Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdē when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takē many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euidēt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yōg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take thē aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try thē out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one frō an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now thē doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both cōiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary Cōtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executiō vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of Decēber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cū Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd Fabiā for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demaūded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he cōfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of Cāterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was cōdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of Fabiā in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
working of some of whome Ioannes Auentinus shall tel vs in his own words shew vs who they be Quibus inquit audiendi quae fecerint pudor est nullus faciendi quae audire erubescunt Illic vbi opus nihil verentur hic vbi nihil opus est ibi verentur c. Who beyng ashamed belike to heare their worthy stratagemes lyke to come to light sought by what meanes they might the stopping of the same And because they could not worke it per brachium seculare by publike authoritie the Lord of heauen long preserue your noble Maiestie they renewed again an old wonted practise of theirs doyng in like sort herein as they did sometymes with the holy Bible in the dayes of your renowmed father of famous memory king Henry the viij who when they neither by manifest reason could gainstand the matter contained in the booke nor yet abide the comming out thereof then sought they by a subtile deuised traine to depraue the translation notes and Prologues thereof bearing the king in hand and all the people that there was in it a thousand lies and I cannot tell how many mo Not that there were such lies in it in very deede but because the comming of that booke should not bewray their lying falshood therefore they thought best to begin first to make exceptions themselues against it playing in their stage like as Phormio did in the old Comedie who beyng in all the fault himselfe began first to quarell with Demipho when Demipho rather had good right to lay Phormio by the heeles With like facing brags these Catholike Phormiones thinke now to dash out all good bookes and amongst others also these Monuments of Martyrs Which godly Martyrs as they could not abide beyng aliue so neither can they now suffer their memories to lyue after their death least the acts of them beyng knowne might bring perhaps their wicked acts and cruell murthers to detestation and therfore spurne they so vehemently against this booke of histories with all kind of contumelies and vprores railing and wondering vpon it much like as I haue heard of a company of thieues who in robbing a certaine true man by the high wayes side when they had found a piece of gold or two about him more then he would be acknown of they cried out of the falshood of the world meruailing and complaining what little truth was to be found in men Euen so these men deale also with me for when they themselues altogether delight in vntruths and haue replenished the whole Church of Christ with fained fables lying miracles false visions miserable errors contained in their Missals and Portuses Breuiars and Summaries and almost no true tale in all their Saintes lyues and Festiuals as now also no great truthes in our Louanian bookes c. Yet notwithstanding as though they were a people of much truth and that the world did not perceiue them they pretend a face and zeale of great veritie And as though there were no histories els in all the world corrupted but onely this history of Actes and Monumentes with tragicall voyces they exclaime and wonder vpon it sparing no cost of Hyperbolicall phrases to make it appeare as full of lies as lines c. much after the like sort of impudencie as Sophisters vse sometymes in their Sophismes to doe and sometimes is vsed also in Rhetorike that when an Argument commeth against them which they cannot well resolue in deed they haue a rule to shift of the matter with stoute wordes and tragicall admiration whereby to dash the Opponent out of countenance bearing the hearers in hand the same to be the weakest slenderest argument that euer was heard not worthy to be answered but vtterly to be hissed out of the Schooles With like sophistication these also fare with me who when they neither can abide to heare their owne doings declared nor yet deny the same which they heare to be true for three or foure escapes in the booke committed and yet some of them in the said Booke amended they neither reading the whole nor rightly vnderstanding that they read inueigh and maligne so peruersly the setting out therof as though neither any word in al that story were true nor any other story false in al the world besides And yet in accusing these my accusers I do not so excuse my self nor defeÌ„d my book as though nothing in it were to be sponged or amended Therfore I haue taken these paines reiterated my labours in trauailing out the story again doyng herein as Penelope did with her web vntwisting that she had done before Or as builders do sometimes which build and take down againe either to transpose the fashion or to make the foundation larger So in recognising this history I haue emploied a little more labour partly to enlarge the argument which I tooke in hand partly also to assay whether by any paynes taking I might pacifie the stomacks or satisfie the iudgments of these importune quarellers which neuerthelesse I feare I shall not do when I haue done all I can For well I know that all the heads of this hissing Hidra will neuer be cut of though I were as strong as Hercules And if Apelles the skilfull Painter when he had bestowed all his cunning vpon a piece of worke which no good artificer would or could greatly reprooue yet was not without some controlling Sutor which tooke vpon him Vltra crepidam much more may I looke for the like in these controlling dayes Neuerthelesse committing the successe thereof vnto the Lord I haue aduentured againe vpon this story of the Church and haue spent not onely my paines but also almost my health therein to bring it to this Which now beyng finished like as before I did so againe I exhibite and present the same vnto your Princely Maiestie blessing my Lord my God with all my heart first for this libertie of peace and tyme which through your peaceable gouernement he hath lent vnto vs for the gathering both of this and other like bookes tractations and monuments requisite to the behoofe of his Church which hitherto by iniquitie of tyme could not be contriued in any Kinges raigne since the Conquest before these Alcion dayes of yours Secondly as we are all bound with publicke voyces to magnify our God for this happy preseruation of your royall estate so priuately for mine owne part I also acknowledge my selfe bound to my God and to my Sauiour who so graciously in such weake health hath lent me time both to finish this worke and also to offer the second dedication thereof to your Maiesty desiring the same to accept in worth tâ—â— donation thereof if not for the worthinesse of the thing geuen yet as a testification of the bounden seruice and good will of one which by this he here presenteth declareth what he would if he had better to geue And though the story being written in the popular tongue serueth not so greatly for your own peculiar
no doubt is preferred aboue the Apostles and aboue Cephas also Moreouer as the dignitie of the wife is aboue the seruant so must needes the honour and worthines of the Churche being the spouse of Christ surmount the state of Peter or other Apostles which be but seruants to Christ and to the Churche yea and though they were Princes of the Church yet after the minde of Baldus Magis attenditur persona intellectualis quà m organica Otherwise if by this word charge he ment only the office and diligence of teaching to that I aunswere The same Lord that sayde to Peter feede my sheepe said also to the other go preach this Gospell to al nations And he that said to Peter what soeuer thou loosest said also to the other whatsoeuer ye remit in the earth Moreouer if the matter goe by preaching Paul the Apostle laboured more therin then euer did Peter by his owne confession Plus laboraui also suffered more for the same Plus sustinui neither was his doctrine lesse sound Yea and in one point he went before Peter was teacher and schoolmaister vnto Peter whereas Peter was by him iustly corrected Gal. 2. Furthermore teaching is not always nor in all things a point of maistership but sometime a point of seruice As if a Frenchman should be put to an Englishman to teach him French although he excelleth him in that kind of facultie yet it followeth not therefore that he hath fulnes of power vpō him to appoint his diet to rule his houshold to prescribe his lawes to stinte his lands and such other Wherfore seing in trauail in teaching in paines of preaching in gifts of tongs in largenes of commission in operation of miracles in grace of vocation in receauing the holy Ghost in vehemencie of tormentes and death for Christes name the other Apostles were nothing inferiour to Peter Why Peter then should claime any special prerogatiue aboue the rest I vnderstād no cause As in deed he neuer claimed any but the patrons of the Apostolicall sea do claime it for him which he neuer claimed himself neither if he were here would no lesse abhorre it with soule and conscience then we do now yet our abhorring now is not for any malice of person or any vantage to our selues but only the vehemencie of truth zeale to Christ and to his congregation Moreouer if these men would needes haue Peter to be the Curate and ouersear of the whole vniuersall Church which was too much for one man to take charge vpon and to be Prince of al other Apostles then would I faine learne of them what meaneth Dextrae societatis the right hand of societie betwene Peter Paul Barnabie mentioned Gal. 2. What taking of hands is there betwene subiects their Prince in way of fellowship Or where fellowship is what maistership is there Or againe what state of maistership is it like that Christ would geue to Peter who beyng in deede maister of all tooke such little maistership vpon himselfe and that not only in inward affection but also in outward fact Although I am not ignorant that Peter in places of the Gospell hath his commendation neither doe I denie Peter to bee worthy of the same But yet these wordes of commendation geue to him no state of superioritie or iurisdiction vpon all other to haue all vnder his subiection As if a Schoolemaister should haue more special charge to some one of his scholers for his riper towardnes yet this geueth him no fulnes of authoritie or power coactiue vpō the rest vnlesse by special admission he be deputed therunto Whereof nothing can be gathered of Peter for if it bee true that S. Augustine saith that such things as were spokē to Peter haue no lightsome vnderstanding except they be referred to the church wherof Peter did beare a figure thē hath the person of Peter nothing to claime by these woordes but all redoūdeth to the church which being ment by Peter hath power by this reason both ouer the person of Peter and all other persons in the Lord. But here stumbleth in an argument of our aduersarie againe which he in the margent of his book calleth an inuincible argument drawen out of the bowels of S. Iohn Chrisostome Lib. 2. De Sacerd. Wherby he supposeth to haue giuen a shrewd blow to the Protestants and to haue gotten Hectors victory vpon a certaine English prisoner taken in plain field and of all such as take his part The text onely of Chrysostome he reciteth but maketh no argument albeit he maketh mention of an inuincible argumēt in the margent But because he either wist not or list not to shew his cunning therein I wil forme that in argumēt for him which he would haue done but did not and so will forme it the Lord willing as he himselfe must of necessitie bee driuen