people will be alwayes like themselues stubburnly mainteining that which is false and foolish neither can I hope to remooue them from this accustomed and stale opinion I haue penned the treatise following And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men who both in age wit and learning are by many degrees my superiors and therefore more fit to take the defence of the countrey into their hands notwithstanding being earnestly perswaded thereunto by that godly famous man Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island I thought good to the vtmost of mine ability to be no whit wanting vnto the common cause both that I might obey his most reasonable request and also that I might encourage other of my countreymen who haue bene better trained vp in good learning and indued with a greater measure of knowledge then I my selfe to the defence of this our nation so farre am I from hindering any man to vndertake the like enterprise But to returne to the matter because they whatsoeuer they be that reproch and maligne our nation make their boast that they vse the testimonies of writers we are seriously to consider what things and how true writers haue reported of Island to the end that if they haue giuen perhaps any occasion to others of inueying against vs their errours being layd open for I will not speake more sharpely all the world may see how iustly they do reproch vs. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine some ancient writers of this Iland by the rule of trueth and experience yet otherwise their memory is precious in our eyes their dignity reuerend their learning to be had in honour and their zeale and affection towards the whole common wealth of learned men highly to be commended but as for nouices if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles when they shall heare and know truer matters concerning Island then they themselues haue written they shall seeme by their inconstancie and peruerse wit to haue gained nought else but a blacke marke of enuy and reproch And that this commentarie of mine may haue some order it shall be diuided into two generall parts the first of the Iland the second of the inhabitants and of these two but so for-foorth as those writers which are come to our hands haue left recorded because I am not determined to wander out of these lifts or to handle more then these things and some other which perteine vnto them For I professe not my selfe an Historiographer or Geographer but onely a Disputer Wherefore omitting a longer Preface let vs come to the first part concerning the situation the name miracles and certaine other adiuncts of this Iland The first section The Isle of Island being seuered from other countreys an infinite distance standeth farre into the Ocean and is scarse knowen vnto Sailers ALbeit a discourse of those things which concerne the land and the adiunces or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation or inhabitants from the biting of slanderers yet seemeth it in no case to be omitted bâ—t to be intreated of in the first place that the friendly reader perceiuing how truely those writers of Island haue reported in this respect may thereby also easily iudge what credit is to be giuen vnto them in other matters which they haue left written concerning the inhabitants and which others haue receiued from them as oracles from whence as they say they haue borrowed scoffes and taunts against our nation First therefore that the distance of Island from other countreys is not infinite nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine it might easily be prâ—uided if one did but in some sort know the true longitude latitude of the said Iland For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be knowen any other way then this whenas it is manifest how the Mariners course be it neuer so direct as they suppose doth at all times swerue In y e meane while therfore I will set downe diuers opinions of authors concerning y e situation of Island that from hence euery man mâ—y gather that of the distance which seâ—meth most probable vntil perhaps my selfe being one day taught by mine owne experience may if not intrude yet at least adioin what I shal thinke true as touching this matter Longit. Latitud deg min. deg min. Munster placeth Island almost in 20  68  Gerardus Mercator 325  68  Gemma Frisius placeth the midst of Island 7 0 65 30 Hersee 7 40 60 42 Thirtes 5 50 64 44 Nadar 6 40 57 10 Iacobus Ziegleâ—us     The West shore of Island 20 0 63 0 The promontorie of Chos 22 46 63 0 The East shore is extended Northward and hath bounds of extension in 30 0 68 0 The North shore is extended Westward and hath bounds of extension in 28 0 69 0 The description of y e West side     Longit. Latitud deg min. deg min. The promontorie of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0 The promontorie of Madher 21 20 65 10 The inland cities of Island     Holen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50 Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22  63 30 Reinholdus     By Holen in Island   68  Iohannes Miâ—itius     By Mid-Island   69 ½ Neander     Island stretcheth it selfe 3 degrees within the circle arctic from the equinoctial insomuch that y e said circle arctic doeth almost diuide it in the midst c.     There be others also who either in their maps or writings haue noted the situation of Island notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set downe any more of their opinions because the more you haueâ— the more contrary shall you finde them For my part albeit I haue probable coniectures perswading me not to beleeue any of the former opinions concerning the situation of Island but to dissent from them all yet had I rather leaue the matter in suspense then affirme an vncerteinty vâ—till as I haue sayd I may be able perhappes one day not to gesse at the matter but to bring forth mine owne obseruation and experience A câ—rteine writer hath put downe the distance betweene the mouth of Elbe Baâ—zende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues from whence if you shall account the difference of longitude to the meridâ—an of Hamburg Island must â—aue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place I am able to prooue by three sundry voyages of certaine Hamburgers that it is but seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburg Besides all those Islands which by reason of the abuâ—dance of sheepe are called Fareyiar or more rightly Faâ—reyiar as likewise the desert shores of Norway are distant from vs but two dayes sailing We haue foure dayes sailing into habitable Gronland and almost in the same quantitie of time we passe ouer to the prouince
with the king of Hungarie menacing and plainely foretelling those mischiefes which afterward happened vnlesse he would submit himselfe and his kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke Well being allured by our Princes to confesse the trueth he made such oathes and protestations as I thinke the deuill himselfe would haue beene trusted for First therefore he reported of himselfe that presently after the time oâ— his banishment namely about the 30. yere of his age hauing lost all that he had in the citie of Acon at dice euen in the midst of Winter being compelled by ignominious huâ—ger wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sacke a paire of shooes and a haire cappe onely being shauen like a foole and vttering an vncoâ—h noise as if he had bene dumbe he tooke his iourney and so traueiling many countreyes and finding in diuers places friendly enterteinment he prolonged his life in this maner for a season albeit â—uery day by rashnesse of speech and inconstancie of heart he endangered himselfe to the deuil At length by reason of extreame trauaile and continuall change of aire and of meaâ—s in Caldea he fell into a grieuous sickenesse insomuch that he was wearie of his life Not being able therefore to go forward or backeward and staying there a while to refresh himselfe he began being somewhat learned to commend to writing those wordes which hee heard spoken and within a short space so aptly to pronounce and to vtter them himselfe that he was â—eputed for a natiue member of that countrey and by the same dexteritie he attained to manie languages This man the Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies drew him perforce into their societie and being admonished by an oracle or vision to challenge dominion ouer the whole earth thâ—y allured him â—y many rewards to their faithâ—ull seruice by râ—ason that they wanted Interpreters But concerning their maners and superstitions of the disposition and stature of their bodies of their countrey and maner of fighâ—ing c he protested the particulars following to be true namely that they were aboue all men couetous hasty deceitfull and mercilesse notwithstanding by reason of the rigour and extremitie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them by their superiours they are restreined from brawlings and from mutuall strife and contention The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes they call by the name of gods and at certaine set times they doe celebrate solemne feasts vnto them many of them being particular but foure onely generall They thinke that all things are created for themselues alone They esteeme it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels They be hardie and strong in the breast leane and pale-fated rough and huf-shouldred hauing flatte and short noses long and sharpe chinnes their vpper iawes are low and declining their teeth long and thinne their eye-browes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses their eies inconstant and blacke their countenances writhen and terrible their exâ—reame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes hauing thicke and great thighes and short legsâ— and yet being equall vnto vs in stature for that length which is wanting in their legs is supplied in the vpper parts of their bodies Their countrey in olde time was a land vtterly desert and waste situated faâ— beyond Chaldea from whence they haue expelled Lions Beares such like vnâ—amed beasts with their bowes and oâ—her engines Of the hides of beasts being tanned they vse to shape for themselues light but yet impenetrable armour They ride fast bound vnto their horses which are not very great in stature but exceedingly strong and mainteined with little prouender They vse to fight constantly and valiantly with iauelins maces battle-axes and swords But specially they are excellent archers and cunning warriâ—rs with their bowes Their backs are slightly armed that they may not flee They withdraw not themselues from the combate till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue backe Vanquâ—shed they aske no fauour and vanquishing they shew no compassion They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world vnder their owne subiection as if they were but one man and yet they are moe then millions in number They haue 60000. Courriers who being sent before vpon light horses to prepare a place for the armie to incampe in will in the space of one night gallop three dayes iourney And suddenly diffusing themselues ouer an whole prouince and surprising all the people thereof vnarmed vnprouided dispersed â—hey make such horrible slaughters that the king or prince of the land inuaded cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against them and to withstand them They delude all people and princes of regions in time of peace pretending that for a causeâ— which indeed is no cause Sometimes they say that they will make a voyage to Colen to fetch home the three wise kings into their owne countrey sometimes to punish the auarice and pride of the Romans who oppressed them in times past sometimes to conquere barbarous and Northren nations sometimes to moderate the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mildnesse sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the French sometimes â—or the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes sometimes againe in derision they say that they intend to goe on pilgrimage to S. Iames of Galâ—cia In regard of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet gouernors concluding a league with them haue granted them fâ—ee passage thorow their territories which leagues notwithstanding being violated were an occasion of ruine and destruction vnto the foresayd gouernours c. Libellus historicus Ioannis de Plano Carpini qui missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini 1246. ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo Incipit Prologus in librum Tartarorum OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum peruenerit frater Ioannes de Plano Carpini ordinis fraâ—â—um minorum Apostolicae â—edis Legatus nuncius ad Tartaros nationes alias Orientis Dâ—i gratiam in praesenti gloriam in futuro de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem Cum ex mandato sedis Apostolice iremus ad Tartaros nationes alias Orientis sciâ—emus Domini Papae venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem elegimus priâ—s ad Tartaros proficisci Timebamus enim ne per cos in proximo ecclesiae Dei periculum imminerer Et quamuis a Tartaris alijs nationibus timeremus occidi vel perpetuo captiuari vel fame siti algore aestu contumelia laboribus niâ—ijs quasi vltra vires afflâ—gâ— quae omnia multo pluâ—quam prius credidimus excepta morte vel captiuitate perpetua nobis mulâ—ipliciter euenerunt non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis vt voluntatem Dei sâ—cundum Domini papae mandatum adimplere possemus vt proficeremus in aliquo Christianis vt saltem scita veraciter voluntate intentione ipsorum possemus illam patefacere Christianis ne forte subito irruentes inuenirent eos
