyllion and therefore he returned those companies to the campe whiche lodged at Finalo very muche weakened of the strength of footemen for that the paye was so small About this tyme the Pope created eyght Cardinalles partely to allure to him the myndes of Princes and partly to arme him agaynst the threatnings of the Councell Suche as he created were prelates learned and experienced and as they bare in the Court of Rome a greate authoritie so they were personages of speciall election suche as he reapposed moste suretie in Of the number of this creation was the Archbyshoppe of Yorke Embassadour for the kinge of Englande and the Byshoppe of Syon the one beeing a man of importaunce to stirre vppe the Svvizzers and the other beeing gracious with hys king whom he hoped to kindle agaynst the Frenchmen And to drawe on the Bishop of Gurce as it were with an earnest penny certayne of the same dignitie and with that hope to make him the more tractable to his desyre he reserued to him selfe with the consent of the Consistorie a power to name an other suche a one as he had fashioned already in his mynde After he vnderstoode that the Bishop of Gurce had consented to come to him he determined to receyue him with great honour wherein to expresse more office then thestate of a Bishop of Gurce coulde chalenge and lesse respect then apperteined to so supreme a dignitie as a high Bishop of Rome he went from Rauenna to Bolognia to th ende to ioyne the magnificence of the place to the residue of the honours he pretended There he receiued him with pompes and ceremonies equall to the estate and dignitie of any king the glory of his demonstrations and showes giuing great detection of his dissembled minde The Bishop also for his parte expressed no lesse pompe and magnificence for that discending into Italie with the title of Caesars liefetenant he came accompanied with a very great
the Diuines then of the Cannonistes that the authoritie to call councells was inuested onely in the person of the Pope yea though he were infected with all vices if onely he were not suspected of heresies That if the holy authoritie were otherwayes interpreted it would rest in the power of a few eyther for ambicion or for perticuler hatreds couering their wicked intencions with false coolers to alter and chaunge dayly the peasible estate of the Church A matter which ought not to be consented no lesse for the preiudice then for the ill example it brought They alleaged that be it that all medicines were wholesome yet if they were not ministred with due proporcions and in tymes conuenient they bare more of poyson then of medicine By which reasons condemning all those that had other opinions they called this assemblie not a councell but matter to deuide and seperat the vnitie of the sea Apostolike A beginning of schisme in the Churche of God and a councelling of Deuills The ende of the nynth Booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE TENTH BOOKE AFter the taking of Bolognia the french armie returneth to the Duchie of Myllan The councell that was to be holden at Pysa against the Pope is transferred to Myllan where many stirs happen The Popes armie beseegeth Bolognia The french men take Bressia The battell is giuen at Rauenna The Pope publisheth the councell at Rome And afterwards the affayres of the french begin to decline THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THE successe of the victorie hapning vpon the french king drewe all Christendom but principally the vniuersall regions of Italy to exspect in greate dowt of minde what he would further deliberat of his fortune for euery one gaue this iudgement that it was in his power to make him selfe Lorde of Rome and the whole state Ecclesiastike both for that all the Popes regiments together with the Venetians were dispersed and almost dissolued and also there remeyned not in Italy other armies able to make resistance agaynst the furie of the Victor And as for the Pope seeming onely to be defended with the name Maiestie of the place he stoode in all other regardes reduced to the discression of fortune his resolucion of mind only remeining to support the aduersitye of his estate Neuerthelesse the french king eyther the reuerence which he bare to religion reteyning him or the feare to stirre vppe other Princes against him driuing him to vse a moderacion in his fortune determined not to vse thoccasion of his victorie but with a councell perhaps more religious then profitable he addressed his commaundements to Ioh. Iac. Tryuulce to returne with the armie to the Duchie of Myllan leauing Bolognia to the Bentyuoleis and making restitucion of all other peeces which he occupied of the Church To these actions so gracious and affable he added wordes and demonstracions no lesse acceptable and full of pietie for he forbad throughout his Realmes to make any publike signes of gladnes And protested oftentymes in the presence of many that notwithstanding he had nothing committed against the sea Apostolike nor against the person of the Pope And much lesse done any thing but by prouocacion and constraint yet he would come to humilitie with the Pope and for the reuerence and deuocion