Whether the account of the Olympiake yeares be a certaine direction for the vnderstanding of Daniels weekes 1. Here are three opinions to be discussed 1. Some as the Hebrewes doe vtterly reiect the Greekes Olympiads making no account of them 2. Some doe make them the onely helpe and key to vnlocke the shut vp and hid meaning of Daniels weekes Liuely p. 36. So Bullinger certissimae sunt omnium supputationes quae fiunt per Olympiades the supputations made by the Olympiades are of all other most certaine c. and Pererius calleth it chronologiam omnium certissimam the chronologie of all other most certaine 3. But the meane opinion betweene these is the best that there is small certaintie in the Olympiades concerning the Persian Monarchie though for the Greeke affaires that computation may safely be receiued and this is the iudgement of M. Calvin hoc non potest certo trahi ad imperium Persarum this computation by the Olympike yeares howsoeuer it may serue for the Grecians yet it cannot be applyed to the Persian Empire to know therby at what time the kings of Persia beganne and ended their raigne c. So the Olympike reckoning in part is to be receiued in part it is so small certaintie 1. Conceruing the first of these opinions that no respect is at all to be had to the Olympiake yeares which is the fansie of the Hebrewes it is vtterly to be misliked for after the ende of the propheticall writings the Scriptures beeing altogether silent what direction will they haue especially for forren histories Oecolampadius here resolueth well that after the citie Ierusalem was repaired iam desicientibus Prophetis cum Malachia Ezra 〈◊〉 Prophets then ending with Malachie and Ezra there is no credit to be giuen vnto the Hebrewes in the supputation of their yeares 2. Neither is the second opinion generally to be receiued that the computation of this time is altogether to be directed and in a manner ouerruled by the Olympiake reckoning Here first the arguments shall be examined which are brought for the certaine authoritie of the Olympiads and then some contrarie reasons shall be produced to shewe the inualiditie of them 1. As touching the names and number of the Persian kings that the certaintie thereof may be gathered from the Greeks it is thus argued because many excellent writers and learned men Philosophers and Historiographers liued vnder the kings of Persia and knew their affaires as the seuen wisemen of Greece Thales Solon Chilon Pittacus Bias Cleobulus Periander liued in the time of Cyrus Pythagoras Zenophanes Anaximander Heraclitus with others flourished vnder Cambyses and Darius Socrates Thucidides Euripides vnder Artaxerxes Beside the courts of the Persian kings were frequented by many noble Grecians as by Hippias Demaratus Miltiades and therefore the names and number of the Persian kings was well knowne to them of Greece thus M. Liuely from pag. 43. to pag. 46. But this is no sufficient argument for the matter in question 1. It followeth not though these learned Philosophers and historians liued in the time of the Persian kings and some of them frequented their Courts that therefore they had a certaine knowledge of them all These kings of Persia with whom the Grecians had to doe were knowne vnto them but neither all of them nor yet to all those forenamed Philosophers and writers were they exactly knowne 2. An euident instance hereof may be giuen in Xenophon who writeth that Cyrus died in his bed and made a wise exhortation to his children whereas it is generally receiued that he was slaine by Tomyris as Iustine writeth 3. And though the name and number of the Persian kings had beene knowne to the Grecians yet the yeares of their raigne they much regarded not because they beeing a vaine-glorious nation followed their owne Olympike reckoning 2. Now for the truth and certaintie of the Olympiads one demonstration is taken from the time when Cyrus beganne his raigne which was in the 55. Olympiad from whence to the 114. Olympiad when Alexander died are counted 236. yeares whereof 6. yeares must be allowed to the Empire of Alexander after he ouercame Darius so M. Liuely pag. 48. and Pererius lib. 11. quest 2. But this demonstration may be thus excepted against 1. Clemens Alexand. placeth the destruction of the temple which was in the 19. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar in the last yeare of the 47. Olympiad lib. 1. stromat the 55. Olympiad followeth iust 30. yeares after if then Cyrus beganne to raigne how shall the 70. yeares of the Babylonian captiuitie be made vp which beganne in the 8. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar with the captiuitie of Iechoniah or if we beginne the captiuitie in the 4. yeare when Nebuchadnezzar tooke Ierusalem in the raigne of Iehoiachim 2. king 24. 2. there will not arise by this account 50. yeares in all for the captuitie 2. Pererius beginneth the first Olympiad in the 8. yeare of the raigne of Ahaz and yet some beginne the Olympiads in the 2. yeare of Iotham who raigned 16. yeares that is 23. yeares before that Bullinger then cannot Cyrus raigne be referred to the 55. Olympiad for the distance betwene the 1. and 55. Olympiad maketh 216. yeares but there onely were expired 205. yeares as it may be thus gathered from the 8. yeare of Ahaz vnto the 11. yeare of Iehoiachim when Iechonias captiuitie began are an 135. yeares and from thence to Cyrus 70. yeares which make 205. yeares then must the beginning of Cyrus raigne be pulled backe an 11. yeares from the 55. Olympiad to the 2. of the 52. Olympiad 3. An other demonstration is taken from comparing the Olympike yeares with the building of Rome M. Liuely out of Dyonisius Halycarnasseus his 5. booke alleadgeth that the 31. yeare of Darius Hystaspis concurred with the 72. Olympiad and 262. yeare of Rome This account is iust if we begin the Olympiads in the second yeare of Iotham for Rome is held to haue beene builded in the first of the 7. Olympiad which was in the tenth yeare of Achaz but Pererius bringeth the 7. Olympiad to the sixteenth yeare of Hezekiah 23. years after so that by his reckoning the 31. of Darius shall fall out 23. yeares later about the 4. yeare of the 77. Olympiad And further how well the Greeke Olympiads and the yeares of the bonding of Rome agree together appeareth by the dissension of writers in what Olympiad Rome should first be founded Timeus Siculus thinketh that Rome was built at the same time that Carthage was in Africa by the Tyrians which was 38. yeare before the first Olympiad Titus Liuius Clemens Alexandrinus and Solinus set the building of Rome in the 4. yeare of the 6. Olympiad Pomponius Atticus Cicero Plinie with others in the 3. yeare of the same Olympiad Dyonisius Halycarnass Eratosthenes Theophilus Antiochenus in the 1. yeare of the 7. Olympiad Polybius Diod. Siculus in the 2. yeare of the 7. Olympiad Q. Fabius an ancient writer of the Romane
HEXAPLA IN DANIELEM THAT IS A SIX-FOLD COMMENTARIE vpon the most diuine prophesie of DANIEL wherein according to the method propounded in HEXAPLA vpon Genesis and Exodus sixe things are obserued in euery Chapter 1. The Argument and Method 2. The diuers readings 3. The Questions discussed 4. Doctrines noted 5. Controversies handled 6. Morall observations applyed Wherein many obscure visions and diuine Prophesies are opened and difficult questions handled with great breuitie perspicuitie and varietie which are summed to the number of 536. beside the Controversies 134. in the Table in the end of the booke and the best Interpreters both old and new are therein abridged Diuided into two bookes the first containing the historicall part of this Prophesie in the 6. first Chapters the propheticall in the 6. last By ANDREVV WILLET Professour of Diuinitie THE FIRST BOOKE Ezek. 28. 3. Behold thou art wiser then Daniel there is no secret that they can hide from thee Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1610 TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN RIGHT NOBLE MOST excellent and mightie Prince IAMES by the grace of God KING of great BRITTAIN France and Ireland Defender of the true Christian Faith c. THat which PLATO saw but in contemplation that Commonwealths should be then happie when either Philosophers gouerned them or the gouernours became Philosophers we see by Gods goodnes now brought into action your Christian Maiestie beeing not onely a princely Patron of humane learning and Philosophie but a peerelesse professor of Theologie King HENRIE the eight your Highnes noble predecessor in the royall Diademe of this Imperiall Kingdom for writing against Luther in defense of the Papal religion had giuen vnto him the Title of Defensor Fidei but that princely Epithete is more due vnto your Maiestie who both by your penne and sword doe vphold and maintaine the truth that the saying of Ambrose of the Emperour GRATIAN may be worthily spoken of your Maiestie You wrote not an whole Epistle onely as he saith but whole Bookes with your owne hand that the very letters doe proclaime your faith and pietie This your diuine fauour vnto Religion and princely exercise in writing hath emboldened me diuers times heretofore to present my Commentaries vpon certaine bookes of the Scripture vnto your