Prince of honour Here much glory as him thought he found A mightie land which had take in hand To werre in France and make mortalitie And euer well kept round about the see And to the king thus hee sayd My brother When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer To werre outwards and your regne to recouer Keepe these two Townes sure and your Maistie As your tweyne eyne so keepe the narrowe see For if this sea bee kept in time of werre Who can heere passe without danger and woe Who may escape who may mischiefe differre What Marchandie may forby bee agoe For needs hem must take trewes euery foe Flanders and Spaine and other trust to mee Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see Therefore I cast mee by a little writing To shewe at eye this conclusion For conscience and for mine acquiting Against God and ageyne abusion And cowardise and to our enemies confusion For foure things our Noble sheweth to me King Ship and Swerd and power of the see Where ben our ships where ben our swerds become Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe Alas our rule halteth it is benome Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe I will assay though mine heart ginne to weepe To doe this werke if wee will euer thee For very shame to keepe about the see Shall any Prince what so be his name Which hath Nobles moch leche ours Bee Lord of â—ee and Flemings to our blame Stop vs take vs and so make fade the flowers Of English state and disteyne our honours For cowardise alas it should so bee Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flanders The first Chapter KNowe well all men that profits in certaine Commodities called comming out of Spaine And Marchandie who so will weete what it is Bene Figs Raisins wine Bastard and Datis And Licorts Siuill oyle and graine White Pastill Sope and Waxe is not vayne Yron Wooll Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell also For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn Saffron Quickesilver which owne Spaine Marchandy Is into Flanders shipped full craftily Unto Bruges as to her staple fayre The Hauen of Sâ—luse hir Hauen for her repayre Wich is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding Where many vessels and fayre are abiding But these Marchandes with their shippes great And such chaffare as they bye and get By the weyes must nede take on hand By the coasts to passe of our England Betwixt Douer and Caleis this is no doubt Who can well els such matter bring about And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy That to Flanders bougethfull richly Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours Cloth of Curtrike fine cloth of all colours Much Fusâ—ian and also Linen cloth But Flemings if yee bee not wroth The great substance of your cloth at the full Yee wot ye make it of our English woll Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine Both out and in by our costes passe Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne Thus if this see were kept I dare well sayne For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother And nether may well liue without other They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees Without our English commodities Wolle and Tynne for the woolle of England Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand Then if England would her wolle restraine From Flanders this followeth in certaine Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace Or els shee is destroyed without lees Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee For destroyed it is and as in cheeffe The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe But if it be costed and menged well Amongst the English wolle the greter delle For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is And euer hath bee that men haue minde of this And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy That longeth to Spaine who so will espie It is of little value trust vnto mee With English wooll but if it menged bee Thus if the sea be kept than herken hether If these two lands comen not â—ogether So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought That in the narrowe see it be not broughtâ— Into the Rochelle to fetch the fumose wine Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine What is then Spaine What is Flanders also As who sayd nought the thrift is agoe For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands ywis And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede What hath then Flanders bee Flemings lieffe or lothâ— But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth By Drapering of our wooll in substance Liuen her commons this is her gouernance Without wich they may not liue at ease Thus must hem sterue or with vs must haue peace Of the commodities of Portugal The second Chapter THe Marchandy also of Portugal By diuers lands turne into sale Portugalers with vs haue trouth in hand Whos 's Marchandy â—ommeth much into Englandâ— They ben our friends with their commodities And wee English passen into their countrees Her land hath wine Osey Waxe and Graine Figges Reysins Hony and Cordoweyne Dates and Salt Hides and such Marchandy And if they would to Flanders passe for by They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes For supporting of our cruell enemies That is to say Flemings with her gyle For changeable they are in little while Then I conclude by reasons many moe If we suffred neither friend nor foe What so enemies and so supporting Passe for by vs in time of werring Seth our friends will not ben in cause Of our hindring if reson lede this clause Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought And other lands should seeke peace dout nought For Flanders is Staple as men tell mee To all nations of Christianitie The commodities of pety Britaine with her Rouers on the sea The third Chapter FUrthermore to write I am faine Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne Commoditie thereof there is and was Salt and wine crest cloth and canuas And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy Wich Marchandie may not passe away But by the coast of England this is no nay And of this Britaine who so trueth louis Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis That haue bene in the sea many one yeere That our Marchants haue bought full dere For they haue tooke notable goods of ours On this side see these false pelours Called of Saincte Malo and ellis where Wich to their Duke none obeysance will bere With such colours wee haue
shall be misordered by negligence the burden whereof shall light vpon the negligent offending person especially vpon such as of their owne heads or temeritie will take vpon him or them to doe or to attempt any thing whereby preiudice may arise without the commission of the Agents as aboue is mentioned whereunto relation must be had 23 Forasmuch as it is not possible to write and indite such prescribed orders rules and commissions to the Agents and factours but that occasion time and place and the pleasures of the princes together with the operation or successe of fortune shall change or shift the same although not in the whole yet in part therefore the said company doe commit to you their deare and intire beloued Agents and factors to doe in this behalfe for the commodity and wealth of this company as by your discretions vpon good aduised deliberations shal be thought good and beneficiall Prouided alwayes that the honour good name fame credite and estimaâ—ion of the same companie be conserued and preserued which to confirme we beseech the liuing Lord to his glory the publike benefite of this realme our common profits and your praises Finally for the seruice and due accomplishment of all â—he premisses euery Agent and minister of and for this voyage hath not onely giuen a corporall othe vpon the Euangelists to obserue and cause to be obserued this commission and euery part clause and sentence of the same as much as in him lyeth as well for his owne part as for any other person but also haue bounde themselues and their friendes to the companie in seuerall suâ—mes of money expressed in the actes and records of this societie for the trueth and fidelities of them for the better and also manifester testification of the trueth and of their othes promises and â—ands aforesaid they haue to this Commission subscribed particularly their seuerall hands and the company also in confirmation of the same haue set their seale Yeuen the day moneth and yeeres first aboue mentioned The othé ministred to the seruants of the fellowship YE sweare by the holy contents of that booke that ye shal wel faithfully and truely and vprightly and with all your indeuour serue this right worshipfull company in that order which by this fellowships Agent or Agents in the dominions of the Emperours of Russia c. shall bee vnto you committed by commission commandement or other his direction And that you shall bee obedient and faithfull to the same our Agent or Agents and that well and truely and vprightly according to the commission charge commaÌ„dement or other direction of the said Agent or Agents to you from time to time giuen and to be giuen you shall prosecute and doe all that which in you lieth for the good renowme commoditie benefite and profite of the said fellowship and you shall not directly or indirectly openly or couertly doe exercise or vse any trade or feate of marchandizes for your owne priuate account commodity gaine or profite or for the account of or for any other person or persons without consent or licence of this said fellowship first obtained in writing And if you shall know or vnderstand any other person or persons to vse exercise or doe any trade traffike or feat of marchandise to or for his or their own account or accounts at any time or times hereafter that then ye shall truely and plainly disclose open vtter and reueale and shew the same vnto this said fellowship without fraude colour couâ—n or delay So helpe you God c. The letter of M. George Killingworth the companies first Agent in Moscouie touching their interteinement in their second voyage Anno 1555. the 27. of Nouember in Mosco RIght worshipfull my duetie considered c. It may please your worship to vnderstand that at the making hereof we all be in good health thanks be to God saue onely William our cooke as we came from Colmogro fell into the riuer out of the boate and was drowned And the 11. day of September wee came to Vologda and there we laide all our wares vp and sold very litle but one marchant would haue giuen vs 12. robles for a broad cloth he said he would haue had them all and 4. altines