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A69887 A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.; Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques. English. 1693 Du Pin, Louis Ellies, 1657-1719.; Wotton, William, 1666-1727. 1693 (1693) Wing D2644; ESTC R30987 5,602,793 2,988

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Power As to the Second he says That besides the Secular Power whose end is the Moral and Civil good there is a Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Power to govern the People in order to Everlasting Life As to the Third It is evident that these two Powers may meet in the same Subject and that they did actually meet in the Priests of the Old and New Law but the difficulty is to know whether the Ecclesiastical Power or Jurisdiction extends it self to that which belongs to the Temporal Jurisdiction of which sort are the personal and mixt Actions of the Laiety either in its own Nature or by Usage or by Custom That the Ecclesiastical Power in its own Nature extends it self over all Persons which are Subject to it as Christians That the Pope hath this Jurisdiction over all Christians and other Prelates in their Diocesses in such sort nevertheless that the Pope may exempt certain Persons from it and that it extends also to all personal Actions as far as they may be sinful and consequently that Ecclesiastical Judges may take Cognisance of them as well as Lay. Nevertheless although the Church hath this Right yet it hath not always made use of it either to avoid Scandal or to prevent Mens Thoughts that it seeks its own Interest or lastly because of the Opposition of Tyrants But in France ever since the Kings have become Christians it hath always peaceably enjoyed that Right That as to Causes Real the Church hath determined them by Custom or a Privilege granted by Princes His Answer to the last Question is That the Spiritual ought to rule over the Temporal alledging for his Proof Pope Boniface's Decretal Unam Sanctam And lastly Endeavours to answer some Objections which are brought against it All the false Reasonings which are in that Treatise proceed from hence that the Author distinguishes well between the two Powers but does not determine in what manner each Jurisdiction ought to Act its Power and End It is true that all Men as Christians are subject to a Spiritual Jurisdiction and that all their Actions as they are Virtues or Vices are to be regulated and ordered by the Spiritual Power but it is not true that it therefore can exercise a Temporal Jurisdiction over all Men and their Actions nor force them by Temporal Punishments or a Deprivation of their Estates It can only use Threats and Punishments purely Spiritual instruct Men admonish them injoyn them and forbid them under the Pain of Excommunication Deposition c. and not under the Penalty of Deprivation of Goods Corporal Punishments c. and consequently it hath not a Jurisdiction to decide Controversies in relation to things Temporal and it doth not belong to it to judge in Foro exteriori The first of these Treatises of Bertrandus hath been printed alone at Paris in 1495. and is found also in the Second Tome of Goldastus's Monarchies The others among the Treatises of Law printed at Venice in 1584. They are both in the last Bibliotheca Patrum printed at Lyons Tome 26. WILLIAM de RUBION a Grey-Friar hath Composed some Disputations upon the Sentences William de Rubion Guido de Montrocher printed at Paris in 1518. Some hold that he flourished about the Year 1333. GUIDO de MONTROCHER a French Divine hath Composed an Instruction for Curates about 1333. dedicated to Raymund Bishop of Valence printed at Venice in 1491. and a Treatise of the manner of celebrating the Mass printed at the same place in 1570. MONALDUS a Grey-Friar is the Author of a Summ of Cases of Conscience called Golden Monaldus printed at Lyons in 1518. He must not be confounded with two others of the same Name one of whom was Martyr'd March 22. 1288. by the Sarazens at Arzenga and the other was Archbishop of Beneventum who died Decemb. 11. about the beginning of the Age. This of whom we are speaking was not Archbishop of Beneventum and died Novemb. 9. 1332. Trithemius says That he also Composed some Questions upon the Books of the Sentences and some Sermons which are in MS. in the Vatican Library LUDOLPHUS or LANDOLPHUS the Saxon after he had passed almost Thirty Years in the Order Ludolphus of Friars-Preachers became a Carthusian in the Monastery of Cologne and was afterward made a Carthusian Prior at Strasburg about 1330. He Composed the Life of Jesus Christ out of the Four Evangelists and other Ecclesiastical Authors with Commentaries and Prayers upon every Chapter which have been printed at Strasburg in 1483. at Paris in 1509. at Venice in 1536 1564. 1572 1578. and with the Lives of S. Ann S. Joachim and the Virgin at Paris in 1589. He also has made a Commentary upon the Psalms according to the Spiritual Sense taken out of S. Jerom S. Austin Peter Lombard and Casnodorus printed at Paris in 1506. and 1528. at Venice in 1521. and at Lyons 1540. WILLIAM de MONTLEDUN Abbot of Monstierneuf in Poictiers a famous Lawyer in his time William de Montledun flourished in the University of Tholouse in the Papacy of Benedict XII and Composed divers Books of Canon Law A Sacramentary which is in MS. in Mr. Colbert's Library Cod. 349. Lectures upon the Sixth Book of the Decretals cited by Rusaeus and Probus and augmented by Blaisus the Golden Doctor of Tholouse which are in the Library of the Cathedral Church at Cambray An Apparatus to the Constitutions of Clement V. cited by Rusaeus and Aufrerius which are in the Libraries of the Monasteries of S. Serguis and S. Albinus at Anger 's and an Apparatus upon the Extravagants of John XXII cited also by Rusaeus and Probus which is in the Library of the Monastery of S. Albinus at Anger 's and Mr. Colbert as also his Treatise upon the Clementines which has been printed several times in the Repetitions of the Canon Law A Treatise of Cardinals cited by Aegidius Magister which is observed by Mr. Baluzius in his Addition to Chap. 4. of the Sixth Book of the Concord of Mr. de Marca and in his Notes upon the Lives of the Popes at Avignon SIMON BORASTON an Englishman who flourished about 1336. Composed several Works which Simon Boraston are found in the Libraries in England and among others Of the Unity and Order of the Church A Work of the Order of Judgment and some other Treatises of Philosophy BARTHOLOMAEUS de S. CONCORDIA a Native of Pisa a City in Italy a Preaching Friar Composed Bartholomaeus de S. Concordiâ about the Year 1338. A Summ of Cases of Conscience printed with his Sermons upon Lent at Lyons 1519. We must not confound him with Bartholomaeus Urbin a Scholar of Augustin Tryumphus an Hermite of the Order of S. Austin who was made Bishop of Urbin in 1343. and died in 1350. after he had finished the Milleloquium begun by Augustin Tryumphus printed at Lyons in 1555. and Composed the Milleloquium of S. Ambrose printed at Lyons also at the same time This last was
Treatises of Cassiodorus about the Sciences and Liberal Arts concern not Ecclesiastical Matters that of the Soul has a nearer relation to the Dogmes of the Church There he maintains that the Soul is spiritual that God created it that it is immortal and that it has no quantity nor extension Having spoken of the Powers of the Soul he says that it contracts Original Guilt from which it is not deliver'd but by Baptism and that during this Life it is capable of Vertues and Vices Lastly he says that the Soul being separated from the Body by Death is no more capable of doing Good or Evil nor subject to the Infirmities of this Life but that it expects either with Joy or Sorrow the Time of the General Judgment at which it receives the reward of its good Actions or the punishment due to its Crimes * In these words Cassiodorus plainly asserts that there are only two different states after this Life the one of a joyful and the other of a sorrowful expectation of a future Judgment and that these two states are immutable since good Souls are reserv'd with Joy and wicked Souls with Sorrow to the Sentence of the last Day And so they plainly exclude the Romish Purgatory which is a state of Sorrow after this Life from which some Souls are deliver'd at last to a state of endless Joy And then having described the Happiness of Paradise he concludes with an excellent Prayer The style of Cassiodorus is of a middle size he writes cleanly enough for his time He is full of Sentences and very useful Moral thoughts The Works of Cassiodorus which had been printed separately were all collected together by the ca●e of Father Garetus of the Congregation of St. Maurus and printed at Roan in 1679. St. BENEDICT ALtho St. Benedict is more considerable among the Monks then among Ecclesiastical Writers yet he is rank'd among these also He was born in the Province of Nursia about the year 480. He was carried very young to Rome from whence he retir'd to Sublacum which is forty miles from Rome where he shut himself up in a frightful Cave There he continued for three years without acquainting any body but St. Romanus who let him down Bread by the help of a Rope Being afterwards known the Monks of a neighbouring Monastery chose him for their Abbot But he not agreeing with their way of Living retir'd to his Desert where many Persons came to him and desir'd to put themselves under his Conduct insomuch that in a short time he built twelve Monasteries in this place From thence he pass'd in the Year 529 to the Mount Cassinus where he laid down solid Foundations of an Order which in a little time spread it self over all Europe There is a difference about the time of his Death and his Disciples look upon this as a very important Question As to us it does not so nearly concern us as to insist upon it and therefore we will suppose with Father Mabillon that he died in 543 or with the Author of the Treatise concerning the Hemina in 547. St. Gregory in his Dialogues wrote the Life of this Saint which is full of Miracles very extraordinary I shall not stay here to relate them nor to enquire into the truth of them this being no part of my Province The Rule of St. Benedict is the only Work that is truly his St. Gregory thinks it better written and more prudent then all the rest Sermone luculentam Discretione praecipuam 'T is divided into 77 Chapters St. Benedict there distinguishes four sorts of Monks the Caenobites who live in a Monastery under the Government of an Abbot the Anchorets who having learn'd the Exercises of a Monastick Life in a Monastery retire alone into the Deserts the Sarabaites who dwell two or three in the same Cell and the Gyrovagi who go from Monastery to Monastery without staying in any place He condemns these two kinds of Monks and chiefly the last and without insisting upon what concerns the Anchorets he composes his Rule only for the Caenobites There he speaks first of the Qualifications which an Abbot ought to have after what manner he should serve for an Example to his Monks and treat them all alike well without showing more affection to one then another how he should reprove and even punish those who commit Faults He proposes to them afterwards many Christian and Spiritual Maxims he recommends to them Obedience Silence and Humility he notes the Hours for Divine Service by Day and Night and the order and manner of repeating it After this he speaks of the Punishments which should be inflicted on those who offend The first is Excommunication or a Separation from the Fellowship of the Brethren whether at Table or at Prayers the second is the Chastisement of those with Rods whom the Excommunication cannot reform and the last is the Expulsion out of the Monastery Nevertheless he permits a Brother to be received three times who is turn'd out for his Faults provided he promise to amend He orders That the Monks have all things in common and that every thing be at the disposal of the Abbot and under the care of the Steward that in the distribution of things necessary for Maintenance no respect is to be had to the Quality but to the Weakness of the Brethren He enjoyns the Brethren to serve in the Kitchin and Refectory by turns He requires that special care be taken of the Infirm of Children and Old Men he appoints the Hours and the quantity of Meat and Drink and Penances for lesser faults He recommends to them Labour and notes the hours for it he provides for the Entertainment of Strangers he forbids the Monks to receive Presents or Letters from their Kinsfolk He leaves the Abbots at liberty to give Habits to their Religious proportion'd to the temper of the place where they are yet he thinks that 't is sufficient in temperate Places to give them a Cowle a Tunique and a Scapulary He would not have the Monks complain of the colour or coarsness of these Habits but that they should take such as are given them and such as are to be had in the Province where they are The following manner wherein he would have one receiv'd who presents himself for admission into the Monastery is very rude He must patiently suffer for four or five days the Repulses and Rebuffs of a Porter after this he must be put for some days into the Chamber of the Guests where an ancient Man will come to speak to him and to represent to him that which is the rudest thing in all the Rule If he be obstinate the whole shall be read to him but if he promise to observe it he shall be admitted into the Chamber of the Novices where he shall be try'd At the end of six Months the Rule must be read over to him again and if he be obstinate after this it shall yet be read over to
those shall be reconciled who desire Penance being in Danger of Death and that Commemoration be made of those and their Oblation be received who die after they have been admitted to Penance by the Imposition of Hands tho they have not been reconciled The 13th forbids those who are possessed by the Devil or stirred with violent Motions to wait on the Altar or to come near it to receive the Sacraments Yet those are excepted who fall down out of Weakness or Ilness without any other Symptome The 14th orders That there shall always be some Body assisting to the Priest whilst he is singing the Service or celebrating the Holy Sacrifice to the end that if he should fall ill another might take his Place The 15th renews the Constitutions about the holding of Councils The Council concludes with Wishes for the Prosperity of King * 〈◊〉 Bamba Wamba It is subscribed by the Archbishop of Toledo by 16. Bishops 2 Deacons Bishops Deputies and 7 Abbots Council IV. of Braga THE same Year and under the same King was held a Council in Braga The Bishops having recited the Nicene Creed with the Addition of the Holy Ghost's proceeding from the Father and the Son do condemn some Abuses which had crept into the Celebration of the Council IV. of Braga Holy Mysteries Some offered Milk others Grapes instead of Wine some gave to the People the Eucharist dipt in Wine Some Priests would make use of the Sacred Vessels to eat and drink in others said Mass without a Stole on Some hung about their Necks Relicks of Martyrs and then made themselves to be carried about by Deacons with their AAbes on Several Bishops companied with Women and some misused their Clerks Simony was a common thing They made Canons against all those Disorders By the 1st they forbid offering Milk and Grapes in lieu of Wine and dipping the Eucharist in the Wine The 2d prohibits putting Sacred Vessels and Ornaments to prophane and common Uses By the 3d it is ordered That Priests shall celebrate the Holy Mysteries with a Stole only which shall cover their Shoulders and go down cross-wise over the Stomach By the 4th Ecclesiastical Persons are forbidden to dwell with a Woman excepting their Mother only but not their very Sisters nor any other near Relations The 5th declares It belongs to the Deacons to carry the Relicks of Martyrs and that if the Bishop will carry them he shall go afoot and not be carried by the Deacons The 6th forbids Bishops to cause the Priests Abbots or Deacons under him to be beaten The 7th prohibits Simony and for that purpose renews the Canon of the Council of Chalcedon The last forbids Bishops to take more Care of their own Patrimony than of the Church's and if this happens to be embezel'd by their Negligence whilst the other is improved they shall be bound to make up the Loss out of their own This Council is signed by 8 Bishops Council XII of Toledo THIS Council was held in 681 under King * al. Ering Ervigius The Metropolitans of Toledo Sevil Braga and Merida were present in it together with Thirty Bishops Four Abbots Council XII of Toledo Three Bishop's Deputies and several Lords King Ervigi●s came to it at the beginning of it and withdrew after having made a short Speech to the Council He left them a Memoir wherein he exhorted them to absolve the Guilty to reform Manners to re-establish Discipline to renew the Laws made against the Jews to procure the Restoration of those who had been Degraded by vertue of a Law of his Predecessor for not bearing Arms or for laying them down He directs his Speech to the Bishops and the Lords that these Laws being made by the unanimous consent of both Spiritual and Temporal Authority they may stand firm and be put in execution The Council having according to the custom made a protestation that they did receive the Faith of the first Four Councils and recited the Creed approves Ervigius's Elevation to the Throne and Wamba's Deposition who had withdrawn himself by taking a Religious Habit shaving his Head and chusing King Ervigius to Reign in his stead and causing him to be Consecrated by the Sacerdotal Unction It is very remarkable that the Fathers of this Council do not depose King Wamba nor chuse Ervigius of their own accord But after having seen the Declaration which that Prince had made in Writing and Signed in the presence of the Lords whereby he had made profession of the Religious Life and got his Hair cut and that whereby he desired that Ervigius might be chosen King and the order he had given to the Bishop of Toledo to Consecrate Ervigius with the usual Ceremonies and the Verbal Process of that Consecration Signed by Wamba they join their consent to Wamba's and approve of what he hath done and consequently declare that Ervigius ought to be owned for their lawful King and in that Quality to be Obeyed upon pain of Anathema The 2d Canon binds those who receive Penance in the extremity of Sickness and when they are not Sensible to lead a Penitent Life if they recover Yet they will have the Priest to give Penance to those only that desire it they give the instance of Children's Baptism to shew that Penance may be given to those who are not sensible The 3d ordains That those that have been Excommunicated for some Crime against the State shall be restored when the Prince taketh them into his favour again or they have the Honour to Eat at his Table In the 4th The Bishop of Merida having represented that King Wamba had constrained him to Ordain a Bishop in a Country-Town and assayed to do the same thing in other places They recited the Canons forbidding to Ordain Bishops in Burroughs or to put Two in the same City by vertue whereof they declared that the Ordination of him whom Wamba caused to be Ordained was irregular But seeing it was not out of Ambition that he had been Ordained but by the Prince's express Orders they out of mere favour granted him the next vacant Bishoprick and they make a general Inhibition to Ordain Bishops in places where there were none before The 5th Forbids Priests to Offer the Holy Sacrifice without Communicating because some of those who Offered it many times in one Day would not Communicate but at their last Mass. The 〈◊〉 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arch-Bishop of Toledo to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 〈◊〉 King 〈◊〉 〈…〉 to the Rights of Provinces and upon condition that within 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after h●s Ordination he shall present himself ●… The 7th declares That whereas King Ervigius intends to moderate the Law made by his Predecessor 〈◊〉 against them that had not taken A●… it was their Opinion that such persons had a Right to bear witness and were not to be rejected as infamous By the 8th 〈◊〉 are forbidden to leave their Wives except for Adultery The 9th Rene●… several Constitutions against the Jews