to do if the matter euer come to the triall of act and not to the trifling of wordes First he taketh his text out of Chrysostome as followeth for what cause I pray you did Christ shed his bloud Truely to redeeme those sheep whose charge he committeth to Peter and to Peters successours Upon this place of Chrysostome this Clarke taketh his medium Christes suffring His conclusion is that all which Christ died for were committed to Peter Wherfore the forme of the argument must needes stand thus in the third figure Christ suffred for all men Christ suffered for them whome hee committed to Peter Ergo All that Christ dyed for were committed to Peter If this be the forme of his insoluble argument as it seemeth to be by the order of his reasoning also must needs be taking that medium and making that conclusion as he doth for els in the first figure and first moode the text of Chrisostome will not serue him then must the forme and violence of this inexpugnable argumēt be denied for that it breaketh the rules of Logike making his conclusiō vniuersall which in that figure must needes be perticular either affirmatiue or negatiue And so this argument inuincible falleth into one of these two straites either cōcluding thus the forme wil not serue him or cōcluding in another figure the wordes of Chrysostome will not aunswer to his purpose to proue that all the world was committed to Peter Which proposition as it is strange in scripture so neither is it the proposition of Chrysostome And though it were yet both without inconuenience might be graunted of vs and being graunted serueth his purpose nothing so long as the proposition is not exceptiue excluding other Apostles For the words of Chrysostom do not so sound that the whole world was committed to Peter onely and to none other Likewise then as it may be well affirmed of vs that the world was committed to Peter so can it not be denied of them that the world was also committed to Iohn Iames Bartholomew Paul Barnabe and other all and
cite vp both parties and to haue the hearing and deciding of the cause as did Macarius and Hesychius send to Iulius then bishop of Rome c. Item in that certaine of the Arrians returning from their Arrianisme offered vp and exhibited vnto the bishops of Rome their libels of repentance and were of them receiued againe as Vrsatius and Valens did to Iulius Socra lib. 2. cap 24. The x. cause was also for that Gratianus the Emperour made a law that all men should retaine that religiō which Damasus bishop of Rome and Peter bishop of Alexandria did hold Sozom lib. 7. cap. 4. And also if it happened the bishop of Rome to disalow the ordering of any minister or ministers the Popes perceiuing how diligent and redy they were to seeke their fauour and to send vp their messengers to Rome for their purgation tooke therby no little maner of exaltation Theodoret lib. 5. cap. 23. Besides these aforesaid the bishops of Rome had also an other artificiall practise that in sending out their letters abroad as they did to many in all their Epistles if the Epistles be theirs and not forged euer they were harping of the greatnes of their name and of their Apostolike sea and of the primacie of S. Peter their predecessor and prince of all the Apostles c. And this they vsed in euerie letter when so euer they wrote to any as appeareth in all their letters decretall namely in the letters of Miltiades Marcellus and Marcus c. Againe if any of the East church directed any writing to them wherein any signification was conteined of neuer so little reuerence giuen vnto them as learned men commonly vse for modesties sake that was taken by by and construed for plaine subiection and due obediēce as declareth the letter of Damasus written to the bishops of the East Church beginning thus Quod debita reuerentia c. in English thus but that your charitie yeldeth due reuerēce to the Apostolicall sea you in so doing deare children do much for your selues c. Theodoret. Lib. 5. cap. 9. where as the Bishops of the East Church notwithstanding had shewed little or no reuerence in their Epistle to Pope Damasus before Thus haue ye the first and originall groundes by the meanes wherof the Archbishops of the Romish Sea haue atchieued to this their great kingdome and celsitude ouer Christes church first beginning the mysterie of their iniquitie by that which was modestly and voluntarily giuē them Afterward by vse and custome claiming it ambitiously vnto them of dutie seruice lastly holding fast as we see that which once they had gotten into their possessiō so that now in no case they can abide the birdes to cal home their fethers againe which they so long haue vsurped And thus much concerning the life iurisdiction title of the Romain bishops In all which as is declared they and not we haue fallen from the church of Rome To these I might also ioyne the maner of gouernment wherin the said Romish Bishops haue no lesse altered both from the rule of Scripture and from the steps of the true church of Rome which gouernment as it hath bene and ought to be only spirituall so hath the bishop of Rome vsed it of late yeres no otherwise thē hath an earthly king or prince gouerned his realme dominiōs with riches glory power terror outward strēgth force prisō death executiō lawes policies promooting his friends to dignities reuenging his affections punishing and correcting faults against his person more then other offences against God committed vsing and abusing in all these things the word of God for his pretext cloke to worke his worldly purpose withall whereas indeede the word of God ministreth no such power to spirituall persons but such as is spirituall according to the saying of the Apostle Arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia sed spiritualia c. The armour and artillery sayth S. Paule of our warfaire is not carnall but spirituall such as serue not against flesh and bloud nor against the weake person of man but against Sathan agaynst the gates of hell and the profundities of the wicked power c. Which armour as it is al spiritual so ought they which haue the dealing therof to be likewise spirituall well furnished with all such giftes and graces of the holye Ghost meere for the gouernance of his spiritual Church as with wisedome and knowledge in the Scripture to instructe the ignorant with inward intelligence foresight of the craftye cogitations and operations of Sathan with power of the spirit to resist the same with practise and experience of tentations to comfort such as be afflicted and oppressed of Sathan with heauenly discretion to discerne spirits and truth from vntruth with iudgment and knoledge of tounges and learning to conuict errour wyth zeale of Gods glory with feruencye of prayer with patience in persecution with a minde contented with all cases and states incident with teares and compassion on other mens greeues with stoutnes and courage against proud and stout oppressours with humilitie towarde the poore and miserable with the counsaile of the Lorde Iesus by his word and spirite to direct him in all things to be done with strength against sinne with hatred of this worlde with gift of fayth power of the keyes in spirituall causes as to minister the word the Sacraments and excommunication when the worde biddeth that the spirite may be saued and to reconcile againe as case requireth c. These and such like are the matters wherin consisteth the sinews and strength of the church and the true gouernance of the same But cōtrary to these aforesaid both the Bishop clergie of this latter Church of Rome proceeding in their administration and gouernaunce as who vnder the name and pretence of Christ and his word haue exercised of long time nothing els but a worldly dominion seeking indede their owne glory not the glory of Christ riches of the world not the lucre of soules not feeding the flocke but fillyng the purse reuenging their owne wronges but neglecting gods glory stryuing against man onely and killing him but not killing the vice nor confuting the errour of man strong against flesh and bloude but weake against the Deuill stout against the simple but meeke against the mightie briefly doing almost all thinges preposterously more like to secular Princes then spirituall Pastours of Christes flocke with outward forcement and feare of punishment wyth prysoning famishyng hanging racking drowning headyng slaying murdering and burning and warring also on the other side with his riches and treasures wyth his garde and gardiance with strength of men with Court and Cardinals with pomp and pride about them with their triple crowne with the naked sworde with theyr ordinary succession with their lawes and executions their promotions and prefermēts their biddings and commandings threatninges and reuenginges c. In fine to compare therfore the Images of a
be replenished with all kinde of filth dong and hogs and vile beasts therin to be sayd as wel in the chambers as other houses of office And in theyr owne chamber where they did lye there was a Sow laid with her yong pigs And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed being a certain space out of the town she besought the king to visite the said pallace And when she had brought him therunto she said to him I pray you my Lord behold now this house where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold silke and other rich apparel that we left here this other day And where be the delicacies pleasant seruitors and costly dishes that you and I lately were serued with Be not all these passed gone My Lord saith she in like maner shall we vanish away as sodainly as you see these worldly things bene passed And our bodies which now be delicately kept shal fal and turne into the filth of the earth Wherefore haue in mynde my wordes that before tyme to you I haue often shewed told and busie you to purchase that palace that euer shal endure in ioy without transmutation By meane of these wordes and other the Queene turned so the kings mynd that shortly after he resigned the gouernance of his kingdom vnto Ethelardus his nephew for the loue of Christ tooke vpon him the habite of a poore man And setting apart all the pompe pride of this wicked world associated himself in the felowship of poore men and traualled to Rome with great deuotion when he had bene king of Westsaxons as before is sayd 37. yeares After whose departing the foresaid Ethelburga his wife went vnto Barking 7. miles from London where in the Nunry of Barking before of Erkenwald founded she continued ended the rest of her life when she had bene Abbes of the place a certaine time The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth that this Iue was the first king that granted a peny of euery fire house through his dominion to be paid vnto the Court of Rome which afterward was called Romescot or Peter pence long after was paid in many places of England This Iue like as for his time he was worthy and valiaunt in his actes so was he the first of the Saxon kings that I read of which set forth any lawes to his country the rehersall of which lawes to the number of 80. odde were not vnprofitable here to be inserted together with other lawes of the Westsaxon kings after him before the tyme of William Conquerour in case it were not for the length prolixitie of this present volume And thus much concerning the raigne of king Iue king of Westsaxons by the way Now to repaire againe to the course of NorthuÌ„berland kings something intermitted Next vnto the foresaid Osricus folowed Celulfus whom he had adopted brother to KeÌ„red aboue specified This Celulfus as he was himselfe learned so were in his tyme diuers learned meÌ„ then florishing in England among whoÌ„ was Beda who vnto the same king Celulfus offred his story intituled Anglorum Historia not onely to be ratified by his authoritie but also to be amended as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learnyng And for as much as I haue here entred into the mention of Bede a man of worthy and venerable memory because of the certifiyng of the truth of that man and for that I see all writers as touching his life do not agree some saying that he was no Englishman borne I thought so much to report of him as I finde by his owne words testified of himselfe in the latter end of his ecclesiastical history of England offred to the said Celulfus aboue mentioned the wordes of whom be these Thus much by the helpe of God I Bede the seruant of Christ and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paule at