for a pound of sugar but we did refuse it because he was the first and the marchants were not come thither nor would not come before Winter trusting to haue more but I feare it will not be much better Yet notwistanding we did for the best And the house that our wares lie in costs from that day vntil Easter ten robles And the 28. day of September we did determine with our selues that it was good for M. Gray Arthur Edwards Thomas Hautory Christopher Hudson Iohn Segewicke Richard Iohnson and Richard Iudde to tarie at Vologda and M. Chancelor Henry Lane Edward Prise Robert Best and I should goe to Mosco And we did lade the Emperours suger with part of all sorts of wares to haue had to the Mosco with vs but the way was so deepe that we were faine to turne back and leaue it stil at Vologda till the frost And we went forth with poste horse the charge of euery horse being stil ten in number comes to 10. â— 7. d. halfe penie besides the guides And wee came to the Mosco the 4. day of October and were lodged that night in a simple house but the next day we were sent for to the Emperour his secretarie and he bade vs welcome with a cheerefull counteâ—ance and cheerefull wordes and wee shewed him that we had a letter from our Queenes grace to the Emperour his grace and then he desired to see them all and that they might remain with him to haue them perfect that the true meaning might be declared to the Emperour and so we did and then we were appointed to a better house and the seuenth day the secretary sent for vs againe then he shewed vs that we should haue a better house for it was the Emperour his will that we should haue all things that we did lacke and did send vs meade of two sorts and two hens our house free and euery two dayes to receiue eight hens seuen altines and two pence in money and meade a certaine and a poore fellow to make cleane our house to doe that wherunto we would set him And wee had giuen many rewards before which you shal perceiue by other and so we gaue the messengers a reward with thanks and the ninth day we were sent to make vs readie to speak with the Emperour on the morow And the letters were sent vs that wee might deliuer them our selues we came before him the tenth day and before we came to his presence we went thorow a great chamber where stood many small tunnes pailes bowles and pots of siluer I meane like washing bowles all parsel gilt and within that another chamber wherein sate I thinke neere a hundred in cloth of gold and
thinke they will not tarre before they come there And farther they desire that you will prouide for as much tarre as you may for heere wee haue small store but when the time commeth that it shoulde be made I will prouide as much as I can here that it may bee sent downe when the Nasade commeth The stuffe that they haue readie spunne is about fiue thousand waight and they say that they trust to haue by that time they come downe yarne ynough to make 20. cables As concerning a copie of the Alphabet in ciphers Master Gray hath written hither that Robert Austen had one which he willed that he shoulde deliuer to you Thus I surcease beseeching God to preserue you in health and to send you your hearts desire By yours to command to his power Thomas Hawtrey A Letter of Master Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie companie to Master Henrie Lane at Mosco written in Colmogro the 19. of Februarie 1558. VVOrshipfull Sir after heartie commendations c. You shall vnderstand that this Lent commeth to Lampas such a number of men of diuers nations with wares as hath not bene seene these ten yeeres Thither come many out of Vgori therefore I would haue bene there my selfe and also haue receiued such money as is owing vs in wares by Kerill his brother and Osep Boscouo For as you well know thence they will goe with their wares to the Mosco and make vs payment with delayes as they haue done these other yeeres past Colobone and his partner be departed towards Lampas with seuen â—leddes laden with victuals Others also are gone to that Mart. As touching the bringing of money with you it will bee good for I assure you since our comming to this countrey haue not so many persons gone to the Sea as will doe this yeere Trusting that God will sâ—nd good store of traine oyle I will cause as much caske to bee in a readinesse as I can if you shall thinke it meete to send some money before All our olde hempe is spunne and wrought in tenne cables from fifteene ynches to ten the least and thirteene Hausers from sixe ynches to three ynches and all may weigh whiâ—e eight and twenty thousande pounde weight and vpwarde There is in hempe ockam fiue thonsand pound two hundred weight in twelue sackes at the least the flaxe that came downe in the Nassadaes with those seuen podes that came last is all spunne with a good part of that hempe that came last God send more shortly for all that is here and that is comming in the three other sleddes will bee dispatched by the fourth weeke in Lent Within these few dayes I bought thirteen podes seuen pound of hempe that cost two robles twenty eight alâ—nes foure pence which together with that that was bought before shall bee laide in dipping and sounding lines for it is very good There are spent aboue fiftie barrels of tarre alreadie you shall vnderstand that these eight workemen will spinne and lay aboue fourescore and tenne thousand pound of hempe so it bee dressed readie to their hands hauing two to turne the wheeles and two to winde vp Therefore I haue agreed with these two boyes to serue the worshipfull companie foure yeeres a piece One of them windeth vp and is very apt to spinne therefore I will haue two other young men Russes to spinne if they can finde good sureties for their trueth I haue bene in hand with these two yong men that came out of the Trinitie and they with me but vnder seuen pound a yeere they will not serue nor Thomas Bunting that was Roger Bunting his seruant Therefore I would haue three Russes at the least to spinne fiue of them will be as good as these three and will not be so chargeable all as one of these would be I thinke it were good that our Nassada were somewhat strengthened in her floore on both sides with plankes of fiue or sixe ynches thicke from the stemme to the sterne as I haue written to Thomas Hawtrey at Vologda Also if you shall so thinke meet your waxe and tallowe shall bee laden in two Dosnickes for they bee meete to goe aboord the shippes I doe intend to set vp an house at Boroseua ouer against the place whereas the shippes shall ride your aduise therein I expect it shall not cost aboue three robles and yet if we will there shall be two warme roomes in it As for other matter at this present I haue not to trouble you withall and if it would please you I would be glad to heare some good newes of Master Ienkinson Thus Iesus be with you and be his guide Postscriptum As for these our Hawkes they bee not white but white and mayled but indeede are Iarfawkons These dayes past our Olen died So this yeere our Masters of the companie are like to haue none nor any white beares Neither may any passe out of the realme without a special licence from the Emperour I intend God willing to goe to Lampas if I doe I will take foure or fiue kerseys with me but as for money there is small store here to carte Yours Richard Gray A Letter of Thomas Alcocke to the worshipfull Richard Gray and Henrie Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Polonia written in Tirwill the 26. of Aprill 1558. MY duety premised vnto your worships with coÌ„mendations c. It may please you to be aduertised y t my last I sent froÌ„ SmoleÌ„sco which I trust you haue receiued w t other letters to diuers of our English men wherein I certified you of my long retayning there as also of my departure from thence and howe that I had hired a Totar to bring mee to Danske We came to a certaine village on Satterday the sixe and twentieth of Februarie and there remained that night and Sunday to refresh our horses intending to haue gone away on Munday earâ—ly But on Saterday at night one of his neighbours departed to Tirwill and there declared to the Captaine howe that at such a place there was a Dutch man that was come from the Mosco and woulde ride to Danske saying for the one I cannot tell what he is The Captaine incontinent ridde to the King to shewe him thereof so that without any delay there was sent out for mee one of the Gentlemen of the Kings house and one of the Mesnickes of the Towne with sixe Officers to take mee They came thither in the night about midnight and there apprehended mee and tooke all that I had from me they lefâ— mee nothing but my clothes to put on my backe and so brought mee to Tirwill to the Captaines house where before I dyned I had a payre of fetters clapped on my legges wherewithall I sate vntill it was Munday in the Easterwâ—eke On which day after long and earnest calling to the Captaine as hee ridde by the windowe hee commaunded the Marshall that mine yrons
all other will receiue no colour notwithstanding there is some such thing reported by Theophrastus namely that there is a riuer in Macedonia which maketh blacke sheepe white Also that Norway pamphlet called the Roiall looking-glasse which I mentioned before doth attribute these fountains to Ireland which is also called Hybernia and not to Island Which peraduenture deceiued the Reader reading in a strange language S in stead of R. That likewise deserueth no better credite which another Author writeth That there is a certaine great stone in Island which runneth vp and downe the crags and clifs of mountaines by no outward force but by the owne proper and naturall motion Hee that will beleeue this what will he not beleeue For it is such a rare deuise that the Epicures themselues who yet seemed to Lucian to haue fained many incredible things I am sure neuer inuented the like vnlesse perhaps the sayd Author doeth imagine that a man who is called of the Islanders by the proper name of Stein should compasse about and clime vp certaine rockes which although it be ridiculous to put into a story of wonders namely that a man should mooue or walke yet is it so to bee supposed to saue the credite of the Author that we may not more seuerely condemne that fable which is so sencelesse of it selfe and not woorthy to be read They are guiltie of the same crime also who haue found out rauens pies hares and vultures all white in Island for it is wel knowen that vultures come very seldome together with the Ise of the sea vnto vs as heares also but they seldomer then vultures and a certaine kind of crowes called by the Islanders Isakrakur But as for white pies hares and rauens Island neuer had any And these in a maner be the things which in regard of our daily busines we were able at this present to affoord as touching the former part of our treatise which were penned by me for this purpose as in the beginning I did protest that the errors of Authors concerning an vnknowen land and the affected vanitie also of some men might be disclosed for I am not desirous to diminish any mans good name but because I consecrated these my labours to trueth and to my countrey I could not chuse but shew that those things which hitherto haue bene reported by many concerning our Iland deserue very litle credite and so to addresse my selfe vnto the matters folowing concerning the Inhabitants Here endeth the first part of the Commentarie Of Island the second part concerning the Inhabitants HAuing hitherto finished the miracles of Island with certaine other particulars belonging to the first part the which while writers doe wonder at and diuersly extoll as it were the fountains of Agamemnon yea as things besides and against all nature they haue bene very carelesse both of trueth it selfe of their owne credite Now the course of the present speach doeth admonish mee to make haste vnto the other part of the treatise concerning the Inhabitants wherein what I should first say or where I should begin I am altogether ignorant For there be such monstrous and so many mocks reproches skoffes and taunts of certaine men against vs poore Islanders dwelling in the vtmost parts of the world and amongst these also some things of theirs who take vpon