After having been educated in the Monastry of Monte-Cassino he was sent to Naples where he studied Humanity and Philosophy He entred in 1241 into the Order of Preaching Friars notwithstanding all his Mother could do who laid hold on him and kept him close up in a Castle but nothing could conquer his Resolution for finding means to escape out of his Confinement wherein he was kept for two years he came to Paris in 1244 and from thence went to Cologn to study under Albert the Great Returning again to Paris he took the Doctor of Divinity 's Cap in 1255. He went back into Italy in 1263 and after having gone through most of the Universities teaching Scholastical Divinity he settled at Naples the Archbishoprick of which City offered him by Clement the IV. he refused In 1274 Gregory the X. called him to the Council of Lions and parting from Naples on his Journy thither he fell sick by the way in the Monastry of Fossa-Nova near Terracena and there died being fifty years old on the seventh of March the same year The number of St. Thomas's Works is prodigious They make seventeen Volumes in Folio and were printed at Venice in 1490 at Nuremberg in 1496 at Rome in 1570 at Venice in 1594 and at Cologn in 1612. The five first Tomes are Commentaries upon the Works of Aristotle The sixth and seventh a Commentary upon the four Books of the Sentences The eighth Theological Questions namely ten Questions about the Power of God sixteen Questions about Evil one Question about spiritual Creatures another about the Soul a Question of the Union of the Word a Question of Virtue in general a Question of Charity another of brotherly Correction A Question of Hope another of the Cardinal Virtues and nine and twenty of Truth and twelve Quodlibetick Questions The ninth contains the Sum of the Catholick Faith against the Gentiles divided into four Books The tenth eleventh and twelfth are a Sum of Divinity with the Commentaries of Cardinal Cajetan The thirteenth is composed of many Commentaries upon the Old Testament namely A Commentary upon the Book of Job A literal and mystical Explanation of the five first Psalms An Exposition upon the Song of Songs which they say he dictated upon his death-bed to the Monks of Fossa-Nova Commentaries upon the Prophecies of Isaiah and Jeremiah and on the Lamentations which the best Criticks think rather belongs to the English Thomas than this The fourteenth Volume contains Commentaries upon the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John but that upon St. Matthew was made by Peter Scaliger Dominican of Verona That upon St. John was put into Method by Renaldus a Companion of St. Thomas from an Explanation which he heard of it from the Mouth of St. Thomas The fifteenth is a Chain upon the four Gospels taken from the Fathers and presented to Pope Urban IV. The sixteenth contains a Commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul and Sermons The seventeenth Volume contains divers little Pieces of Divinity namely A Treatise against the Errors of the Greeks to Pope Urban IV. An Abridgment of Divinity to Renaldus a Monk of his Order which some with a great deal of probability ascribe to Ulric of Strasburg An Explanation of some Articles against the Greeks Armenians and Saracens addressed to the Chanter of Antioch A Treatise of the two Precepts of Charity and of the ten Commandments of the Law An Explication of the Lord's Prayer An Explication of the Salutation of the Angel An Answer about the hundred and eight Articles taken out of the Works of Peter of Tarentaise to John of Verceil General of the Order of Preaching Friars which is commonly thought to be none of St. Thomas's Another Answer addressed to the same Person about the forty two Articles An Answer about six and thirty Articles to the Reader of Venice Another Answer about six Articles to the Reader of Besanson A Treatise about the difference between the Divine Word and the Human Word A Treatise about the Nature and Origin of the Word of the Understanding A Treatise about separate Substances or of the Nature of Angels A Treatise of the Unity of the Understanding against the Averroists who hold that all Men have but one Understanding A Work against such as dissuade Men from entring themselves into a Religious Order A Treatise of the Perfection of a spiritual Life A Treatise intituled Against those that oppose the Worship of God and Religion wherein he defends the Orders of Mendicants against the Books of William of Holy Love Four Books of the Government of Princes which cannot be St. Thomas's because they talk of Adolphus succeeding Rodolphus in the Empire and Albert Adolphus which was not till many years after the Death of St. Thomas besides that the Stile is different from that of St. Thomas's Works A Treatise of the Government of the Jews A Treatise of the Form of Absolution An Explanation of the first Decretal Another Explanation of the second A Treatise of Spells Another of Judicial Astrology A Treatise of the Eternity of the World A Treatise of Destiny Thirty seven other Treatises of Logical and Physical Matters which it is not worth while to make a Catalogue of here Seven Books of the Education of Princes which are only in the Roman Edition The Office for the Feast of the Holy Sacrament composed by Order of Pope Urban the Fourth the Institutor of that Solemnity There is reason to doubt whether St. Thomas was wholly the Author of this or whether he made use therein of an Office for that Feast which had been before composed by John a Clerk of Leige which is proved by the Testimony of the Author of the Life of St. Juliana the Virgin who assures us that this John did make such an Office which consisted of Hymns Anthems Responses Lessons Chapters and Collects and by the antient Books of the Church of St. Martin of Leige among which is found a piece of this Office of the Holy Sacrament which is ascribed to St. Thomas Father Alexander the Dominican on the other side maintains that it is St. Thomas's and proves it by the Authority of William of Toco an Author contemporary with St. Thomas who puts it in the Catalogue of his Works and Ptolomy of Lucques Bishop of Toricelli a Scholar of St. Thomas's and St. Antoninus but I believe it is pretty easy to reconcile these two Opinions by saying that St. Thomas made use of the Office composed by John Clerk of Leige and inserted part of it in that which goes under his name for it is true that some of that Office is his own and he reduced it into the Form it now is in which is the reason that in the History of the Translation of the Body of St. Thomas it is only said that it was he that digested ordinavit the Office of the Holy Sacrament A Treatise of the Holy Sacrament of the Altar in two and thirty Chapters which Trithemius makes Albert the
This Fire as l Tract 30 34. in Matt. lib. 2. in Ep. ad Rom. lib. 9. Hom. 6. in Exod. Hom. 3. in Psal. 36. Hom. 14 in Luc. lib. 5. cont Cels. lib. 8. ad Rom. he Explains it in other Places is Remorse of Conscience and Vexation of Spirit n Lib. 4. Per cap. 2. lib. 1. cap. 6. Philocal cap. 1. He makes Blessedness to consist in an Union with God He says that Souls come to it by degrees that after they are separated from their Bodies they are for some time upon Earth in order to be purified that afterwards they are taken up into the Air and instructed by Angels that they pass through several Places where they remain for some time and that at last they come to the Highest Heaven in comparison whereof the Firmament is but a Hell that the more they retain of Earth in them the longer they are upon this Journey That the Souls which are arrived at this Sovereign Degree of Bliss may fall from it and that they are sent back again into Coelestial Bodies or others and that they afterwards return from whence they were driven that so Blessedness may have an End and that Torments shall have a Conclusion likewise n Lib. 2. de Prin lib. 5. con Cels. Tract 34. in Joan. Hom. 26. in Num. 27 28. Passim Tract 30. in Matt. Lib. 1. de Prin. c. 6. lib. 2. c. 3. 12. lib. 3. cap. 6. l●b 3. de Prin. c. 3. lib. 2. Hom. 7. in Levit. Hom. 6. in Num. in Reg. in Ezech. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. Per. c. 6. 〈◊〉 15. Tract 33. in Matt. Hom. 8. in L●vit 14. in Luc. He says in his Preface to the Book de Principiis that God Created the World that it had a Beginning and that it must have an End but that it is not determined by Tradition what it was before and what it will be after He imagines that it was made if I may so express it to be a Place of Banishment for all Intelligent Creatures He makes no Difficulty of asserting that there were more Worlds before this and that there shall be more after it He says That God always had the Matter upon which he wrought which supposes that it is Eternal since God Created it from all Eternity o Lib. 2. cap. 1. 8. Tom. 19. in Joan. Justin. Ep. ad Mennam and two Passages from Lib. 1. 4. Hieront Ep. 59. ad A●itu● He says That the Earthly Paradise was in Heaven and he has explained of the Souls which were there that which is said in Genesis concerning Adam and Eve He understands by the Fig-Leaves wherewith they covered themselves after the Fall the Mortal Bodies to which the Souls were Chained It may be concluded from all that we have already said concerning Origen's Doctrine upon the Tenets of our Religion that although he professed to believe the Doctrine of the Church p Lib. 1. Per. c. 2. Method apud P●●tiam c. 3. on Genes● c. 1. This was objected against him by Methodius in Epiphanius by Photius by Eustathius by John of Jerusalem by St. Jerome and it may be found in Lib. 4. de Prin. 〈◊〉 2. yet he sets up some Philosophical Principles the Consequences of which were found contrary to what was taught by the Christian Religion which obliged him in order to accomodate these things which were so directly opposite one to the nother to invent several Opinions that were very far from the Simplicity of the Faith So that we must distinguish in Origen what he says according to the way of Speaking used by the Church in his Time and what he says according to the Principles of Plato's Philosophy and then we need not wonder if after having acknowledged the Truths of Christianity he should lose himself by advancing such Platonick Notions as are destruct●●e to them And this in my Opinion is the reason of his principal Errors which are all of them founded upon three Principles taken from the Platonick Philosophy which are First That Intelligent Creatures have always been and shall eternally exist Secondly That they have always been free to do Good and Evil. And Lastly That they have been precipitated into the Lower Places and confined to Bodies for a Punishment of their Sins Let any one throughly examine all Origen's Errors of which we have just now spoken and he will easily perceive that they all proceed from this that he was willing to accommodate the Truths of the Christian Religion to these Platonick Principles There are besides some other slighter Errors in Origen into the greatest part of which he fell by confining himself too much to the Allegorical Sense of the Scripture for Example q Tom. 12. in Matthaeum Explaining Christ's Words concerning the Power of Binding and Loosing which he granted to St. Peter he seems to reserve this Power to those Bishops and Priests who imitate the Virtues of this Apostle and in the same Sense he says that all Spirituall Men are this Rock upon which Jesus Christ has built his Church So likewise r Tom. 11. in Matt. explaining that Passage of Scripture where it is said Not that which goeth into the Mouth defileth a Man he speaks of the Eucharist after so Obscure and Allegorical a manner that it is very difficult to comprehend his Meaning s Hom. 〈◊〉 in Num. Tract 35. in Matt. Hom. 7. in Levit. 〈◊〉 Tom. 〈◊〉 in Joan. He likewise explains Alllegorically what is said of the Eucharist in other Places of the Word of God It is easie however to defend him against the Protestants upon the Subject of the Real Presence since he acknowledges in the Eighth Book that the Loaves which are offered in the Church are made a Holy Body by Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We might easily bring other Examples of the Oversights that he has committed endeavouring too much to Spiritualize the Words of the Scripture but I shall pass them over in Silence He speaks of the Sacred Scripture after a very excellent manner as of a Book written by Persons who were inspired by God His Passages upon this Subject have been collected by St. Basil and St. Gregory Nazianzen in a Book which they have Entituled Philocalia t Hom. 2. 6. in Gen. Hom. 3. 5. in Levit. Hom. 2 3. in Exod. item 7 11. in Levit. lib. 1. Per. c. 2. Hom. 9 2. in J●s He distinguishes the three Senses of Scripture but he applies himself particularly to the Allegorical Interpretation and he affirms that there are some Places which have no literal Meaning He proves that every Body ought to read the Scripture Now for some Points of Discipline which may be observed in his Works The Christians assembled together in his Time in the Churches not only on Sundays and Festivals but also on other Days u H'm. 10 13. 9 in Num. Hom. 6 in
themselves with the Sign of the Cross on their Forehead in Eating and Drinking at their going out and coming in at their lying down c. He calls this Sign the Terror of Devils and the Mark of the Faithful He says That it drives away Devils That it cures Diseases That it defeats Inchantments and that at one day it will appear in the Heavens when Jesus Christ shall come to judge the World He proves in the Fourteenth the Resurrection and Ascension of Jesus Christ where he commends the Piety of those Emperours who built the Church of the Resurrection at Jerusalem where he was and adorned it with Gold and Silver The Fifteenth is concerning the Second coming of Jesus Christ of the End of the World and of Anti-Christ who will come says he after the Destruction of the Roman Empire He says many more particulars of him which he endeavours to prove by Prophecies but the explications he gives of them are not very Solid He observes That the Schisms which he then saw in the Church made him fear that the Reign of Anti-christ was not far off After this he Discourses of the last Judgment and of the Eternal Kingdom of Jesus Christ. He refutes the Opinion of Marcellus of Ancyra who had said That the Son should not Reign any more after the Day of Judgment He makes very curious Remarks upon the particle Until and shows that it is not always exclusive as when it is said That Death reigned from Adam until Moses where the meaning is not That it did not Reign after Moses The Sixteenth Lecture is concerning the Holy Spirit He observes That we ought to take good heed lest we say any thing through Ignorance or Error which is contrary to the Belief we ought to have concerning the Holy Spirit because 't is written That the Blasphemies which are spoken against him are unpardonable Therefore he declares That he will say nothing of the Holy Spirit but what is said of him in the Holy Scripture and that he will not enquire by an indecent Curiosity after that which is not written 'T is the Holy Spirit says he who dictated the Holy Scripture he hath said of himself what he would have us to know and what we are capable of knowing about him He begins with giving an Account of the Errors of Hereticks concerning the Holy Spirit and afterwards recites what is said of him in the Holy Scripture he describes his Effects and attributes to him all the good Thoughts and good Actions of the Faithful He continues the same Subject in his 17th Lecture where he produces the Testimonies of our Lord concerning the Holy Spirit He has exactly Collected in these Two Catechetical Lectures all that is said of the Holy Spirit in the Old and New Testament He teaches That the Holy Spirit is not a Breath form'd by the Mouth of the Father and the Son but that he is a Person subsistent of the same Nature with the Father and the Son He calls St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles and the Porter of Heaven He observes That the Determination of the Council of Jerusalem was a General or Oecumenical Law which all the Earth had and did still observe The Last of those Lectures which are address'd to the Enlighten'd is of the Resurrection of the Church and of Eternal Life In the beginning he shows That the hope of the Resurrection is the Foundation of all good