wire haue compiled and digested concerning the Britain history And so the same Bede proceding further in his narration declareth that he being borne in the territorie of the sayd Monastery beyng of the age of vij yeares was committed of his parents and friends to the tuition and education of Benedict of whom aboue relation is made and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery In the which place or Monastery he continuyng from that tyme forth all his lyfe long gaue hymselfe and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture Whatsoeuer tyme or laisure he had froÌ„ his daily seruice in the church that he spent either in learning or in teaching or writing somthing About xix yeares of his age he was made Deacon the xxx yeare of his age he was made priest From the which time to the age of 59. yeares he occupied himself in interpreting the workes of the auncient fathers for his owne vse and the necessitie of others and in writing of treatises which came in all to the number of 37. volumes which he digested into 78. bookes Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his bookes to be consonant to catholike doctrine either els if they should be found faulty to amend correct the same as he should thereto be commaunded Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirme that euer he was at Rome but that he was inuited and called thether to come both it is manifest in stories and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prooue declarnig moreouer in what price and estimation Bede was accepted as wel in the court of Rome as in other places besides The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride thus proceedeth in tenor and forme as followeth in Latin The Epistle of Pope Sergius sent to Celfride Abbot of Wire Abbey requiring Bede to be sent vp to him to Rome for the same of his worthy learning SErgius Episcopus seruus seruorsi Dei Celfrido religioso Abbati Sal. Quibus modis ac verbis clementiam Dei nostri atque inenarrabilem prouidentiam possumus 〈◊〉 dignas gratiarum actiones pro immensis eius circa nos beneficijs persoluere qui in tenebris in vmbra mortis positos ad lumen scientia perducit Et infra Benedictionis gratlam quam nobis per praesentem portatorem tua deuota misir religio libâ—i hilari animo ficuti ab ea directa est nos suscepisse cognosce Oportunis igitur ac dignis amplectandae tuae sollicitudinis petitionibus arctissima deuotione satisfacientes hortamur Deo dilectam religiositatis tuae bonitatem vt quia exortis quibusdam Ecclesiasticarum causarum capitulis non sine examinatione longius innotescendis opus nobis sunt ad conferendum artes literaturae sicut decet Deo deuotum auxiliatorem sanctae matris vniuersalis Ecclesiae obedientem deuotionem huic nostrae exhortationi non desistas accommodare sed absque vlla immoratione religiosum Dei famulum Bedam venerabilem Monasterij
the border of the Alpes in Italie Of his thirde wife Ethelwide he receiued two sonnes Edmund and Edred which both reigned after Adelstane And two daughters Egburga whome hee made a Nonne and Eadguina who was married to Ludouicus Prince of Aquitania in Fraunce These sonnes and daughters Kyng Edwarde thus brought vp Hys daughters hee set to spinning and to the needle Guliel de Reg. His sonnes he set to the studie of learning vt quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp non iam tudes procederent that is to the ende that they being as first made Philosophers should be the more expert thereby to gouerne the common wealth ¶ King Ethelstane or Adelstane EThelstane or Adelstane after the death of Edwarde hys father began his reigne in England and was crowned at Kingstone He was a prince of worthy memorie valyant and wise in all his actes nothing inferiour to hys father Edwarde In like worldly renowne of ciuile gouernance ioyned with much prosperous successe in reducing this realme vnder the subiection of one monarchie For he both expelled the Danes subdued the Scottes and quieted the Welshinē as wel in Northwales as also in Cornwale The first enemie against this Ethelstane was one Elfredus who with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the saide Ethelstane at Winchester continently after the death of hys father went about to put out his eyes Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger through the helpe of God was at that time deliuered Elfrede vpon the same being accused fled to Rome there before the Pope to purge himselfe by hys othe Who being brought to the Churche of S. Peter and there swearing or rather forswearing himself to be cleare which in deede was guiltie thereof sodenly vpon his othe fell downe and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. daies after departed The Pope sending worde to king Ethelstane whether he would haue the sayde Eldred buried among Christians or not at length through the perswasions of his friendes and kinsfolkes it was concluded that he should be buryed in Christen buriall This storie although I finde in no other writers mentioned but only in the Chronicles of Guliel Lib. de Regi yet forasmuch as it heareth the witnesse and wordes of the king himselfe as testified in an old dede of gift giuen to the monastery of Malmesbury I thought the same the more to be of credite The wordes of the king procede in this tenor as followeth ¶ The copie of an olde writing of king Ethelstane testifying of the miraculous death of Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hande of God for periurie SCiant sapientes regionis nostrae non has praefatas terras me iniustè rapuisse rapinamque Deo dedisse Sed sic eas accepi quemadmodum iudicauerunt omnes optimates regni Anglorum Insuper Apostolicus Papa Romanae ecclesiae Ioannes Elfredo defuncto qui nostrae foelicitati vitae aemulus extitit nequitiae inimicorum nostrorum consentiens quando me voluerunt patre defuncto coecare in vrbe Wintonia si non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis remissus est ad Romanam ecclesiam vt ibi se coram Apostolico Ioanne iureiurando defenderet Et hoc fecit coram altare sancti Petri Sed facto iuramento cecidit coram altare manibus famulorum suorum portatus est ad scholam Anglorum ibi tertia nocte vitam finiuit Et tunc Apostolicus ad nos remisit quid de eo ageretur a nobis consuluit an cum caeteris Christianis corpus illius poneretur His peractis nobis renunciatis optimates regionis nostrae cum propinquorum illius turma efflagitabant omni humilitate vt corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum corporibus poneretur Christianorū Nosque flagitationi illorum cōsentientes Romam remisimus Papa consentiente positus est ad caeteros Christianos quamuis indignus Et sic iudicata est mihi tota possessio eius in magnis in modicis Sed haec apicibus literarum praenotauimus ne quando aboleatur vnde mihi praefata possessio quam Deo sancto Petro dedi donatur Nec iustiùs noui quám Deo sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt mihi prosperitatem regni largiti sunt c. In the second yeare of the reigne of King Adelstane for an vnitie and a peace to be had betwene the King and the Danes of Northumberlande hee marryed to Sythericus their king his sister whereof mention is made before But shortly after within one yeare this Sythericus died After whose death King Ethelstane seazed that prouince into hys owne hande putting out the sonne of the foresayde Sythericus called Alanus who wyth his brother Godfridus fledde the one into Irelande the other to Constantine King of the Scottes And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande hee shortly made subiect vnto him Constantine King of Scottes But the sayde Constantine meeked himselfe so lowly to the King that he restored him to his former dignitie saying that it was more honour to make a king then to be a king Not long after the sayde Constantine King of Scottes did breake couenaunt with king Ethelstane Wherefore hee assembled his Knights made toward Scotland Where he subduing his enemies and bringing them againe vnto due subiection returned into England with victory Here by the way in some storie wryters who forgetting the office of historicians seme to play the Poetes is written and recorded for a maruell that the sayde Ethelstane returning out of Scotland into England came to Yorke and so into the Churche of S. Iohn of Beuerly to redeeme his knife which before hee had lefte there for a pledge at hys going forth In the which place he praying to God to S. Ihon of Beuerley that he might leaue there some remembrance wherby they that came after might know that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English mē smote with sword they say vpon a great hard stone standing nere about the castle of Dunbar that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deepe with a lie no lesse deepe also then was the stroke in the stone But of this poetical or fabulous storie albeit Polychronicon Fabian Iornalensis and other mo constantly accorde in the same yet in Guliel and Henricus no mention is made at all But peraduenture hee that was the inuentour first of this tale of the stone was disposed to lie for the whetstone Wherefore in my minde he is worthy to haue it Of like truth credite seemeth also to be this that followeth about the same yeare and time vnder the raigne of King Ethelstane being the viij yeare of hys raigne of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea and gouerned that Bishoprike
Aquitania and afterward a Frier This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum as Volateran calleth it chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte and so was strangled who in the latter tyme of his papacie was woont to say that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth then to bee a Pope and to come to the papacie by bloud that is said he not to succeed Peter but rather Romulus who to raigne alone did slay his brother Although this Adrian was bad enough yet came the next much worse one Alexander the 3. of that name Who yet was not elected alone for beside him the Emperor with 9. Cardinals albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3. did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord and long cōtinued In so much that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter sent for them both to appeare before him that in hearing them both he might iudge theyr cause the better Victor came but Alexander disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie refused to appeare Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued placed Alexander flying into Frāce accused them both sending his letters to all christendom against them as men to be auoided and cast out of all christian company Also to get him frendes at Rome by flattery and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie both to the fauouring of him and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose After this Alexander comming from France to Sicile and frō thence to Rome was there receiued with much fauour thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspiracie in Rome remooued with great power into Italy where he had destroyed diuers great cities Comming at length to Rome he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided and that he which had the best right might be takē If they would so do he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before Alexander mistrusting his part and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens hauing shippes ready prepared for hym from William Duke of Apulia fetcht a course about to Venice To declare here the difference in histories betweene Blondus Sabellicus and the Venetian chronicles with other writers concerning the order of this matter I will ouerpasse In this most do agree that the Pope beyng at Venice and required to be sent of the Venetians to the Emperour they would not send him Wherupon Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed charging him not to attēpt any thing before his comming The yong man more hardy then circumspect ioyning with the Venetians was ouercome so taken was brought into the city Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope and to intreat for peace So the Emperour commyng to Venice at S. Markes Church where the bishop was there to take hys absolution was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fredericke the Emperour Here as I note in diuers writers a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice some say after so I meruell to see in Volaterane so great a