sacred hands and your gracious acceptance of them hath emboldened me also to exhibite this Worke vnto your princely view Here in all humble dutie I doe offer a Treatise and explanation of the most difficult booke of the Old Testament the Prophesie of DANIEL what I haue performed therein and especially in the vnfolding of Daniels 70. weekes the Worke it selfe shall testifie I trust that by this my trauell that which seemed before obscure will appeare plaine and easie and the depth which would before haue taken vp an Elephant will affoard footing for a lamb Hierome saith A prophesie is obscure because it is said at one time and seene at an other But now we see that which the Prophet said and so that which was wrapped vp in obscuritie is now fulfilled in historie These my labours I most humbly submit to your princely iudgement and direction and your MAIESTIE with bended knees of my heart I commend vnto the diuine and highest protection Your Maiesties most humble Subiect ANDREVV WILLET THE PREFACE TO THE Christian Reader AVGVSTINE thus wrote to a friend of his excusing the prolixitie of his Preface Scio me non esse oneri tibi si prolixum aliquod mitto quia legendo diutiùs sis nobiscum I know I am not burthensome vnto you if I send you any prolix writing because you are so much the longer with me But I will forbeare by any long or tedious Preface to keepe the Reader in suspence though if I should I presume of his courtesie that he would vouchsafe it the reading The length of the Worke doth make me more short in the Preface a smal entrance in may serue to a large house and the greatest cities haue not the greatest gates I shall not neede in many words to shew the excellent vse of this prophecie of Daniel nor what I haue performed in it the generall Questions set before the Booke shall satisfie the Reader in the one and the worke it selfe shall speake for the other I haue gathered together the best things and most worthie of obseruation out of writers both old and new both Protestants and others that the Reader may in few houres finde that which I was many weekes in setting together for here I say and professe with Hierome Operis est studij mei multos legere vt ex plurimis diversos flores carperem non tam probaturus omnia quam bona electurus assumo multos in manus vt à multis multa cognoscam It is mine endeauour and studie to read many and out of sundrie to take diuerse floures not to that ende to approoue all but to sort out the best I take many into mine hands that from many I may know much and impart to others that which I know In the reading of this Booke let the Reader take these directions I haue followed the same course which I propounded vnto my selfe in other Commentaries as the title of the booke sheweth But I thought it best to set downe the whole text for more plainenesse and perspicuitie and not the diuers Readings onely wherein C. standeth for Chalde H. for the Hebrew L. for the Latine S. for the Septuagint P. for Pagnine A. for Arias Montanus V. for Vatablus B. for the great English Bible G. the Geneva translation I. for Iunius det is put for detract add for adding The Authors names which are cited in this Booke are summed in the Epistle set before the second part thereof If by these my trauels I may profit the Church of God I haue my desire it is mine onely terrene reward and encouragement if my poore labours may finde acceptance other rewards they sooner carie that labour not then they which labour as the Poet sometime complained that he made the verses and other had the honour As for my selfe I finde by experience that saying of Augustine most true In eo quod amatur aut non labor autur aut labor ipse amatur in that which one delighteth in either there is no labour at all or the labour it selfe is loued and it giueth me encouragement that I am not in the number of them of whome our blessed Sauiour saith Receperunt mercedem suam they haue receiued their reward God graunt vs all faithfully to labour in our vocations in this life that we may receiue our euerlasting reward in heauen with Christ our blessed Lord and onely Sauiour to whome be praise for euer THE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL EXPLANED Generall observations vpon the whole Booke 1. The summe argument parts and contents of the whole Prophesie IN this heauenly prophesie of Daniel is set forth in generall Gods fatherly
gift were especially called and sent to that ende to prophesie and in this sense onely the Iewes hold neither Dauid nor Daniel to be Prophets 2. Theoderet doth simply reprehend the Iewes for denying Daniel to be a Prophet and this booke to be any of the propheticall writings so also Iunius affirmeth that the Iewes denie this booke to be counted among the Hagiographa or holy writings 3. But the truth is as Polanus setteth it downe that the Elder Iewes did acknowledge this booke to be authenticall and canonicall and equall in authoritie to the booke of the Psalmes the Prouerbs of Salomon the Lamentations of Ieremie and diuerse of them haue written commentaries vpon this booke as R. Salomon R. Leui Ben Gerson R. Abraham Aben Ezra R. Saadia with others but the later Rabbines doe denie the booke of Daniel to be authenticall and therefore seldome reade it as he speaketh of his owne experience how diuerse Rabbines in Moravia whose helpe he vsed did confesse that they seldome did reade the prophesie of Daniel the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this because Daniel doth so euidently point out the time of the Messiah his comming 4. But this errour of the Iewes in reiecting this prophesie of Daniel may thus further be refuted 1. The bookes which are called Hagiographa holy writings were of three sorts either they are taken for those bookes which were laid vp by the Arke and had the miraculous extraordinary approbation by the Vrim and Thummim other visible demonstrations or for such canonicall books which though they had not that allowance being written after the captiuitie when those visible monuments of the Arke the Vrim and Thummim ceased yet were written by the spirit of God and commended to his Church and thirdly those bookes were called holy writings which were not made of Canonicall authoritie but onely preferred before other humane writings and receiued of the Church into some higher order though not made equall to the the Scriptures Now though the prophesie of Daniel be not of the first sort yet that it is authenticall and canonicall of the second it thus may appeare The authoritie then of this booke is set forth by testimony both internall and externall the externall is either diuine or humane the diuine essentiall or accidentall the humane is either Ecclesiasticall and domesticall or forraine or prophane these further shall thus be declared in their order 1. The internall testimonie est spiritus testificatio the inward witnesse of the spirit which cleareth our vnderstanding that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Diuine prophesie of Daniel by the which he wrote it 2. The Diuine externall testimonie which is called essentiall is consensio cum diuino canone the agreement which this prophesie hath with the rest of the Scriptures and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimonie of Christ Matth. 24. 15. 3. The Accidentall is à signis euentis from the signes which God ioyned with the prophesie as Daniels interpretation of dreames and his preseruation from the lyons c. 6. The euents were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophesies conteined in this booke as all histories which doe write of these Kingdomes doe beare record and where these two doe concurre with the truth of doctrine namely the signes and euents they are diligently to be regarded Deut. 17. 4. The Ecclesiasticall testimonie is the consent of Gods Church and generall approbation of the seruants and worshippers of God which though it be not so forcible to perswade vs as the former yet it is a good motion and inducement ioyned with the rest hereunto may be added that testimonie of Iosephus that all the bookes which were written vnto the time of Artaxerxes were of diuine authoritie 5. The forraine testimonie is the authoritie and allowance which this booke found euen among the Heathen as is euident in that a great part of this prophesie is written in the Chalde tongue which sheweth that the truth thereof was euen euident to the Chaldeans Iunius And here may be remembred how laddus the high Priest shewed Daniels prophesie vnto Alexander the great and by name that vision c. 8. how the goate which signified the Grecians ouercame the ramme which betokened the Persian Monarchie as Iosephus reporteth whereupon this booke was had in great admiration of Alexander Quest. 