Actions because the expectation of this reward excites Men to labour for it 'T was this that made him say that the Faith of the Resurrection is a great encouragement and a very necessary Doctrine He brings for proof of the Resurrection the Justice of God which requires that Sinners which are not punish'd in this World should be punish'd in another and that the Righteous who are miserable here below should be recompenc'd in another Life He says That all Men have naturally some Knowledge of the Resurrection and that upon this Account they have a horror of those who rob the Dead He brings many Illustrations of it taken from the changes in Nature He does not forget the Example of the Phoenix for which he cites St. Clement for his Authority He observes That the Generation of Man is no less wonderful than the Resurrection and that God who could Create the Universe of nothing can easily raise a dead Man After he has employ'd these Reasons against the Pagans he alledges against the Samaritans the wonderful Effects of the Divine Power related in the Old Testament and proves the Resurrection of the Dead by many passages of the Prophets This seems to be a mistake the Sadducees were the only Sect of the Jews that denied a Resurrection In speaking of the dead Man rais'd at the Sepulchre of Elisha he says That by this Example we may know that we ought not only to honour the Souls of the Saints but also to show Reverence to the Relicts of their Bodies since they have such Power and Virtue The Second Part of this Instruction is concerning the Catholick Church He says It is so called because it is spread over all the Earth Because it universally receives all the Articles of Faith Because it generally cures all Sins and Lastly Because it possesses all Graces and all Vertues He says It is called the Church because it is an Assembly of the Faithful That the Hereticks have also their Assemblies of their Churches That to discern the one from the other when you go to any place you must not ask barely where is the Church or the House of the Lord because the Hereticks give this Name to their Temples but you must ask where is the Catholick Church because this is a Name proper to this Holy Mother of all faithful Christians which is the Spouse of Jesus Christ. In short The last part of this Lecture is of Eternal Life 'T is very Remarkable that in the Creed which St. Cyril used there is found Life Everlasting because as we have observed in the First Volume of our Bibliotheca almost all the ancient Creeds end with the Resurrection of the Flesh. St. Cyril adds to it Baptism whereof he had already spoken the Catholick Church and Life Everlasting He says upon the last Article That the Eternal Life of Christians is the Possession of the most Holy Trinity He concludes this Lecture with a Promise to his Auditors that he would explain after Easter the Sacred Mysteries which they were to receive upon the Christian Altar and with an Exhortation to rejoyce because the time of their Redemption Salvation and Regeneration approach'd The Five other Lectures which are call'd Mystagogical are address'd by St. Cyril to the same Persons after they had received the Grace of Baptism The first is about the Vow which is made in Baptism to renounce the Devil his Works and all his Pomps He declares to his Auditors the Importance of performing this Vow He says That the Works of the Devil are Sins and that
were so far in the right when they affirm'd That a Wise-man tho' he were secur'd for ever from any Discovery should do nothing against his Duty but finding no Example to prove it they had recourse to the Fable of Gyges's Ring St. Ambrose confirms this Truth by the Example of David and St. John Baptist In a Word St. Ambrose proves that in all Cases we ought to preferr Honesty to Profit He grounds upon this Principle his Assertion That one who has gathered together much Corn ought not to keep it up in his Barns until a time of Famine that he may Sell it very dear He condemns this Practice as a sort of Usury or Robbery He would not have Strangers hindred from coming into Cities in a time of Famine and blames the ancient Romans for the practise of this Rigour but praises an Old Man who in his time was of a contrary Opinion Having related many Examples taken out of Scripture to show that we ought to preferr Honesty to Profit he reproves the Conduct of those who are always intent upon sordid Gain who use all manner of Tricks to Cheat others of their Goods and leave no means unessay'd to possess themselves of their Neighbours Inheritance He adds That this Covetousness is very much to be blam'd in all sorts of Persons but it is insupportable in Clergy-men who ought to allow dying Men their Liberty to make their Last Will with Discretion and Freedom That a Clergy-man ought never to alienate the Goods which belong to another for his own Profit because it is his Duty to do Good to all the World and to do no Injury to any Man From hence he concludes that when we cannot help one Man but we must do Injury to another it is more convenient to deny our Assistance to the former than by doing him Good to Prejudice the latter For this cause he would not have Clergy-men meddle in Pecuniary Causes because in gaining from one they injure another At last he collects several Examples taken out of the Old Testament which he alledges to prove That Honesty is to be preferr'd before any Interest and Advantage whatsoever He concludes this Book with some Excellent Precepts which he gives concerning Honest and Christian Friendship I shall set down some of them Friendship it self ought to give place to Honesty No Man ought to favour his Friend when he is in the wrong nor to deal unjustly by him when he is in the right As we ought to vindicate him when he is Innocent so we ought to reprove him when he is guilty we ought to speak to him with sincerity to open our Heart to him to reprove him with Freedom to suffer for him when it is necessary and to relieve him in his wants The Foundation of Friendship is Faith in God and no Man can be a true Friend to another who is an Infidel towards God Piety preserves Friendship and makes Friends equal There can be no Friendship between Persons of different Principles One Friend ought to admonish another without bitterness and rebuke him without reproaches Our Friendships ought not to be founded upon Interest for Friendship is a Vertue and not a Matter of Traffick There is no true Friendship where there is Flattery Thus I have given an Abridgment of St. Ambrose's Offices which is a very useful Book to teach all Christians the Principles Maxims and Rules of that most Holy Morality which they profess And this made it so common in former Ages every one would have it every one would read it with attention and those who had leisure made Abridgments of it which are still extant It were to be wish'd that Christians and chiefly Clergy-men would do the same still and that they would draw from this pure Fountain the Morality which they teach and which they practise The French Translation which has been made of it may render it useful to all Men. But let us proceed to the other Treatises of St. Ambrose The Books of Virginity were written by St. Ambrose at the Request of his Sister Marcellina who having heard some speak of the Sermons which he had made about Virginity desir'd him to send her in writing what he had preach'd since she could not be so happy as to hear him Whereupon he put his Sermons in the Form of a Treatise and divided them into Three Books which he address'd to his Sister Marcellina in the Third Year of his Bishoprick that is to say in the Year 377. After a very humble Preface he begins his Treatise with a Discourse in praise of St. Agnes He sets off the Glorious Martyrdom of that Illustrious Virgin with inimitable Elegance To Day says he is the Feast of a Virgin let us imitate her Purity It is the Holy-day of a Martyr let us offer up Sacrifices 'T is the Festival of St. Agnes let Men admire her and Young Children entertain blessed Hopes of her let Married Women wonder and Virgins endeavour to imitate her But what can we say worthy of a Person whose very Name is a sufficient commendation Her Zeal was above her Age and her Vertue exceeded the Powers of Nature ..... This Holy Virgin suffer'd Martyrdom at Twelve Years of Age. By how much the Cruelty of those who did not spare such tender Years is to be detested by so much is the Vertue of that Faith to be admir'd which could make a Martyr at that Age ..... Here is a New kind of Martyrdom She was not yet of an Age fit to suffer and yet she was already able to Conquer She went to Death with more gaiety than a young Bride to the Nuptial Bed All People mourn'd for her and yet she shed not one Tear for her self It was Matter of admiration to see her prodigally throw away that Life which she had scarce yet tasted with as much Ease as if she were arriv'd at the end of her Course In short what she did was so incredible of humane Nature that it was believ'd to be from God for whatsoever transcends the Power of Nature must proceed from the Author of it What Threatnings did not her Executioner use to frighten her What Artifices did he not employ to persuade her By what various Sollicitations did he attempt her to yield to Marry That were said she an Injury to my Divine Spouse to entertain any hopes of being able to please others I am only his who has chosen me first Why do you delay Executioner to do your Office Let this Body of mine perish seeing it is so unhappy as to be pleasant in the Eyes of those whom I would not have it to please Having spoken these Words she put her self into a Posture to receive the Fatal Blow she pray'd and then submitted her Neck You see here a double Sacrifice in one Victim She is a Martyr both for Religion and Virginity she remains a Virgin and obtains a Crown of Martyrdom St. Ambrose having proposed this Illustrious Example treats at large
but those of Nice and Chalcedon permitted them to continue in their First Church In the Ninth he forbids the Bishops to receive or invite the Clergy of another Church He will so have it That if a Clerk being come out of his own Diocess abide in the same Province he should be compell'd to return to his own Church by the Metropolitan and if he be out of the Province by the Vicar of the Holy See In the Tenth he enjoyns him to observe a great deal of Moderation in calling his Brethren together He requires That if it be necessary to convene a Synod about some weighty Affair he would constrain no more than Two Bishops of each Province to come to it and those such as the Metropolitan should chuse and that he should keep them no longer than Five Days In the last he commands Anastasius That if in any Thing he found his Judgment different from his Brethren's that he should write to him before he did any thing that all things might be done with Unity and Concord He observes That although the Dignity of Bishops be common for so it ought to be read Etsi dignitas communis non est tamen ordo generalis their Order is different that although the Apostles were equal yet a Primacy was always given to one only That according to this Platform the Distinction of Bishops is formed and it hath been provided That all should not assume to themselves all sorts of Rights For this Reason it is that Metropolitical Bishops have greater Authority than other Bishops that in great Cities there are those that have a greater Charge And that Lastly the Care of the Universal Church belongs to the See of S. Peter that all the Churches may agree with their Head That he must not take it ill to have one above him who is himself above others but he ought to obey the rather as he desires others should obey him and as he would not bear an heavy Yoke himself he must not impose it upon others It is to be observ'd That S. Leo wrote this Letter to a Bishop of Thessalonica whom he had made his Vicar in the Diocess of Illyria which he had a Mind to add to his Patriarchate and govern it with the same Authority that he did the Sub-urbian Provinces The Thirteenth Letter directed to the Metropolitans of Achaia is taken out of the Collection of Holstenius It is Dated January the 6th 446. S. Leo tells them how Joyful he was at the Receipt of their Letters understanding thereby that they approved of what he had done in committing the Care of the Churches of Illyria to Anastasius Bishop of Thessalonica He Admonishes them That if there arise any Controversies among the Bishops of that Country which cannot be decided in the Province they ought to be brought before him and determined by his Judgment but if they are of very great consequence and cannot be ended in the Provinces nor accommodated by the Mediation of the Bishop of Thessalonica the Bishops of the Provinces must come to a Synod which he will call and Two or Three Bishops at least of each Province must be present at it He then Reproves the Metropolitan of Achaia because he had Ordained many contrary to the Canons of the Church and particularly had not long before made a Person Bishop of Thespiae who was unknown to the Inhabitants and whom they were against He thereupon forbids Metropolitans to Ordain such Persons as they thought good of Bishops without waiting for the consent of the People and Clergy and enjoins them to accept him who shall be chosen by the common consent of all the City Lastly He requires them to Observe the Canons which forbid a Bishop to take a Clerk of another Bishop if he do not shew Letters from his own Bishop that he is willing to let him have him He looks upon this point of Discipline as being very useful to uphold Agreement and Peace among Bishops We have already spoken to the Fourteenth Letter written to Januarius Bishop of Aquileia The Fifteenth Letter written to Turribius is of July the 21st 447. S. Leo therein commends that Bishop that he had care to give him notice that the Abominable Heresie of the Priscillianists began to spring up afresh in Spain He also calls it the Sect of the Priscillianists because he says it was an heap of detestable Errors and most filthy Superstitions He adds That that Heresie hath been Condemned by the Church as often as it hath appeared and that the Magistrates themselves have had so great an Hatred for that detestable Sect that they have used the severity of the Laws against them punishing the Author and principal Abetters with Death And that not without Reason because they saw that all Laws Divine and Humane would be subverted and the Civil Society disturbed if such Persons who divulged so detestable Errors were suffered to live That this severity had been used a long time together with the Lenity of the Church because tho' the Church being contented with the Judgment of her Bishops avoids all Sanguinary Punishments yet it is helped by the Edicts of Princes which cause them that fear Temporal Penalties to have recourse sometimes to Spiritual Remedies S. Leo in the next place relates the Sixteen Articles in which Turribius makes the Doctrine of the Priscillianists to consist and shews us that they contain so many Impieties The Articles are these 1. That the Father Son and Holy Ghost are only One Person 2. That there comes from the Essence of God Virtues that is to say Spiritual Beings which proceed from his Essence 3. That Jesus Christ is the Son of God only because he was Born of the Virgin Mary 4. That they Fast on Christ's Nativity and Sundays 5. That the Soul is from the Divine Essence 6. That Devils were never good by their Nature that they were not Created by God but they were Formed out of the Chaos and Darkness 7. That Marriage is forbidden and that Generation is a detestable thing 8. That the Bodies of Men are made by the Devil and that they shall not rise from the Dead 9. That the Children of the Promise are Born of Women but are Conceived by the Holy Ghost 10. That the Souls of Men have their abode in Heaven before they are inclosed in their Bodies and that they are thrust into them upon the account of their Sins which they have committed heretofore 11. That the Stars and Constellations govern all things by an inevitable Fate 12. That the Body and Soul are subject to certain Powers those that Govern the Soul are called Patriarchs and those that Rule the parts of the Body are Stars 13. That the whole Body of the Canonical Scriptures is contained under the Name of the Patriarchs which denote the Twelve Vertues which restore and illuminate the inner Man 14. That our Bodies are subject to the Stars and Constellations 15. S. Leo Observes That they have corrupted the