he bare to that sea he would sue for pardon where he had done no offence he perswaded him selfe that the Pope knowing by experience what were the difficulties of his conceites and being reassured of the suspiciō which he had of him without occasion would with all his hart come to desire peace the practise and negociacion whereof had not bene altogether giuen ouer seeing the Pope since he parted from affore Bolognia had for that occasion sent to the king thēbassador of the king of Skotland continuing to solicit the same points which by the same Bishop had bene begon to be debated with the Bishop of Gurce In this disposicion to peace ioyned also the famulie of the Bentyuoleis who notwithstanding they followed thauthoritie of the king yet they signified to the Pope that much lesse they would expresse contumacie and rebellion to the Churche seeing they layed them selues downe with ready and franke mindes to liue and dye in that subiection wherein their fathers had continued by so many yeares And in token thereof they did not onely sette at libertie the Bishop of Cluse but according to the auncient vsage they lodged him in the pallayce as Liefetenant to the sea Apostolike Tryuulce departed with th armie and drew neare to Mirandola to recouer it notwithstanding at the request of Iohan. Fran. Piqua Vitfruch was entred vnder cooller to hold it in the name of Caesar And by protestacion had sent to require Tryuulce that because it was of the iurisdiction of thEmpire he should absteine from all violent action But finding in the ende that his vayne authoritie was not sufficient he went his way Tryuulce giuing him onely certaine promisses more honorable for Caesar in shewe then in effect The like did Iohn Fran. after he had safeconduit for goods and life And Triuulce hauing to follow no other expedicion sent to the gard of Verona fiue hundred launces and a thowsand three hundred launceknights vnder Capteine Iacob And reseruing to him selfe two thowsand fiue hundred Gascoins vnder the regiment of Capteine Molard and Mangiron which with the companies of the men at armes he sent dispersed into the townes of the Duchie of Myllan he gaue leaue dismissed all the other bandes of footemen But to the desire and hope of the king was nothing agreeable the disposicion of the Pope who rising into a newe courage by the reuoking of the armie And being euery day made more hard and obstinat by the thinges that in deede should haue made him more easie and tractable seing withall that at Rymyny where he yet remeyned he laye tormented with the gowte In the middest of so many perplexeties he sette downe more in the personne of a Victor then one that was vanquished and that by the meane and working of the same Skottishe Embassador That the Duke of Ferrara shoulde paye to him hereafter the tributes which he was wont to paye before the diminucion whiche had bene made by Pope Alexander That the Churche shoulde holde a Visdomino in Ferrara as the Venetians dyd before And that there should bee rendered to him Lugo with the other townes which Alfonso d'Este possessed in Romagnia These condicions notwithstanding they seemed to the kinge no lesse greeuous then to holde too muche of iniquitie yet the desire to haue peace with the Pope preuailing aboue all other respectes he made aunswere that he was contented to consent to all those demaundes so farre forth as Caesar might also condiscend and concurre in them But the Pope being now returned to Rome seemed with the place to chaunge both councell and will the perswasions of the king of Aragon helping no lesse then his naturall lightnes and mutabilitie
the ryuer of Ronquo making playne the risings of the bankes on all sides to make the way more easie and passible The next morning by the first appearing of the day beeing the eleuenth of Aprill a daye very solemne for the memorie of the holy resurrection the Launceknights of the footemen marched ouer the bridge almoste all the vauntgarde and the battell passed the ryuer by foarde and the rearegard guyded by Yues d'Allegre wherein were foure hundred launces remayned vpon the shore of the ryuer on Rauenna side to th ende to succor the armie in necessitie and to make head if the souldiours or people issued out of Rauenna And to the garde of the bridge which had bene affore buylt vpon the ryuer of Montono was appoynted capteine Paris a Skottishe man with a strength of a thousande footemen Immediatly vpon this the Frenchmen prepared them selues to the battell in this order The vauntgarde with thartillerie before gouerned by the Duke of Ferrara with seuen hundred launces and the Launceknightes was placed vpon the banke or shoare of the ryuer which was on their right hande the footmen beeing on the left hande to the horsemen On the side of the vauntgarde and in flanke were bestowed the footemen of the battell whiche were eighte thowsande parte Gascons and parte Pickardes And after in enlarging alwayes and bearing further from the banke of the ryuer was the laste esquadron of Italian footemen ledde by Federike Bossolo wherein was not aboue the number of fiue thousande bodies for notwithstanding Monsr de Foix comming from before