12. Of the difficultie and obscuritie of this prophesie Pererius giueth these foure reasons and causes thereof 1. Because diuerse things are otherwise reported of forraine historiographers then they are remembred in this booke as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King vpon the earth whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares who raigned about that time among the Medes c. 5. Balthazar is said to be depriued both of life and kingdom by Darius king of the Medes whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus vnto Alexanders time whereas there were many more 2. The transposing of the storie which is often vsed in this booke is an other cause of the darkenesse and obscuritie as the prophesies conteined in the 7. and 8. chap. which were shewed vnto Daniel vnder the raigne of Balthazar in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth that the historie of Susanna which happened when Daniel was yet a child and the storie of Bell and the dragon which was done the Empire of the Chaldes yet standing should be placed tâ—e one before the second the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories there is no certaintie of the truth of them at the least when and at what time they were done and therefore this instance might be spared 3. The prophesies and visions themselues are darke and obscure as that c. 9. of the 70. weekes which terme when it should take beginning and how it proceeded and was continued is a matter of deepe vnderstanding 4. The varietie of histories which must be vsed as helpes for the vnderstanding of this prophesie and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdomes in this booke decyphered doe make this prophesie intricate specially because many of those historicall writers whose workes are necessarie for the opening and vnfolding of this mysticall prophesie are now lost and perished As Hierome sendeth vs to the histories of Sâ—etâ—nius Callinicus Possidonius Thean Andronicus Polybius Diodorus Titus Linius Trâ—gus Pompeius whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel are now either in part or in whole wanting 5. And thus much was signified by the Angel that this historie should seeme obsure vntill the things therein contained were accomplished as he saith to Daniel Goe thy way Daniel for the words are closed vp and sealed till the ende of the time vntill then they should be obscure to all but euen afterward also when the fulnesse of time is come none of the wicked shall haue vnderstanding and
the food then is the more agreeable it is to nature Osiand 2. continuall vse and custome to keepe a slender diet doth make it familiar and most wholesome to the bodie 3. the strong constitution temperature and complexion of the bodie doth cause vnto some better nourishment and strength then a better diet doth vnto those that are of a bad constitution 4. the cheerefulnesse of the minde and inward contentednes helpeth much euen in a thinne diet to strengthen nature Pere As the wise man saith that a morsell of 〈◊〉 with peace is better then a house full of sacrifices with strife that is with disquietnesse of minde 2. But this great encrease of beautie and fauour in Daniel and his companions proceeded rather of the singular and extraordinarie blessing of God then of their thinne diet for they onely did not exceede those in the goodnes of their complexion which fedde of the kings meates but their countenance in themselues appeared faiter and better liking then at any time before Pere Quest. 37. ver 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vnto Daniel and the other three whether it were naturall or supernaturall 1. This knowledge which was giuen vnto them all was partly ordinarie in all humane learning which was common vnto them all the Vulgar latine interpreter readeth in omni libro in euery booke but the word sepher is as well taken for the literature the knowledge of artes and sciences as for a booke Polan partly this knowledge was extraordinarie in the vnderstanding of visions and dreames which was peculiarly aboue the rest giuen vnto Daniel Iun. 2. The knowledge of artes is obtained three waies either naturally as Aristotle and Plato attained vnto their learning or supernaturally as Adam and Salomon had their wisedome and knowledge infused of God or partly by naturall meanes partly by supernaturall as here Daniel and the other three vsed instructors and other helpes to come vnto their knowledge but yet it was specially the gift of God 3. For whereas they attained vnto a greater perfection then any other and that in so short a time in the space of 3. yeares it is euident that they had more by Gods speciall gift then by any humane industrie Pere Quest. 38. VVhether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans 1. Pererius opinion is that whereas the Chaldeans had many vaine and curious artes as Magicke Coniecturing Inchanting Iudiciarie Astrologie and such like that they might learne and knowe these speculatiue by way of speculation to confute them and auoide them not to practise or exercise them as God himselfe and the Angels haue the knowledge of such things and the abuse in such knowledge is either in the too great desire and affection which they haue vnto them which learne them or in the euill ende which they propound seeking their owne gaine or others commoditie therein Contra. 1. But that the verie studie and knowledge of such damnable artes is vnlawfull by this it appeareth because they which were conuerted to the faith in Ephesus burned their bookes of such curious artes which they needed not to haue done if the hauing and reading of such bookes had beene lawfull Act. 29. 2. God knoweth all things and is perfectly good and cannot be tempted of euill but man is easily seduced and peruerted and Angels haue not their knowledge by labour and learning as man hath but by the light of their nature therefore those examples are not alike 3. euen profitable humane artes may be by these meanes abused but vnprofitable in their best vse are vnlawfull 2. Osiander thinketh that their Chaldean instructors would haue obtruded vpon them their superstitious precepts among other instruction but as they abstained from the kings meate not to be defiled thereby so it is like they did take heede of such corrupt and vnlawfull artes 3. But it is more like that as the kings meate was withdrawne from them so by Gods prouidence they were preserued from all contagion of their superstitious inuentions onely beeing trained vpâ—â— their commendable learning as Muses was in the Egyptian sciences Caluin Quest. 39. Whether it be lawfull to vse the artes and inuentions of the heathen 1. The profitable inuentions of the heathen Christians may safely and lawfully vse for like as in a tree there are leaues for ornament as well as fruite for necessarie vse so the soule must be adorned as with the sound precepts of Theologie in stead of fruite so it must be garnished with the knowledge of the artes as the ornaments and leaues But when any thing erroneous doth offer it selfe in their writings 〈◊〉 must either shunne it altogether or cautelously read it as we gather roses in a garden but take heed of the pricks and thorns Deut 21. when any of Israel tooke a maide in battell whom he liked he was first to paire her nailes and shaue her head before he married herâ—so we must cut away in humane secular learning such things as are noxious and superstuous and then captiue it to the vse of Christian religion Pintus 2. The bookes then and writing of the Heathen are fit and conuenient to be read first in regard of some truth which is set forth in them 1. for euerie one naturally desireth to vnderstand and apprehend the truth 2. yea and the spirit of God is the author of all truth so that the light which shined in the darkenesse and blindnesse of the Heathen proceeded from the spirit of God the true illuminator of the world 3. their writings containe many profitable inuentions and precepts for mans life as in the handling of morall vertues of politike precepts of mechanicall artes Secondly euen the knowledge of their errors is profitable 1. that we may know them to confute and abhorre them 2. that knowing their errours we may the better auoid them our selues and winne others from them 3. to shewe the excellencie of the Scriptures wherein is no error or impuritie before all other humane learning and writing for there are fiue things requisite and necessarie for euerie one to knowe 1. that the soule is immortall for he will neuer be perswaded to vertue that thinketh there is nothing to be feared or hoped for after this life 2. what is the chiefe ende and happinesse which euery man is to propound vnto himselfe 3. which is the way whereby that ende may be atchieued 4. whether God not onely in generall but in particular watch ouer vs by his prouidence 5. how this watchfull God and most vigilant heauenly father is to be serued and honoured All which things so necessarie to be knowne are either not at all handled by the Philosophers or verie absurdly deceitfully erroneously Perer. 3. But it will be thus obiected 1. seeing the Scriptures are alone sufficient to saluation what neede we forreine helpes 2. S. Paul Coloss. 28. seemeth to condemne Philosophie beware least any man spoile you through Philosophie 3. Iulian the Apostata thus obiected