men but he observes that Free-will is nothing else but a voluntary choice and unconstrained acting of the Mind He in the last place decides the extravagant Opinions of Scotus about the Torments of the Damned and propounds the Doctrine of the Church and Fathers who acknowledge that Damnation consists not only in the privation of Happiness but Tortures of Fire This confutation of Scotus's Book by Prudentius is extant in Mauguinus's Vindic. Gratiae Tom. 2. p. 191. and some parts of it are in Bishop Usher's Hist. of Gott c. 8. 11. The same Extracts of Scotus's Book being sent to the Church of Lyons they employed one of Florus ' s W●iti●gs against Scotus their Deacons named Florus to write against him This Deacon some time before delivering his Opinion concerning Predestination said in his Discourse That God hath freely Predestinated the Elect to Grace and Glory but he only foresees the Crimes and Sins of the Reprobate and afterwards Ordains and Predestines them to Damnation and concerning Free-will that 't is so much weakened by the Sin of the first Man that it can do no good thing unless it be enlighten'd and strengthned by the Grace of Jesus Christ. The same Doctrine he teaches us in his Tract against Scotus and lays down a twofold Predestination or rather Predestination under a twofold respect 〈◊〉 A gratuitous Predestination of the Elect to Grace and Glory and a Predestination of the Reprobate to Damnation for their Sins which they commit by their own Free-will and maintains that tho' our Free-will can choose that which is good yet it never would choose or do it if it were not assisted by the Grace of Jesus Christ. And to explain this he makes use of the comparison of a Sick Man of whom we may say that he may recover his health although he hath need of Physick to restore it or of a Dead Man that he may be raised but by the Divine Power In like manner saith he the Free-will being Distempered and Dead by the Sin of the first Man may be revived but not by its own Virtue but by the Grace and Power of God who hath pity on it which Florus understands not only of that Grace which is necessary for actions but of that also which is necessary to seek Conversion by Prayer and begin to do well Hitherto neither Prudentius nor the Church of Lyons nor any other Author had declared themselves for Gotteschalc●● They contented themselves in thus treating upon the Question without engaging on either side Florus who in his first Discourse thought him much to blame seems to doubt in his answer to Scotus where in the 4th Chapter he says That he knows not how that unhappy Monk was Condemned and Imprisoned adding That if he was really guilty of Heresie as he is accused it were Just that according to the Custom of the Church all the Churches of the Kingdom should be acquainted with his Condemnation and the cause why he was Condemned This Treatise is extant in Mauguin's Vind. Gratiae at Paris 1650 p. 575. and in the Biblioth Patr. Tom. 8. Nevertheless Amolo Archbishop of Lyons wrote a Letter to Gotteschalcus about the same time in Amalo ' s Letters to Got●es●haleus which it appears that he thought him faulty In the beginning of it he gives him the Title of Most Dear Brother although he says he knew him an Enemy to Brotherly Unity because Christian Charity ought not to cease or be cooled even towards those that are our Enemies He tells him that he loves him most heartily and wishes as well to him as to himself But he says that having read and examined his Writings which he had sent him by a Brother he had disputed with himself a long time whether he should answer him because he had been accused a long time of dangerous attempts against the Church and had still held his Opinion although he was condemned by the Authority of a Council for his Obstinacy That he was afraid lest he should be thought imprudent in holding correspondence by Letters with a Person who had been condemned by his Brethren but on the other side he took himself obliged by Christian Charity to answer his Request Lastly That being convinced by the admonition which Jesus Christ propounds in the Parable of the Samaritan that it is our Duty to comfort our Brethren in affliction and to have such a sincere Charity towards our Brethren as to live in Unity and communicate one with another in all Offices and Services of Love after he had begged God's Grace to enable him to give him necessary Comforts and Instructions and to fit his Mind to receive them with Meekness and Humility he looked upon himself to be under obligations to answer him And first of all he advises him to be of a peaceable and submissive Spirit He tells him that he had heard with grief that he had began to spread abroad his new Doctrines and to raise Disputes about unprofitable Questions in Germany That since he had seen one of his Writings in which he explains his Opinion at length and endeavours to prove it by the Testimonies of the Fathers and H. Scripture And lastly That he had lately received a Writing of his directed to the Bishops or rather made against the Bishops who were concerned in his Condemnation That by his Writings he perceived that his Tenets were dangerous so that he thought he could not do a better piece of Service than to set down in short those Propositions that seemed contrary to the Doctrine of the Church and confute them by Scripture and the Judgment of the Church That he ought to keep firmly to that Doctrine if he will be one of the Living Members of Jesus Christ. That he did not send this Work directly to him because he was Excommunicated but to his Metropolitan that he being moved with compassion toward him may admit him again into the Unity of the Church upon the abjuring of his Errors After this Preface he saith that this Proposition which he hath delivered displeaseth him That all those that are redeemed by the Blood of Christ cannot perish because he says 't will then follow that either no Man that is Baptized can be Damned Or that those who are Baptized and Regenerate by Baptism and yet afterward perish are not truly Baptized or Redeemed by the Blood of Jesus Christ now both are false and contrary to the Scripture and Faith of the Church In the second place he is angry that he is perswaded that the Holy and true Sacraments of the Church Exorcism Baptism Confirmation Unction and the Eucharist are given to no purpose to those that are in the number of the Reprobate because they are not Redeemed by the Blood of Jesus Christ without which the Sacraments are no better than useless Ceremonies He maintains that they do effectually work upon those that do not persevere In the third place he can't approve that which he holds That Infants and
he added some other Rules which ordered That Publick Sinners should be put to Penance in Publick by the Authority of the Bishops to whom the Curates are obliged to send them That if they do not present themselves to receive them after they have been advertised of it by the Priests they shall be Excommunicated within 15 days That they shall require nothing for Burials and no Man shall Celebrate Mass but upon a Consecrated Altar or Table He also made some other Constitutions in 874 in July Commanding That Priests Curates and Prebends should reside in their Benefices and not retire into Monasteries That they should take nothing to make Church-Wardens and should allow those that are chosen a part of their Tithes to be employed about the Buildings and Ornaments of the Church That Priests should not be familiar with Women nor enrich themselves with the Revenues of the Church That they should give nothing to Patrons to be Nominated to any vacant Church These are the Constitutions which Hincmarus made for the Priests but lest the Archdeacons who are to put them in Execution in their Visits should not give them in Charge to the Curates he made July 877. an Order in which he forbids them to go their Visitations with many Attendants or Horses to require or exact any thing of them to stay long with them Not to meddle with the Division of Parishes to make the Ancient Churches to be still subject to their Parishes in which there have always been Priests to suffer no Man to have a Chapel without the permission of the Archbishop to Discharge no Penitents through favour before they have done their Penance nor to Ordain any Persons not duly qualified or to settle any Deans without the Authority of the Bishops After these Constitutions follows in the Works of Hincmarus a Recital of the Ceremonies and The Coronations of Kings Prayers used at the Coronation of Charles the Bald for the Kingdom of Lotharius Celebrated at Metz by Hincmarus Sept. 8. 869. as also at the Coronation of Lewis Dec. 8. 877. and of Judith the Daughter of Charles when she was Married to Ethelwolfe King of England An. 856. as also of Queen Hermentrude celebrated at Soissons Hincmarus also in a Letter to Charles the Bald gives various Instructions to Princes out of the Some Instructions of Hincmarus to Charles the Bald. Fathers which he lays down as undoubted Truths viz. That God makes good Kings and permits bad ones That a good Prince is the greatest Happiness of the People and a bad one their greatest Misfortune That a Wise Government is the greatest Proof of great Power That a King should choose Wise Experienced and Virtuous Men That nothing is better than for Rulers to know how they ought to Rule That it is most profitable that good Kings have the greatest Kingdoms That Necessity only should make them make War That War is Lawful if it be Just That God gives the Victory to whom he pleases That they ought to be Prayed for that Dye in Battels That Kings serve God by making Laws for his Honour That they are obliged to compel Men to do good and punish them justly That they may sometimes shew favour but they should be careful they do it not unfitly That they should be continually upon their Guard that they be not surprized by their Favourites or Flatterers They should have no Wicked Men about them nor Pardon their Relations That they ought to mix Justice with Mercy After he hath thus spoken of a Prince as endued with Kingly Powers he then lays down the Virtues of a Prince considered as a Christian which is nothing but a Collection of Texts of Scripture and Sentences of the Fathers concerning the Duties of a Christian Life He hath also a third Letter to the same King concerning the Nature of the Soul He holds that it is Spiritual not confined to a place and doth not move locally altho' it changes its Will and Manners He also moves this Question Whether we shall see God in another World by the Eyes of our Body or only by the Eyes of the Soul In the Year 858 Lewis Emperor of Germany entred Charles's Kingdom to Invade him while Hincmarus's Advice to Lewis of Germany he was gone to War against the Britans and Normans Hincmarus and the other Bishops of his Diocess whom he had told the States that they must stay a Reims sent a Remonstrance to him in which they tell him plainly That he was Unjust to his Brother in entring into his Kingdom in an Hostile manner exhorting him to make Peace with him to turn his Arms against the Pagans to preserve the Priviledges of the Church and suffer no Man to Rob it of its Revenues to restore those Monasteries of the Monks which are in the possession of Lay-men to take care that the Monks live according to their Rule and that the Revenues of Hospitals should be disposed of rightly by the Overseers with the Authority of the Bishops He then gives him some Directions how he ought to Live and Reign and how he ought to govern the General Synod of France In 859 Charles being ready to march against Lewis Hincmarus wrote to him to hinder the Disorders His Advice to King Charles and Pillaging which the Soldiers use to make He also admonishes the Church-men at Court by another Letter to hinder the Soldiers which were used to Pillage to do it again Lastly He admonisheth the Priests of the Diocess of Reims to Excommunicate them who after Admonition should continue to Pillage any In 875 after the Death of Lewis King of Italy and Emperor Charles the Bald being gone into A Remonstrance to Lewis of Germany Italy to be Crowned Emperor and possess himself of Italy Lewis of Germany falls upon France to give him a Diversion Hincmarus presents him with a long Petition full of Quotations of the Fathers to stop him in this Enterprize and was effectual The same Year John Bishop of Cambray was written to by Hincmarus who gave him Directions The manner of proceeding against a Priest how he should deal with the Priest Hunoldus who was suspected of an unlawful familiarity with a Woman He says That the Custom of the Province hath been to make inquiries about the Priest who is thus charged and defamed that their Witnestes must be Sworn and Interrogated concerning his frequent converse and familiarity with Women That after the Deposition of 6 Witnesses there ought to be a 7th to prove the Fact That if there be no Witnesses but it be only a Common report the Priest must clear himself by the Oath of 6 of his Neighboring Priests Some time after in 878 he condemned a Priest of his Diocess himself Named Goldbaldus The Condemnation of a Priest who was accused of conversing with a Woman the Fact was proved but the Priest fled from Judgment The Instrument of this Priest's Deposition is among Hincmarus's Works In the
and such as ought to be Received by the Faithful Which they cannot do Worthily and Effectually unless they can discern the Excellency of the Mystical Body and Blood of Jesus Christ from what they perceive by the Tast. That it is called Sacrament either because under the Species of a Visible Sign God is pleased to Work some Secret Thing or because the Holy Ghost does Consecrate the Visible Sign and under the Veil of Outward Signs does Work some Mystical Thing for the Salvation of the Faithful That all Sacraments in general may be defined to be an Earnest or a Pledge of Salvation by which under a Visible Representation the Holy Ghost works in an Invisible manner That such are in the Church the Sacraments of Baptism Chrism and that of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ therefore called Sacraments because under the Visible Species the Flesh is Consecrated by a secret and Divine Vertue so that they are in effect Inwardly what they are thought to be Outwardly by Faith That in Baptism we are Regenerated by the Holy Ghost and afterwards by the Power of Jesus Christ nourished with his Body and Blood and that we ought not to wonder that the Holy Ghost who has Formed our Saviour's Body in the Virgin 's Womb should by an Invisible Power change the Bread and Wine though there appear no Visible Change because it is done Spiritually and Invisibly That by the Consecration of this Mystery the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ are truly Created Produced and Sacrificed in a Mystical Manner That it is not to be deny'd but that there is some Figure in this Mystery being 't is a Mystery but that the Figure does not hinder the Reality That what appears outwardly is a Figure but the inward a Reality because the Body and Blood of our Saviour are made of the Substance of the Bread and Wine So that this Mystery is both Figure and Verity a Figure of the hidden Truth and a Verity not perceivable indeed by the Senses but believed by Faith That the Ancient Figures differed vastly from this they being but a Shadow and Image of what we really Injoy by Receiving this Mystery the real Flesh and real Blood of Christ our Saviour That those who do not dwell in Christ that is who remain in sin take the Sacramental Elements out of the Priest's hand but do not eat and drink Spiritually the Body and Blood of Christ. That in fine the Church is the Body of Christ that all the Faithful are Members of his Body and that the Eucharist is daily Consecrated to be the Body of Christ but that those onely who are his Mystical Members are allowed to Receive it That from this Food some receive Life others Death it being Life to such as are Members of Jesus Christ and Death to such as are Members of the Devil That we must raise our Mind to God and Believe that after the words of Consecration 't is the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ that very Flesh which was Born of the Virgin and died upon the Cross. That Christ himself is upon the Altar Offering as High-Priest our Vows and Supplications to the Lord. That the Angels are present at this Sacrifice in which our Saviour once Sacrificed upon the Cross for the Salvation of Mankind is daily offered in a Mystical manner for the Atonement of the Sins we daily commit to Discriminate the Good from the Wicked to dwell Corporally in such as have received Baptism that they may dwell in him and to Nourish the Faithful That therefore he is called Bread because as the Bread nourishes the Body so the Body of Jesus Christ nourishes the Soul of the Faithful That he is also called Wine because as the Wine is made of the Juice of several Grapes so we are Justify'd by the Graces and Spiritual Influences which flow from him who is the True Vine of which the Faithful are but Branches That it is the very Blood which ran out of his Side at his Death and Passion and that for that Reason it is that we mingle Water with the Wine because out of his Side there came both Blood and Water That others say Water is mingled with the Wine to joyn together the Water of Baptism and the Blood which was the Price of our Salvation That whether the Consecrating-Priest be a good or bad Man we ought to Believe when we receive the Eucharist from his hands that we equally receive the Truth of the Mystery because the Consecration is not made by the Merit of him that Consecrates but by the Power of the Creator and the Virtue of the Holy Ghost and that it is Jesus Christ who Baptizes as it is he by whom through the Virtue of the Holy Ghost the Eucharist becomes his Flesh and Blood That the Priest is not the Creatour of Christ his Body but that he Prays to God the Father by his Son that he Offers Gifts unto him before the Consecration and Prays him to Accept of them and that he makes this Offering in the Name of the Church and of the Faithful That although this Sacrament has neither the Tast nor the Colour of the Flesh and Blood yet by the strength of Faith and Reason our Soul receives 'em as such and that as we have received in Baptism the Image of our Saviour's Death so we receive in this Sacrament the Likeness of his Flesh and Blood so that there is truth in this Mystery and yet the Heathens cannot Reproach us that we Drink the Blood or Eat the Flesh of a Dead Man That to evidence these Truth either to such as called them into question or to those who had a tender love for these Holy Mysteries the f The Body and Blood of our Saviour visibly appear'd This Fabulous Apparition Hospinian de Sacr. l. 4. p. 1. p. 325. tells us is plainly foisted into the Original Manuscript and doth so plainly differ from the Style and Doctrine of the rest of the Treatise that it is easily discernible to a moderate Judgment that the Chapters 38 39 wherein it is are added by the Monk who put it out or by some other who would promote the Doctrine of Transubstantiation by such Legendary Tales Body and Blood of our Saviour have sometimes visibly appeared upon the Altar particularly to a Priest who had desired it ardently That the Consecration of this Sacrament is made by the energy of the words of Jesus Christ. That howsoever this Mystery be the Flesh and Blood of Christ it may nevertheless be call'd Bread and Wine by reason of the Effects they produce For as the Terrestrial Bread is a support to out Temporal Life so this Spiritual Bread yields unto us a Spiritual and Heavenly Life and as Wine doth rejoyce the Heart of Man so does this Heavenly Drink rejoyce the inward Man That by receiving the Flesh of Christ we receive his Divinity and that we receive both his Body and Blood because they cannot