them to professe most simple trueth namely Historiographers insomuch that to reckon vp the particulars were nothing els but to tell the drops of the Icarian sea But as I said in the beginning we will not deale alike seuerely with all For although Krantius Munsterus Frisius others haue written many things too boldly of our nation yet hauing otherwise deserued wel of learning by their monuments they shal be still in y e same reputation w t vs that they are worthy of Howbeit in the meane time although a man would free theÌ„ from the marke of slanderers yet is it no small matter that they should broch certaine sencelesse impossible ridiculous things such as those are which we haue hitherto laid downe as also that they should record in histories prophane and horrible vntrueths some of which kind shal now immediately be discussed As for others whatsoeuer they be who vpbraid the nation of Islanders with daily reproches they are to haue that answere in a readinesse which such men deserue In the number of whom that scoffer is to be accounted who by a company of rimes publisheâ— in the Germane tongue to the disgrace of our countrey hath brought his name into â—uerlasting ignominiâ— Wherefore as our present businesse requireth while we are in hand with the writings of Authors concerning this matter although we meet with some things containing litle reproch notwithstanding we will examine most of them noting the errors as hitherto wee haue done In the meane time also when they shall alleage any trueth we will in no case dissemble it And after this maner first we will heare Munster Krantzius and Frisius and others also if there be any more what they haue to say reiecting that Parot and his Dutch rimes infected with fell slander â—â—â—e is woorthy vnto the last place First therefore the sayd Authors write concerning the faith or religion of the Islanders and secondly of their Maners Customes and course of life in maner folowing The first Section Adalbert Metropolitane of Hamburg in the yeere of Christ 1070. saw the Islanders conuerted vnto Christianitie albeit before the receiuing of Christian faith they liued according to the lawe of nature and did not much differ from our lawe therefore at their humble request he appointed a certaine holy man named Islief to be their first Bishop KRantzius in these words and Munster other where doe seeme to attribute vnto the Islanders the prerogatiue of Christian faith and they should deale both beseeming themselues and the trueth if they did not in other places depriue vs of the same For to speake of Krantzius anone that which Munster before reported concerning our faith or opinion about the place and situation of hell is very farre from Christian pietie namely to be desirous to prie into those secrets which God hath kept close vnto himselfe alone and which his pleasure is should exceed our capacitie for there is not any thing found in the holy Scriptures of this matter where the place and situation of hell or of eternall fire prepared for the deuill and his angels and so for all damned soules is bounded or compassed about The holy Bible I say assigneth no locall or badily situation beneath the earth or vpon the earth or in any other place of this world to that prison of the damned but it affirmeth that this earth shall perish and that a new earth and new heauens shall be created for the habitation of iust and holy men Reuel 2.2 Pet. 3. and Esay 65. wherefore a Christian man willingly giueth ouer to search into such hidden secrets and he accounteth it vnlawful to
Iesus Christ the second person of the Godhead is the sonne of God the Father Iohn 1.18 c. onely begotten Iohn 1.29 Heb. 1.2 equal to his Father 1. Chro. 17.13 Ioh. 1. 1. true God Iohn 1.2 c. foreappointed before the creation of all things 1. Pet. 1.20 Reuel 13.8 c. and presently after mans fall promised to be the Messias Gene. 3.15 c. published eftsoones vnto the holy Patriarches as vnto Abraham Gen. 12. 3. c. vnto Isaac Gen 26.4 vnto Iacob Gene. 28.14 and confirmed by promises Gen. 49.9 Esa. 11.1,10 prefigured by y e sacrifices of Moses Leu. 1.2 c. and by other types as namely by the offering of Isaac Gen. 22. by the lifting vp of the brasen serpent Num. 21. by Ionas Ionas 2. c. proclaimed by the testimony of the Prophets Esa. 7.14 and at length in the fulnesse of time truely exhibited true man Iohn 1.14 c. Gal. 4. that he died for our sinnes and was raised againe for our iustification Rom. 4.25 c. Ascending into heauen Acts 1.9 c. and making intercession for vs at the right hand of his Father without ceasing 1. Iohn 2.1 c. by his holy Spirit which is the thirde person of the Godhead coequall and consubstantial to the Father and the Sonne Acts. 5. 4. gathering the Church to himselfe by the Word and Sacraments Matth. 16.18 Rom. 10.14 c. and sanctifying it to eternal life Acts. 9.31 c. And that one day at the end of the world he will come from heauen Acts. 1.11 to iudge the quicke and the dead 1. Thessal 4.15 that he will render vnto the wicked according to their workeâ— and that he wil iudge them to eternal paines Matth. 13.42 25.4 but that he wil reward them with eternal life who beleeue in his Name Matth. 25.34 This Iesus Christ I say wee acknowledge to be our redeemer Matth. 1.21 our head 1. Corinth 12.27 and our Lord Ephe. 4.5 And that wee in our holy baptisme do giue and haue giuen our names vnto him Acts. 2.38 and that we are engraffed into him by baptisme 1. Corin. 12.13 And this we do plainely ingenuously freely and willingly confesse and witnesse And as for all others who inuent any other name in heauen giuen vnto men by which they may be saued we doe earnestly detest curse and condemne them Acts. 4.12 We holde his most holy Word to be the onely rule of our saluation And that alone all mans deuises being cast away and contemned we propound vnto our selues as an infallible rule and leuel of our faith Galat. 1.8 Esai 29.13 Ezech. 20. which we conteine vnder the name of the olde and newe Testament Hebr. 8. deliuered by the Prophets and Apostles Ephe. 2.20 by the singular and infinite goodnesse of God preserued euer vnto this day and to be preserued hereafter alwayes in the Church Matth. 28. last verse Psal. 71.18.1 Cor. 11.26 Therefore we render thankes vnto our most gratious and Almighty God from our soule and from our whole heart because that euen vnto vs being separated an huge distance from the rest of the body of his Church and inhabiting the farthest parts of the world hee would that this light graunted for the reuelation of the Gentiles and prepared before the face of all people and in olde time fauourably shewed to holy Simeon for in Christ are all the treasures of wisedome hidden which now doeth enlighten and cherish with the sauing beames thereof our whole nation that hee would I say this light should come vnto vs. This in briefe running ouer the very summe is our faith and our Religion which by the direction of the holy Spirit and of his Ministers in the vineyard of Christ we haue drawen and that out of the fountaines of Israel In the yeere of our Lord 1070. saw the Islanders conuerted vnto Christ c. IT is doubtful vnto vs whether in these words Kranzius would haue said that y e Islanders were first conuerted vnto Christ in the yeere of our Lord 1070 or whether he doth not deny that they were indeed before conuerted but saith that it was knowne first vnto Adalbert that yeere But whethersoeuer of these he affirmeth notwithstanding the yerely records and most auncient Chronicles of our nation testifying the contrary do make his credite to be suspected in this place vnto which records and Chronicles whether you had rather giue assent concerning our owne proper and domestical affaires done within the bounds of our Island or to Krantzius or any other being ignorant in the story of our countrey I appeale friendly reader vnto your owne discretion For my part I am enforced by many reasons to agree rather vnto our owne writers For our countreymen affirme those things onely that be knowen and in a maner domesticall he writeth matters forreine and vnknowen they haue compiled their histories without the diffaming disgracing or reprehending of any other nations onely that they might assigne vnto their owne acts and exploits the true time or age thereof he hath intermedled in his historie certaine things contrary to the trueth and that to the vpbraiding of our nation being most vnknowen vnto him as it shall immediatly appeare they describe the names yeres order succession of all the Bishops of Island he mentioneth onely one that farre otherwise then the trueth Furthermore that I may make good the credite of our Countreymen I wil impart with strangers a fewe things which I found in our most ancient records of the conuersion of Island vnto Christ and of the succession of Bishops in our Churches Which although they be of litle moment and not altogether worthy to be written yet must they of necessitie bee set downe for the defence of the trueth of our affaires against Krantzius and others Thus therefore standeth the certeintie thereof In the yeere of Christ 874. Island being indeed discouered before that time as is aboue mentioned was then first of all inhabited by certaine Noruagians Their chiefetaine was one Ingulphus from whose name the East cape of Island is called Ingulffs hoffdi These planters are reckoned vp by name in our recordes more then to the number of 400. together with those of their blood and kinred and great families besides neither onely is their number described but it is also plainely set downe what coasts what shores and what in-land places eche of them did occupie and inhabite and what names the first inhabitants did giue vnto Streights bayes harboroughs necklands creekes capes rockes cragges mountaines hilles valleys homockes springs floods riuers And to be short what names they gaue vnto their graunges or houses whereof many at this day are reteined and vsed Therefore the Norwayes with their company peopled all the habitable parts of Island now occupied by them for the space of 60. yeeres or thereabout but they remayned Ethnickes almost a 100. yeres except a very few which were baptised in Norwaie But scarce a 100. yeres from
in either of the Bishops seats there is a free schoole founded by the liberality and pietie of that most renoumed King of Denmarke Christian the third and afterward the sonne following the godly steppes of his most Christian father the said Free schooles by Lord Friderick the second our most religious King being called vp to his heauenly countrey in the yeare 1588 haue beene encreased and furthered which at this day also doe prosper and flourish by the fauour and authoritie of the most gracious King and our Prince Christian the fourth wherein the youth of our Islande being instructed in the rudiments of liberall artes and sacred diuinitie are trained vp to knowledge and true godlinesse that from hence ministers of Churches may proceede We are come at length in the register of the Bishops of Island downe to this present day wherein the forenamed excellent men Gudbrandus Thorlacius and Otto Enerus the one at Holen and the other at Schalholt are Bishops of our Cathedrall Churches both of which men that it would please God long to preserue vnto his Church in health and life for the glorie of his most holy name we all doe earnestly and with feruent prayers beseech him The second section They inhabite for the most part in caues or hollowe places within the sides of mountaines And againe They haue many houses and Churches built with the bones of fishes and Whales Againe Many of them also to auoide the extremitie of colde doe keepe themselues close in their caues euen as the people of Africa doe to auoyde the heate of the sunne Also Munster sayth Many in Island at this day build their houses with the ribbes and bones of Whales HEre the second member taketh his beginning concerning the course of life and the manners of the inhabitants And first of all what buildings or houses they doe vse namely according to Munster Krantzius Frisius c. Holes and caues of mountaines But although in gorgeous buildings and such other worldly braueries there is very litle helpe to the attayning of a life truely happie