fauourer of the pope such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith the Otto the Emperours sonne was taken in this conflict which was the cause of the peace betweene his father and the pope And in his 23. booke agayne saith that the Emperour himselfe was taken prisoner in the same battayle so afterward peace concluded tooke his iorney to Alia Palestina This P. in the time of his papacie whiche continued 21. yeares kept sundry councels both at Turo at Lateran where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and other his predecessors As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe sayth he is no fit person to be a minister But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes and also peril to thinke that matrimony immaculate as S. Paul calleth it is not chastitie but onely a single life that they esteeme to be a chaste life Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr called Thomas Becket happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story men may the better iudge both of hym what he was and also of hys cause The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury IF the cause make a Martyr as is sayd I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporall desertes To dye for the Church I graunt is a glorious matter But the Church as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church so it standeth vpon causes spirituall and vpon an heauenly foundation as vpon sayth religion true doctrine sincere discipline obedience to Gods cōmandements And not vpō things pertaining to this world as possessions liberties exemptions priuileges dignities patrimonies and superiorities If these be geuen to the Churche I pray God churchmen may vse them wel but if they be not geuen the church cannot clayme thē or if they be takē away that stadeth in the princes power To contend to Princes for the same it is no matter in my minde materiall to make a martyr but rather a rebellion agaynst them to whom we owe subiection Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr neyther can he be excused from a playne rebell against his prince so yet would I haue wished agayne the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault then the swords of men not biddē not sent to haue smitten him hauing no speciall commandement neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe For though the indignation of the Prince as the wise Prince sayth is death yet it is not for euery priuate persō straghtwayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince except he be publikely authorised thereunto And thus had bene as I suppose the better way the lawes first to haue executed
sundry coūtries As in the countrey of Sucuia about the time of this Emperour an 1240. or neare vpon the same where were many preachers mētioned in the Chronicle of Urspergēsis and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. 18. which preached freelye against the Pope These Preachers as Crantzius sayth ringing the Belles and calling the Barons in Hallis of Sueuia there preached that the Pope was an hereticke that his Bishops and Prelats were simoniacke and heretickes And that the inferiour Priestes and Prelates had no authority to binde and loose but were all seducers Itē that no Pope Bishop or Priest could restrayne mē from their duety of seruing and worshipping of God And therfore such cities or coūtries as were then vnder the Popes curse might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the receyuing of Sacraments as well as before Item that Friers Dominicke and Franciscane did subuert the church with their preaching And as the indulgence of the Pope his Popelings was of no regard so that remissiō which they did preach vnto them they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite whereby it may appeare how the resisting of the Popes vsurped power and corrupt doctrine is no newe thing in these dayes in the Church of Christ. c. And not long after these aforesayd rose vp Arnoldus De noua villa a Spanyard and a man famously learned a great writer an 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritualty condemned among hereticks for holding and writing agaynst the corrupt errors of the popish Church His teaching was that Sathā had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Iesus Item that the sayth which then Christen men were commonly taught was such a fayth as the deuils had meaning belike as we now'affirme that the papistes do teach onely the horicall fayth which is the fayth Historiae non fiduciae Itē that Christen people meaning belike for the most part are led by the pope vnto hel Item that all cloysters are voyd of charity and damned And that they all doe falsify the doctrine of Christ. Item that the Diuines do euill in mixting Philosophy with d iuinity Item that Masses are not to be celebrated And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead Certaine other opinions there be which the slaundrous sects of Monks and Friers do attribute vnto him but as they are wont in al other to do rather vpon enuious taking then of any iust cause geuen And as this Arnoldus was condēned so also the same time Ioannes Semeca the glose writer of the Popes decrees and Prouost of Halberstate was excōmunicated depriued of his Prouostship for resisting Pope Clement the fourth gathering certain exactions in Germany And therfore he appealed from the Pope to a generall councel and had many great fauorers on his side till at last both the Pope and he dyed Consequently in this order and number foloweth the worthy and valiaunt champion of Christ aduersarye of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore a maister of Paris and chiefe ruler then of that Uniuersity This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing agaynst the Fryers their hipocrisy But especially against the begging friers both condemning their whole order and also accusing thē as those that did disturbe trouble al the churches of Christ by their preaching in churches agaynst the will of the ordinaries and pastors by their hearing of confessions and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in theyr Churches All the testimonyes of Scripture that make agaynst Antichrist he applyeth them against the Clergy of Prelates and the Popes spiritualtye The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the booke which is attributed to the schole of Paris and intituled De periculis Ecclesiae Where he proueth by 39. arguments that Friers be false Apostles Moreouer he doth well expound this saying of Christ if thou wilt be perfect go and sell away all thou hast and come follow me declaring there pouerty to be inioyned vs of Christ non actualem sed habitualem not in such sort as standeth in outward action when no need requireth but in inward affection of hart when neede shall require As though the meaning precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually al the we haue but that when the confession of the name of God the glory of christ shall so require that then we be ready to leaue reliquish what things soeuer for the sake of him c. As when he requireth in vs after like phrase the hatred of father mother and of our own liues he biddeth vs not to dihonor father or mother much lesse to hate thē but that thē when case shall require we set all thinges behinde the loue of Christ. Many oth er worthy workes he compiled wherin albeit he vttered nothing but what was truth yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist his rable condemned for an heritick exiled his bookes burnt Whose hereticall argumētes as they called them that thou mayst better iudge therof here vnder I thought good to place Agaynst false Prophets with signes to know them by in these his wordes do follow For because these seducers sayth he name thēselues to be Apostles and that they are sent of God to preach to absolue dispēse with the soules of men by meanes of their ministery Read the saying of the Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians the xi chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workemen disguising themselues to be like the Apostles of Christ Therfore we mean to shew some certaine infallible tokēs and probable by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ. The 1. signe or marke is that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple womens houses ladē with sinne and take them as it were captiue as many of the false preachers do as in the second Epistle of S. Paule to Timothy the 3. chapter is manifest saying Of those sortes are they which enter into womens houses c. Therfore those preachers which come into womens houses to the intent they may take thē captiue be not true preachers but false Apostles The 2. signe and token is that those that be true preachers do not deceiue simple men with painted and flattering wordes whereby they preferre their owne trash and traditions as all false Prophets do as in the last Chapter to the Romaines appeareth saying By their pleasaunt sugred talk and by their blessing and crossing they deceiue and beguile the hartes of innocent men and women Glo. with gay glorious words they extoll set forth their traditions wherby they deceiue simple mē Uery greatly doe they deceiue the soules of simple men which cause them to enter into theyr sect which they terme Religion And they which before led a noughty
priest haddeÌ„ their part of sacrifices and the first bygeten beastes and other things as the lawe telleth And Lorde S. Paul thy seruant sayth that the order of the priesthode of Aaron ceased in Christes comming and the lawe of that priesthode For Christ was end of sacrifices yoffered vpoÌ„ the crosse to the father of heauen to bring man out of sinne and become himself a priest of Melchisedeks order For he was both king priest without beginning and end and both the priesthoode of Aaron and also the law of that priesthode ben ychaunged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paul sayth it is reproued for it broghâ— no man to perfection For bloude of gotes ne of other beastes ne might done away sinne for to that Christ shad his bloud A Lord Iesu wether thou ordenest an order of priests to offreÌ„ in the auter thy flesh and thy bloude to bringen men out of sinne and also out of peine And whether thou geue them alonelych a power to eat thy flesh and thy bloud and wether none other man may eate thy flesh and thy bloud with outen leue of priestes Lord we beleeuen that thy flesh is verey meate and thy bloude verey drinke and who eateth thy flesh and drinketh thy bloud dwelleth in thee and thou in him and who that eateth this bread shall liue without end But Lord thine disciples sayd this is an hard worde but thou answerest them and seidest When yee seeth mans soone stiuen vp there hee was rather the spirite is that maketh you liue the wordes that yche haue spoken to you ben spirite life Lord yblessed more thou be for in this worde thou teachest vs that hee that kepeth thy wordes and doth after them eateth thy fleshe and drinketh thy bloude and hath an euerlasting life in thee And for we shoulden haue minde of thys liuing thou gauest vs the sacrament of thy flesh and bloud in forme of bred and wine at thy supper before that thou shouldest suffer thy death and tooke bread in thine hand and saidest take ye this and eate it for it is my body and thou tookest wine and blessedest it and sayde thys is the bloud of a new and an euerlasting testament that shall be shed for many men in forgeuenes of sinnes as oft as ye haue done doo ye this in minde of me A Lord thou ne bede not thine disciples makeÌ„ this a sacrifice to bring men out of paines gif a priest offred thy body in the alter but thou bede them go and fullen all the folke in the name of the father the sonne and the holy ghost in forgeuenes of their sinnes and teache ye them to keepe those thynges that ych haue coÌ„manded you And Lord thine disciples ne ordeined not priests principallich to make thy body in sacrament but for to teach the people and good husbandmen that well gouern their housholds both wiues children their meiny they ordeind to be priests to teachen other men the law of Christ both in worde in dede they liuedein as true Christen men euery day they eaten Christes body and drinken his bloude to the sustenance of liuing of theyr soules and otherwhiles they tooken the sacrament of his body in forme of bread and wine in mind of our Lord Iesu Christ. But all this is turned vpse downe for now who so will liuen as thou taughtest