their own Hands reading and prayer 7. He prohibits Incestuous Marriages with Nuns or near Relations 8. He recommends Peace and Union 9. He enjoyns the Observation of the Solemn Fasts of Lent of the Ember-Weeks of Wednesday and Friday and the Celebration of Divine Service on Sundays and Festivals Lastly He recommends the payment of Tythes There is also a Pastoral Letter written by this Archbishop and directed to his Suffragans which is related by William of Malmsbury Edmund being kill'd in the year 946. his Brother Elred took possession of the Throne We have An Assembly of Bishops at London A. C. 948. no Laws enacted by this Prince only the Charter of a considerable Donation made by him to the Monastery of Crowland in favour of Turketulus who had been formerly Chancellor of the Kingdom and to whom he gave that Abbey This was done in an Assembly of Bishops and Lords held at London in the year 948. After the death of Elred which happen'd in 955 Edwin the Son of Edmund was proclaim'd King but sometime after part of England Revolting Edgar the Brother of Edwin got a share of his Dominions and upon his Brother's Death obtain'd the sole Possession of the whole Kingdom This Prince being more Religious than his Predecessors entirely re-establish'd the Purity of Discipline in the Church of England and brought the Monastical Course of Life into Repute by the Advice of S. Dunstan who may be call'd the Restorer of th● Ecclesiastical Discipline in England This Saint was born in the Country of the West-Saxons in the first year of King Ethelstan's Reign A. C. 923. He enter'd into Holy Orders very young and after having compleated his Studies S. Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury made application to Athelm Archbishop of Canterbury who introduc'd him into the Presence of King Ethelstan Afterward having fall'n into some disgrace at Court he retir'd to Elfeg Bishop of Winchester who advis'd him to embrace the Monastical Life which he accordingly did and continued in his Retirement till the Reign of King Edmund when he was invited to Court by that Prince He did not remain long there without being obnoxious to the Envy and Hatred of several Persons who misrepresented him to the King insomuch that he was oblig'd to retire to his Solitude of Glassenbury where he took up his Abode altho' he was restor'd to the Favour of King Edmund who had always a great respect for him granted considerable Revenues to his Monastery and continu'd to follow his Counsels not only in the management of Civil Affairs but also of Ecclesiastical He was no less esteem'd by King Elred who determin'd to nominate him to the Bishoprick of Winchester but Edwin having receiv'd a severe Reprimand for his Irregularities from this Abbot banish'd him and pillaged his Monastery However King Edgar recall'd him immediately after his Accession to the Crown and made him not only Bishop of Winchester but also conferr'd on him the Government of the Church of London At last the Archbishoprick of Canterbury being vacant in the year 961. by the death of Odo Elfsin Bishop of Winchester who was appointed to supply his place dying in a Journey he made over the Alps to Rome to fetch the Pall and Berthelim who was substituted in his room having refus'd to accept that Dignity Dunstan was Invested with it a few days after and went to Rome to receive the Pall. At his return he apply'd himself altogether to the Reformation of the Clergy of England and took upon him to Expel all those who refus'd to lead a Regular Course of Life and to Restore the Monks to their former Station This Saint had for his Fellow Labourers and Imitators of his Zeal Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester and Oswald Bishop of Worcester who founded a great number of Monasteries and took much pains in Reforming the Clergy and Extirpating the Vices that were predominant in England The former dyed in the year 984. before S. Dunstan who foretold his approaching Death as well as that of the Bishop of Rochester in a Visit which those two Prelates made him but the latter did not dye till after this Archbishop viz. in the year 992. As for S. Dunstan he surviv'd King Edgar who dy'd in 975 and maintain'd the Right of the young Prince Edward against the Pretensions of Alfride who endeavour'd to transfer the Crown to her Son Ethelfred but Edward being Assassinated Three years after by the Treachery of that Queen Dunstan was constrained to Crown Ethelfred and foretold the Calamities that should befall England and the Family of this young Prince as a Punishment for his Crime and that of his Mother At last S. Dunstan dy'd laden with years and honour A. C. 988. In his time and apparently by his Direction King Edgar in 967. not only publish'd Laws like to those of his Predecessors for the preservation of the Revenues of the Church for the Payment of Tythes and S. Peter's Pence and for the Solemn Observations of Sundays and Festivals but also divers Ecclesiastical Constitutions relating to the Manners and Functions of Clergy-men to the Celebration of the Mass to the Confession and Pennances that ought to be impos'd on those who commit Sin c. Indeed these Canons may serve as a kind of Ritual for the Use of Curates It is affirm'd that they were made in the year 967. by King Edgar but this does not appear to be altogether certain and perhaps they are of a later date The Discourse which this King made to Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury and to Oswald and Ethelwold Bishops of Worcester and Winchester is much more certain He there inveighs against the Irregularities and Disorders of the Clergy and pathetically Exhorts those Bishops to joyn their Authority with His to repress their Insolence and to oblige them to apply the Ecclesiastical Revenues to the Relief of the Poor for which Use they were design'd To the end that this Order might be put in Execution he granted a Commission to those three Prelates to take the Matter in hand and gave them power to turn out of the Churches such Clergy-men as liv'd dissolutely and to Substitute others in their room By virtue of this Injunction S. Dunstan held a General Council A. C. 973. in which he ordain'd A general Council of England in the year 973. that all the Priests Deacons and Subdeacons who would not lead a sober Life should be Expell'd their Churches and caus'd a Decree to be made to oblige them to Embrace a Regular and Monastick Course of Life or to Retire And accordingly these three Bishops turn'd the old Clergy-men out of most part of the Churches and put Monks in their place or else forc'd them to assume the Monastical Habit. S. Dunstan did not only shew his Constancy and Zeal with respect to the Clergy but was also as zealous in treating Kings and Princes For he sharply reprov'd King Edgar for abusing a young Maid whom he had sent for out of
if any are voided they are produc'd by the flesh of the Man himself or supply'd some other way He further maintains That tho' the Bread and Wine seem to be subject to alteration as for Instance to be devour'd by Animals or consum'd by Fire yet this is not in reality but only in appearance to punish the Incredulity of the Wicked or the Carelessness of Ministers After he had thus resolv'd that Question he passes on to others that are less Considerable Namely 1. Why God who is invisible would have us to offer him a visible Sacrifice To this he answers That 't is to put Men in mind of what they owe him and because Man being a Compound Creature made up of a Soul and Body 't is reasonable he should offer to God both Corporeal and Spiritual Sacrifices 2. The second Question is Why the Sacrifice of the Church is made up of a Sacrament and the Body of JESUS CHRIST and why 't is not either a simple Sacrament or the visible Body of JESUS CHRIST This he resolves by saying That if the Eucharist were a simple Sacrament it would not be different from the Sacraments of the old Law and that if the Body of JESUS CHRIST should appear therein openly it would be subject to great Inconveniences For says he it would appear either alive or dead but it cannot appear as dead since he is living and if it appear'd alive it would either be in the same State wherein it was before his Passion or in the same State wherein it was after his Resurrection In the first Case it would be impossible to swallow it and in the second Men would not be able to endure the brightness of its Glory That besides it was necessary that the Body of JESUS CHRIST should be conceal'd under shadows and representations to exercise the Faith of the One and to prevent others from uttering Blasphemies and from charging the Christians with eating and drinking humane Flesh and Blood The third Question is 3. Why God requires so much Faith in this Sacrament He answers That Man being in a laps'd State because Adam by giving too much Credit to the Words of the Devil had eaten of the forbidden Fruit 't is necessary we should be sav'd by believing the Word of God who injoyns us to eat his Body and drink his Blood in this Sacrament 4. The fourth Question is Why we make use of Bread and Wine rather than any other Creature For this he assigns several Reasons Because Bread and Wine are the ordinary Nourishment of Man which supports the corporeal Life as the Eucharist is the Nourishment of the Soul which supports the spiritual Life Because as the Bread and Wine are chang'd into Flesh and Blood so they are here chang'd into the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRST Because the Bread being made up of several Grains of Corn and the Wine out of several Bunches of Grapes is a figure of the Unity of the Church which is made up of several Persons 5. The fifth Question is Why we do not immediately enjoy Life eternal after having receiv'd the Body of JESUS CHRIST He replies That 't is because we may have time to exercise our selves in Virtue 6. The sixth Question is Why God bestows an eternal Recompence on temporal Merits 'T is says he Because he regards not the temporal Action but rewards or punishes the Eternal Propensity and Inclination of doing Good or Evil. 7. The seventh Question is Why Bread is consecrated into the Body and Wine into the Blood of JESUS CHRIST He replies That 't is not because the Body of JESUS CHRIST is without the Blood or the Blood without the Body since JESUS CHRIST is whole and entire under each Kind but that we offer and communicate under these two Kinds because of the different Mysteries which they figure out to us 8. The eighth Question is Why we make use of White Bread rather than Brown though at the same time we consecrate Wine of all sorts of Colours He answers That in case of Necessity one may make use of any sort of Bread but that 't is proper to use the Whitest because it is to be chang'd into the glorious Body of the spotless Lamb. 9. The ninth and last Question is Why we make use of Unleaven'd rather than Leaven'd Bread although we indifferently make use of Wine that has Lees as well as of that which has none He says That this is a grand Dispute between the Latins and the Greeks who treat one another as Hereticks and call each other Azymites and Fermentarians though one may safely use the One as well as the Other that notwithstanding this JESUS CHRIST made use of Unleaven'd Bread as a Figure of Purity He likewise relates the Reasons of the Greeks and after he had answer'd them he concludes That it was better to make use of Unleaven'd Bread which he believ'd to have been the Custom of the Latin Church from its beginning In the last Book he discourses of several other Points which relate to the Ministers of the Eucharist And in the first place he demands Whether Hereticks and Schismaticks which are without the Pale of the Church do consecrate the Body of JESUS CHRIST and at first he produces the Testimonies of the Fathers which seem to prove That they do not consecrate according to due Form But afterwards having laid it down as a Principle That the Validity of the Sacraments doth not depend on the Faith or Piety of the Minister he concludes That as Hereticks and Schismaticks may baptize so likewise can they consecrate and that the Ordination of Priesthood is as much among them as Baptism This he proves from several Principles and Passages of S. Augustin and replies to those Passages which he at first started against the Sacraments of Hereticks and Schismaticks which he says ought not to be understood of the Sacraments themselves but of the Abuse which they make of them since they are so far from being beneficial to them that they render them the more Criminal He afterwards asks Whether the Sacraments are valid if any Addition or Alteration be made of the Words of the Office either by the Wickedness or Carelesness of him who officiates He explains this Question as it relates to Baptism and after he had cited several Passages out of S. Augustin and the Popes and among others out of Pope Zachary he concludes That provided the Essential Words be recited tho' by carelessness it happens that needless Words be added thereto or some Ceremony be left out yet this does not hinder the Efficacy of the Sacrament He does not apply this Principle to the Eucharist but only says in general That in the Celebration of these Holy Mysteries we ought not to introduce any Heresies or Novelties but faithfully to observe the Institution of JESUS CHRIST that so as those Mysteries are truly effected by his Power and founded upon his Authority they may be likewise profitable to us by
in the beginning of the Eleventh Century 169 and sequ 125. Their Errors and Condemnation ibid. Other Hereticks found in Flanders 110. Their Errors confuted in a Council ibid. Their Reconciliation and their Confession of Faith 111. Herlembald made Archbishop of Milan instead of Godfrey 34. Directions for his Conduct given him by the Pope in reference to the excommunicated Bishops of Iombardy ibid. Herman chosen Emperor of Germany in the Place of Radulphus 46. A Difficulty propos'd in a Council about the Validity of his Marriage 47. He is excommunicated in another Council ibid. Herman Bishop of Bamberg cited to Rome to give an Account of his Simoniacal Practices 35 and 36. And suspended 36. At last depos'd and excommunicated ibid. Herman Bishop of Mets the Questions proposed by him to the Pope viz. Whether those Persons who converse with a Prince under Sentence of Excommunication are to be look'd upon as excommunicated And whether it be lawful to excommunicate a King 39. The Pope's answer to these Questions 29. ibid. Herman Bishop of Winckester leaves his Bishoprick to embrace the Monastick Life 14. He is afterwards made Bishop of Salisbury ibid. Hermits Their Cause of Life preferr'd to that of Cenobites or Collegiate Monks 91. A Rule for Hermits by Peter Damian 95. Hermits of the Eleventh Century different from the Ancient 127. St. Hilary Bishop of Poitiers A Passage of that Father concerning the Sufferings of Jesus Christ maintaind by Lanfrank against Berenger 16. Hildebrand a Clerk of the Church of Rome was Partaker of the Fortune of Gregory VI. 24 and 32. He is made Prior of Cluny where he retir'd after the Death of that Pope 24. He accompanies to Rome Bruno Bishop of Toul whom he causes to be chosen Pope under the Name of Leo IX ibid. He is accus'd of having incited that Pope to declare War against the Normans of Apulia who took him Prisoner 25. His Power at Rome and his Intrigues in managing the Elections of the Popes who succeeded Leo 26 and sequ 32. He causes Alexander II. to be chosen without the Emperors Consent 28. His Enterprizes to promote the Grandeur of the See of Rome under that Pope 29 and 32. At last he himself is proclaim'd Pope without the Knowledge of the Cardinals 32. See Gregory VII Holy days those of Easter and Whitsuntide restrain'd to three 73. Host a Custom among the Priests to communicate with the same consecrated Host during forty Days after their Ordination 2. An Explication of that Custom ibid. See the Eucharist Hugh Cardinal his Enterprizes against Pope Gregory VII 37 and 38. He is depos'd and excommunicated by that Pope 38 and 42. And by the Council of Quintilineburg 47. Hugh Bishop of Die his Election to that Bishoprick 57. His Ordination by Pope Gregory VII 35 and 57. The Power he had by Virtue of his Office of Legat in France 48 49 50 57 and sequ The Decisions made by him in that Quality 49 57 and sequ When made Archbishop of Lyons 58. His Intrigues in aspiring to the Papal Dignity ibid. and 69. He is excommunicated by Pope Victor III. ibid. And receives Absolution from Urban II. 58 For what reason he was suspended in the Council of Placentia 73. The time of his Death 58. Hugh Bishop of Langres being accused of divers Crimes in a Council is depos'd and excommunicated 26 114 and 115. Restor'd to his former Dignity by Pope Leo IX after having been put to Penance 26. Hugh Abbot of Cluny the Mediator of the Agreement between the Emperor Henry and Pope Gregory 41. He becomes surety that that Prince should keep his Word ibid. He is constituted the Pope's Legat in France 57. Hungary the Pope's Pretensions as to the Right of Investiture in that Kingdom 51. A Contest for the same Kingdom ibid. I JEromer Bishop of Prague for what reason suspended and depriv'd of the Revenues of his Church 51 and 56. He is put again into Possession of his Revenues 51 and 52. A Contest between him and the Bishop of Moravid about certain Lands 52. He is reconcil'd and re-instated by the Pope ibid. Is reprehended by Gregory VII for seizing on the contested Lands a second time ibid. That Quarrel determin'd by the Pope at Rome ibid. Jews the Christians forbidden to keep any of them as Slaves 118. And to hold Correspondence with them 124 That they ought not to be put to Death upon account of Religion 31. Images the Latins accused of not paying due Veneration to them 81. Testimones to the contrary 82. Incarnation why the Second Person of the Trinity was incarnate 94. An Exposition of the Article of Faith concerning that Mystery 19. Incontinence that of Clergy-men condemn'd in many Constitutions 23 27 28 29 30 31 35 36 47 58 66 71 72 73 74 75 93 and 123. Inferiours whether it be lawful for them to reprove their Superiours for their Vicious Courses 84. Investitures of Benefices Emperors and Kings enjoy that Prerogative 126. A Contest about the Right of Investitures claimed by the Kings of England 92 and 93. Decrees against the Investitures granted by Laicks 35 44 45 58 66 71 74 and 75. An Error concerning the Investitures condemned 29. The Pope's Pretensions to that Right 57. St. John Baptist Peter Damian's Opinion about the Time when that Saint was conceived 90. And about the Solemnity of the Octave of his Festival 88. John Archbishop of Roan A Quarrel between that Archbishop and the Monks of St. Owen 15 and 118. He falls into an incurable Distemper and is depos'd 118 and 119. His Death 119. John Bishop of Moravia the Occasion of the Contest between him and the Archbishop of Prague 52. That Difference compos'd by Pope Gregory VII ibid. John Archbishop of Salerno his Translation from the Church of Pesti to that of Salerno approv'd by the Pope 24. The Bishops whom he is authoriz'd to ordain by his Order 25. Jordanes Duke of Capua excommunicated for seizing on a Sum of Money belonging to a certain Monastery 43. Josselin Bishop of Soissons the Pope forbids his Ordination 30. Isembert Bishop of Poitiers for what Reason deposed and excommunicated by Pope Gregory VII 62. Isimbard Abbot of St. Laumer restor'd to his Abbey by Gregory VII 67. Judgments the last Judgment describ'd by Peter Damian 87 and 98. Ives Bishop of Chartres his Election and Consecration approv'd by Pope Urban II. 70. He vigorously opposes the Marriage between King Philip and Bertrude 73. The Pope makes Intercession to procure his Liberty after he was imprison'd upon that Account 72. Ives Abbot of Melaine made Bishop of Dol and consecrated by Pope Gregory VII 62. A Privilege granted him to wear the Pall ibid. The Mediation of the King of England to hinder the deposing of that Bishop ibid. K KIngs whether it be lawful to excommunicate a King and to deprive him of his Dominions 39 47 and 66. Whether his Subjects may be absolv'd from their Oath of Allegiance 66. The Advice given