do feede vpon other delicate meates and daintâ—e confections with drinking of wine which doe more pamper the flesh and enflame the lust 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turne 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. yeares together 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh 3. neither did he drinke any wine all this time of abstinence let them goe now and imitate Daniels fast themselues which they would take to be a verie hard penance Polan 4. Controv. vers 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings Pintus vpon this place giueth this note that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magi which is a Persian word and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians and a Gymnosophist among the Indians and because the kings of the East were philosophers they were called Magi wisemen and so the wise men which came to Christ Matth. 2. are held by an auncient tradition of the Church to haue beene kings as Tertullian Hierome and Augustine affirme with other Pintus p. 24. Contra. 1. Hierome writing vpon the 72. Psalme calleth them not reges but regum typos kings but types of the kings Augustine saith monente subdolo sermone regis alacres eunt beeing craftely warned by the king they goe cheerefully not as it is corruptly read reges alacres eunt the kings goe on cheerefully 2. Tertullian indeede saith nam Magos reges fere oriens habuit in the East they had for the most part the Magi or wisemen for their kings c. But this can hardly be prooued the wise men were of great authoritie with the Persian kings and did vsurpe the kingdome a while before Darius was chosen king but the Magi were not kings 3. And if this be such a firme tradition of the Church that these 3. wisemen were kings what tradition haue they for the rest that these three kings lie buried at Collen and that their names were Gaspar Melchior Balthasar which three names written in parchment and hung about the necke they say are auaileable to driue away any disease from the bodie 4. If they had beene kings Herod would haue beene afraide to haue entertained them beeing iealous of his kingdome neither is it like that the Euangelist would haue omitted it it beeing much for the honour of Christ that he was adored of kings in his infancie see Beza in his annotat Matth. 2. 1. 5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God as diuers of the Popes were such 1. The word chartummim is a strange and forren word and is taken properly as Aben Ezra for the Magician or Genethliake the caster of mens natiuities 2. In the beginning the tearme of Magicians was honourable among the Persians for they were such as professed the knowledge both of diuine and humane things and were assistant vnto Kings they were the same among the Persians with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt the Philosophers in Greece among the French the Druidae among the Indians the Gymnosophistes among the Bactrians the Samanaei 3. But afterward these Magi fell to practising of vnlawfull artes to inuocate spirits and to confederate themselues with deuills of whome they learned their enchantments and coniurations as Theodoret alleadgeth out of Porphirie 4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt of whome Iannes and Iambres were the chiefe which resisted Moses Most of the Heretikes were Magicians as Simon Magus and Menander his successor and Marcion as Iustinus witnesseth Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus who by his magicall impostures deceiued many as Ireneus Many of the Popes were professed Magicians and by such Diabolicall practises obtained the Popedome as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregorie the 6. Benedict the 9. Iohn the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call vpon the deuill as Luitprandus and to offer wine vnto him as Fasciculus temp Gregorie the 7. did vse to carrie about with him a booke of Necromancie and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia as Abb. Vrspergens and Benno Cardinal write Polan Thus in the aduersarie Church Magicians haue beene had in great reputation as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans But as Daniel by his godly wisdome obscured them all so the light of Gods truth and Gospel hath preuailed agrinst all such abominations 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. v. 2. That victorie and conquest is to be vsed moderately V. 2. With part of the vessells of the house of God Although this was especially wrought by Gods prouidence that Nabuchadnezzar caried away onely part of the vessels of the Temple that some might still remaine for the seruice thereof yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation who is contented to take part of these holy vessels and carieth away part of the chiefe men into captiuitie he maketh not hauocke and spoile of all which teacheth that Princes should not vse their victorie to make desolation and lay all wast but rather to helpe to bring things to better order Bulling 2. Observ. Princes can doe no more then God permitteth Herein also euidently appeareth Gods worke Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carie away more of the men or vessels then God gaue into his hand for the text saith God gaue Iehoiakim into his hand c. with part of the vessels of the house of God If God had giuen all into his hand he had taken all but now he is limited he taketh no more then God would he should take Papp So like as though the Sea rage and the waues thereof rise yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds and bindeth as it were with swadling bands Iob. 38. 9. So the Lord staieth the rage and furie of the mightie men of the earth they haue no power to doe any thing but from God as Iesus said vnto Pilate Thou couldest haue no power at all against me except it were giuen thee from aboue Ioh. 19. 11. 3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees At this time Nebuchadnezzer onely caried away part of the holy vessells and some few Daniel with other persons but afterward he tooke Iechonias the king himselfe and caried him into captiuitie and last of all he put out Zedekiahs eyes burnt the Temple and made hauocke of the citie and remooued the most of the inhabitants into captiuitie Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance till he powre out the whole viole of his wrath at once vpon them Osiand This manner of the Lords proceeding in his iudgements by degrees is well expressed Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seauen times more that is with more grieuous iudgements when they doe not profit by the former 4. Observ. God
offended three waies 1. in the action it selfe in forcing his religion by torment of death 2. in the manner he did it in his rage 3. in respect of the persons persecuted they were innocent they suffered for keeping of the law of God But that generally religion is not to be forced by torment it may be thus perswaded 1. It is against the nature of faith to be forced vnto by violence doceri non cogi vult fides religion must be taught not enforced Polan 2. Idolaters heretikes and persecutors of the true faith by vnspeakable torments and cruell death did vrge their heresies idolatrie and superstitions to be kept As this was the engine wherewith the heathen Emperours assaulted the Christians persecuting them by fire and sword As Cornelius Tacitus writeth of Nero that he caused the Christians to be burned specially in the night in vsum nocturni luminis in stead of night lampes So the truth is not to be defended and maintained by the same weapons wherewith false religion fighteth for the fruits of the spirit are loue peace gentlenes Gal. 5. 22. 3. But it therefore followeth not because religion is not to be forced by punishment of death that therefore euery one is to be left vnto himselfe there are other forcible meanes by penall lawes to containe men in an vniforme profession of the true faith then by death Iosias put downe the Chemarims idolatrous Priests but he put them not to death 2. King 23. 5. 4. Yet such as are manifest blasphemers and heretikes are to be cut off by the sword as Servetus was at Geneva so that in the inflicting of the punishment of death for false religion a double difference is to be made 1. between those which do maintaine manifest heresie and blasphemie and such as hold other vnsound opinions and in the first sort betweene such as are obstinate and peruerse and those which are seduced of ignorance and simplicitie 23. Quest. Of the extraordinarie beating of the fornace v. 19. He charged that they should heate the fornace seuen times more 1. In the Apocryphall narration here inserted in the Greeke translation it is added further that the king commanded the fornace to be made hoat with pitch and towe and a kind of liquid brimstone called naptha and small twigges and spriggs of vines or such like called malleoli which some take for the small brush wood apt to be set on fire as Theodoret some for such stuffe besmeared with pitch as Pererius sheweth out of Nonius Marcellus 2. And concerning naptha whereof there are fountaines in Babylon which is an hoate countrey full of brimstone and in diuers places flaming out with fire and as Plutarke writeth the earth is so hoat that they are constrained to lie in water this naptha is of such force that whatsoeuer is besmeared therewith taketh fire in such sort as that it can not be quenched but with vineger and allume and such like as Sirabo writeth lib. 16. how Alexander to take triall of the nature thereof caused a boy beeing