he shal ben holden a foole And gif he speake thy teaching he shal ben holden an heretick accursed Lord yhaue no lâ—nger wonder hereof for so they seiden to thee wheÌ„ thou wer here some time And therefore wee moten take in pacience theyr wordes of blasphemy as thou didest thy selfe or els we weren to blame And truelych Lord I trowe that if thou were nowe in the world and taughtest as thou diddest some time thou shuldest ben done to death For thy teaching is damned for heresy of wise men of the world and then moten they nedes ben heretickes that teachen thy lore and all they also that trauelen to liue thereafter And therfore Lord gif it be thy wil helpe thine vnkunning lewde seruaunts that wolen by their power and their kunning helpe to destroy sinne Leue Lorde sithe thou madest woman in helpe of man in a more fraile degree then man is to be gouerned by mans reason What perfection of charity is in these priests and in men of religion that haue forsaken spoushod that thou ordeinedst in Paradise betwixt man and woman for perfection to forsaken traueile and liuen in ease by other mens traueile For they mow not do bodilich workes for defouling of their handes with whom they touchen thy precious body in the aulter Leue Lorde gif good men forsaken the company of woman nedes they moten haue the gouernaile of man then moteÌ„ they ben ycoupled with shrewes and therfore thy spoushode that thou madest in clennes from sinne it is nowe ychaunged into liking of the flesh And Lord this is a great mischiefe vnto thy people And young priestes and men of religion for defaulte of wiues maken many women horen and drawen through their euell ensample many other men to sinne and the ease that they liuen in and their welfare is a great cause of this mischiefe And Lord me thinketh that these ben quaint orders of religion and none of thy sect that wolen taken horen whilke God forfendes and forsaken wiues that God ne forfendeth not And forsaKen trauail that God commaunds and geuen their selfe to idlenes that is the mother of all noughtines And Lorde Mary thy blessed mother and Ioseph touched oftentimes thy body and wroughten with their honds and liueden in as much clennes of soule as our priestes done nowe and touched thy body and thou touchedest them in their soules And Lorde our hope is that thou goen not out of a poore mans soule that traueileth for his liuelode with his handes For Lord our beliefe is that thine house is mans soul that thou madest after thine owne likenes But Lord God men maketh nowe great stonen houses full of glasen windowes and clepeth thilke thine houses and Churches And they setten in these houses Mawmets of stockes and stones and to fore them they knelen priuilich apert and maken their prayers and all this they sayen is thy woorship and a great herieng to thee A Lorde thou forbiddest sometime to make suche Mawmetes and who that had yworshipped such had be woorthy to be deeade Lorde in the Gospell thou sayst that true heriers of God ne herieth him not in that hil beside Samarie ne in Hierusalem neyther but true heriers of God herieth him in spirite and in trueth And Lord God what herying is it to bilden thee a church of dead stones and robben thy quicke Churches of their body liche lyueloode Lord God what heryeng is it to cloth mawmets of stockes and of stones in siluer and in golde and
first written in Greeke by Gregory the 3. and afterward translated out of Greeke into Latine by pope Zachary vide supra pag. 130. Likewise that worthy and Imperiall sermon iâ—â—tuâ—ed Eusebij pamphili Sermo ad Conuentum Sanctorum hath to thys day wrongfully borne the name of Eusebius Where as in very truth it was made by the good Emperour Constantinus himselfe in his owne heroicall stile in latine and afterward translated out of Latine into Greeke by Eusebius as he himselfe confesseth in hys worke De vita Constant. lib. 4. But as touching this sermon although the name be chaunged so godly and fruitful it is that it â—attereth not much vnder whose name it be read yet worthy to be read vnder the name of none so much as of the Emperor CoÌ„stantine himselfe who was the true author and owner therof Briefly except it be the bookes onely of the new Testament and of the olde what is almost in the popes church but either it is mingled or depraued or altered or corrupted either by some additions interlased or by some diminutioÌ„ mangled and gelded or by some glose adulterate or with manifest lies contaminate So that in theyr doctrine standeth little truth in theyr Legendes Portues masse-bookes lesse trueth in their miracles and Reliques least truth of all Neyther yet doe theyr sacramentes remayne cleare and voyd of manifest lyes and corruption And specially here commeth in the mayster bee whiche bringeth in much sweet hony into Popes hiues the maister lye I mean of all lyes where the P. leauing not one cromme of bread nor drop of wine in the reuerent communion vntruly and idolatrously taketh away all substaunce of bread from it turning the whole substaunce of bread into the substaunce of Christes owne body which substaunce of bread if the Pope take from the sacrament then muste he also take the breaking from it for breaking and the body of Christ can in no wise stand litterally together by the scripture Thus then as this is proued by the word of God to be a manifest lye so thinke not much good Reader hereat as though I passed the bondes of modestie in calling it the Archlye or maister lie of all lies Because vppon this one an infinite number of other lyes and erroures in the popes churche as handmaydes doe wayte and depend But forsomuch as I stand here not to charge other meÌ„ so muche as to defende my selfe ceasing therefore or rather differing for a time to stir this stinking pudle of these wilfull and intended lyes and vntruthes whiche in the Popes Religion and in papistes bookes be innumerable I will now returne to those vntruthes and impudent lies which M. Cope hath hunted out in my history of Actes Monuments first beginning with those vntruthes which he carpeth in the storye of the foresayde syr Iohn Oldcastle and syr Roger Acton Browne and the rest And first where he layeth to my charge that I cal them Martyrs whiche were traytors and seditious rebels agaynst the king and theyr Country to this I haue aunswered before sufficiently Now here then must the reader needes stay a little at M. Copes request to see my vanitie and impudencye yet more fully and amply repressed in refuting a certain place in my Latine story concerning the kinges statute made at Leiceister whiche place and wordes by him alledged be these pag. 1â—7 Quocirca Rex indicto Lecestriae concilio quòd fortâ—ssis Londini ob Cabhami fautores non erat tutum proposito edicto immanem denunciat poenam his quicunque deinceps hoc doctrinae genus sectarentur vsqueâ—deo in eos seuerus vt non modo haereticos sed perduelliones etiam haberi aâ— pâ—o inde gemino eos supplicio suspendio simul inceÌ„dio afficiendos statueriâ— c. Eâ— mox Adeo ille vires rationesque intendebat omnes aduersus Wicklenianos Wicleuiani ad temporis decebantur quicunque Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectirarent Vpon these wordes out of my foresayd Latine booke alledged maister Cope perswadeth himselfe to haue great aduauntage agaynst me to proue me a notorious lyer in three sondry pointes First in that whereas I say that the king did hold his parliament at Leicester adding thys by the way of Parenthesis quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores non erat tutum c. here he concludeth thereby simpliciter and precisely that the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acton with his fellowes were traytors c. Whereby a man may soone shape a cauiller by the shadowe of mayster Cope For where as my Dialysis out of the texte speaketh doubtfully and vncertaynely by this word fortassis meaning in deede the king to be in feare of the Gospellers that he durst not hold his Parliament at London but went to Leiceister he argueth precisely therfore that the Lord Cobham sir Roger Acton and his fellowes went about to kil the king Secondly where I affirme that the king in that Parliament made a grieuous law agaynst al such did hold the doctrine of Wickliffe that they should be taken hereafter not for heretiques but also for fellons or rebels or traytors and therefore should sustayne a double punishement both to be hanged and also to be burned c. Here coÌ„meth in maister Momus with his Cope on his backe and prouing me to be a lyer denyeth playnly that the king made any suche statute vid. pag. 835. line 6. where hys wordes be these Atqui quod haeretici pro perduellionibus deinceps geminatas poenas suspeÌ„dij incendij luerent vt nugatur Foxus nullo modo illic traditur c. First here woulde bee asked of maister Cope what hee calleth patriae hostes et proditores if he call these traytours then let vs see whether they that followed the sect of wycliffe were made traytours heretiques by the kings law or not And first let vs heare what sayth Polydore Virgil his owne witnes in this behalfe whose words in his xxii booke pag. 441. be these Quare publice edixit vt si vspiam deinceps reperirentur qui eam sequerentur sectam patriae hostes haberentur quò sine omni lenitate seuerius ac ocyus de illis supplicium sumeretur c. That is wherefore it was by publique statute decreed that whosoeuer were founde hereafter to follow the sect of Wyckliffe should be accounted for traytors whereby without all lenitie they shoulde be punished more seuerely and quickly c. Thus haue you maister Cope the playne testimonie of Polydore with mee And because ye shall further see your selfe more impudent in carping then I am in deprauing of histories you shall vnderstand moreouer and heare what Thomas Walden one of your owne catholique brotherhode who was also himselfe aliue a doer in the same Parliament being the prouincial of the Carmelites saith in this matter writing to Pope Martin whose very wordes in Latine here follow written in
place to place and specially about the ministration of the sick Also I declared not of my selfe but I hearde it to be declared by others both great and credible persons that there was a certaine woman a folower of that secte the which taking by violence the body of Christe out of a priests handes did communicate vnto her selfe and affirmed that all men oughte to doe so if the Priests would denye them the Communion And the same woman amongst many other errours of the whych shee was conuicted did affirme that a good lay woman myght better consecrate and geue absolution then an euill priest affirming that an euill priest can neyther consecrate nor absolue But I know that neyther I neither any of my assistance in this matter haue broughte thys at any time into your cares that coblers in the sayde kingdome doe heare confession or minister the sacrament of the body of Christ as is alleaged by the sayde Peter in the behalfe of the sayde supplicantes Notwythstanding that we did feare if meanes were not founde to recounter or stoppe the offences before named that thys would immediatly folow vpon it Wherfore most reuerend fathers least that the kingdome mighte hee defamed any more by such pestiferous sectes and that the Christian faith myght happen to be indaungered with all reuerence and charity I do desire you euen by the bowels of mercy of our Lord Iesus Christe that thys most sacred Councel would prouide some speedy remedy for this kingdome as touchyng the premisses Moreouer whether be they backbiters and slanderers or wicked and false enuiers of the kingdome of Boheme the which do let the errors aforesaid many others more which are sowen by the Wicleuists in the sayd kingdome and also els where whych also both do labor and haue laboured for the extirpation and roting out of those errours out of the kingdome aforesayd and as catholicke men for the zeale of their faith haue manfully put forth themselues against the maintainers of the sayd errours or such as doe maintaine and defend the teachers of those errours This answere I haue here presented before your reuerences alwaies wholy submitting my self and assistance vnto your iudgement and to the definition of this most sacred councell of Constance ¶ The answere of the nobles of Boheme THe day before whitsontide the nobles of Boheme dyd confute this theyr aunswer made 2. dayes before in the Councel to their former wryting as here foloweth Most reuerend fathers and Lordes for so much as vpon thursday it was answered in