notwithstanding wee can not in this place conceale the truth and we plainely affirme that Cosmographers and Historiographers also doe erre in this point For such habitations as they write to be common vnto the whole nation are but in verie fewe places and are either sheepe-cots for shepheards or cottages and receptacles for fishermen at that time of the yeere onely when they goe a fishing and the others stande in neede to watch their flocke But for their houses themselues and the very dwelling places of men the Islanders haue had them built from auncient time stately and sumptuously enough according to the condition of the Countrey with timber stones and turfes vntill such time as traffike and exchange of wares beganne to cease betweene them and the Noruagians who were wont to supply them with timber and for that cause nowe our houses beginne to decay whenas neither we haue woods conuenient for building nor yet there are nowe a dayes as there were in olde time trees cast vpon our shores by the benefite of the sea which may in any sort relieue vs neither doe outlandish Merchants succour our necessities whereupon many of our meanest countrey villages are much decayed from their auncient integritie some whereof be fallen to the ground and others bee very ruinous Notwithstanding there be many farmes and villages which I cannot easily reckon vp the buildings whereof doe resemble that auncient excellencie the houses being very large both in breadth and length and for the most part in height also As for example farmes or granges which conteine chambers in them more then fiftie cubites in length tenne in breadth and twentie in height And so other roomes as a parler a stoue a butterie c. answering in proportion vnto the former I could here name mâ—ny of our countrie buildings both large and wide neither ilfauoured in shewe nor base in regarde of their workemanship and costly firmenesse or strength with certaine Churches also or religious houses built of timber onely aâ—cording to auncient and artificiall seemelinesse and beautie as the Cathedrall Church of Holen hauing a bodie the fiue pillars whereof on both sides be foure elnes high and about fiue elnes thicke as also beames and weather-bourdes and the rest of the roofe proportionally answering to this lower building Our most gracious King Lord Frederick whose memory is most sacred vnto vs in the yere 1588. did most liberally bestow timber for the reedifying of this body being cast downe in the yere 1584. by an horrible tempest But the Church it selfe doth manifestly exceed the body thereof in all quantity also the inner part of the Church which is commonly called the quier is somwhat lesse both then the middle part of the Church and also then the bodie The Church of Schalholt was farre greater as I haue heard in olde time then this our Cathedrall which hauing now beene twise burnt is brought to a lesser scantling Likewise there be some other Churches of our Iland although not matching yet resembling the auncient magnificence of these But here the matter seemeth not to require that I should runne into a long description of these things For as wee doe not greatly extoll our houses and buildings so are we nothing ashamed of them because being content with our pouertie we render vnto Christ immortall prayse who despiseth not to be receiued of vs vnder a base roofe and contemneth not our temples and houses which Munster Krantzius and Frisius doe not truely affirme to be built of fishes and Whales bones more then the marble vaults the painted walles the square pauementes and such like ornamentes of Churches and houses in other countries The third section They and their cattell vse all one house all one foode or victuals all one state here Krantzius hath it lodging Also They liue onely by feeding of cattell and sometimes by taking of fishes THese be the things together with those that followe which Krantzius hath champed and put into Munsters mouth so that Munster shall not neede so much as once to chewe them which may appeare by comparing them both together For Munster as hee swallowed these reproches taking them out of Krantzius his preface vpon Norway so he casteth vp the verie same morsels vndigested and rawe against our nation in his fourth booke of Cosmographie cap. 8. Those things which haue beene hitherto although they haue sufficiently grieued vs yet will we let them seeme more tollerable but this most malitious deuise and those which follow we cannot easily brooke It is our part therefore in this place also to auouch the trueth and to turne the leasing vpon the authors owne head House c. First that which they say concerning the same common house as also liuing and state with our cattell we plainely affirme to be false and erronious not onely the truth it selfe being our witnesse if any man would make triall but
reformation of religion great reuerence had vnto the bishop but neuer so great that our politique lawes at the bishops command should giue place to outlandish lawes customes Neither in the time of Albertus Krantzius much lesse of Munster of which two the first deceased in the yere of our Lord 1517 and the second 1552 the bishops of Island had the authority of kings when as many of the country which were of the richer sort would not doubt to rebell against them which thing is too well knowen in our countrey Yet in the meane time the bishops being terrible with their authority of excommunication reduced some vnder their subiection and others at that time they cruelly persecuted Moreouer albeit at that time the bishop was had in great yea in exceeding great reuerence yet now adayes the darkenesse of popery being dispelledâ— the deuill assaulteth men after another sort and euen here amongst vs he is not slacke to arme their minds with contempt and peruerse stubburnnesse against God and his holy ministery The ninth section They liue there for the most part vpon fishes because of their great want of corne which is brought in from the port townes of other countreys who cary home fishes from thence with great gaine Also Munster sayth they do there vse stockefish in stead of bread which groweth not in that countrey COnsider friendly reader how Munster is delighted to harpe vpon one string that when he can write nothing of an vnknowen nation which may cary any shew with it he is faine either to bring in falshood or often to repeat the same things so to become tedious vnto his reader for he sayd a little before that the Islanders liue vpon fish His words aboue recited were these Island conteineth many people liuing onely with the food of cattell and sometimes by taking of fishes Aâ—d that I may omit the rest in which some trifle might be noted whereas he sayeth that bread groweth not in Island it is most true which I thinke is common therewith to Germany also because bread groweth not there neither except it be in Munsters field where naturall vineger also doth marueilously encrease But these toyes by the liberty of rethoricke forsooth shall be out of danger Howbeit vnto these reproches which strangers do gather from the meats and drinks of the Islanders we will hereafter briefly answere Sect. 15. The tenth section The inhabitants do celebrate the actes of their ancestours and of their times with songs and they graue them in rocks and promontories that they may not decay with posterity but onely by the defect of nature There be diuers found amongst them that be minstrels and can play vpon the lute who with their delectable musicke do ensnare and take both fowles and fishes WE denie not but that some woorthy actes of our forefathers be reserued in the songs and poemes of our countreymen as also in prose but that the same things haue beene engrauen by vs or by our ancestours in rocks or promontories we may in no case acknowledge that praise to be due vnto vs nor yet the other of minstrels and taking of birds and fishes For we holde it to be the part of an honest and ingenuous mind as to refute false crimes so not to challenge vndeserued praise vnto himselfe nor to accept it being offered The eleuenth section BUt now let this be the end of our controuersie with the authours aforesayd being otherwise men of excellent learning and of great renoume who notwithstanding so inconsiderately haue entermedled these things in their writings And now the better part of my labour is finished But yet there remaines that viperous German brood the mother whereof would haue it come to light as it were at a second birth without name that it might so much the more freely wound the fame of the Islanders with venemous sting Moreouer although I be not afrayd to encounter with this beast yet would I haue all men to know with what minde I vndertake this enterprise namely not that I meane to contend with his pestiferous rancour by reproches and railing speeches for as it is in the common prouerbe I know that if I striue with dung most vile How ere it be my selfe I shall defile but that I may satisfie all honest and well affected men euen strangers themselues who shall hereafter reade or heare or haue heretofore heard that Germane pasquill least they also should thinke that we woorthily sustaine so monstrous a disgrace and also that I may from henceforth if it be possible restraine others who vse those venemous Germaine rimes to the vpbrading of our nation and from hence borrow their scoffes and reprochfull taunts to the debasing of vs Iselanders from that libertie of backbiting Therefore that I may not be tedious to the reader with long circumstances I will come to the rehearsing of those things which that railing Germane hath heaped vp in his leud pasquill whom also I could bring in repeating his friendly verses of the Islanders within the compasse of this my booke but that I doe foresee that the sayd slanderous libell being stuffed with so many and diuers reproches might breed offence to all honest men and deterre them from reading it with the filthinesse thereof I will therefore repeat the principall matters omitting those things which he hath common with others or that heretofore haue beene examined but farre more modestly then he least as I sayd I cause good and learned meâ—s eares to tingle at his leud and vnseemely rimes they that are desirous to see or heare him let them enquire at the Stationers It is no part of our meaning I say to defile these papers with his stinking slanders or with the filthy sinke of his reproches First therefore this our goodly Germane Historiographer obiecteth that there be many Pastours in Island which preach not to their people once in two yeres as it is read in the former edition of this pasquill which notwithstanding the latter edition doth refute saying that the sayd Pastours vse to preach but fiue times in an whole yeere which two how well they agree together let the reader be iudge seeing it is manifest that the authour himselfe presently after thé first edition had scarse seene Island So oftentimes one lie betrayeth another according to that saying Trueth agreeth vnto trueth but falshood agreeth neither to trueth nor to falshood But sâ—â—h it is our part not to dissemble the trueth in any place we will not denie that holy sermons about the time wherein this sycophant liued in Island namely in the yere 1554 were seldomer in vse then they are at this day namely the darkenesse of popery being scarsely at that time dispelled Which also is to be vnderstood concerning the Psalmes of Dauid mumbled by the common people in Latine as he casteth vs in the teeth for the Papists grounding all the hope of their saluation in the Masse did little regard the
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