Bolognia tooke with him such as were there in garrison yet many of them were shronke away by reason the paye was small And on the side or wing of this squadron were all the archers and light horsemen which exceeded the number of three thousande After the ordering of all these squadrons who not stretching directly right foorth but plying and bowing bare the forme of a halfe moone and vppon the banke of the ryuer were the six hundred launces of the battel commaunded by Monsr de la Palissa together with the Cardinall S. Seuerin Legate of the councell who being of stature huge mightie and of courage and minde nothing inferior and armed withall from toppe to toa with glittering armes performed farre better the office of a Capteine then of a Cardinall or Legate In this disposing of the armie Monsr de Foix reserued to him selfe no charge or place particular but hauing made a choyse of thirtie of the most valiaunt Gentlemen of the whole armie he stoode free and at libertie to be the better hable to succour and minister to all partes The goodly estate and presence of his personage couered with armor shining and wrought made him easie to bee discerned from all others ioyning his liuery or cassacke in whose coollers was represented the inclination of his minde And because there shoulde be omitted in him nothing that eyther belonged to the testification of his proper vallour or was necessarie to stirre vp the mindes of his people he mounted vpon the rysing of the shore of the ryuer and with a countenance of singuler ioye and comfort dispersed into his eyes and all his other outward senses and partes he spake to his companies with an eloquence more then martiall in this sort My good friendes and souldiours this is the day wherein fortune offreth to leade vs to fight with our enemies in open fielde A matter so muche the more welcome by howe muche it hath bene long desired with an vniuersall exspectation of vs all The same fortune whose fauour we haue caried alwayes vpon our shoulders in so many victories presenteth her selfe nowe to kisse our cheekes in signe of her perpetuall assistaunce and holding her lappe open she puttes into our handes an occasion to winne the moste honorable and glorious victorie that euer was gotte by any armie in the memorie of man for not onely Rauenna not onely all the townes and limites of Romagnia are subiect to your discression but also the wealth and plentie of riches conteined in those large limites shall be the least parte of the rewardes of your valour Not one Prince or Potentat remayning in Italie hable to make head agaynst your force and felicitie what shall lette you to ronne vp euen to Rome where the infinite treasors of that wicked Court drawne in so many ages out of the bowels and intrals of Christendome shall be the honorable fruites of your trauell yea your vallour and your fortune will put into your handes so manye stately ornamentes suche heapes of siluer so many wedges of golde suche mountaynes of precious stones and so many riche prisoners that the whole world will enuy your condition And from Rome euen with the same facilitie we shall marche into the bowels of the kingdome of Naples executing reuenge vppon the iniuries done to vs and ours heretofore These be felicities which I see not subiect to any impediment when I consider your vertue your fortune and the honorable victories you haue gotten in fewe dayes These expeditions bring with them no doubt nor feare when I beholde your countenances and do remember that there are very fewe amongest you who in my presence hath not giuen some notable testimonie of his vallour Our enemies be the same Spaniardes whom our arriuall forced with shame to flee by night from before Bolognia they be the same mindes and bodies who not many dayes since sought their safetie from vs no otherwise then by hiding themselues vnder the walls of Ymola and Faenza and afterwards couered their dishonour in places montenous and impassible This is a race of people and nation that in the kingdome of Naples neuer fought agaynst our armies in playne fielde or places discouered but brought with them alwayes the aduauntage of rampiers of ryuers of diches or the wether reapposing lesse in their vallour and vertue then in their sleightes and ambushes And yet I can not tearme them that portion of Spaniards which haue bene norished and made olde in the warres of Naples but rather a people newe rawe and vnexperienced who neuer fought agaynst other armes then bowes and arrowes and launces poynted after the maner of the Moores who notwithstanding is a nation and people weake of body without harte without armour and wholly without knowledge of the arte of warre yet the laste yere they ouerthrew this prowde generation of Spaniards to their great infamie in the yle of Gerbes from which place fledde this Peter of Nauarre a capteine of so great name and reputation with them seruing as a notable example to all the worlde touching the difference to make walles fall with the furie of powder and subteltie of vaultes secrete and vnder earth and to feight in the fielde with a true resolution and magnanimitie of courage They are nowe inclosed with a trenche which feare hath driuen them to make this night in great haste their footemen are shadowed and couered with the rysing of the