the behalfe of your reuerences to the requests of the nobles and Lords of Boheme that the sayde Lordes were misinformed of diuers poynts contained in the declaration of their said vil therfore the foresayd Lords haue now determined and decreed to declare their former propounded requests more at large vnto your reuerences not mineding hereby to argue or reprooue your fatherly wisedomes and circumspections but that youre reuerences theyr desires being partly on thys behalf fulfilled might the more effectuously distinctly discerne and iudge as touching thys matter And first of all where as the Lordes alleaged and sayd how that maister Iohn Hus was come hether vnto Constance freely of his owne good will vnder the safe conduct of the Lorde the king and the protection of the sacred Empire It is aunswered on the behalfe of your reuerences how that the said Lords are misinformed as touching the safe conduict and that you haue vnderstand by such as are worthy credit that the frends and fauorers of the sayd M. Iohn Hus did first procure and get his safe conduicte 15. dayes after hys imprisonment The Lords of Boheme and specially the Lorde Iohn de Clum heere present whome thys matter doeth chiefely touche doeth aunswere that not onely the 15. day after but euen the very same day that Iohn Hus was apprehended and taken when as our reuerende father the Pope in the presence of all his Cardinals demaunded of M. Iohn de Clum whether M. Iohn Hus had any safeconduict from the king hys sonne he answered most holy father Cardinals knowe ye that he hath a safe conduict and when he was asked the question againe the second time he answered in like maner Yet notwithstāding none of them required to haue the safeconduict shewed vnto them and againe the thirde day following the Lord Iohn de Clum complained vnto our Lord the Pope how notwythstanding the safe conduict of oure soueraigne Lorde the king he detained and kept M. Iohn Hus as prisoner shewing the said safeconduict vnto many And for a further truth herein he referreth hymself vnto the testimonies and witnesses of diuers Earles Byshops knightes gentlemen and famous Citizens of the city of Constance the whych altogether at this present did see the said safe conduict and heard it read whereupon the sayde Iohn de Clum is ready to binde hymselfe vnder what penalty shal be required euidently to proue and cōfirme that which hee hath promised who soeuer say to the contrary Moreouer the Lordes of Boheme referre themselues vnto the knowledge of certaine Princes electors other Princes Byshops many other noblemen which were present before the kings maiestie where and when as the said safe conduct was graunted and geuen out by the speciall commaundement of our sayd Lord the king Hereby your fatherly reuerences may vnderstand and perceiue that the sayd Lordes of Boheme are not euill informed as touching the saide safe conducit But rather they which by such reportes haue falsly and vntruely informed your reuerēces And first of al they haue offended agaynst the Lord our king and hys chauncellours Secondarely against the Lords and nobles of Boheme as thoughe we had priuely by stealth purchased the sayde safe conduict Wherefore the Lords aforesaid most humbly require desire your reuerēces that you wil not so lightly beleue such as be not worthy of credit but rather hearing the contrary part to labour and discusse that the trueth may the more euidently appeare Secondly where as the Lordes aforesayde alleaging how M. Iohn Hus cōming vnto Constance of his owne free will being neither condemned nor heard was imprisoned your reuerences haue made aunswer therunto that he the sayd M. Iohn Hus in the time of Alexander 5. was infamed and slandered vppon certaine heresies and thereupon cited personally to apeare in the court of Rome and there was heard by hys procurers And for somuch as he refused obstinatly to appeare he was excommunicated in the which excommunication he continued as you affirme by the space of fiue yeares for the whych he was iudged and counted not onely a simple and plaine hereticke but an heresiarke that is to say an inuenter and sower of newe and straunge heresies and that he comming towarde Constance did preache by the way openly To this the Lordes aforesayd do aunswere that as touching hys slaunder and citation they can affirme nothing but by report But as touching
maiesty doth heere vse it Then sayde the Cardinall of Florence Iohn Hus you shall haue a forme of abiuration which shal be gentle and tollerable inough written and deliuered vnto you and then you will easily sone determine with your selfe whither you will do it or no. Then the Emperour repeating againe the wordes of the Cardinall of Cambray said thou hast heard that there are two waies layd before thee First that thou shouldest opēly renounce those thy errors which are now cōdēned and subscribe vnto the iudgement of the Councel wherby thou shouldest try and find their grace and fauour But if thou proceed to defend thy opiniōs the Councell shal haue sufficient wherby according to their lawes ordinances they may decree and determine vpō thee To whom Iohn Hus answered I refuse nothing most noble Emperour whatsoeuer the Councell shall decree or determine vpō me This only one thing I except that I do not offend God and my cōscience or say that I haue professed those errors which was neuer in my mind or thought for to professe But I desire you al if it may be possible that you will grant me further libertie to declare my mind and opiniō that I may answere as much as shall suffice as touching those things which are obiected against me and speciallie cōcerning ecclesiasticall offices and the state of the ministerie But when as other men began to speake the Emperor himselfe began to sing the same song which he had song before Thou art of lawfull age said the Emperor thou mightest haue easily vnderstand what I saide vnto thee yesterday and this daye for wee are forced to giue credit vnto these witnesses which are worthy of credit for so much as the Scripture saith that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all truth is tried How much more then by so manie witnesses of such worthy men Wherfore if thou be wise receiue penance at the handes of the Councell with a contrite hart and renounce the manifest errors and promise by an othe that from henceforth thou wilt neuermore teach or preach againste them The which if thou refusest to do there are lawes and ordinances whereby thou shalt be iudged of the Councell Heere a certain very old Bishop of Pole put to his verdict He saide the lawes are euident as touching hereticks with what punishment they ought to be punished But Iohn Hus constantly answered as before in somuch that they saide he was obstinate and stubborne Then a certaine well fed priest and gaily apparelled cried out vnto the presidents of the Councell sayeng he ought by no meanes to be admitted to recantation for he hath written vnto his frends that although hee do sweare with hys tong yet he will keepe his mind vnsworne without othe wherefore he is not to be trusted Unto this slander Iohn Hus answered as is said in the last Article affirming that he was not guilty of any errour Then said Palletz to what end is this protestation for so much as thou saiest that thou wilt defend no error neyther yet Wickliffe and yet doest defend him When he had spoken these words he brought forth for witnes 9. Articles of Iohn Wickliffes and red thē openly afterward he saide When as I and M. Stanislaus in the presence of Ernestus of Austrich duke of Prage preached against thē he obstinately defended the same not only by his sermōs but also by his bookes which he set forth The which except you do here exhibite we will cause them to be exhibited So said the Emperor also Unto whome Iohn Hus answered I am very well contented that not onely those but also all other my bookes be brought forth and shewed In the meane time there was exhibited vnto the Coūcell a certaine Article wherein Iohn was accused that he had slaunderously interpreted a certaine sentence of the Popes the which he denied that he did saieng that he neuer sawe it but in prison when as the Article was shewed him by the Commissioners And when he was demaunded who was the authour thereof he aunswered that hee knew not but that he hard say that maister Iessenitz was the author thereof What sayd they then do you thinke or iudge of the interpretation thereof Then aunswered Iohn Hus what should I say therunto when as I said I neuer saw it but as I haue heard it of you Thus they were all so greuous and troublesome vnto him that he waxed faint wearie for he had passed all y◠night before without sleepe through the paine of his teeth Then was there another Article read in the which was conteined that three men were beheaded at Prage because that through Wickleffes doctrine and teaching they were contuinelious and slanderous against the Popes letters and that they were by the same Hus with the whole pompe of the Scholers and with a publike conuocation or congregation caryed out to be buryed by a publicke Sermon placed amongst the number of Saints And the same Doctour Naso of whome you haue heard certaine testimonies already recited affirmed the same to be true and that he himselfe was present when as the king of Boheme commanded those blasphemers so to be punished Then said Iohn Hus both those partes are false that the King did command any such punishment to be done and that the coarses were by me conueyed with any such pompe vnto their sepulture or buriall wherefore you do both iniury vnto me and the King Then Palletz confirmed the affirmation of Doctour Naso his fellow with this argumēt for they both laboured to one end and purpose That it was prouided by the Kings commaundement that no man should once speake against the Popes Bulles And these three spake against the Popes Bulles Ergo by vertue of the kings commaundement they were beheaded And what Iohn Husse his opinion and mind was as touching these men it is euident inough by hys booke intituled Of the Church wherein he writeth thus I beleeue they haue read Daniell the Prophet where as is said And they shall perish with sword and fire and with captiuitie and many shall fraudulently craftely associate themselues vnto thē And afterward he saith how is this fulfilled in these two lay men who not cōsenting but speaking against the fained lies of Antichrist haue offred their liues therfore and many other were ready to do the same and many were fraudulently associate vnto them which being feared by the threatnings of Antichrist are fled and haue turned their backes c. When these things were read one looking vpon another as though they had bene all in a maruellous strange study they held their peace for a certaine space For this Palletz the foresaide Doctour Naso had also added that Iohn Hus in an open Sermon had inflamed stirred vp the people against the Magistrates in so much that a great number of the citizens did openly set themselues against the magistrates and