Collection does not belong to Hildebert but is part of the Preface written by Ives of Chartres on his Decree Therefore that Piece was only inserted amongst Hildebert's Letters by a Mistake Father Dachery publish'd in the Fourth Tome of his Spicilegium Nine Letters of Hildebert among which are Three very eloquent ones about the Imprisonment of Pope Paschal II. and afterwards the same Author set forth Fifteen others which are annexed in the end of the Thirteenth Tome There are some amongst these last that relate to the Persecution which Hildebert suffer'd by reason of the displeasure of the King of France and the Quarrel that arose between the Dean of Tours and his Canons In the Ninth he entreats the Pope not to grant the Pall to the Bishop of Dol. Hildebert's other Pieces are two Hymns on our Saviour's Nativity A Paraphrase on the Canon of the Mass in Verse A Sermon on these Words of Isaiah Chap. 35. Then the Eyes of the Blind shall be opened Another on th●se Words of Jesus Christ in St. Luke Chap. 12. Unto whomsoever much is given of him shall be much requir'd A Synodical Discourse to his Curates All these Works and Letters are extant in the Collections call'd Bibliotheca Patrum There are also to be seen in different places some other Works attributed to Hildebert viz. The Life of St. Hugh Abbot of Cluny in the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis publish'd by Du-Chesne The Epitaph of Berenger referr'd to by William of Malmesbury A Letter written to Reginald the Monk and the Preface to the Life of St. Radegonda set forth by Father Mabillon in the First Tome of his Analecta with the beginning of that Life of which that Father has a Manuscript Copy in his Possession Rosweida makes mention of the Life of St. Mary the Egyptian in Verse by Hildebert which as they say is kept in the Library of Lipsick There are also in the Libraries several Tracts ascribed to Hildebert but we have lost his Treatise of Virginity Besides these Works Father Hommey has likewise published some in his Collection which he attributes to Hildebert but it is not probable that they belong to that Author The other Works of Hildebert fall very much short of the Elegancy and Politeness of his Letters His Poetical pieces are gross neither has he observ'd the Rules of Quantity His Sermons are written in like manner in a weak and very mean Style However he was a noted Prelate who shew'd a great deal of Prudence Discretion and Constancy in the Management of Affairs during the whole Course of his Life GUIBERT Abbot of Nogent GUIBERT Abbot of Nogent sous Coucy was born in a Village belonging to the Diocess of Beauvais of a rich and noble Family He lost his Father Evrard in his Youth and was Guibert Abbot of Nogent brought up by his Mother who took a particular care of his Education but having afterwards retir'd to a Monastery and being-inform'd that her Son did not follow the Instructions she had given him she oblig'd him to take Lodgings in the Abby of St. German in the Diocess of Beauvais to live under the conduct of his old Tutor who became a Monk in that Abbey Guibert did not continue long there before he had an inclination to assume the Monastick Habit and actually put that Design in execution contrary to the Advice of his Mother and Tutor After having turn'd Monk he was afflicted with many Temptations but at last was deliver'd from them by the means of Prayer and Study and was chosen Abbot of Nogent sous Coucy in the most remote part of the Diocess of Laon where he died in 1124. A certain small Tract about Preaching is usually prefix'd to Guibert's Works being the Preface to his Moral Commentaries on the Holy Scripture which is full of Instructions and very methodical He begins with observing that it is very dangerous for a Person obliged to Preach by the Duty of his Function to neglect the performance of that Duty by reason that as it is a matter of pernicious Consequence to shew bad Examples so it is a very great Offence not to endeavour to contribute somewhat to the reclaiming of Sinners by wholsom Instructions He adds That Men have different Motives to abstain from Preaching that some are induc'd to do it by Pride for fear of passing for Preachers a Quality commonly reputed contemptible in the World others by Envy not to communicate their Knowledge to others and others by Disgust or Slothfulness in regard that they do not think themselves to lie under any Obligation because they have no cure of Souls He maintains that all Christians who have attain'd to any Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures are oblig'd to Preach the Word of God and that they ought to propose no other end of their Preaching but God himself who is the Subject of it That Bishops Abbots Curates and all Christians in general are not only obliged to abstain from doing Evil and from giving bad Examples but are also under an obligation to do all manner of Good that lies in their power both by their Example and Doctrine He concludes from that Principle that the practice of Virtues and the Instruction of others ought to be joyn'd together Thus a Preacher ought to lead an innocent Life and he who lives well ought to apply himself to the Instructing of others This Author advises that Preaching be preceded by Prayer to the end that the Soul inspir'd with the Love of God may ardently express the Sentiments it has of God to inflame the Hearts of the Auditors with the same Zeal with which it is transported it self For says he a Discourse pronounced in a luke-warm and languid manner not being agreeable even to him that pronounces it cannot give satisfaction to the Hearers and it would be wonderful that a Discourse deliver'd by a Person who is not animated himself should be capable of animating others Care ought also to be taken continues he since the Word is spread abroad according to the effusion of the Heart that the Discourse be not too tedious by reason of its length and do not clog the Auditors Therefore how fervent soever the Zeal of the Preacher may be how copious soever his Subject how strong soever his Memory and how extraordinary soever his fluency of Discourse yet he ought to have regard to the weakness of his Auditors and to consider that 't is more commendable to lay down a few Truths which will be receiv'd attentively than to deliver an infinite number of Things that cannot be retain'd and that 't is expedient to leave off before his Auditors be tir'd to the end that when there shall be an occasion to Preach to them at another time they may be disposed to hearken to his Doctrine He likewise admonishes Preachers that they ought to render their Sermons profitable both to the Ignorant and to the Learned and to explain the Matters they handle in such a manner as may be
Nicolas at Courbeville the Right to that Church disputed between the Bishop of Chartres and the Monks of Marmoutier 21. Commissioners appointed to take cognizance of that Affair ibid. Determin'd by the Bishop and the Count of Chartres ibid. Normandy the Bishops of Normandy Excommunicated 21. O. OAth of Allegiance or Fidelity may be dissolv'd when taken to any other than a lawful Sovereign or Lord 9. Obedience how far it ought to be extended 45. 71. Oblations or Offerings Exactions palliated under the name of Oblation and Benediction 13. Offices Divine of the Divine Office and its Parts 145. Whether it be expedient to add new Prayers and by whom they ought to be made 66. 84. The Means used by Ives Bishop of Chartres to oblige his Canons to give more constant attendance at Divine Service 18. Officials Their Settlement in the XII Century 217. The danger of that Employment 159. Abuses committed therein ibid. Ordination a Prohibition to confer the Order of Priesthood without a Title 2●8 214. A Prohibition to ordain the Clergy-Men of another Diocess 215. Ordination of the Sons of Priests forbidden 138. 156. 206. Permitted in England 36. Of the Law of not admitting into Orders such Persons as are not born in lawful Wedlock 168. A Case in which an Eunuch may be advanc'd to Orders 19. What Punishment a Priest deserves to incur who in taking Holy Orders has had no other end than Temporal Gain 19. What Penalty is likewise proper to be inflicted upon a Deacon who has caus'd himself to be Ordain'd without receiving Clerical Benediction 16. That Ordinations perform'd by wicked Ministers are valid 151. Those of Schismaticks declar'd void and of none effect 33. 36 207. 213. Nevertheless sometimes confirm'd 25. A Privilege claim'd by the Monks of Cluny to cause themselves to be Ordain'd by any Bishop whom they shall think sit to chuse 83. P. PAlace what in the Decretals of Gratian 204. Pains or Torments of the Danmed are not Corporal according to Guibert 143. Pall its use forbidden to Richerus Archbishop of Sens 2. 6. Peace Excommunication for violating the Peace 21. Rules concerning the Peace of God 209. Penance that they who confess secret sins cannot be put to publick Penance 17. False Penances 206. Means propos'd by Ives Bishop of Chartres for the reconciliation of the Impenitent 15. 16. Perjury a solemn Excommunication upon that account 216. Personats their Orginal 3. 217. St. Peter at Chateaudun the Donation of that Church made by Ives Bishop of Chartres to the Monastery of Bonneval 21. Peter of Anagnia his Canonization and Festival 35. Peter de Bruis the History of that Heretick and his Errors 86. 87. Petrobusians Hereticks of the XII Century and their Errors 86. Petrus Abaelardus his Accusation by St. Bernard 56. 64. His Condemnation 56. His Condemnation by the Pope 40. 44. 56. An Account of his Life Doctrine and several Condemnations 92. c. Errors imputed to him 97. His Apology 103. An Examination of his Doctrine 111 Philip Bishop of Troyes Summon'd to a Council where he does not appear 9 Philip I. King of France Letters written by Ives Bishop of Chartres to oppose the Marriage between that Prince and Bertrade 5. The Persecution rais'd by him against the same Bishop 3. The Remonstrances he receiv'd upon that account 3. 4. Letters of Ives Bishop of Chartres concerning the Excommunication of King Philip 10. 11. 14. He is Excommunicated a second time in a Council at Poitiers 211. He is absolv'd from that Excommunication after having put away Bertrade ibid. Popes their Election reserv'd to the Cardinals 217. A Rule for their Election 287. That the Emperor ought to have a share in their Election 26. What manner of Election of a Pope is Canonical 153. The Qualities Duties and Obligations of Popes 68. 69. c. The Augmentation of the Papal Power in XII Century 217. Certain Cases the cognizance of which is reserv'd to them 206. 212. 213. 217. That the Popes make no difficulty to revoke what has been obtain'd of 'em by surprise 56. Poverty a Commendation of that Vertue 47. 51. Praise an Opinion that Commendations given ought to be accepted 47. Prayers Whether it be expedient to make new Prayers for the Divine Service and by whom they ought to be compos'd 66. 84. Those for the Dead rejected by the Dissenters from the Church of Rome in the XII Century vid. Dead Of the usefulness of Prayers for the Dead 16. Preaching Institutions about the manner of Preaching 140. Predectination explain'd by the Master of the Sentences 195. Prefaces the number of Prefaces 215. Prémontré the Foundation of that Order 218. Presentations a Prohibition to exact any thing for Presentation to Benefices 216. 217. Priests not to be Ordain'd without a Title 208. 214. That the Ordination of dissolute Priests is valid 151. That none ought to separate from 'em till they be judicially condemn'd ibid. What Punishment a Priest ought to incur who has Prophan'd the Sacraments before the Statue of a Woman 15. What Punishment ought to be inflicted on a Priest who has plaid the Incendiary 17. That they ought to be depriv'd of their Benefices and expell'd the Clergy if they Marry see Clergy-Men Primacies in France that Right disputed between Richerius Archbishop of Sens and Hugh Archbishop of Lyons 6. King Lewes demands the Revocation of that of Lyons 37. The Confirmation of that of Bourges 42. Privileges the abuse of 'em reform'd 208. Q. St. QUintin at Beauvais when and by whom that Abbey was Founded 1. Of its Privileges 5. 6. R. RAdulphus Archbishop of Rheims a Controversy between King Lewes the Gross and that Archbishop determin'd by Ives Bishop of Chartres 17. A Judgment pass'd by that Archbishop disprov'd by the same Ives of Charcres 20. Radulphus Archbishop of Tours his Accusations against the Abbot of Marmoutier disprov'd by Ives Bishop of Chartres 11. Radulphus Bishop of Rochester translated to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury 20. Relicks the abuse of them 141. False Relicks of Jesus Christ and the Saints 142. The abuses practis'd by those who carry 'em about to get Money 210. Revelations those of St. Hildegarde and St. Elizabeth approv'd 41. 174. Revenues of the Church that Princes and Lay-Men ought not to have the disposal of 'em 33. Rules against such Persons as seize on 'em 15. 18. 33. An obligation to restore to the Bishops those that belong to 'em 18. That Lay-Men ought to have no share in the Offerings nor Tithes 210. 212. 213. The Immunity of Church-Goods 212. That the Possession of 'em a Year and a Day is a sufficent Title for the respective Churches 211. That a Bishop cannot give to an Abbot the Goods of a Religious Society 18. St. Bernard is of Opinion that Lay-Men have a Right to restore 'em to Monks 63. And Peter of Cluny maintains that Lay-Men may receive the Tithes and Goods of Ecclesiastical Persons 81 82. That the Goods which Clergy-Men have procur'd by Church-Revenues
Paschasius Cent. 9th p. 77. to whom may be added Theodolphus Bishop of Orleans Walafridus Strabo Abbot of Richenou Ahyto Bishop of Basil and Rabanus M●●rus Archbishop of Mayence who did also oppose the Doctrin of Paschasius in the same Century and particularly R●banus in his Penitential which was written in the Life-time of Paschasius censures his Doctrin about the Eucharist as a Novel Error as is prov'd in a Dissertation about Bertram's Book of the Body and Blood of Christ annexed to the Translation of it and printed at London in 1686. I shall only add that the Doctrin of Bertram's Book against Paschasius about the Eucharist appears plainly to have been generally receiv'd by the Church of England in the 10th Century from the Paschal Homily which Elfric Archbishop of Canterbury translated into the Saxon Tongueabout the Year 970. which is published at London in 1566. and attested to be a true Copy by the hands of fifteen Prelats and several Noblemen for this Book was commanded by a Canon to be read publickly to the People as is observed by Dr. Cave Hist. Lit. p. 589. and contains the same Aguments and for the most part the same Expressions which were us'd by Bertram against Transubstantiation as is prov'd by A. B. Usher in his Answer to the Jesuites Challenge c. 3. And that Bertram's Book was directly levell'd against Transubstantiation as it is now defin'd by the Council of Trent will plainly appear by citing a few passages out of many that are in that little Book to this purpose For first he says expresly that the Eucharist is the Body of Christ not Corporally but Spiritually and then he proves That what is Orally receiv'd in the Sacrament is not Christ's natural Body because it is incorruptible whereas that which we receive in the Eucharist is corruptible and visible And again Christ's natural Body had all the Organical parts of a humane Body and was quickened with a human Soul whereas his body in the Sacrament hath neither he proves that the Words of the Institution are figurative because the Symbols have the Name of the thing signified by them 2. He says expresly That as to the Substance of the Creatures what they were before Consecration they remain after it Bread and Wine they were before Consecration and after it we see they continue Beings of the same kind and nature He denies any natural Change and affirms it to be only spiritual and invisible such as was made of the Manna and Water in the Wilderness into the Body and Blood of Christ. These things are so plainly and frequently asserted in this Book that I must Transcribe the greatest part of it if I would produce all the Passages which are to this Purpose and therefore I cannot but wonder to find Du Pin so far mistake the Questions which are handled by Bertram as he does in the Hist. of the 9th Century where he makes the sense of the first Question to be this Whether the Body and Blood of Christ be in the Eucharist without a Veil so as to appear to our outward Eyes and the meaning of the 2d to be no more than this Whether the Body of Christ be in the same manner in the Eucharist as it was on Earth and is in Heaven and Whether it be there in as visible and palpable a manner for it cannot be supposs'd that ever any Man in his Wits should maintain that the Body of Christ in the Eucharist is visible to our Eyes with all its Lineaments and distinction of Parts and that the Flesh and Bones there are palpable to our hands or that the Body of Christ in the Eucharist is both Earthly and Corruptible as it was upon Earth and Spiritual and Incorruptible as