confidence in the naturall inclination and clemencie of the Pope and the other reapposing muche in the auncient friendshippe and straite familiaritie had with him and with his brother There they obteined safeconduit of the capteine of Lyuorna whiche albeit stretched no further then the boundes of his iurisdiction yet without seeking other suretie they went vp in that confidence to Pisa In whiche Citie they were honorably receyued and afterwards in no lesse assurance conueied to Florence where they were kept with that easie and fauourable garde that they had no disposition to departe the same being the desire of the Pope who sent to them the Bishop of Oruietto to exhorte them with words gracious and full of affection that aswell for their proper surety as for the present tranquilitie of the Church they would abyde at Florence vntill the Court had determined in what manner they shoulde come to Rome He willed them also that whereas they had bene iudicially depriued and their depriuation confirmed in the Councell of Latran they shoulde forbeare to go in habites of Cardinalls to th ende that expressing signes of humiliation he might take the better occasion to reduce and readresse their affayres according to their desire and his determination The first act of this newe Pope was his Coronation which was represented according to the vsage of his predecessors in the Church of S. Iohn de Latran The pompe was so great both of his famulie his Court and also of the Prelates and multitudes that were there together with the popular and vniuersall assemblies of peoples that by the opinion and iudgement of men the pride and maiestie of that action did farre surpasse all the celebrations that had bene done in Rome since the tyrannies of the Goathes and sauage nations In this solemnitie the Gonfalone of the Churche was caryed by Alfonso Este who hauing obteined a suspencion of his Censures and paynes was come to Rome wyth great hope that by the clemencie and facilitie of the Pope he should be hable to compounde for his affayres The Gonfalone of the religion of Rhodes was borne by Iulio de Medicis mounted vpon a stately Courser armed at all poyntes by his nature he bare an inclination to the profession of armes but by destinie he was drawen to the life ecclesiastike in which estate he may serue as a wonderfull example of the variation of fortune One matter that made the memorie of that daye wonderfull was the consideration that the person that then in so high and rare pompe was honored with the moste supreme and soueraigne dignitie of the worlde was the yere before and on the very same day miserably made prisoner The great magnificence that appeared vpon his person and his expences confirmed in the generalitie and multitude of men thexpectation that was had of him euery one promising that Rome shoulde be happie vnder a Pope so plentifully indued with the vertue of liberalitie whereof that day he had giuen an honorable experience his expenses beeing aboue an hundred thousande ducketts But wyse men desired in him a greater grauitie and moderation they iudged that neither suche a maiestie of pompe was conuenient for Popes neyther did the condition of the present time require that he should so vnprofitably disperse the treasors that had bene gathered by his predecessor to other vses But suche was the disposition of Princes to warre that neyther the chaunging of the Pope nor the presence nor feare of other accidentes were sufficient to establishe and assure the tranquillitie of Italie euery one discerned that things of their proper inclination tended more to warre then to peace for Caesar woulde heare no more speaking of the rendring of Verona fearing thereby to be depriued of all oportunitie and meane to haue any easie entry into Italie And albeit the truce was prolonged for the full moneth of Aprill yet he kept no rekoning of the condicions of accorde that had bene debated at Millan And in that minde beeing discontented with thinstance and importunities of the king Catholikes Embassadors he stucke not to tell the Count of Carriato that for the inclination he expressed to the Venetians he deserued better to beare the name of an Embassador of Venice then of Spayne But that whiche muche more augmented this disposition was the truce that was made for a whole yere betwene the French king and the king Catholike tending onely to th affayres on the other side the Mountes The oportunitie of which truce gaue to the French king being nowe deliuered of the suspicions of Spayne a great facilitie to renewe the warre in the duchie of Millan The king Catholike had neuer any disposition to haue warre with the Frenche men beyonde the Mountes for that beeing not mightie enough in money and treasor and therefore depending on the forces and aydes of the Barons and peoples of Spayne eyther he had no readynes of succours or else by his necessities in tymes of warre they would holde him with them as it were in subiection But then principally he stoode confirmed in his auncient counsell for that together