in the water to be annointed with naptha and so a candle put to him who so burned that if they had not with much water mire and such like quenched it he had beene consumed before them Plutarke also in the life of Alexander reporteth how the Barbarians to shew the operation of this naptha did cast certaine droppes vpon the way which in the night tooke the flame one from an other that all the way seemed to be of a light fire 3. But because in the originall historie there is no mention made of these things that the fire should be tempered with nor yet that the fornace should flame 49. cubits v. 46. in the Apocryphall addition we neede not busie our selues with searching out the nature of these things it sufficeth to know as it is in the text that the fornace was made hoat 7. times more then vsually it was 24. Quest. Of the exquisite crueltie and torments which these three were put vnto 1. Whereas in the punishing of offenders Tyrants haue satisfied themselues with simple death in the persecuting of the seruants of God they vsed exquisite torments as here the fornace is made seuen times more hoat if any malefactour had bin condemned to this punishment the ordinarie heat would haue sufficed Bulling 2. Then he commandeth the strongest men to binde them that they might vse no resistance and might be more strongly bound and God so disposed that the king should vse the ministerie of his most valiant men that both the miracle might be the greater in that the flame consumed these men exercitus cladem persentisceret he should be punished in the losse of his martiall men Lyran. and here appeareth the madnesse of persecutors who refuse not to be hangmen and tormentors themselues of Gods seruants which they would be ashamed to doe in the execution of ordinarie malefactors Osiander 3. They are bound in their apparell vt nihil ex illis reseruandum c. that nothing might remaine or be reserued of them and because they were in such hast 4. They are cast into the middes of the fornace that the fire might haue the greater power ouer them Bullinger 25. Quest. Of the apparell which they were cast into the fire with 1. The first garment is called sarbal which the Septuag interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sarabaris by the change of one letter Hierome readeth cum braccis with their breeches or hose for so he saith that saraballa in the Chalde language signifie the thighes so also Hesychius interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the couerings of the thighes and in the Sclavonian tongue the wide slippers are called sarabarh Polan so also Pagnin But it seemeth rather to signifie the close coat which couered not onely the nether but the vpper parts as Tertullian in lib. de pallio writeth thus of Alexander triumphalem cataphractam amolitus in captiva sarabara incessit that laying aside his triumphant complete harnesse he went vp downe in a captiue garment called sarabara c. it seemeth then it was such a garment which couered those parts which vsed to be harnessed the breast and vpper parts as well as the neather Ab. Ezra and R. Levi take it for the vpper garment but that is rather the last here named it is more fitly taken for the coate Genevens or the short cloake and inward garment as Iunius and Vatablus expresse it by the word chlamys which signifieth a short cloake 2. The next garment is taken by some for their breeches femâ—ralia Mont. tibialia the hose Vatab. Genevens subligacula their slops but the word petaschon their bonets commeth neere the word petasus which signifieth an hat or bonet and so the Septuagint and Hierome expresse it by the word tiara a bonet Polan Lyran. and Hugo Card. thinke that tiara signifieth both pileum and palliolum an hat or Persian cloake but it rather here signifieth the couering of the
They are signes because they are euident testimonies of Gods wisedome iustice power and wonders because they were things wonderfull and indeede to be wondered at Polan as that Nebuchadnezzar so mightie a king should be chased from among men and liue among bruite beasts seauen yeares depriued of humane vnderstanding and afterward be restored againe Lyranus saith they are called signes because they were done to bring men to repentance and wonders as exceeding humane capacitie Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were now at the last truely conuerted 1. Caluin is of opinion that for all this non exuerit suos errores Nebuchadnezzar left not his errors But howsoeuer twice before this he was onely astonished and mooued for the time afterward fell againe to his superstitions yet he was at the length truely humbled 2. I embrace therefore the contrarie opinion of Bullinger Ostander Oecolampadius which thinke that at this time he was truly conuerted vnto God Osiander saith he did declare veram humilitatem true humilitie which was an euident signe and effect of his conuersion Oecolampadius giueth these two reasons 1. beeing now called to the true knowledge of God Deicogniti mores imitatur he imitateth the properties of God which is to be gentle mercifull wishing peace vnto all 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God exemplum meum emendet omnes let all men learne to amend by mine example c. 6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle 1. The author of the Scholasticall historie denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle but was written by Nebuchadnezzer for eternall memorie of this thing which hapned vnto him But how should the writing of a prophane king that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonicall Scripture if the Prophet had no hand in it 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Calvin that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona that Daniel here speaketh onely in the person of the king for the very forme and style of the epistle Nebuchadnezzer king to all people c. peace be multiplied sheweth that these things were written by the king and rehearsed by Daniel 3. Therefore the truth is that Daniel taketh all this narration out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees where this epistle was registred not for more breuitie sake as Osiander least he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often but rather that by the authoritie of the king the truth of this historie might be commended which would haue beene suspected if it had beene penned originally by a Iew Polan And yet though it were first written by a prophane man that was no Prophet yet it was approoued by Daniel the Lords Prophet Bulling as in the old Testament not onely those writings are receiued for Canonicall which were originally written by the Prophets but such also as beeing written by others were approoued by the Prophets as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah 7. Quest. Whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers transmutation were so done in deede 1. Hierome here reporteth the opinion of some which were of the sect of the Origenists which thought that these things set downe of Nebuchadnezzer were not historically done but that vnder his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the deuill from heauen their reasons are these 1. In other places of Scripture as Isa. 14. vnder the fall of the king of Babylon is described the fall of Lucifer 2. Diuers things here repeated are impossible as that a man should be transformed into a beast that a king delicately brought vp should eate grasse like an oxe 3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers sauage life which was 7. yeares the kingdome of Babylon was not without a gouernour who it is most like would not haue giuen place againe to Nebuchadnezzer 4. If any such thing had beene historically done they which haue written diligently of the Chaldean affaires as Berosus Megasthenes Diocles Philostratus would haue made mention thereof Contra. 