it is now in Heaven These are such wild Imaginations as could never enter into the Mind of any Man of sound Senses and therefore Bertram cannot be suppos'd such a Fool as to confute them seriously with many Arguments and that in a Letter to the Emperor which were no less Ridiculous than if a Man should write a Book on purpose to prove that a Man does not appear visibly in the shape and figure of a Horse or a Mouse like an Elephant The main Question of Bertram's Book then is not as Du Piu puts it Whether the Body of Christ be in the Eucharist in as visible and palpable a manner as when he liv'd upon Earth which I believe was never affirm'd by any either in that Age or any other But Whether in the Sacrament we receive the same Body of Christ which was Born of the Virgin Crucified and Rose again supposing what is agreed on all hands that it is not visibly there and this he flatly denies and plainly disproves in direct opposition to Paschasius and the Doctrin of the present Roman Church He says indeed the Elements are truly Christ's Body and Blood but then he explains himself they are not so as to their sible Nature but by the Power of the Divine Word and then he adds the visible Creature feeds the Body but the Virtue and Efficacy of the Divine Word feeds and sanctifies the Souls of the Faithful From which and many other such like Expressions it plainly appears that he did not believe the Sacrament to be a meer Sign and Figure of Christ's Body and Blood but thought they were Really present not in a Carnal but Spiritual Sense 1 In regard of the Spiritual Virtue and Efficacy of them which by the Divine Blessing is communicated to the Faithful in which sense only they can be profitable to the Soul for the Flesh profits it nothing and if Du Pin contends for the Real Presence only in this sense the Church of England will readily grant it which has taught her Catechumens to say that the Body and Blood of Christ are verily and indeed taken and receiv'd by the Faithful in the Lord's-Supper But if he contends for a Corporal Presence of Christ's Natural Flesh and Blood the Doctrin of Bertram is no less expresly against it than that of the Church of England and the latter may as easily be reconcil'd to Transubstantiation as the former And this I have the longer insisted upon both because most of the Writers of that Age whom we have alledg'd against Transubstantiation follow the Principles and make use of the Arguments and Expressions in Bertram's Book and chiefly because this Book seems to have been the Model by which the first Reformers fram'd this Article of the Eucharist for so Bish●p Ridley who had a great hand in Compiling this Article intimates as we find in the Preface of a Book De Coena Domini Printed at Geneva in 1556. where he says That it was this Book which first put him upon Examining the Old Opinion about the Presence of Christ's very Flesh and Blood by Scripture and Fathers and Converted him from the Errors of the Church of Rome in this Point which is also affirm'd by Dr. Burnet's History of
Church and if not in one Church much more not in two where the distance of the places renders a Man less capable of satisfying his Duty 4. Because this Plurality of Benefices in the same Person took away a great many Members from the Church and deprived it of a great number of Ministers 5. Because it is not Charity but Covetousness and Ambition that made Men desire more Benefices than one 6. He says that it is as impossible that a Man should have two Benefices as that the same Member should assist two Bodies at once or the same Tree be planted in two places He answers an Objection that came naturally in his way namely that seeing there are Livings the Revenues of which are far more considerable than those of others it seemed as allowable to have many little ones with a small Revenue as one great Living which was worth ten or twelve others He says that this Thought proceeds from a false Opinion that one is in Livings only to look upon the Revenue without regarding the Charge and Offices for every Living tho o● never so small Revenues having a particular Office which the Person that enjoys it is oblige● to perform it is irregular to have any more Persons in it than one that the Livings which are not sufficient to maintain one Man either do not require a particular Service or if they do the Revenue of them is augmented by the addition of some other That if any one shall alledg that there are some Livings which do not require residence he is deceived because all Benefices do by their Establishment and Foundation oblige to Residence and that the contrary is nothing but an evil Custom introduced by the Wickedness of the Clergy Lastly he says that if any one pleads against him the Dispensations of the Pope he answers That those are things above him and that if any one throughly considered them he would find them to signify nothing that whatever Virtue the Dispensations which the Pope granted certain Persons to enjoy more Livings than one might have yet he could not dispense with their Covetousness with their Ambition and Greediness he could not grant them Indulgences for their Vices or give leave for such Irregularities nor was it his intention that the temporal Estate of the Church appointed for the entertainment of God's Servants and dedicated to the Lord to be employed in his Service should ever be perverted to the nourishment and maintenance of wicked Men. 'T was upon these Reasons that William of Paris founded that Order which he got passed within a while after he was Bishop by the Doctors of the Faculty of Paris that it should not be allowable to enjoy more than one Living when that was sufficient for the provision and maintenance of one Person which it was supposed then to be when the Revenue amounted to 15 Paris Livres The Sermons abscribed to William of Paris make another part of the second Volume of his Works But there 's some reason to doubt whether they are really his or not rather William Perrault's a Religious of the Order of Preaching Priars of Lions with whose name they are to be seen in some Manuscripts and were printed at Paris in 1494 at Lions in 1567 and at Cologn in 1629 tho in many other Manuscripts and in the Tubingen Edition of 1499 and the Paris one of 1638 they have the name of William Bishop of Paris affixed to them but it is most likely that they by right belong to the former 1. Because they are not in the other's Stile but in a more dry concise and compact one 2. Because the Author of them quotes the Fathers and particularly St. Austin oftner 3. Because they are quoted with the name of William of Lions by William a Dominican of Paris who lived three hundred years ago in a Postille upon the Epistles and Gospels of the year printed at Paris in 1509 and at Strasburg in 1513 and 1521. 4. Because all those that speak of William Perrault ascribe these Sermons to him 5. Because they are full of Passages and Thoughts out of the Holy Scripture the Character which Gerson gives of the Works of William Perrault The Dialogues of the seven Sacraments printed at Leipsick in 1512 and at Lions in 1567 under the name of William of Paris are not certainly his because the Author himself tells us That he took part of his Work from St. Thomas and Peter of Tarentaise which makes me think that it is William the Dominican of Paris's of whom we spake before William of Paris was the Author of many more Books which Trithemius mentions and particularly of Commentaries upon the Psalms upon the Proverbs upon Ecclesiastes upon the Gospel of St. Matthew and upon the Song of Songs of Letters and other Treatises The Commentaries upon the Song of Songs and upon the Proverbs may be seen in Manuscript in the Library of the Abbey of Longpont in the Diocess of Soissons as Oudin tells us who also would have the Commentary upon St. Matthew printed in the Edition of St. Anselm's Works at Cologn in 1630 under the name of that Saint to be William of Paris's notwithstanding that Father Gerberon ascribes them to one Herveus a Monk of the City of Dol and indeed the Author of this Commentary in the 6th Chapter quotes a Treatise which he had written of the Virtues and Vices and William of Paris seems to refer to this Commentary in his Treatise upon the Manners in the 10th Chapter besides that in the Catalogue of Herveus's Writings made by the Monks of his Monastry in the Circular Letter about his Death there 's no mention of this Commentary upon St. Mathew so that what Father Gerberon says of the Commentaries attributed to St. Anselm is to be understood only of the Comment upon St. Paul's Epistles The Stile of this Author is plain intelligible natural and not near so barbarous as that of the greatest part of the Schoolmen of his time yet it hath nothing of a fine delicacy in it He doth not run out upon Metaphysical Notion near so much as the other Divines of his time and particularly keeps close to what concerns Morality Discipline and Piety He sometimes confutes Aristotle and makes use of the Principles and Arguments of Plato He very well understood the Opinions of the profane Philosophers throughly read and digested the Holy Scripture but he was but meanly versed in the Fathers We took notice before that his Works were printed at Venice in 1591 and some years ago there was a new Edition of them printed at Orleans in 1674 which is that that we have here all along followed VINCENT Sirnamed of BEAUVAIS because he lived in that City was a Burgundian Vincent of Beauvais and a Religious of the order of Preaching Friars He undertook in the Reign of St. Louis who was at the expence of it a sort of Encyclopaedia of Science in a great Work intituled The Mirror It is divided
Arch-Bishop of Tours Held a Council at Nants the Tuesday after the Feast of The Council of Nants in 1264. St. Peter and St. Paul and therein made the following Constitutions By the First The Patrons of Livings are prohibited from engaging themselves to give any Benefice which is not yet Vacant By the Second He forbids the diminishing the Number of Monks By the Third He prohibits the Clergy from Hunting By the Fourth He forbids the establishing of Vicaridges By the Fifth He regulates the Treats which ought to be given to Bishops during their Visitation The Sixth is against the Clergy who are not resident or hold Pluralities The Seventh exempts the Clergy from paying Taxes The Eighth prohibits the Ecclesiastical Judges from citing by Virtue of an Extraordinary Power any Persons to Places of no Note and from citing before them any more than four Persons by Virtue of the Clause Et quidam alii The Ninth imports That Provision shall be made for Ecclesiasticks against Laicks The Decrees of Engelbert Arch-Bishop of Cologne in the Year 1266. ENgelbert Arch-Bishop of Cologne publish'd on the 10th of May 1266 Forty five Canons about The Decrees of Engelbert in 1266. the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction against those who assaulted the Persons of Clergy-men who drew them before Secular Judges who hinder'd them in the Exercise of their Jurisdiction who violated the Rights and Immunities of the Churches seiz'd upon their Goods or kept back the Tithes against Excommunicated Persons who slighted the Excommunication or Interdiction c. These Decrees were ratified by Henry Arch-Bishop of Cologne in the Council which he held in the Year 1322. The Council of Vienna in Austria in the Year 1267. Guy Cardinal Legate in Germany held a Council at Vienna in Austria consisting of Six Bishops The Council of Vienna in 1267. on the 10th of May 1267 wherein he publish'd Twenty one Heads for the Reforming the Discipline of the Churches of Prague and Saltzburg In the First He orders the Clerks to live and be choath'd Clerically In the Second He enjoyns the Bishops not to be any Charge to their Inferior Clergy in their Visitations By the Third He recommends Continency to the Clergy and orders the Punishing of those who kept Concubines The Fourth and Fifth are against those who offer any Violence to the Persons or Estates of Church-men The Sixth is against those who hold Pluralities without a Dispensation The Seventh is against Laicks who are in Possession of Tithes The Eighth is against Usurers The Ninth is against the Clerks who oppose by force the Correction of their Superiors and against Patrons who bestow Benefices on Persons under the Age of Eighteen The Tenth is against those who Seize on the Goods of the Church during the Vacancy The Eleventh imports That the Lay-Patrons shall not institute into Benefices but only the Ordinaries The Twelfth That the Curates are oblig'd to Actual and Personal Residence on their Benefices The Thirteenth orders the Bishop of Prague and the Bishops of the Province of Saltzburg to Visit the Monasteries of the Black-Friars being attended with the Monks of the Order of Cisteaux The Fourteenth prohibits the Abbots from Consecrating Chalices Patins and from Blessing the Holy Vestments and from performing any of the Episcopal Functions The Five last are about the Jews The Council of London in the Year 1268. OTtobon Cardinal Legate of the Holy See in England Held a Council at London in the Year 1268 The Council of London 1268. wherein he Publish'd Fifty four Decrees upon several Points of Church-Discipline The First contains an Instruction about the Sacrament of Baptism The Second forbids the demanding any thing for the Administration of the Sacraments and prescribes the Form of Absolution The Third orders That the Churches shall be Consecrated The Fourth prohibits the Clergy from bearing Arms. The Fifth is about the manner how Clerks are to be Habited The Sixth and Seventh prohibit them from being Advocates or Judges in Secular Causes The Eighth renews the Laws against the Clerks who keep Concubines The Ninth orders those that are Advanc'd to Benefices with the Cure of Souls to take Priests Orders forthwith and to be Resident The Tenth and Eleventh relate to the Collation of Benefices to the Qualifications requisite in Persons who are to be Presented to them and fix Penalties on Intruders who get themselves to be Presented to a Benefice before 't is Vacant The Twelfth prohibits the dividing a Benefice into several and the Imposition of new Pensions The Thirteenth denounces Excommunication against the Clergy who shall Violate the Sanctuary of Churches The Fourteenth is against those who obstruct the Celebration of Matrimony The Fifteenth relates to Last Wills and Testaments and obliges the Executor to renounce the Right which he has to Plead in his Jurisdiction The Sixteenth prohibits Patrons from retaining the Fruits of Vacant Benefices if they have not a Right to it by some acquir'd Title or by Ancient Custom The Seventeenth imports That the Chaplains of Chappels granted without prejudicing the Rights of Parish-Churches shall be bound to give to the Curates the Offerings which are made in those Chappels The Eighteenth enjoins the Benefic'd Clergy to keep the Buildings of their Benefices in Repair and if they do it not it allows the Bishops to see that it be done at their Cost and Charges The Nineteenth prohibits the demanding the Duty of Procuration unless they actually Visit and renews the Canon of the Fourth General Lateran Council upon that subject The Twentieth prohibits the Arch-Deacons from taking Money for a scandalous and Notorious Offence and from exchanging a Canonical Penalty for a Pecuniary Mulct The Twenty first prohibits the Leasing out of Ecclesiastical Dignities Benefices or Offices The Twenty second declares The Bishops oblig'd to Residence both by Divine and Ecclesiastical Laws The Twenty third prohibits the Bishops from granting a Church of their Diocess to another Bishop or to a Monastery if it be not out of Charity and to relieve a very poor Church The Twenty fourth imports That the Goods of those who die Intestate shall be converted to Pious Uses The Four next Canons concern the Judiciary Forms The Twenty ninth orders That when Absolution shall be given from Censures it shall be Publish'd The Thirtieth relates to the Collating of Benefices and prohibits Pluralities The Thirty first prohibits Commendams The Thirty second declares the Presentations of Benefic●● made to Persons who already have Benefices which oblige them to Residence to be Null and Void The Thirty third To hinder Collusion in Resignations of Benefices prohibits the restoring a Benefice to him who has Resign'd it The Thirty fourth declares All the Compacts made for the Presentations of Benefices and the Pensions newly impos'd to be Null The Thirty fifth prohibits the holding of Markets or exercising any other Trade in Churches The Thirty sixth orders Processions and Solemn Prayers for the Peace of the Kingdom and of the Holy Land