with his owne tranquillitie and rest he was so muche the more assured of the Realme of Nauarre newly conquered by him and withall for that since the death of queene Isabell his absolute authoritie ouer Castillo beeing embased into a gouernment limited he had not in troubled seasons so great and firme authoritie Of this he had seene a late experience in the action of the kingdome of Nauarre wherein albeit he had an ende happie and honorable yet it happned not by other meane then by the negligence and slownesse of succours And hauing no more desire to returne to the daungers which he had suffred and not knowing yet of the Popes death he agreed to the truce which neuer helesse was not published before he had receyued newes of thelection of the new Pope The better to iustifie him selfe of this vnlooked for deliberation he alleaged that the Pope the Venetians had behaued them selues towards him cleane contrarie to the league for that since the battell of Rauenna they neuer offred to pay to him the fortie thousande duckets as they were bounde whilest the French king possessed any thing in Italie That onely he had had care of the common benefite of the confederates and yet had not attributed to himself the rewards of the common victorie That he did not possesse in Italie so much as a small tower more then that he had before the warre But the Pope had had regarde to his benefite particular and made proper to him selfe the things that were common That he occupied Parma Plaisanca and Reggia and nourished a continuall studie to possesse Ferrara which couetousnesse of his had bene the onely impediment of the recouering of the Castells in the Duchie of Millan and the Lanterne of Genes That touching his parte he had interposed all his diligence and authoritie to worke thaccorde betweene Caesar and the Venetians but the Pope
defence or losse of the Duchie of Millan should be executed onely with the daunger and blood of the Svvizzers who not staying for any impediment or small quantitie of money in prest discended by such heapes and trowpes into the duchie of Millan that their armie there was aboue twentie thousande of whome ten thousande were drawne neare to the mountaynes It was a councell taken amongest them to keepe agaynst the French the strayte passages of those valleys which beeing at the foote of the Alpes that deuide Italie from Fraunce come to open them selues vpon the playnes of Lombardie This councel of the Svvizzers troubled greatly the minde of the king who afore had promised to himselfe an assured victorie by the greatnes of his forces not remēbring that the successe of warre respecteth other considerations then the multitudes of souldiors he had in his armie two thousande fiue hundred launces xxij thousande launceknightes ledde by the duke of Gueldres ten thousande footemen of Peter Nauarre eight thousande Frenchemen and three thousande laborers that were payed according to the rate of the other footemen The king considered with hys capteines that in regarde of the vallour of the Svvizzers it was impossible to driue them from those strayte and strong passages but with a farre greater number And yet considering the nature of those straites so great numbers could not be but hurtfull to the seruice and muche lesse in so litle tyme could they do any thing of consequence and least of all be hable to nourishe any long season so great an army in a contrey so barreine notwithstanding there was continuall traffike of vittels to the mountaynes Amid these difficulties some of the capteines that were of opinion rather to diuert and drawe them away then to set vpon them gaue counsell to sende out eight hundred launces through Prouince and Peter Nauarre by sea with his ten thousande contrey men which should all ioyne together at Sauonne Others were of aduise that to go so farre about were to loase too muche time that it would weaken th armie and increase too muche the reputation of thenemies who woulde not doubt to boast that they had not the corage to encounter with them So that it was resolued that not retyring so muche from that straite they should assay to passe by some other way that eyther was not kept by thenemies or at least not so strongly defended And that Emard de Prio with foure hundred launces and fiue thousande footemen should take the waye to Genes not in hope to drawe them downe from their mountaynes but to make warre vpon Alexandria and the other townes beyonde Pavv There be two wayes in the Alpes that leade ordinarily from Lyons into Italie the one is called Monsane a mountayne within the iurisdiction of the duke of Sauoy it is the shortest way the straightest way and most beaten way The other is called the mounte Geneure within the gouernment of Dauphine a way longer then the other and leades by crookings and turnings to Grenoble both the one and the other falleth into the way of Susa where the playne beginneth to enlarge But the French armies are alwaies wont to passe by the Mount Geneure notwithstanding it be a way somewhat longer because it hath a facilitie of passage more conuenient to draw thartillerie The Svvizzers that were carefull to keepe those two passages the other