1. That prophecie of the ruine and fall of the king of Babylon is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Deuill as that they take away the truth of the historie he reason then is not alike 2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselues depriued of vnderstanding to liue among beasts neither are the other things vnlikely or impossible as shall be seene in the seuerall handling of them 3. Neither was it an hard thing with God to cause the gouernment to returne vnto Nebuchadnezzer as he saith v. 33. that his counsellers and Princes sought vnto him It might be the kingdome was gouerned by his sonne or Daniel which did willingly giue place Lyr. 4. To the last argument it may be answered diuersly 1. that it is not necessarie that the sacred histories should haue the testimonie of forren writers for the standing still of the Sunne in Ioshuahs time and the going backe of the Sunne in Hezekiahs raigne the storie of Esther and many beside haue not the witnesse of prophane writers 2. the euidence of this historie was registred in the Chalde Chronicles which beeing perished the memorie of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also 3. And Gods prouidence is seene herein that the Gentiles should not put their vncleane fingers to the sacred histories which they did much abuse and corrupt as it shall suffice to giue inflance onely in Iustine who manifestly committeth these errours in historie 1. that the Iewes had their beginning from Damascus in Syria 2. that Damascus raigned in that citie first and Abraham next vnto him 3. Ioseph he maketh the youngest sonne of Israel and saith he learned art magicke in Egypt 4. Moses he maketh Iosephs sonne 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt because of the leprosie 6. Xerxes king of Persia he thinketh first to haue subdued the Iewes whereas an 150. yeares before his time Nebuchadnezzer conquered them 4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the Iewes as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolome Philadelphus whome he had set ouer the great librarie of Alexandria beeing terrified by the examples of Theopompus and Theodectes who attempting to insert the Iewish histories into their writings the one was stricken with madnes the other with blindnes as Iosep. l. 11. antiq and Eus. l. 8. de praep Evang. doe testifie 5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter for Alpheus an ancient Greeke writer as Eusebius writeth lib. 9. c. vlt. maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzer as it were rauished vpon a suddaine in his minde told the Chaldeans that there was a calamitie approaching which Bel their god could not preuent that Persa semiasinuâ— the Perâ—ian beeing halfe an asse meaning Cyrus who was
his ingratitude that was vnthankfull to God who had exalted him to that state 2. Then the matter of the sentence is declared which consisteth partly in his depriuation both of his kingdome and of the societie and companie of men partly in the denouncing of certaine calamities namely these two his cohabitation with beasts and then his manner of foode he should eate grasse like an oxe Quest. 40. ver 30. Of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezzar he did eate grasse as the oxen 1. This was neither a chaunge in shewe such as Plinie reporteth out of Euantes howe among the Arcadians they vsed to take one by lot out of a certaine familie who going vnto a riuer leauing his clothes behind him and swimming ouer was changed into a wolfe and nine yeares keepeth among them and then swimming ouer againe receiueth his former shape the like he alleadgeth out of Câ—pas that one Demetrius Parrhesius offring a childes flesh in sacrifice to Iupiter Lyceus tasting thereof was turned into a wolfe and so continued 10. yeares and afterward receiued his humane shape againe The like is that which Augustine writeth of certaine women in Italie which vsed to giue vnto the trauailers some intoxicated cheese whereby they seemed to be transformed into beasts and caried their burthens These transformations were either fabulous tales or else illusions of Sathan 2. Neither was Nebuchadnezzar in truth changed into a beast as Bodinus thinketh as is before shewed quest 27. 3. Nor yet was it onely a madnesse and phrensie of minde as Ericus king of Sueland beeing expelled his kingdome for verie griefe fell madde 4. But beside the bruitish change of his minde his bodie was much chaunged and altered in feeding and liuing among bruit beasts as Ab. Ezâ—a writeth of one in Sardinia that was carried into the woodes by his parents among the hindes and so liued a great while among them going vpon all fower his hands and feete who beeing at length taken by the king in hunting was brought to his parents but he said nothing to them they offred him wine and meat but he rufusing both did eat of hearbs and in the night fled againe to his old companions the bruit beasts Oecolampad The like narration hath Dresserus in his booke of newe and auncient discipline of a man taken in the countrey of Hesse in hunting beeing among other wolues who retayning yet some shape of a man was kept and made tame and went vpright whereas he before did goe and runne on all fower he also at the length spake as a man distinctly vsing to houle as a wolfe before and beeing thus come to himselfe he reported how he was lost in the woods when he was a child and brought vp among the wolues and was nourished by that which they got for their prey this was done in the yeare 1544. Philippus Camerarius in his historicall meditations c. 75. hath the like report of a child of twelue yeares of age which was taken in the same countrey in the farme of Echtzeb as he ranne among wolues Goulartius in his booke of the memorable histories of these times hath this relation how a man was taken in France in the forest of Campeigne and was brought to the laâ—e king Charles the 9. he went vpon all fowre like a beast was swifter then an horse did houle like a wolfe had an hard skinne and was couered almost all ouer with haire he had a terrible looke with his teeth he strangled dogges and was fierce toward men such like change and alteration there might be both of minde and bodie in Nebuchadnezzar Quest. 41. v. 31. After the ende of what dayes Nebuchadnezzar was restored V. 31. At the ende of these dayes 1. The author of the scholasticall historie as Hugo Cardi. here noteth thinketh that at the prayer of Daniel the 7. yeares were turned into seauen moneths whereof 40. dayes Nebuchadnezzar was madde and 40. other dayes he came to himselfe and wept exceedingly for his sinne so that his eyes were become as a peice of flesh then 40. dayes more he was in his madde fittes and so after 7. moneths he was restored to his right minde but yet had not the kingdome till 7. yeares were expired but there were 7. Iudges appointed for him and he in the meane time neither did eate flesh nor drinke wine all those seuen yeares but did eate pulse and hearbs as Daniel counselled him and so did as it were penance 2. But this opinion is contrarie to the text 1. because the seauen times which were to passe ouer him were fulfilled as appeareth v. 31. at the ende of the dayes that is the dayes before appointed which were called 7. times then I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes c. and not before there was then no part of this time cut off 2. After that his vnderstanding came to him he fell not againe into his madde fittes as is euident ver 33. 3. when his vnderstanding was come to him he was withall restored to the honour of his kingdome and his counsellers sought againe vnto him he then tooke the gouernement presently vpon him after his returne and restitution it was not gouerned by others 4. This also is an euident argument that Nebuchadnezzar continued longer then seauen moneths in his humiliation because in so short a time his haire could not growe as eagles quilles nor his nailes as birds clawes neither is it like that in so short a time he would haue beene brought to knowe himselfe Caluin Quest. 42. Of the restitution of Nebuchadnezzar As there were two degrees of his humiliation he was depriued without of his kingdome and of the companie of men and in himselfe of his vnderstanding so there are two degrees of his restitution first to his humane vnderstanding and then to the glorie of his kingdome and each of these are set forth with their effects 1. First he is restored to his humane estate and condition both in bodie that whereas before he went groueling and crept on all fower as a beast now he reareth vp his bodie and lifteth vp his eyes to heauen then in his minde mine vnderstanding was restored vnto me but that is here put last which was done first for he was first restored to his vnderstanding before he lift vp his eyes Bulling and as before he cast vp his eyes in pride so nowe he lifteth them vp in humilitie Caluin Secondly the effect of this his restitution to his reason and vnderstanding is the praysing of God with the reason thereof taken from the eternitie of the power and kingdome of God both which are amplified 1. comparatiuely All the inhabitants of the earth are as nothâ—ng before him 2. by the effects he doth what he will and none can gainsay 2. Then followeth the second part of his restitution both to the societie of men and to the honour of his kingdome v. 33. And the effect thereof his praising and extolling of God with the argument of his