remnaunt of the ashes of that man shoulde not be left vppon the earth whose memorie notwythstanding can not be abolished out of the minds of the godly neither by fire neither by water neither by anye kinde of torment ¶ I know very well that these things are very â—â—lenderly wrytten of me as touching the labours of thys most holy Martyr Iohn Hus with whome the labors of Hercules are not to be compared For that auncient Hercules slew a few monsters but this our Hercules with a moste stout and valiant courage hath subdued euen the worlde it selfe the mother of all monsters and cruell beastes Thys story were worthy some other kind of more curious handling but for so muche as I cannot otherwise perfourme it my selfe I haue endeuored according to the veâ—y truth as the thing was in deede to commend tho same vnto al godly mindes neither haue I heard it reported by others but I my selfe was present at the doing of all these things and as I was able I haue put them in wryting that by thys my labour and indeuor howsoeuer it were I might preserue the memory of this holy man and excellent Doctour of the Euangelicall truth What was the name of this author which wrote thys story it is not here expressed Cochleus in his 2. boke contra Hussitas supposeth his name to be Ioannes Pizibram a Bohemian Who afterward succeeding in the place of I. Hus at Prage at last is thought to relent to the Papists This godly seruaunt and Martyr of Christ was condemned by the cruel councel and burned at Constance an 1415. about the moneth of Iuly Howe grieuously this death of Iohn Hus was taken among the nobles of Boheme and of Morauia heereafter Christ willing shall appeare by their letters which they sent vnto the councell by the letters of Sigismund the king of Romaines wrytten vnto them Wherin he laboureth all that he can to purge and excuse himselfe of Husses death All be it he was not altogether free from that cruell fact and innocent froÌ„ that bloud yet notwithstanding hee pretendeth in words so to wipe away that blot from hym that the greatest part of that crime seemeth to rest vpon the bloudy prelates of that councel as the wordes of the king do purport in forme as followeth INterea inquit nobis adhuc in partibus Rheni existentibus peruenit ad Constantiam c i. In the meane time as we were about the coastes of Rhene Iohn Hus went to Constance and there was arrested as is not to you vnknowen Who if he had first resorted vnto vs had gone with vs vp to the CouÌ„cel perhaps it had bene otherwise with him And God knoweth what griefe and sorrowe it was to our heart to see it so to fall out as with no wordes can be well expressed Whereof all the Bohemians which were there present can beare vs witnesse seeing and beholding howe carefull and sollicitous we were in labouring for him In so much that wee many times with anger and furie departed out of the Councell and not onely out of the Councell but also went out of the City of CoÌ„stance taking his part vnto such time as the rulers of the Councell sending vnto vs sayde That if wee woulde not permit them to prosecute that which right required in the Councell what should they then do in the place Whereupon thus we thought with our selues that here was nothing els for vs more to doe nor yet to speake in this case for asmuche as the whole Councell otherwise had ben dissolued Where is to be noted moreouer that in Constance the same time there was not one clearke or two but there were Ambassadours for all kinges and princes in Christendome especially since the time that Petrus de Luna geuing ouer all those kinges and princes which tooke his part came to vs so that whatsoeuer good was to be done it was nowe to be passed in this present Councell c. Ex Epist. Imper. Sigismundi ad Nobiles c. ¶ By this it may appeare that the Emperour as partly ashamed and sory of that which was done wold gladly haue cleared himselfe therof and haue washed hys handes with Pilate yet he coulde not so cleare himselfe but that a great portion of that murder remained in him to be noted and well worthy of reprehension as may both appeare by his last words spoken in the Councel to I. Hus whereof Iohn Hus in his Epistles complaineth wryting to certaine of his friendes in Bohemia in his 33. Epistle as by hys wordes may appeare here following I Desire you yet againe for the loue of God that the Lordes of Boheme ioyning together will desire the king for finall audience to be geuen me For so muche as he alone saide to me in the Councell that they shoulde geue me audience shortly and that I shoulde aunswer for my selfe briefly in wryting it will be to hys great confusion if he shall not perfourme that which he hath spoken But I feare that worde of his will be as firme and sure as the other was concerning my safeconducte graunted by him Certaine there were in Bohemia which willed mee to beware of hys safeconducte And other sayde he will sure geue you to your ennemies And the Lord Mikest Dweky told me before M. Iessenitz saying Maister know it for certaine you shal be condemned And this I suppose he spake knowing before the inteÌ„tion of the king I hoped well that hee had bene well affected towarde the lawe of God and trueth and had therein good intelligence nowe I conceiue that he is not greatly skilfull nor so prudently circumspecte in himselfe He condemned me before mine ennemies did Who if it had pleased him might haue kept the moderation of Pilat the Gentile which sayde I finde no cause in this man or at least if hee had sayde but thus beholde I haue geuen him his safeconducte safely to returne And if hee will not abide the decision of the councell I will send him home to the king of Boheme with youre sentence attestations that he with his cleargie may iudge him But nowe I heare by the relation of Henry Leffl and of other that he will ordaine for me sufficient audience And if I will not submit my selfe to the iudgement of the councel he wil send me safe the contrary way c. This Iohn Hus being in prison wrote diuers treatises as of the commaundements of the Lordes prayer of mortal sinne of matrimony of the knowledge and loue of God of 3. ennemies of mankinde the world the flesh and the deuill of penaunce of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of the Lord of the sufficiencie of the lawe of God to rule the church c. He wrote also diuers Epistles and letters to the Lordes and to his frendes of Boheme And in hys wrytings did foreshewe many things before to come touching yâ— reformation of the Churche and seemeth in the prison
thinges are worthy of euerlasting death And if yewill not determine to do any other thing then to fight against vs then will we take the Lord to our helpe and his trueth we will defend it to the death we will not be afraid for the excommunicatioÌ„ or curse of the Pope or his cardinals or of the bishops because we know that yâ— Pope is not god as he maketh himselfe that he can curse and excommunicate when he will or blesse when he will who hath now these many yeares cursed and excoÌ„munited vs yet notwithstanding God and his gratious blessing hath bene our helpe But peradueÌ„ture ye wil say that though we see that bishops and priests be euill wicked yet we caÌ„not lacke them for who should baptise our children who should heare confessions minister the holy sacraments and then also we should be wtin the excommunication of the pope of his bishops Welbeloued ye nede to take no care for these matters The excoÌ„municating of the Pope hurteth you nothing Feare ye the excommunicating of God and the Lorde wil prouide for those things wel enough If ye would banish euil bishops and priests ye shuld haue good priestes which shuld baptise your children heare coÌ„fessions and minister the holy mysteries bicause when the deuill is banished then place is made for the holy ghost So when yll bishops and priestes shall be banished then place shal be made for good priestes bishops Also your bishops and priests say that we are miscreants and hereticks that we beleue not on purgatory vpoÌ„ the virgine Mary nor vpon the sayntes wherein they say ill for we will proue by the holy scripture that we know better by Gods grace how we ought to beleue vpon Purgatory vpon Mary the mother of our Lord vppon hys welbeloued saints theÌ„ they can tell vs. Also they say that we wil not be obedieÌ„t vnto the P. Truly when he shal be come holy and iust then we know well that we ought to be obedient to him in al things and not before They say also that we destroy Gods holy seruice in that we destroy monasteries banishing thence the wicked Monkes and Nunnes Truely we dyd it thinking once that they were holy that they did the reuerend seruice of god but after that we well perceiued and considered their lyfe works then we perceiued that they were false lowly hipocrites and wicked builders on high and sellers of pardoÌ„s and masses for the dead and such as deuoured in themselues the sinnes of the people And where as they sayd that they rise at midnight when other men slâ—epe and pray for the sins of the people forasmuch as their selling of their praiers and masses for the dead for gifts is no better then hipocrisie and heresie therfore if we do speake agaynst them and destroy their monasteries we do not therin destroy the seruice of God but rather the seruice of the deuill and the schooles of heretickes And if ye knew them as we know them ye would as diligently destroy them as we do For Christ our Lord did not ordayn anysuch order therfore it must needs come to pas that shortly it shal be destroyd as our lord saith in the Gospel of S. Mathew the 15. chapter Euery plant whiche my father hath not planted shal be rooted vp We desire you also that ye woulde dilligently consider the articleâ— here written wherein your bishops and priestes are guilty The 1. article is that when your bishops will ordaine priests they do it not except he yâ— is to be made priest haue sufficient liuing eyther inheritance left him of hys parents or of benefices wheras notwithstanding Christ wold that priestes should be poore forasmuch as it is enough for the scholar to be as his maister is and for the seruaunt to be as his Lord is and the bishops wil that they should be rich v vpon earth which is vniust before the Lord. The 2. article is that bishops take mony of such as are to be ordained but S. Peter did therfore sharply rebuke Simon Magus when he would haue geuen him mony as it is written in the 8. of the actes The 3. article is that they that come to be priestes enter into priesthoode not for gods seruice sake because they mean to preach and encrease it among the ChristiaÌ„ people so as the people may be edified and made better but rather for an idle life and that they may eate well and drinke wel and that they may be honoured and reuereÌ„ced vpon earth For euery one wayteth vpon hys priest as a theefe and a robber as Iohn writeth in his x. thap The 4. article is of excommunication which the Pope and all his priestes take to themselues and therwith fetter bind all Christian people as they will and they thinke that whosoeuer they excommunicate or curse hee is accursed and excommunicate before God And we wil proue by the holy Scripture that they themselues are excommunicate accursed before God because they kepe not the commaundement of the loue of God wherof the Apostle writeth in that 1. to the Cor. the 16. chap. If any man loueth not our Lorde Iesus Christ he is excommunicate in the day of the comming of the Lord. For they cannot excommunicate you who are already bound and excommunicate before God hys saintes and therefore why feare ye their excommunication The 5 Article is that they take gifts for to pray for the dead and to say masse for theyr soules This is a wickednes and heresie before the Lord all they that contribute to them to this end do wickedly for that hereby priests become merchantes of prayers and of masses and herewyth is all the church of Rome poysoned and defiled For if they would pray for the dead and say masse for their soules yet no man ought to hire theÌ„ thereto forasmuch as they ought to take no giftes neither little nor great And euery one that taketh rewardes to this end to redeeme soules out of purgatory do therwithal cast their own soules down into hel And they that geue any thing to that end doe altogether lose yâ— which they geue And with such deuilishe subâ—lety yâ— Pope with all his priestes hath deceiued spoyled and disherited kinges princes Lordes and knights good housholders and many other of their lawful inheritaunces because their ancestors progenitours gaue it to Colledges monasteries churches that they might make memorials of theÌ„ to sing or say prayers or masses for their soules that they might be redeemed out of Purgatorye And wyth such goodes Byshops Canons and Monasteries haue made themselues so riche that now they fall at variaunce with cities princes wheras they should procure peace betwixt cities and rulers there they are the first that begin warre and as long as they haue such goodes they wil neuer cease to be at strife