pathes thereaboutes were lodged at Susa the cause was that the passages which be lower drawing towards the sea were so streate and steepe that it seemed impossible to drawe any artillerie being verye harde to passe thither the horses of so great an armie On the other side Triuulco to whom the king had giuen that charge being followed with very many pyoners and hauing about him men paynefull and experienced to drawe artilleries whom he sent to searche the places that were there went sounding the passages if he could finde libertie of way without impediment of the Svvizzers By which occasion the armie that for the moste parte was dispersed betweene Grenoble and Brianson marched slowely exspecting what should be determined wherevnto there was a constraynt by a necessitie to abyde the prouisions of vittells About this time the king of Englande sent a gentleman to the French king who was nowe departed from Lyons to tell him on the behalfe of his king that he ought not to passe into Italie for feare to trouble the vniuersall peace of Christendome The cause of so great variation and chaunge of that king was that he was ielouse of the alliance betwene Fraunce and the Archduke fearing least the affayres of that Crowne would take a course too happy In which considerations he began afterwards to giue willing eare to thembassadors of the king Catholike who with continuall reasons put into his minde howe hurtefull the greatnes of the Frenche king would be to him in whom he coulde not hope for anye other affection then of an enemie aswell for the naturall hatred of that nation as for his late actions of warre and hostilitie done agaynst him But the thing that most moued him was the emulation and enuy of his glorie which he thought would be raysed to too high degrees if he wonne the victorie in the state of Millan he thought in himselfe that notwithstanding he found his kingdome in rest and very populous for the long peace it had lyued in together with a great masse of treasor which his father had gathered yet he neuer had the corage tyll within certayne yeres to inuade the realme of Fraunce alone and enuironed with so many enemies and broken with so many aduersities That nowe the Frenche king somewhat younger then he was at suche time as he came to the crowne albeit he founde his kingdome ouerwearyed and made poore with so many warres durst yet in the first monethes of his raigne go to an enterprise for the whiche so many princes were banded against him That touching him with all his huge preparations and so many occasions he had not brought into England any other profite then the citie of Tornay and that with expences intollerable and infinite But the Frenche king would returne with great glory into his kingdome bringing with him the conquest of so braue a duchie and would open the waye and happly take the occasion affore he retyred his armie out of Italie to inuade the realme of Naples These were the motions that easily renewed in his minde his auncient and naturall hatred But for that he was not at that time prepared to giue impediment to the Frenche king with armes wherein happly he sought some occasion and cooller he thought good to sende him this message The king nor his armie forbare not for all that to marche taking their waye from Lyon to Dauphine where met with the armie the Launceknightes otherwise called the blacke bandes guided by Robert de la Marche together with all the regimentes of lowe Almains so greatly esteemed for their vallour their
the difficulties which the Duke of Burbon had to pay his souldiours wherein rested not the least impedimentes to the good fortune and felicitie of the warre The wretched people of Millan were wonderfully trauelled for prouision of money In which necessitie or rather tyrannie Ierome Moron beeing condemned to death compounded the night before he should suffer to paye twenty thousande duckets for the whiche it seemed they had passed him to sentence of death But after the releefe of his purse had auoyded the daunger of his life vnder the same good meane his person was deliuered out of prison suche was the course of his desteny working instrumentally by the dexteritie of his spirite and witte that of a prisoner to the Duke of Burbon he became his councellor and within short time he went on by the operation of hys witte tyll he became almoste his onely gouernor and director Neuerthelesse amid all these variations and vexations the treatises of truce or peace were great betwene the Pope and the Viceroy though in good meaning the plottes and purposes of the Viceroy tended rather to make warre wherein he was set on both by thincitation of the Colonnois who had breathed into him a new life since he came to Caietto and also because he vnderstoode that the Pope no lesse abated in courage then naked in money founde nothing so sweete as the desire of peace Wherein both publishing to all the world his pouerty and his feare and in his confusion refusing to create Cardinalls for money according to the counsell that was giuen him the demonstrations he made of his owne weaknes gaue courage and hope to who so euer would offende him for as the Pope not entring