with whom dayly I exchanged my yron other wares for hides and some elephants teeth finding the people very friendly and tractable And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide and especially of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay who presented me with an oxe for my company goats and some yoong kids assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship whom they called Blancos that is white men especially of an English ship And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side feasting me very kindly and courteously And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship which to them seemed woonderfull as people that seldome had seene the like who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned and the king reioyced much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship I was the better welcome promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated find good dealing at their hands And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne earnestly requested that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen which I agreed vnto And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could he went on shore and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes which they did greatly admire The 13 of December at night we weighed anker and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally which is another kingdome the king thereof is called Amar Meleck sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d' Ally When we had ankered the kings kinsmen being gouernors with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship licence to traffike due to the king who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England which he neuer performed and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation great dishonor of England and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals and that Thomas Dasâ—el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner which they denied not giuing credit to his report hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation and would neuer yeeld to the like hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since and conceiueth much better of our countrey and vs then these our enemies report of For which I yeelded them hearty thanks assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other and so payed their dueties and for that it was the chiefe place of trade I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey and augmenting of their better affection toward vs. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric traffiking with the Spaniards Portugals there And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues which came out of England was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley and as it should seeme for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d' Ally where I Richard Rainolds remained he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked most villanous practise which as God would was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared that if he one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord aduised for our better securities to send two on land detained one with him called Villa noua telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboord â—o him he would release the sayd Villa noua which they did not And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouer-land Porto d' Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking wine how they would deale to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals and for better strength the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally where our great shippe the Nightingall was who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards
will and pleasure and as by his wisedome he had ordeined to be best Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly and shortly after according to their desires they thought neuerthelesse it came to passe by our meanes that we in vsing such speeches vnto them did but dissemble the matter and therefore came vnto vs to giue vs thankes in their maner that although we satisfied them not in promise yet in deedes and effect we had fulfilled their desires This marueilous accident in all the Countrey wrought so strange opinions of vs that some people could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men and the rather because that all the space of their sicknes there was no man of ours knowen to die or that was specially sicke they noted also that we had no women amongst vs neither that we did care for any of theirs Some therefore were of opinion that we were not borne of women and therefore not mortal but that we were men of an old generation many yeeres past then risen againe to immortalitiâ— Some would likewise seeme to prophecie that there were more of our generation yet to come to kill theirs and take their places as some thought the purpose was by that which was already done Those that were immediatly to come after vs they imagined to be in the aire yet inuisible and without bodies and that they by our intreatie and for the loue of vs did make the people to die in that sort as they did by shooting inuisible bullets into them To confirme this opinion their Phisitions to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease would not be ashamed to say but earnestly make the simple people beleeue that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sicke bodies were the strings wherewithall the inuisible bullets were â—ied and cast Some also thought that wee shot them our selues out of our pieces from the place where wee dwelt and killed the people in any Towne that had offended vs as wee listed howe farre distant from vs soeuer it were And other some said that it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes as we our selues haue cause in some sort to thinke no lesse whatsoeuer some doe or may imagine to the contrary specially some Astrologers knowing of the Eclipse of the Sunne which we saw the same yeere before in our voyage thitherward which vnto them appearâ—d very terrible And also of a Comet which began to appeare but a fewe dayes before the â—eginning of the saide sicknesse But to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an accident there are further reasons then I thinke fit at this present to be alleadged These their opinions I haue set downe the more at large that it may appeare vnto you that there is good hope they may be brought through discreete dealing and gouernment to the imbracing of the trueth and consequently to honour obey feare and loue vs. And although some of our company towards the end of the yeere shewed themselues too fierce in slaying some of the people in some Townes vpon causes that on our part miâ—â—t eâ—sily ynough haue bene borne withall yet not withstanding because it was on their part iustly deserued the alteration of their opinions generally and for the most part conâ—erning vs is the lesse to be doubted And whatsoeuer els they may be by carefulnesse of our selues neede nothing at all to be feared The best neuerthelesse in this as in all actions besides is to be endeuoured and hoped and of the worst that may happen notice to be taken with consideration and as much as may be eschewed The conclusion NOw I haue as I hope made relation not of so few and small things but that the Countrey of men that are indifferent and well disposed may bee sufficiently liked If there were no more knowen then I haue mentioned which doubtlesse and in great reason is nothing to that which remaineth to be discouered neiâ—her the soyle nor commodities As we haue reason so to gather by the difference we found in our trauaâ—les for although al which I haue before spoken of haue bâ—ne discouered and experimented not farre from the Sea coast where was our abode and most of our trauailing yet sometimes as we made our iourneys further into the maine and Counâ—rey we found the soile to be fatter the trees greâ—ter and to grow thinner the ground more firme and deeper mould more and larger champions finer grasse and as good as euer we saw any in England in some places rockie and farre more high and hilly ground more plentie of their fruites more abundance of beastes the more inhabited with people and of greater pollicie and larger dominions with greater townes and houses Why may wee not then looke for in good hope from the inner parts of more and greater plentie as well of otheâ— things as of those which wee haue already discouered Unto the Spaniards happened the like in discoâ—ering the maine of the West Indies The maine also of this Countrey of Virginia extending sâ—me wayes so many hundreds of leagues as otherwise then by the relation of the inhabiâ—ants wee haue most certaine knowledge of where yet no Christian prince hath any possession or dealing â—annot but yeelde many kinds of excellent commodities which we in our discouery haue not yet seene What hope there is els to bee gathered of the nature of the Climate being answerable to the Iland of Iapan the land of China Persia Iury the Ilands of Cyprus and Candy the South parts of Greece Italy and Spaine and of many other notable and famous Countreys because I meane not to be tedious I leaue to your owne consideration Whereby also the excellent temperature of the aire there at all seasons much warmer then in England and neuer so vehemently hot as sometimes is vnder and betweene the Tropikes or neere them cannot be knowen vnto you without further relation For the holsomnesse thereof I neede to say but thus much that for all the want of prouision as first of English victuall excepting for twentie dayes we liued onely by drinking water and by the victuall of the Countrey of which some sorts were very strange vnto vs and might haue bene thought to haue altered our temperatures in such sort as to haue brought vs into some grieuous and dangerous diseases Secondly the want of English meanes for the taking of beastes fish and foule which by the helpe onely of the inhabitants and their meanes could not bee so suddenly and easily prouided for vs nor in so great number and quantities nor of that choise as otherwise mighâ— haue bene to our better satisfaction and contentment Some want also we had of clothes Furthermore in al our trauailes which were most specially and often in the time of Winter our lodging was in the open aire vpon the ground And yet I say for all this there were but foure of our whole company being one hundreth and eight that died all the yeere
and they doe it for a certaine ceremonie which I could not learne and because of the Sunne which shineth hote vpon their bodies The agilitie of the women is so great that they can swimme ouer the great Riuers bearing their children vpon one of their armes They climbe vp also very nimbly vpon the highest trees in the Countrey Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey with the nature and customes of the Inhabitants which I was very willing to write before I entred any further into the discourse of my historie to the end that the Readers might be the better prepared to vnderstand that which I meane hereafter to entreate of MY Lord Admirall of Chastillon a noble man more desirous of the publique then of his priuate benefite vnderstanding the pleasure of the King his prince which was to discouer new and strange Countreys caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence and men to beeleuied meete for such an enterprise Among whom hee chose Captaine Iohn Ribault a man in trueth expert in sea causes which hauing receiued his charge set himselfe to Sea the yeere 1562. the eighteenth of Februarie accompanied onely with two of the kings shippes but so well furnished with Gentlemen of whose number I my selfe was one and with olde Souldiers that he had meanes to atchieue some notable thing and worthy of eternall memorie Hauing therefore sayled two moneths neuer holding the vsuall course of the Spaniards hee arriued in Florida landing neere a Cape or Promontorie which is no high lande because the coast is all flatte but onely rising by reason of the high woods which at his arriuall he called Cape François in honour of our France This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirtie degrees Coasting from this place towards the North he discouered a very faire and great Riuer which gaue him occasion to cast anker that hee might search the same the next day very early in the morning which being done by the breake of day accompanied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other souldiers of his shippe he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the shoare but straight hee perceiued many Indians men and women which came of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentlenesse and amitie as they well declared by the Oration which their king made and the presents of Chamois skinnes wherewith he honoured our Captaine which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde Riuer and not farre from the mouth of the same vpon a little sandie knappe in which pillar the Armes of France were carued and engraued This being done hee embarked himselfe againe to the ende alwayes to discouer the coast toward the North which was his chiefe desire After he had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer and then in the presence of certaine Indians which of purpose did attend him hee commaunded his men to make their prayers to giue thankes to GOD for that of his grace hee had conducted the French nation vnto these strange places without any danger at all The prayers being ended the Indians which were very attentiue to hearken vnto them thinking in my iudgement that wee worshipped the Sunne because wee alwayes had our eyes lifted vp toward heauen rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn Ribault promising to shew him their King which rose not vp as they did but remained still sitting vpon greene leaues of Bayes and Palmetrees toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him and heard him make a long discourse but with no great pleasure because hee could not vnderstand his language and much lesse his meaning The King gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Herushawes feathers died in red and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion and wrought very artificially and a great skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and portrayed that nothing lacked but life The Captaine to shew himselfe not vnthankfull gaue him pretie tinne bracelets a cutting hooke a looking glasse and certaine kniues whereupon the King shewed himselfe to be very glad and fully contented Hauing spent the most part of the day with these Indians the Captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the other side of the Riuer whereat the king seemed to bee very sorie Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs hee commaunded that with all diligence they should take fish for vs which they did with all speede For being entred into their Weares or inclosures made of reedes and framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase they loaded vs with Trouâ—es great Mullets Plaise Turbuts and marueilous store of other sortes of fishes altogether different from ours This done we entred into our Boates and went toward the other shore But before we came to the shore we were saluted with a number of other Indians which entring iâ—to the water to their armepits brought vs many litle baskets full of Maiz and goodly Mulberries both red and white Others offered themselues to beare vs on shoare where being landed we perceiued their King sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes and vnder a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were exceeding faire and strong and with a troope of Indians who had all their bowes and arrowes in marueilous good order His two sonnes receiued our Captaine very graciously but the king their father representing I wot not what kinde of grauitie did nothing but shake his head a little then the Captaine went forward to salute him and without any other mouing of himselfe he reteined so constant a kind of grauitie that hee made it seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right hee bare the title of a King Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour thought he was ielous because wee went first vnto the other king or else that he was not well pleased with the Pillar or Columne which he had planted While thus he knew not what hereof to thinke our Captaine shewed him by signes that he was come from a farre Countrey to seeke him to let him vnderstand the amitie which he was desirous to haue with him for the better confirmation whereof hee drewe out of a budget certaine trifles as certaine bracelets couered as it were with siluer and guilt which hee presented him withall and gaue his sonnes certaine other trifles Whereupon the King beganne very louingly to intreate both our Captaine and vs. And after there gentle intertainments wee went our selues into the woods hoping there to discouer some singularities where were great store of Mulberrie trees white and red on the toppes whereof there was an infinite number of silkewormes Following our way wee discouered a faire
is as rich as the earth yeeldeth any of which I know there is sufficient if nothing else were to bee hoped for But besides that we were not able to tarrie and search the hils so we had neither pioners barres sledges nor wedges of yron to breake the ground without which there is no working in mines but wee saw all the hilles with stones of the colour of gold and siluer and we tried them to be no Marquesite and therefore such as the Spaniards call El madre del oro or The mother of gold which is an vnâ—oubted assurance of the generall abundance and my selfe saw the outside of many mines of the Sparre which I know to be the same that all coueâ— in this world and of those more then I will speake of Hauing learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia and receiued a faithfull promise of the principallest of those prouinces to become seruants to her Maiestie and to resist the Spaniards if they made any attempt in our absence and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa and those Iwarawaqueri I then parted from olde Topiawari and receiued his sonne for a pledge betweene vs and left with him two of ours as aforesayd To Francis Sparrowe I gaue instructions to trauell to Marcureguarai with such merchandizes as I left with them thereby to learne the place and if it were possible to goe on to the great citie of Manoa which being done we weyed ankor and coasted the riuer on Guiana side because wee came vpon the North side by the launes of the Saima and Wikiri There came with vs from Aromaia a Cassique called Putijma that commanded the prouince of Warapana which Putijma slewe the nine Spaniards vpon Caroli before spoken of who desired vs to rest in the Porte of his countrey promising to bring vs vnto a mountaine adioyning to his towne that had stones of the colour of golde which hee perfourmed And after wee had rested there one night I went my selfe in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company ouer land towards the said mountaine marching by a riuers side called Mana leauing on the right hand a towne called Tuteritona standing in the Prouince of Tarracoa of the which Wariaaremagoto is principall Beyond it lieth another towne towards the South in the valley of Amariocapana which beareth the name of the sayd valley whose plaines stretch themselues some sixtie miles in length East and West as faire ground and as beautifull fields as any man hath euer seene with diuers copsies scattered here and there by the riuers side and all as full of deere as any forrest or parke in England and in euerâ—e lake and riuer the like abundance of fish and foule of which Irraparragota is lord From the riuer of Mana we crost another riuer in the said beautiful valley called Oiana resâ—ed our selues by a cleere lake which lay in the middle of the said Oiana and one of our guides kindling vs fire with two stickes wee stayed a while to drie our shirts which with the heate hong very wette and heauie on our sholders Afterwards wee sought the ford to passe ouer towards the mountaine called Iconuri where Putijma a foretold vs of the mine In this lake we saw one of the great fishes as big as a wine pipe which they call Manati being most excellent and holsome meate But after I perceiued that to passe the said riuer would require halfe a dayes march more I was not able my selfe to indure it and therefore I sent Captaine Keymis with sixe shot to goe on and gaue him order not to returne to the port of Putijma which is called Chiparepare but to take leisure and to march downe the sayd valley as farre as a riuer called Cumaca where I promised to meete him againe Putijma himselfe promising also to bee his guide and as they marched they left the townes of Emparepana and Capurepana on the right hand and marched from Putijmas house downe the sayd valley of Amariocapana and wee returning the same day to the riuers side saw by the way many rockes like vnto gold ore and on the left hand a round mountaine which consisted of minerall stone From hence we rowed downe the streame coasting the prouince of Parino As for the branches of riuers which I ouerpasse in this discourse those shall be better expressed in the description with the mountaines of Aio Ara and the rest which are situate in the prouinces of Parino and Carricurrina When we were come as farre down as the land called Ariacoa where Orenoque diuideth it selfe into three great branches each of them being most goddly riuers I sent away captaine Henrie Thin and captaine Greeneuile with the galley the neerest way and tooke with mee captaine Gifford captaine Calfield Edward Porter and captaine Eynos with mine owne barge and the two wherries and went downe that branch of Orenoque which is called Cararoopana which leadeth towards Emeria the prouince of Carapana and towards the East sea as well to finde out captaine Keymis whome I had sent ouer land as also acquaint my selfe with Carapana who is one of the greatest of all the lords of the Orenoqueponi and when I came to the riuer of Cumaca to which Putijma promised to conduct captaine Keymis I left captaine Eynos and master Porter in the sayd riuer to expect his comming the rest of vs rowed downe the streame towards Emeria In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly Islands some of sixe miles long some of ten and some of twenty When it grew towards sunne-set we entred a branch of a riuer that fell into Orenoque called Winicapora where I was enformed of the mountaine of Christall to which in trueth for the length of the way and the euill season of the yeere I was not able to march nor abide any longer vpon the iourney wee saw it afarre off and it appeared like a white Curch-tower of an exceeding height There falleth ouer it a mighty riuer which toucheth no part of the side of the mountaine but rusheth ouer the toppe of it and falleth to the ground with so terrible a noyse and clamor as if a thousand great bels were knockt one against another I thinke there is not in the world so strange an ouer-fall nor so wonderfull to behold Berreo told mee that there were Diamonds and other precious stones on it and that they shined very farre off but what it hath I know not neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the sayd mountaine those people adioyning being his enemies as they were and the way to it so impassable Upon this riuer of Winicapora wee rested a while and from thence marched into the countrey to a town called after the name of the riuer whereof the captaine was one Timitwara who also offered to conduce mee to the top of the sayd mountaine called Wacarima
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâ—l being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ— within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâ—ain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