but according to their owne wil and disposition They doe greatly esteeme and regard this which was spoken vnto Peter Tu vocaberis Cephas i. Thou shalt be called Cephas by the which worde they make hym the head of the Church Also I will geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt bind vpon earth c. I haue prayed for thee Peter that thy Faith would not faile And againe feede my sheepe Last thy net into the depe Be not afrayd for from theÌ„ceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men Also that Christ commaunded Peter as the Prince of the Apostles to pay tolle for them bothe and that Peter drew the net vnto the land full of great fishes that onely Peter drew his sword for the defence of Christ. Al which places these meÌ„ do greatly extol altogether neglecting the expositions of the fathers the which if as reason were they would consider they shuld manifestly perceine by the authorities aforesayde that the Pope is not aboue them when they are gathered together in Councell but when they are separate and deuided But these things being passed ouer for somuch as answere shall appeare by that which heereafter shall followe we will now declare what was reasoned of by the learned men vppon thys question But first wee woulde haue it known the all men which are of any name or estimation do agree that the Pope is subiect to the Councell and for the proofe therof they repeat in a maner al those things which were before spoken of the church for they suppose all that which is spoken of the Churche to serue for the generall Councell And first of all they alledge this saying of the Gospel Dic Ecclesiae tell it vnto the Church In the whych place it is conuenient to vnderstand that Christ spake vnto Peter instructing him what he should doe as touching the correction of his brother He saith if thy brother offend or sinne against thee rebuke him betwene thee and him alone If hee geue care vnto thee thou hast wonne thy brother but if he doe not geue eare vnto thee take in thee one or two that in the mouth of two or thee witnesses all truth may stand if theÌ„ he wil not geue eare vnto thee Dic Ecclesiae tell it vnto the Church What shal we vnderstand by the church in that place shall we say that it is the multitude of the faithfull dispersed throughout the whole worlde My yoke is pleasaunt sayth the Lord my burden is light But howe is it light if Christ commaunde vs to doe that which is impossible to be done For howe coulde Peter speake vnto the Churche which was dispersed or to seeke out euery Christian scattered in euery Towne or Citie But the meaning of these words is farre otherwise and they must be otherwise interpreted for which cause it is necessary that we remember the double person which Peter represented as the person of the high byshop and a priuate man The sense and meaning of his words are euident and plaine inough of themselues that they neede no supplement or alteration We must first marke and see what thys worde Ecclesia signifieth the which we do find but only to be twise spoken of by Christ once in this place and againe when as he said vnto Peter Tu es Petrus super hanc Petram edificabo Ecclesiam meam That is Thou art Peter and vpon this rock wil I build my Church Wherfore the Church signifieth the connocation or congregation of the multitude Dic Ecclesiae tell it vnto the church That is to say tel it vnto the Congregation of the faithful the which forsomuch as they are not accustomed to come together but in a generall Councel this interpretation shall seeme very good Dic Ecclesiae tel it vnto the Church that is to say Dic generali Concilio tel it vnto the generall Councell In this case I would gladly heare if there be any man which doth thinke thâ—se words to be more properly expressed in any Prelate then in the councell when as they must put one man for the multitude whych if it be admitted in the scriptures we shall from hencefoorth finde no firme or stable thing therein But if any man doe maruaile at thys interpretation let him search the old wryters and he shall finde that thys is no newe or straunge interpretation but the interpretation of the holy fathers and olde Doctours whyche haue first geuen lyght vnto the Churche as Pope Gregorie witnesseth a man worthy of remembrance both for the holines of his life and his singular learning whose wordes are these wrytten in his Register vnto the bishop of Constantinople And wee sayde hee against whome so great an offence is committed through temeratious boldnesse do obserue and keepe that which the truth doth commaunde vs saying Si peccauerit in te frater that is If thy brother do offend against thee c. And afterward he addeth more if my rebukes and corrections be despysed it remaineth that I do seeke helpe of the church The which words doe manifestly declare the Church heere to be taken for the generall Councell Neither did Gregory say that he wold seeke helpe of the Church that is dispearsed abroad in euery place but of that which is gathered together that is to say the generall Councell for that whych is dispearsed abroad cannot be had except it be gathered together Also Pope Nicholas reproouing Lotharius the king for adultery sayd if thou doest not amend the same take heede that we tell it not vnto the holy Church In the which saying Pope Nicholas did not say that he wold go throughout the world to certifie euery one man by man but that hee would call the Church together that is to say the general councell and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius the he which had contemned the Popes commaundements shoulde feare the reuerence of the general councell I could recite an infinite nuÌ„ber of witnesses for that purpose the which all tende vnto one ende but this one testimony of the Councell of Constance shall suffice for them all wherein it is sayde that not onely the Pope in the correction of his brother is remitted vnto the Councell when as he can not correct him of hymselfe but also when as any thing is done as touchyng the correction of the Pope himselfe the matter ought to be referred to the councel Wherby it appeareth our interpretation to be most true which doth expound the Church to be in the generall Councell Hereupon the Actes of the Apostles the Congregations whych were then holden were called the Church Also in the councell of Nice and in other Councels wheÌ„ as any man shuld be excommunicated alwayes in a maner thys sentence was adioyned Hunc excommunicat Catholica Apostolica Ecclesia The Catholicke and Apostolicke Church doth excommunicate thys man And heereuppon that title is geuen
generall councell The councell of Constance decreeth the Pope to be vnder the Councell The actes of the Apostles The cauncell of Nice The title of the Councels The constitutions of the B. of Rome are not the lawes of the church By the church the councell is vnderstand Simons obedience necessary in the Byshops of Rome The fauourers and mainteiners of the pope goe about to mainteine preferre the pleasure profit of one before a common commoditie The pope can abide no generall Councels Non obstante In the Popes Bulles The councel to be aboue the pope The full iudgemét of the church is not to be found but in the generall Councel No appealâ— to be made froÌ„ the couÌ„cel to the P. Acts 13. Gal. 2. Peter constrayned to obey the generall councell The decree of the councel of Constance The pope bound vnder the obedience of the generall Councel Diuers places rehearsed out of the Gospels and Apostles for authoritie of the Church and generall councels aboue the Pope Weight is matters intreated but onely in generall councels The Pope not sufficient of him selfe to connince or iudge heretickes The pope may erre Whether the pope may be deposed by the councell or not The places Tibi dabo claues regniâ—exlorum Pasce oues meas make nothing for the popes supremacye The Popes supremacie consuted Peter representeth the person of the church and not of the Pope The keyes geueÌ„ to the church and not to one man Pope Boniface erreth The B. of Rome vnproperly called the head of the Church The dote which say that the pope cannot be deposed for any other cause then for heresie Fruiteles braunches are to be cutt of If the pope be vnsauery salt he is to be cast away A note for all naughty prelats The wordes of â— Peter to Clement The epistle of Clement to Iames doubted The pope may and ought to be both accused punished for ill doing Whether the pope may be deposed by the counsell or no. The pope is rather to be called the vicar of the Church then of Christ. Pope Iohn 23. deposed and yet for no heresie Whether councells may be coÌ„gregated without the authority of the Pope They erre that say the Pope ought onely to appoint the councells Marke wherefore the popes will haue no generall couÌ„cell The first councell of the apostles The 2. couÌ„cell of the Apostles The 3. couÌ„cell of the Apostles The 4. couÌ„cell of the Apostles Generall councells in tymes past coÌ„gregated by Emperours not by popes If the greater part of the Church do consent a councell may be holdeÌ„ whether the Pope will or no. How the Pope is a schismaticke The Pope can not dissolue a generall councell against the will of the same The saying of Macrobius Whether the pope in certaine cases may dissolue the councell The definition of faith The definition of the catholicke faith Rom. 3. Catholicke what it is The councel of CoÌ„stance Vid. supra pag. 650. The wordes of the councel of ChalcedoÌ„ where by he is declared an hereticke that holdeth any opinion contrary to the councell Panormitan is noted and veriâ— well nipped by his owne supposition Tell the church that is to say the generall councell The Byshop of Burgen Panormitanes oration Foure thinges to be considered in euery request Panormitane would haue dignitie to be coÌ„sidered in couÌ„cell not voices Panormitane seemeth to delay the proces against the pope The 3. part of Panormitans oration Persuations of Panormitane The praise of Lodouicus the prothonotarie Bishops onely to haue determining voyce in councells It is no maruell why he alleadged no more or better matter for of noughty Lether no man can make a good shoe And note here how God with draweth his giftes when men dissemble cloke the truthe Truth seeketh no corners The patieÌ„ce and answere of Arelatensis Didimus reprehended that which was in his owne booke founde He meaneth Panormitane and Lodouicus the Prothonotary Marke O ye Bishops the couÌ„cell of Basill contendeth for you and ye will not vnderstaÌ„d it This was a â— true Cardinall out of whose mouth the veritie did speake which feared not the threatnings of princes neither sought any worldly glory or dignitie Marke what worldly pompe dignitie and wealth had brought the prelates to in those dayes Note here the great godlynes most christian saying of this good Bishop Truth many times dwelleth vnder the ragged cloke Steuen the first martir Note the finâ—etitie ritie of this good Bishop which stayed himselfe vpon the examples of the primitiue church not vpon customes popes Athanasius beeing but a priest and no Bishop vanquished an Archb. The name of priests or elders commoÌ„ both to Bishops and priests Paule Bishop of Antioch Paule the hereticke with his godly eloqueÌ„ce S. Augustines minde vpon this sentence Tibi dabo claues regni caelorum Byshops are of greater power then priests rather by custome then dispensation of truth Byshops and priestes ought to rule the church together Aeneas Siluius Note that Abbots were not instituted by Christ. Italy surmounteth all other nations in number of Byshops Note the terrible persecution of those dayes and the great constancie of the godly for the truthes sake O zeale of fayth worthie the crowne of martyrdom Eccle. 7. The bishops â—eare the earthly power but not God The bishops of the primitiue church what they were Poore men more meete to geue iudgement then riche for riches wealth and dignitie bringeth feare but pouertie causeth libertie * The Byshoppes in this age of the church what they are In matters of faith and religion there ought to be no delayes The eight yeare of the councell of Basill How subtelly they sought delayes The decrees of the councell of Constance If these thinges seeme so vntollerable what shall we say wheÌ„ as they make the Pope a God They which teach this doctrine are heretickes schismaticks but blessed are those heretickes for theirs is the kingdome of heauen A christian exhortation to constancy and martirdome This came so to passe 23. yeares after when Christendome lost Constantinople and all the east partes vnto the Turkes Examples of good men dying for their couÌ„trey The noble Laâ—cedemonians The blessed state of the life to come The worthy aunswere of Theodorus Cyrenensis No death to be feared for christs Church Example of Mariners HuÌ„ters Example of the 11. thousand virgins Iewes Patriarke of Aquileia Duke of Decke in â—weuia The Earle of Diersten The prayse of the citizens of Basill Humilitie sister to nobilitie Amodeus Archbishop of Lions Anno. 1438. Bishops that he at home haue toÌ„gue here to speake for the Pope Marke how they are turned back which somtime fauoured the truth are now become liers flatterers Constancie lacked in diuers of this councell Panormitane speaketh like himselfe Nicholas Amici a diuine of Paris The oration of Segouius Ambros. ad Valentinianum How farre wherein Bishops ought to iudge vpon Emperours He excuseth the Patriarke