into the warre with that constancie of minde that apperteined had sent to themprour a letter the xxvj of Iune conteyning matter bitter and full of complayntes that he droue him by necessitie to intende to the warre So also fearing afterwardes least by the sharpe phrases of that letter he might further incense themprour whom he so much feared he sent after an other expedition compounded of an humor more temperate and reformed charging his Nuncio to reteyne the first which neuertheles was deliuered for that it came first to his handes the other was presented afterwardes but themprour vnder one expedition aunswered them both seuerally according to the argument and nature of matter they conteyned Moreouer the Pope had readely harkned to the generall of grayfreers who going into Spayne at suche time as the warre began was charged by him to deliuer to themprour embassages milde and full of amitie And beeing eftsones returned to Rome by commission of themprour he brought many reapportes and informations touching his good intention and howe he would be content to come into Italy with a trayne of fiue thousande men and from thence after he had taken the Crowne of thempire he would passe into Germany to set downe some forme to the matters of Luther without speaking any thing of the Councell That he was also well inclined to accorde with the Venetians vnder reasonable conditions That he would referre the cause of Frauncis Sforce to the arbitration of two Iudges assigned by the Pope and him and in case he were condemned he would bestow that estate vpon the Duke of Burbon That he would reuoke his army out of Italy so farreforth as the Pope Venetians would pay three hundred thousande crownes to satisfie the wages of the army which notwithstanding he would labour to make contented with a summe more moderate That he would restore to the French king his children receyuing in counterchaunge two millions of golde at two or more tearmes He showed also that it would be easie to accorde with the king of Englande bothe for that the summe that was in question was not great and also the king had made offer of it And the better to debate and worke these matters the generall of grayfreers offred a truce for viij or x. moneths protesting that he had warrantes and commissions from themprour verye large and absolute wherein all power of negociation and conclusion was giuen to him to the Viceroy and to Don Hugo In regarde of which authoritie and good inclination of themprour the Pope after he had giuen audience to Pignaloso and had receyued aduertisement that the Viceroy was gone out of the porte of S. Stephen sent the Generall to Caietta to treate vpon these matters with him Whereunto he was the rather induced for that bothe the Venetians woulde not refuse the truce if the French king would consent who for his part was not farre estraunged from it and his mother had sent to Rome Lavvrence Tuskane declaring an inclination to peace wherein shoulde be a generall comprehension of all men And also for that he thought no practise to be sure without the will and concurrencie of the Duke of Burbon he sent to him in that behalfe one of his owne Amners that was at Rome whom the Duke returned eftsones to the Pope to solicite the same matter And yet neither to loase thoportunitie of the time nor to abandon the prouisions for the warre he sent Cardinall Augustin Triuulco as Legate to the army which was then in the field And continuing also his preparations to inuade the Realme of Naples Peter Nauarre ariued the third of December at Ciuitavecchia with a Nauy of xxviij gallies of the Popes the French and the Venetians At which time also Ranso de Cere being sent for the french king for thexpedition intended vpon Naples was ariued at Sauonna with a fleete of sayles quartered On the other side Askanio Colonno with a strength of two thousande footemen and three hundred horsemen came to Valbon fifteene miles from Tiboli where are the landes of the Abbot of Farfa and Iohn Iordan with these forces the twelfth of December he tooke Cepperano finding no resistance for that it was not garded Vitelly with the Popes companies reduced himself betwene Tiboly Palestime and Velletre Afterwardes the Colonnois tooke Pontecorue which was not garded and in vayne gaue assault to Scarpa which is a litle and weake place depending vpon the Abbey of Farfa Caesar Filettin approached by night to Alagnia with fiftene hundred footemen of which fiue hundred making their entrie secretly by the fauour of a house ioyning to the walles and by the practise of certen of the townesmen that receiued them were repulsed and driuen out agayne by Lyon de Fano commaunder of the footemen that were there In this meane while the generall of grayfreers returned from the Viceroy to the Pope to whom he related the Viceroyes inclination to consent to the truce for certayne monethes to th ende that in the meane while the peace might take course Only he stoode vpon demaundes of money and for suretie he required the Castells of Ostia and Ciuitavecchia But of the contrary to him tharchbishop of Capua aryuing at Caietta after he was departed and who happly had bene sent thither with