and such as obtain them shall enter into Holy Orders The 13th That Priests shall celebrate their first Mass within three Months after their Ordination and afterw●…s as often as they can at least once a Year The 14th That ●…ates shall teach the form of Baptism three times a Year to their Parishioners The 15th prescribes a Form of Confession to be used at the Introites of the Mass. The 16th That the Clergy shall Fast and give Alms three Days before they hold Provincial Councils The 17th Renews the Punishment against Detainers of Ecclesiastical Revenues The 18th Excommunicates the Secular and Regular Clergy which keep back the Profits which belong to the Table of Bishops Monasteries or Chapters The 19th forbids to pronounce the Sentences of Interdict or Excommunication for mere Money-matters The 20th recalls the Permissions given Monks to publish and preach Indulgences The Council of Ravenna in 1317. The Council of Ravenna in 1317. LAstly This Archbishop who always applied himself to his Duty and Reformation of Discipline called a Council at Ravenna Octob. 27. 1317. in which he confirmed the two former and published new Rules in 22 Articles He orders in the First that Bishops should appoint Stewards to manage the Revenues of Vacant Churches The 2d orders That no Man shall enter into the Ministry of the Church who has not received his Mission from the Bishop The 3d. That those who have gotten Benefices shall enter into Holy Orders within a Year as their Benefices require The 4th renews the Rules concerning the Habits and Conversation of Clergymen and imposes Pecuniary Mulcts upon such as shall contradict them The 5th forbids receiving a Canon of a Cathedral or a Monk out of a Monastery without the Special License of the Ordinary The 6th That none shall be received into a Monastery upon the Credit of Lay-men The 7th That Notice shall be given to the Metropolitan of Ravenna what Benefices are faln to him The 8th That the Number of the Canons of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches shall be regulated if not already done and the Number reduced to a proportion of the Revenues The 9th is against Beneficed Persons that do not reside The 10th orders That there be daily Distributions in Cathedral Churches and One Table for the Canons The 11th concerns the Taxes and Impositions that Churches ought to bear The 12th appoints that the Glergy be present at Solemn Masses and that Private Masses shall not begin in the Churches till the solemn One is finished The 13th forbids Archbishops Provosts and inferiour Bishops the Knowledge Instruction or Judgment of what concerns the Persons of Clergymen The 14th forbids all Christians to lett out their Houses to the Jews The 15th lays down divers Cautions to prevent Usury The 16th ordains that the Restitutions of such Goods as the Owners are not known shall be made by the Bishops Order and they shall be obliged in their Wills to specifie the Cause of such Legacies The 17th forbids Clergymen or Monks to Hunt The 18th ordains That Clergymen taken carrying Arms committing any Crime shall be put into the hands of the Bishop without defaming Reflections on them The 19th That only One Punishment shall be inflicted for One Crime The 20th leaves it to the Liberty of the Bishops to dispense with the Age and Qualifications which such as are to be ordained ought to have by the Canons of the former Councils provided that the Persons whom they ordain be capable The 21st imposes a Punishment upon the Chapters who do not give notice of the Death of their Bishop to the Bishops of the Province The 22d gives the Ordinaries a Power to Absolve such as offend against the Rules of this Council but this Archbishop reserved for the future the Punishment of the Breakers of the Canons to himself and the Power to moderate or interpret the Laws of these Councils And by virtue of this Power he added two Articles to these 22 Rules In one of them he allows the Nuns to speak through a Lattice to Persons not Suspicious and in the second he sets down a Table of the Dues which Notaries and Secretaries ought to take The Council of Paris in 1314. The Council of Paris in 1314. PHILIP de MARIGNY Archbishop of Sens celebrated a Council of the Bishops of his Province at Paris on Tuesday before the Translation of S. Nicholas in 1314. and four days after in which he published three Rules The 1st appoints That the Curates should admonish such as unjustly detain the Goods of their Churches to restore them and if they do not do it to Excommunicate them The 2d That Ecclesiastical Judges shall no longer grant General Citations in these terms Summon all those whom the Bearer of these Presents shall appoint c. and if they do grant any they shall be of none effect The 3d. That no Person shall be Summoned for having kept Company with an Excommunicate Person unless the Person cited has been admonished first and unless the Person that requires the Citation will Swear that he knows that the Persons he would have cited have knowingly accompanied with Excommunicate Persons in the Cases which are not permitted by the Law The Council of Saumur in 1315. The Council of Saumur in 1315. THIS Council was held by JEFFREY de la HEYE Archbishop of Tours and made up of the Bishops and Abbots of his Province In it were published four Canons The First orders That all those Laymen which hereafter shall detain any Ecclesiastical Goods shall be Excommunicated and those who have held them for 40 Years past shall be thrice admonished to restore them and if they do not do it they shall be Excommunicated The 2d declares all those ipso f●ct● Excommunicated who hinder the Execution of Ecclesiastical Judgments and lays an Interdict upon the Lands of those Lords whose Bailiffs Stewards or other Judges make Attempts upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction The 3d. forbids Arch-Deacons and others entrusted with the Examination of such Clerks as are ordained or provided of Benefices to take any thing of them upon Pain of Suspension if they are Priests or Excommunication if they are not The 4th says That Land cannot be interdicted before any thing is ordained against the Person of the Lord or Bailiff and reserves to Bishops the Absolutions of Excommunications and the taking of the Interdicts imposed by this Council The Council of Nogarol in 1315. The Council of Nogarol in 1315. AMANAEUS d'ARMAGNAC Archbishop of Ausche held a Council of his Province in 1315. at Nogarol in which he published five Rules The 1st forbids under Pain of Excommunication Temporal Lords to invade the Goods of Vacant Churches The 2d declares the Children of such as have contributed to lay Taxes upon the Clergy incapable of receiving Holy Orders to the 4th Generation and deprives their Family of Christian Burial The 3d. forbids to deny the Sacrament of Penance to Persons Executed at their Death The 4th Excommunicates
scarce begun but it was put off to another time Gregory XII and John XXIII held to that which was decreed in the Council the former The Sequel of the Council died at Recanati even before the Council was ended the second having brib'd his Guards with Mony deliver'd himself out of Prison and came to Florence to cast himself at the Feet of Martin V. and implore his Mercy The Pope receiv'd him very courteously made him Cardinal and Dean of the Sacred College and gave him a Place more eminent than the rest He enjoy'd but a little while this Consolation for within six Months after being weary of leading a private Life he died at Florence where a sumptuous Funeral was made for him There remain'd now only Benedict XIII who was shut up in the Castle of Paniscole where he The obstinacy of Benedict XIII preserv'd still the Name and the Ensigns of the Papal Dignity being accompanied with four Cardinals Martin V. sent the Cardinal of St. Eusebe a Florentine his Legat in Arragon to enjoin him under the Penalty of Ecclesiastical Censures to resign The Cardinals that were with him remonstrated to him That he ought to do it for the Benefit of the Peace He answer'd them after his usual manner That he would personally confer with his Competitor to see what he would do about it Upon this Answer two of his Cardinals forsook him and there remain'd only two with him whereof one was a Carthusian and the other was call'd Julian of Obla Then all Spain acknowledg'd Martin the Scots quickly follow'd the Example and at last the Subjects of the Count of Armagnac so that all the Authority of Benedict was confin'd to the Castle of Panischole Nevertheless some time after King Alphonsus being exasperated against Martin the Pope because he had invested Louis III. Duke of Anjou in the Kingdom of Naples had a mind to revive the Pretensions of Benedict and sent an Ambassador to the Council which was to be held at Siena to endeavour that Benedict might be own'd and Martin rejected which was one Cause wherefore Martin put off the Council to another time At last Benedict dying in his Contumacy in the The death of Benedict Year 1424. the Cardinals that remain'd about him chose for Pope Gillio de Munian a Canon of Barcelona a Spaniard who took upon him the Name of Clement VII created Cardinals and did all the Acts of a Pope But some time after Martin V. having accommodated the Difference The Election of Clement VII with the King of Arragon and appointed the Cardinal of Foix for his Legat in Spain Clement was forc'd to resign into his Hands all his pretended Rights and that he might do it with some Show of Germany that he would refer the Choice of it to the Pope's Legates Philibert Bishop of The Openi●g of the Council of Pavia and i●s Translation to Siena Amiens said as much in the name of the Deputies from France who were six in number Richard Bishop of Lincoln consented to it also in behalf of those from England who were a much greater number and declar'd That for the present he would approve of that place which should be chosen by the Legates There were no Deputies from the Nation of Spain nor any other Italians but the Pope's Legates The next Day Andrew Bishop of Posnania having said Mass the Archbishop of Toledo read a Writing which contain'd That the General Council being lawfully Assembled at Pavia chang'd this City because of the Pestilence which was there and in its room made choice of the City of Siena as a place fit and sufficient for the Continuation of this Council The Archbishop of Crete answer'd in the name of the Nation of Italy That he lik'd it well altho' he had no Power over it The Deputies of the Nations of Germany and England consented also to it There is nothing said of what was done by those of the French Nation but only 't is observ'd That they had not seen the Writing which was read by the Bishop of Posnania By Vertue of this Decree the Council was adjourn'd to Siena by the same Prelats and The Council b●gun at Siena some others who came thither They began there with making a Decree wherein they renew'd the Penalties of Law against those who should give any assistance to the Wiclevites and Hussites and a Plenary Indulgence was granted to all those that would prosecute them and labour to ruin this Heresie By a second Decree the Sentence of Condemnation was confirmed that had been given in the Council of Constance against Peter de Luna and the Fault of all those was aggravated who should continue or maintain the Schism after his Death By a third Decree the Ordinaries and Inquisitors were enjoin'd diligently to intend the seizing condemnation and punishing of Hereticks or their Favourers under the pain of Suspension for four Months in case of Negligence Afterwards the Affair of the Greeks was treated of in the Council and the Relation of the Embassy of Antony Massanus was read there the Proposals he had made to the Emperor of the Greeks and the Answer that was given to them Before the Council took any Resolution in this Affair and consider'd of the Reformation of the Church which had been propos'd Martin V. fearing lest the Ambassador of the King of Arragon should attempt something against him and lest the Council should make Orders about the Reformation contrary to the Interest of the Court of Rome contriv'd to adjourn the Council to another Time and Place under pretence of the small number of Prelats that were come to the Council of the Wars wherewith the Emperor was distracted and the Disputes which had been between the Prelats of the Council Pope Martin had given a Power to his Legates to translate the Council with the Advice of The Dissolution of the Council ●t Siena and the Appointment of that of Basil. the Prelats By Vertue of this Power they resolv'd to put an end to the Council at Siena and to appoint another and caus'd some Deputies of Nations to be nam'd to agree about the place These Deputies after many Debates made choice of the City of Basil for holding the Council seven Years after according to a Decree of the Council of Constance by their Consultation on the 19th of February 1424. which was afterwards approv'd in full Council First by the Pope's Legates and after them by the principal Prelats of each Nation except the Archbishop of Toledo who would not consent to it in behalf of his Nation because as he said he had no Power but only as Archbishop and Primate of Spain This design'd Dissolution of the Council displeas'd the greatest part of the Prelats who complain'd loudly That the Pope hindred the Reformation of the Church which oblig'd his Legates to Protest That by this Translation the Council of Sienna should not be accounted wholly dissolv'd but that the Presidents
us'd by the Ancients the Twenty fourth wherein he describes very pleasantly a Property he had of smelling an Evil Scent in Pestilential Places the Twenty seventh wherein he treats Leamedly of the Causes of the Pest the Thirty ninth wherein he relates two Stories which had been told him by a Man whom he met in a Journey one about an Assassination discover'd in an extraordinary manner and the other of a Wild ●nd Hairy Man taken in a Forest the Sixty first wherein he relates a Story of a visible Judgment upon a wicked Wretch This Author is no whit inferiour to the Ancients for Eloquence and Nobleness of Thought and as to the Purity of his Words and the Chasteness of his Latin Style he does even surpass them His Discourse is adorn'd with the Natural Ornaments of true Eloquence without Affectation and abounds in choice Words rich Thoughts and happy Applications of the Passages of Sacred and Prophane Authors It is a little too Luxuriant in his Declamations and too Biting in his Satyrs but it is pleasant in his Descriptions polish'd in his Na●artives full in his Instructions earnest in his Exhortations and wise in his Advices In fine whatever may be said of him he will always pass in any Age whatsoever for an Author worthy to be read and valued Gerard Machet after he had studied in the College of Navar towards the end of the preceeding Gerard Machet Bishop of Castres Century took a Doctor 's Degree in 1411. He was promoted some time after to a Canonry in the Church of Paris and discharg'd the Office of Vice-Chancellor in the absence of Gerson and in this Quality he was appointed by the University to harangue the Emperor Sigismund as he pass'd through France Charles VII made choice of him for his Confessor and gave him the Bishoprick of Castres He wrote many Letters which are found in Manuscript in the Church of St. Martin at Tours whereof Monsieur Launoy speaks in his History of the College of Navar and has given us the Titles of the Chief of them but he has drawn nothing from them very remarkable as to Ecclesiastical Matters John de Courtecuisse in Latin Brevicoxa born in the Country of Mayence was admitted in John de Courtecuisse Bishop of Geneva the Year 1367. into the College of Navar where he took the Degree of Doctor in 1388. and after that was one of the Ambassadors from King Charles VI. to the Popes Benedict and Boniface for obtaining the Peace of the Church He was afterwards of the Opinion of the Substraction and made a Discourse in 1408. against the Interdict under which the Kingdom was laid by Benedict for which he was rewarded with the Office of Almoner to the King He perform'd the Duty of Chancellor to the University of Paris in the absence of Gerson and was afterwards chosen Bishop of Paris in 1420 But because he was not acceptable to the King of England who was then Master of that City he could not continue in the Possession of the Bishoprick but was forc'd to hide himself in the Monastery of St. Germain Despres and chose rather to quit Paris and go to Geneva whereof he had been made Bishop in the Year 1422. than submit to the Domineering of the English The Year of his Death is not certainly known His Works are not yet come to Light Those which are found in Manuscript are as follow A Treatise of the Power of the Church and the Council in the Bibliotheque of St. Victor A French Version of a Treatise about the Vertues of Seneca in the King's Library Divers Questions of Theology and Lectures upon many places of the Gospel in the Libraries of St. Victor and of the Church of Paris John of Lignano a Lawyer of Milan wrote a Book upon the Clementines and divers other Treatises of Ecclesiastical and Civil Law which are to be found in the Collection of Law-Treatises John of Lignano a Lawyer Printed at Venice in 1584. Among the rest there is a Treatise of Friendship a Treatise of the Plurality of Benefices a Treatise of Ecclesiastical Censures a Treatise of the Canonical Hours a Treatise of the Ecclesiastical Interdict and some Explications of the Three first Books of the Decretals He flourish'd at the beginning of the Fifteenth Century Rainaldus has publish'd at the end of the Seventeenth Tome of his Annals a Treatise of this Learned Lawyer in behalf of Urban VI. wherein he defends the Election of that Pope Nicholas Biart an English-man of the Order of Friars Predicant flourish'd at the beginning of the Fifteenth Century and wrote some Sermons some Moral Distinctions and a Sum about Nicholas Biart a Dominican Abstinence Works which are to be met with in Manuscript in England Adrian the Carthusian a Fleming flourish'd at the beginning of this Century and wrote in imitation of Petrarch a Treatise of the Remedies of both Fortunes Printed at Colen in Adrian the Carthusian 1471. Thomas Abbot of St. Andrew at Verceil of the Order of St. Benedict according to some and according to others Canon-Regular wrote a Commentary upon the Books attributed to Thomas Abbot of St. Andrew at Verceilles St. Denis the Areopagite Printed at Colen in 1526. with the Commentary of Denis the Carthusian upon the same Books There is also attributed to him a Commentary in Manuscript upon the Canticles He flo●…sh'd according to some at the beginning of this Century and according to others in the Thirteenth John Petit a Licentiate in Theology of the Faculty of Paris of the Order of Friars Minors John Petit Friar Minor being a Mercenary Soul had the Impudence to maintain by word of Mouth and by Writing the Assassination of the Duke of Orleans in the Year 1407. by Order of the Duke of Burgundy whose Creature this Regular was He being condemn'd for this and driven away from the University of Paris retir'd to Hesdin where he died in 1411. He wrote besides this Treatise which was burnt at Paris another Book about Schism and some Questions which are to be met with in Manuscript in the Library of St. Victor At the same time a Regular of the Order of Friars Predicant call'd Martin Poree undertook to defend the same Cause and wrote a Treatise upon the same Subject for which he was Martin Poree Bishop of Arras rewarded with the Bishoprick of Arras This Treatise is to be found in Manuscript in the Library of the College of Navar together with the Answer Poree was one of the Ambassadors from the Duke of Burgundy to the Council of Constance and afterwards made a Journy into England He died September the 6th 1426. There was towards the end of the Pontificat of Boniface IX an English Writer nam'd Paul a Doctor in Law who wrote about the Year 1404. a Treatise Entitled A Mirror of the Pope Paul an English Doctor in Law and his Court by way of Dialogue wherein he writes against the Abuses