of most cruell death to be cast into the lyons denne inioyning so vnreasonable a thing 10. Quest. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians v. 8. 1. It seemeth that the decrees of the Persian kings were inuiolably kept whether they were iust or vniust as the sudden and rash sentence which Assuerus gaue against his wife Vashti could not be reuoked and the bloodie decree which Haman procured for the extirpation of the Iewes was not reuersed but a coÌ„trarie decree was made that the Iewes should stand vpon their owne defence and kill those which went about to destroy them 2. The Persians had great respect vnto the truth Agathias in his historie of the manners of the Persians writeth that they make two gods as the Manichees one the author of goodnes and truth whome they call Ormisdatis whose bodie they say is like vnto the light and his soule to the truth and their other god the author of euill they call Arimanes Pet. Crinitus l. 1. de honest disciplin writeth that the Persian kings sonne was committed to foure masters whereof the second did alwaies admonish him that he should loue and keepe the truth throughout his whole life 11. Quest. Why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise v. 10. Now when Daniel vnderstood 1. It is like that Daniel was not present when the rulers thus mooued the king but they had excluded him and not made him priuie vnto their deuise for otherwise such was the pietie of Daniel and his zeale toward God that he would not by his silence haue suffered his glorie to be empayred Calvin he vnderstood then the decree after it was proclaimed and published 2. They then which vpon the supposed conniuence and silence of Daniel doe thinke it enough if counsellers and men of state beeing present when wicked decrees are enacted doe withhold their consent are in errour for this were by their timiditie and fearefulnes to betray the truth Against such the wise man speaketh Prou. 24. 11 12. Deliuer those that are drawne to death and wilt thou not preserue them that are led to be slaine if thou say Behold we knew not of it he that pondereth the hearts doth not he vnderstand 12. Quest. Of Daniels custome of praying with the circumstances thereof 1. The occasion is expressed that when he heard of this decree he betooke himselfe vnto prayer which the children of God most of all vse in the time of distresse 2. The place is expressed he went to his owne house not vnto any of their idolatrous temples his owne house was his Temple And he praied in an vpper roome not to be more secret as Pintus collecteth but rather that he might be seene that he continued constant in his religion Pâ—lan Iun. 3. The place is described by the adiunct the opening of the windowes that he might freely and openly shew himselfe a worshipper of God 4. The site and position of the opening of the windows was toward Ierusalem whether he hoped to returne 5. The circumstance of the time is added he prayed three times a day in the morning before he went to his busines at noone when he came home to eate meate and at night when he had finished his busines these three times he made choice of as freest from worldly employments that he might not be interrupted in his prayer 6. His gesture is expressed he kneeled downe vpon his knees 7. The argument and matter of his inuocation prayer in the petition of things necessarie and praise in giuing thanks vnto God 8. His constancie is shewed as he had done aforetime 13. Quest. How Daniels custome in opening the windowes when he prayed agreeth with our Sauiours precept Matth. 6. to shut the doores of the chamber in prayer 1. Our blessed Sauiour must not be vnderstood in that place to speake simply and absolutely as though it were not lawfull but to pray priuately in the chamber the doores beeing shut for then it should not be lawfull to pray publikely or in the hearing of others but that precept is vttered as we say secundum quid in a certaine respect and by way of comparison that it were better secessum quaererâ— to seeke a secret place to pray in then to presse into the sight of men to shewe our deuotion 2. The ende must be considered which our Sauiour there aymeth that which is to take heede of vaine glorie in our prayer which ende is here obserued by Daniel who in opening his windowes did not seeke the praise of men sed se palam Dei cultorem commonstrabat but onely shewed himselfe openly a worshipper of God Bulling Quest. 14. Why Daniel opened the windowe of his chamber toward Ierusalem Daniel turneth not himselfe toward Ierusalem as hauing any confidence in the place or as though God were present more in one place then in another but for these reasons 1. because they had a promise that when they were taken prisoners and carried captiue into a strange land if they prayed toward the Temple they should be heard Lyran. Iun. And whereas they were commanded Deut. 12. to goe vnto the place which the Lord should choose from hence it is gathered si non possent ad locum illum venire saltem contra locum ipsum adorarent if they could not come vnto that place yet they should worship toward it 2. Iustabat nunc annus septuagesimus c. now the 70. yeare was at hand when the deliuerance of the people was expected therfore he prayed so much the more earnestly Pel. and toward Ierusalem quam optabat reparari which he desired to be repayred his desire appeareth in his gesture Oecolamp 3. By this meanes he shewed his faith and hope se acquiescere in haeriditate promissa that he rested in the promised inheritance Calvin that the people should returne thither againe as Iacoband Ioseph beleeued that they should be redeemed out of Egypt 4. By this Ceremonie in looking toward the temple where it was onely lawfull for them to offer sacrifice was signified the redemption by Christ and that it is not lawfull ad alium mediatorem respicere in precibus praeter Christum to looke vnto an other Mediator in our prayers beside Christ Bulling 5. And hereby he shewed se non obliuisci populi sui c. that he forgat not his people countrey and religion though he himselfe enioyed great honour Polan like as Moses forsooke Pharaohs Court and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God 6. Conspectus ille fuit instar flabelli c. that prospect toward Ierusalem was a meanes the more to enflame Daniels desire to the peoples deliuerance for the which he prayed this he did to helpe his owne infirmitie not that God by opening the windowes that way heard the sooner Calvin 7. Aud herein Daniel had the example of other holy men as Dauid saith Psal. 5. 8. I will bow my selfe or worship toward thy holy temple Polan 8. And
iudge nisi vbi reipsa se talem ostenderit as when he sheweth himselfe so in deede Calv. Polan 35. Quest. What the fire signifieth which issued from the throne 1. All things about the throne are fierie to signifie that God is ignis consumens a consuming fire he shall as a fire consume his enemies round about Hug. 2. It also signifieth Iucem inaccessibilem the light not to be attained vnto wherein God dwelleth Pintus 3. Deus voluit meâ—um incutere prophetae God by this terrible vision would strike a feare reuerence into the Prophet Calvin 4. As fire is bright and giueth light so hereby is shewed that all things are knowne vnto God and nothing can be hid from him and that the iudgement of God shall be manifest to all the world Perer. 5. His throne is compared to fire propter zelum veritatis for the zeale of the truth he shall come to iudgement with zeale of iustice as hoat as fire Lyran. 6. And as the fire hath two properties it purifieth gold and consumeth stubble so God shall come as fire vt malos puniat bonos purget to punish the euill to purge the goodâ— glosse inter 7. By the wheeles is shadowed forth incredibilis pernicitas his incredible swiftnes to iudgement Polan and they are fierie quod eius accessus impediri â—equit because his comming can not be hindred Oecolampad 8. A fierie streame issued and came forth wherein three things are signified poenarum perpetuit as per fluvium the perpetuiâ—ie of the punishment of the wicked by the flood acerbitas per ignem the sharpnes thereof by the fire potestas per rapidum motum the power in that it issueth Hugo like as the course of a streame can not be staied Polan 9. And three properties of the iudgements of God are here noted they are constantissima perlustrantia pervadentia omnia they are constant as the flood alwaies runneth they lighten all places as the fire and goe through euery where as a flood still issuing forth and running along Iun. 36. Quest. Of the number of Angels that ministred vnto God thousand thousands c. v. 10. Some haue taken vpon them to scanne the number of the Angels where there are diuers opinions 1. Athanasius reporteth the opinion of some that thought there were so many Angels as men because of that place Deut. 32. 8. which the Septuag thus translate he appointed the number of the people according to the number of the Angels But this text prooueth no such thing which is thus truly translated he appointed the borders of the people according to the number of the children of Israel 2. Gregorie seemeth to be of opinion that there are more men put good and bad together then Angels good and bad for first he setteth this downe that there shall be as many men elected as Angels but there are farre more men damned then are saued contrariwise he thinketh that there are more elect Angels then reprobate angels as some would gather by that place Apoc. 12. 4. how the dragon with his taile drew the third part of the starres of heauen If then the elect men be equiualent in number to the elect Angels and the reprobate men are more then the elect but the reprobate angels are fewer then the elect Angels it will follow that the number of men is greater then of Angels But this opinion is builded vpon an vncerten ground that the number of the elect among men is equiualent to the number of the elect Angels 3. A third opinion is that the number of Angels farre exceedeth the number of men Athanasius saith that some thought the Angels in number were more then men as 99. to one which they would gather out of that parable of the lost sheepe when the shepheard left 99. to seeke that one Lyranus whome Pererius followeth maketh this collection that as the celestiall bodies the starres doe in bignesse farre exceede the things below for one starre is bigger then the earth in the same proportion because Angels doe not exceede men in quantitie they doe exceede them incomparabiliter in numerositate without comparison in number 4. But these things are more boldly then certenly affirmed out of this place no such thing can be gathered for it is agreed of all hands that here a certen and finite number is put for an indefinite as Hierome saith non quia ministrorum Dei numerus definitus sit c. not that the number of Gods ministers is here defined c. but because a greater number can not be expressed by mans speech Yet as touching this question some things may certenly be resolued vpon some things are doubtfull 1. that the number of elect men is smaller then of the reprobate is certen for many enter in at the broad gate and few finde out the narrow way Matth. 