their towne besieged and sacked with an armie of English This information being giuen our Generall called for him and charged him with these things which at the first he vtterly denyed but in the ende the matter being made manifest and knowen of certaintie by especiall tryall and proofes the next morning our Generall willed that he should be hanged which was accordingly performed the 16 of Ianuary We roade for the space of nine dayes about this island of Capul where we had diuerse kindes of fresh victuals with excellent fresh water in euery bay and great store of wood The people of this island go almost all naked and are tawny of colour The men weare onely a stroope about their wastes of some kinde of linnen of their owne weauing which is made of plantan leaues and another stroope comming from their backe vnder their twistes which couereth their priuie parts and is made fast to their girdles at their nauels These people vse a strange kinde of order among them which is this Euery man and man-childe among them hath a nayle of Tynne thrust quite through the head of his priuiâ— part being split in the lower ende and riuetted and on the head of the nayle is as it were a crowne which is driuen through their priuiâ—ies when they be yong and the place groweth vp againe without any great painâ— to the child and they take this nayle out and in as occasion serueth and for the truth thereof we our selues haue taken one of these nailes from a sonne of one of the kings which was of the age of 10 yeeres who did weare the same in his priuie member This custome was granted at the request of the women of the countrey who finding their men to be giuen to the fowle sinne of Sodomie desired some remedie against that mischiefe and obteined this before named of the magistrates Moreouer all the males are circumcised hauing the foreskinne of their flesh cut away These people wholly worship the deuill and often times haue conference with him which appeareth vnto them in most vgly and monstrous shape On the 23 day of Ianuary our Generall M. Thomas Candish caused al the principals of this island and of an hundred islands more which he had made to pay tribute vnto him which tribute was in hogges hennes potatoes and cocos to appeare before him and made himselfe and his company knowne vnto them that they were English men and enemies to the Spaniardes and therâ—upon spredde his Ensigne and sounded vp the drummes which they much maruelled at to conclude they promised both themselues and all the islands thereabout to ayde him whensoâ—uer hee shoulde come againe to ouercome the Spaniardes Also our Generall gaue them in token that wee were enemies to the Spaniardes money backe againe for all their tribute which they had payed which they tooke maruâ—ilous friendly and rowed about our shippe to shewe vs pleasure marueilous swiftly at the last our generall caused a saâ—er to be shot off whereat they wondered and with great contentment tooke their leaues of vs. The next day being the twentie foure of Ianuarie wee sette sayle aboute sixe of the clock in the morning and ran along the coast of the island of Manilla shaping our course Northwest betweene the isle of Manilla and the isle of Masbat The 28 day in the morning about 7 of the clocke riding at an anker betwixt 2 islands wee spied a Frigat vnder her two coarses comming out betweene 2 other islands which as we imagined came froÌ„ Manilla sayling close aboord the shore along the maine island of Panama we chasâ—d this frigat along the shore gat very fast vpon it vntil in the end we came so neere that it stood in to the shore close by a winde vntill shee was becalmed and was driuen to stricke her sayle and banked vp with her oares wherâ—vpon we came vnto an anker with our ship a league and an halfe from the place where the Frigate rowed in and manned our boat with halfe a dozen shot and as many men with swords which did row the boat thus we made after the Frigate which had hoysed saile and ran into a riuer which we could not find But as we rowed along the shore our boate came into very shallow water where many weares and sticks were set vp in diuers places in the sea from whence 2 or 3 canoas came forth whereof one made somewhat neere vnto vs with 3 or 4 Indians in it we called vnto them but they would not come neerer vnto vs but rowed from vs whom wee durst not followe too farre â—or feare of bringing our selues to much to the leewaâ—de of our ship Here as we looked about vs we espied anoâ—her Balsa or canoa of a great bignes which they which were in her did set along we do vsually set a barge with long staues or poles which was builded vp with great canes and below hard by the water made to row with oares wherein were about 5 or 6 Indians and one Spaniard nowe as wee were come almost at the Balsa wee ran a ground with our boate but one or two of our men leaped ouer-boord and freed it againe presâ—ntly and keeping thwarte her head we layed her aboord and tooke in to vs the Spaniard but the Indians leaped into the sea and diued and rose farre off againe from vs. Presently vpon the taking of this canoa there shewed vpon the sand a band of souldiers marching with an ensigne hauing a red Crosse like the flagge of England which were about 50 or 60 Spaniardes which were lately come from Manilla to that towne which is called Ragaun in a Barke to fetch a new shippe of the kings which was building in a riuer within the bay and stayed there but for certain yrons that did serue for the rudder of the said ship which they looked for euery day This band of mâ—n shot at vs from the shore with their muskets but hyt none of vs and wee shot at them againe they also manned a Frigate and sent it out after our boat to haue taken vs but we with saile and oares went from them and when they perceiued that they could not fetch vs but that they must come within danger of the ordinance of our ship they stood in with the shore againe and landed their men and presently sent their Frigate about the point but whether we knâ—w not So we came aboord with this one Spaniard which was neither souldier nor sayler but one that was come among the rest from Manilla and had bene in the hospital there a long time before and was a very simple soule and such a one as could answere to very little that hee was asked concer-cerning the state of the countrey Here wee roade at anker all that night and perceiued that the Spaniards had dispersed their band into 2 or 3 parts and kept great watch in
also the experience of manie strangers that haue liued some yeeres amongst vs and haue more minde to speake the trueth then to reuile our nation who haue seene our houses and habitations with their owne eyes and knewe that in euery particular farme or graunge there were many seuerall roomes namely in those that were most simple and base seuen or eight In others which were greater sometimes tenne and sometimes twentie In the greatest sometimes fortie and sometimes fiftie Which for the most part being seuered both by roofes and walles doe serue for the dayly and houshold affaires of one owner or master seldome of two or three but almost neuer of more whereupon the Reader may easily iudge howe true it is that the Islanders and their cattell haue all one house to lie in when euery husbandman in this varietie of roomes hath seuerall oxe-stalles sheepe-cotes stables lambes-cots separated indifferent spaces one from another which the seruants goe vnto so oft as neede requireth and from thence returne backe to the dwelling houses But whereas one noted in his Mappe of Island concerning the prouince of Skagefiord that vnder the same roofe men dogges swine and sheepe liue all together it is partly false and partly no maruell for sheepe as it hath beene sayde and specially for swine when as that prouince hath no swine at all it is vtterly false for dogges it is no maruell when as not kings courts were euer or at this day are destitute of them as it is well knowen to all men But as touching dogges afterward in the seuenth section Victuals c. Whither beasts meate may fitly be termed by the name of Victus a man may iustly doubt when Doletus interpreting a peece of Tullie saith As for Victus sayth he wee will so expound it with the Ciuilians namely that we comprehend vnder the word of Victus all things necessarie for the life of man as meate drinke attire of the bodie c. And Vlpianus de verborum significatione defineth Victus in the very same words But in this place the saide authors call beasts meate by the name of Victus But let vs see what trueth and plaine dealing is to be found in these men We haue no labouring cattell besides horses and oxen these haue grasse and hay except where haye is wanting for their fodder and water to drinke Now the very same writers confesse that the Islanders liue by fish butter flesh both beefe and mutton and corne also though it bee scarce and brought out of other countries Therefore they haue not the same foode with brute beasts which notwithstanding the sayde writers affirme in these wordes They and their cattell vse all one victuals or food What Munsters meaning is in this clause he himselfe a little before hath plainely taught Island saith he conteineth many people liuing onely with the food of cattell and sometimes by taking of fishes But what else is the food of cattell but the meat of cattell saith Doletus Unlesse perhaps Munster calleth the food of cattell cattell themselues slaine for the foode of men whom as I thinke the vse of the Iatine tongue doth gaine say which hath taught vs that as men doe eate so beasts do feede and hath termed the victuals of men and the food or fodder of cattel But may I thinke that Munster and Krantzius were so mad as to imagine that the Islanders liue vpon grasse and hay To this passe of miserie was Nabuchodonozor brought vndergoing the yoke of Gods vengeance Daniel 4. vers 30. We will easily graunt that beasts and cattell will not perhaps refuse many things which men not onely of our countrey but of yours also eate if the saide beasts be destitute of their vsuall food as horses are fedde with corne and batley loaues they will drinke milke also like vnto calues and lambes and ale if it be proffered them and that greedily And dogges in like manner will deuour any deinty dishes whatsoeuer May any man therefore say that men vse the same common victuals with dogges and horses Now whatsoeuer things haue happened in the time of grieuous famine ought not to be recorded in historie for the generall custome of any countrey As it is not lawfull for vs to write concerning other nations that the people of this or that countrie doe vsually liue by eating of dogs mise cats although perhaps in the time of famine or seige or dearth of corne they haue often bene constrained so to doe But that the same drinke is some times common to many men with beasts we will not greatly gainesay namely most pure water that naturall drinke created by God for all liuing creatures which also in some respect Phisicians doe commende yea neither the Patriarkes themselues nor our sauiour Christ despised it As touching apparell for we comprehend apparell also vnder the name of Victus it is no wise common to vs with beasts For nature hath clad them with haires bristles as I dare say Munster and Krantzius cannot be ignorant men being otherwise naked stande in neede of clothes to couer their bodies But I had not thought it might therefore haue properly beene sayde that sheepe and we haue all one apparell Men of other countries also weare cloth of sheepes wooll although it be more finely wrought But no more concerning the attire of the bodie For it is a meere folly to seeke for praise and ambitious reputation by that which argueth the infirmitie of our nature State c. Now it remaineth that we should speake of that state which we are sayd to haue common with beasts but of what kinde or maner it should be or our writers would haue it to be I cannot easily discerne State sayth Doletus is either of the body or of causes or of order and condition Doubtlesse that there is another state of our bodies then of beasts for besides our two feet we haue hands also and go with our bodies and countenances lift vpright and that we be of another order and condition from them we are verily perswaded As for these good fellowes if they know any such matter by themselues or others let them disclose it We doe altogether scorne these being so vaine things and breeding so great contempt against the Maiesty of God our creator neither do we vouchsafe them any larger discourse But because it is our duety not so highly to regard either the loue of our countrey or of any other thing whatsoeuer but that we may be ready at all times and in all places to giue trueth the preheminence I will say in a word what that was which perhaps might minister occasion to this infamous reproch of writers There be nere vnto Schalholt vpon the South shore of Island three small parishes standing betweene two most swift riuers Thiorsaa and Olfwis Aa being in a maner destitute both of wood and turfe which is the accustomed fewell of the countrey And although most of the inhabitants of these parishes and some of their