7. 13 14. 2. But the number of the elect Angels is greater then of those which fell because the Prophet saith when he shewed the young man the Lords fierie horse and chariots round about vpon the mountaines They that are with vs are more then they which be with them 2. king 6. 16. And in Scripture the good Angels are expressed in greater numbers then the euill we read in the Gospel of 12. legions of Angels Matth. 26. 53. but of one legion of deuills Mark 5. 9. And in this place tenne thousand thousands of Angels are named These things are certen These following are probable 3. That the number of the Elect men is greater then of the euill and reprobate angels as Augustine thinketh that the angels which fell shall be supplied out of the numbers of the Elect As our blessed Sauiout said vnto his Apostles Haue I not chosen you twelue and one of you is a deuill Ioh. 6. 70. there was one deuill to 12. elect Apostles 4. Likewise the number of the elect Saints may seeme to be greater then of the elect Angels by that vision Apoc 4. the foure beasts about the throne represent the blessed Angels the 24. Elders the Saints 5. It may be also coniectured that the Elect Angels are more in number then the Saints which are at once vpon the earth because two hosts of Angels attended at once vpon Iacob Gen. 32. 1. when his brother Esau came against him whereupon he called the place Mahanaâ—m the Lords hosts 6. But whether the Angels good and bad be equiualent in number to men good and bad that liue at once vpon the earth it can not be gessed at And let this suffice of this question It is not safe wading too farre without a bottome Concerning the diuers offices and degrees of Angels which Pererius taketh occasion here to note it shall be discussed among the controversies following 37. Quest. What bookes these were which were opened v. 10. 1. Hierome whome Lyranus and gloss ordinar follow vnderstandeth here two bookes the one of life which is held in Gods hand the other of death qui
the manner thereof it should be made desolate for euer v. 26 27. 2. The text with the diuerse readings v. 1. In the first one H. yeare of Darius Dariavesh H. the sonne of Ahashuerosh Achasverosh H. of the seede of the Medes wherein which V. L. B. Gahefirst rather it is better referred to the yeare wherein he was 〈◊〉 king then to the person that was made he was made king ruled L. S. but the word is in the passiue ouer the Realme of the Chaldeans 2 In the first yeare of his raigne I Daniel vnderstood by bookes the number of the yeares whereof the word of the Lord came was H. vnto Ieremiah the Prophet to accomplish the desolation of Ierusalem seuentie yeares 3 I turned my face gaue my face H. vnto the Lord Iehouah H. and so throughout for the most part where Lord is translated God to seeke him by praier in seeking praier S. and supplication with fasting sackeloath and 〈…〉 4 And I praied vnto the Lord my God and made my confession confessed H. saying Oh B. G. or I pray thee A. I. V. Lord God great and fearefull which keepeth mercie toward them which loue him I. A. B. which loue thee L. S. V. G. 〈◊〉 the pronoune affix is here of the third person and toward them which keepe his commandements 5 We haue sinned and committed iniquitie and haue done wickedly yea we haue rebelled and haue departed from thy preceptâ— and from thy iudgements 6 For we would not 〈…〉 vnto obey L. V. S. thy seruants the Prophets which spake in thy name to our Princes and our fathers and to all the people of the land 7 To thee O Lord belongeth righteousnes and to vs confusion of face open shame B. G. as it is this day as is come to passe B. or appeareth this day G. to euery man of Iudah and to the inhabitants of Ierusalem yea vnto all Israel neere or farre off throughout all the countries whither thou hast driuen them because of their trespasses which they haue trespassed agaiâ—st thee 8 O Lord vnto vs appertaineth shame or confusion of face to our Kings to our Princes and to our fathers because we haue sinned not they haue sinned L. the verbe is put in the first person against thee 9 Vnto the Lord our God pertaineth compassion and forgiuenes because albeit G. V. although B. but the word is chi because we haue rebelled against him and therefore they looked onely for mercie from the Lord hauing no power in themselues 10 For we haue not hearkned vnto the voice of the Lord our God to walke in his lawes law L. which he set before vs gaue before our face H. by the hand that is the ministerie G. of his seruants the Prophets 11 Yea all Israel haue transgressed thy law in turning backe and not hearkning to thy voice therefore the curse is powred vpon vs and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the seruant of God because we haue sinned against him 12 And he hath confirmed his words euery one of his words I. which he spake against vs and our Iudges that iudged vs by bringing vpon vs a great plague euill H. for vnder the whole heauen was not done the like as is now come to passe done H. in Ierusalem 13 As it is written in the law of Moses all this euill is come vpon vs yet made we not our prayers before entreated the face of H. the Lord our God that we might turne vs from our iniquities and vnderstand thy in or toward thy truth 14 Therfore the Lord hath made readie the plague watched ouer the euill H. brought it vpon vs for righteous is the Lord our God in all the works which he doth for we would not hearken to his voice 15 And now O Lord our God which hast brought thy people out of the land of Egypt with a mightie hand and hast gotten thee renowne G. a name H. as appeareth this day which remaineth this day V. B. we haue sinned we haue done wickedly 16 O Lord according to all not in all L. S. the word is cecol not becol thy righteousnes I beseech thee let thine anger and thy wrath be turned away from thy citie Ierusalem thy holy mountaine the mountaine of thy holines H. for because of our sinnes and the iniquities of our fathers Ierusalem and thy people are a reproach to all that are round about vs to all our circuits H. 17 Now therefore O Lord our God heare hearken vnto H. the praier of thy seruant and his supplications and cause thy face to shine vpon thy Sanctuarie that lieth wast for the Lords sake not for thy sake L. S. for the word adonai is expressed 18 O my God encline thine eare and heare and behold our desolations and the citie G. or of the citie V. I. whereupon thy name is called whereon thy name is called vpon it H. for not for our righteousnes doe we prostrate our praiers L. present our prayers B. G. pray falling downe I. powre out our prayers V. cause our praiers to fall H. before thee but for thy great tender mercies 19 O Lord heare O Lord forgiue O Lord attend and doe it deserre not for thine owne sake for thy selfe H. O my God for thy name is called vpon thy citie and vpon thy people that is they are called by thy name V. I. 20 And while I was speaking and praying and confessing my sinne and the sinne of my people Israel and did prostrate cause to fall H. as before v. 18. my supplications before the Lord my God for the holy Mountaine mountaine of the holines H. of my God 21 Yea while I was speaking in my praier the man Gabriel whome I had seene in the vision at the first in the morning H. came flying beeing bid or made to flie H. for the word is in hophal earnestly with wearines H. or swiftly V. and touched me about the time of the euening oblation 22 And he informed me and talked with me and said O Daniel I am now come forth to giue thee vnderstanding and knowledge to make thee perceiue vnderstanding H. 23 At the beginning of thy supplications the commandement the word H. came forth and I am come to shew it thee L. B. G. ad for thou art much desired that is accepted of God I. greatly beloued B. G. a man of desires L. S. chamudoth desires H. D. Kimhi readeth hamiddoth a man of vertues and he is called a man of desires not actiuely because he much desired the deliuerance of the people but passiuely because he was a man according to Gods desire that is beloued and accepted of him so Vatab. a man desirous of things to be wished for vnderstanding it also actiuely of Daniels desire therefore vnderstand the matter and consider the vision 24 Seuentie weekes are cut out it is cut out H. impersonally are determined V. B. G. are abbreuiated or shortened L. but chatac signifieth to cut out vpon or