think they can bestow their time better in advancing themselves and their Families They will be sure not to give us an Exact and Faithful account of the Intrigues of the Cabinet and Court and discover to the World the true Motives of Wars Alliances and other Enterprizes Will they publish to the World their own Roguery and Villanies Will they speak sincerely of the Infamies and Criminal Passions of a Prince to whom they owe their Places and Preferments Will they tell the Artifices they used to flatter or incense them to ruin a Rival of more Merit than themselves or advance their own ill-deserving Creatures Statesmen and Ambassadors sometimes write Memoirs But these are not to be trusted to Without fearing to make a rash Judgment I will say these Writers of Quality are like certain Persons who publish'd the History of their own Actions in Cicero's time This Man the vainest that ever lived was even dead with longing to see his Consulat writ by some eminent and able Pen. Ad familiares Lib. V. Ep. 12. Displeased that he could not obtain what he so earnestly coveted he was tempted to do as others had done and to write himself the Wonders of that Consulat with which he had stunn'd the World in his Orations Books and Letters One thing restrained him For says he very Ingenuously there are two very great Inconveniences in being the Historian of a Man 's own Actions He must be too modest in his own Praises and dissemble his Faults to save his Honour See here the Condition of all Writers of Memoirs If Decency requires them not to speak too well of themselves their Partiality leads them to conceal or at least palliate what they have done amiss If an Historian ought to be a Statesman for the same Reason he ought to be skilful in the Art of War Without this how shall he describe an Incampment a Siege or a Battle If I may freely speak my Thoughts these Particulars are not very necessary in a General History This Caution belongs more to a particular Relation or the Memoirs of a Man who intends to give Instructions to those of his Profession Dr. Burnet Bishop of Salâ—…sbury I have heard an eminent Prelate who has a Noble Genius for writing History as well as for the Pulpit and Divinity say That the late Mr. de Schombergh Mareschal of France and after a Duke in England had advis'd him to forbear entring too far into Particulars in Matters of War None said that excellent General but the most able Men of the Trade can speak well of these things It is almost impossible to know exactly all the Circumstances of an Action The General gives Orders and after is ignorant of what passes The Inferiour Officers must give an Account of what they do themselves It is reasonable to believe the Memoirs Caesar has left to Posterity should have the utmost Exactness Yet there were some Men in his time who did not exceedingly rely on them Caesar said they Suetonius in Julio Caesare cap. 56. too lightly gave credit to what was reported to him of other Mens Actions and is not very faithful in what he relates of his own either because his Memory deceiv'd him or he would not sincerely speak the Truth Since it is difficult to learn all the Circumstances of a Battle where things on both sides are in great Confusion an Historian may be excused if he do not inform us of all Particulars He may describe more exactly a March an Incampment or a Siege But of what use is this at bottom Few have any Interest here except those of the Trade The Business of History is more to form a Gentleman than to instruct a Soldier or an Officer These Reasons have prevailed with me to think I may undertake to write the History of a Reign which contains a great number of Sieges and Battles though I understand nothing of the Military Art I have not more Experience in Affairs of State or Court Intrigues This is true But on the other Hand I do not relate the Actions of my own time I have chosen with all the Industry and Judgment I am Master of what is extant any where of all that passed in the Reign of Lewis XIII There are some who imagine a good History cannot be written unless the Author have secret and curious Mâ—â—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 This is the way some late Wriâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 â—â—ken to raise and give a 〈…〉 Works Varillas at first 〈…〉 by publishing that 〈…〉 Histories from Extracts of 〈◊〉 in the King of France's Library and Memoirs preserved in the Cabinets of some of the chief Families of the Kingdom But when the World took the Pains to enquire into what this boasting Scribler bodly advances they soon discover'd his Books were only Romances wrote with something of Easiness And when they press'd him to name his Authorities he could only produce some exploded Writers Manuscripts so confus'd that no one could find out the Truth and Memoirs so secret that the Persons who own'd them would not be named For my part I will not dissemble I have not yet procured any of those rare and curious Memoirs After the Example of Titus Livy and Tacitus who compiled their Histories out of the Works of those who writ before them I have carefully collected the best Things I could find in the Country where I reside and have compos'd out of them a continued History of the Reign of Lewis XIII in the most useful and instructive manner I was able I have taken that part of the Annals of Tacitus which yet remains for my Model not for the Stile or that mysterious Air which he affects in every thing he speaks of but in the Design and Plan of the Work It is plain the principal End Tacitus had in view was to shew by what Means and Degrees Tyranny was entirely established in Rome after the Death of Augustus And my chief Aim is to shew the Practices after the Death of Henry IV. to destory the little remaining Liberty of France to oppress the Clergy the Nobility and People in short to lay the Foundations of an enormous Power which has struck a Terrour into all Europe in our Days Perhaps some will reproach me that if I want the Strength and the Sententious Stile of Tacitus at least I have imitated his Malignity Some charge him with giving an ill Turn to all the Actions of those he speaks of and finding no Virtue and Probity any where But not to say how small the number of the Good is when a Man is obliged to bring on the Stage ambitious Men who sacrifice all to their Rise and Fortunes Base and flattering Courtiers who make no Scruple of betraying their Religion and Country Can he give these Actors the Part of an honest Man All that can be reasonably required of an Historian is that Men being rarely entirely corrupt and wicked he should not conceal what is good and commendable where he
his tottering Crown The History of the Reign of Lewis XIII will discover to you my Lord the Reasons which Philip Frederick Henry had to foresee the Glory which was reserv'd for a Great King the Heir of his Blood and of his Virtues who gives you already signal Marks of his Distinguishing Favour 'T would be but a small Matter to learn from History The Interests of Sovereigns the Accounts of Battles and Sieges the Intrigues of Treaties and Negotiations the Good or Bad Quality of the different Actors It s greatest and principal End is to confirm in you the Good Sentiments of Religion Virtue and Probity which my Lord your Father hath took care to inspire you with They charm'd me the first Day I had the Honour to be in your Company and I bless God with all my Heart that they appear so pure and so deeply engraven in your Soul that we have all the Reason in the World to hope that the Contagious and insinuating Air of the Court and of the World will never be able to corrupt or wear them out and that you will never wander from the Paths of Piety Prudence and Valour which my Lord the Earl of Portland hath trac'd out to you Heavens grant which have design'd you to enjoy the great Advantages which a Father can leave to his Son that you may make an Use of them worthy of the Purity of the Holy Religion which we profess These are the ardent Desires of him who shall be all his Life with a prosound Respect and inviolable Fidelity My Lord Your most Humble and most Obedient Sevant MICHAEL Le VASSOR THE PREFACE Polybius in the beginning SInce all who have written History before me says an Able and Judicious Writer have taken pains to shew the usefulness of things past It would be to no purpose to excite the Curiosity of the Reader by a like Preface All Men are sensible that the reading of History is the most proper means to form the Mind and Inclinations of those who apply themselves to it with Reflection and Judgment They who are born to the first employs of the State learn here how to govern those whom Providence has placed under them and private Persons often find Instructions for the Conduct of their Lives To read the Ancients and Moderns and only fill the Head with a confus'd heap of different Facts is the vainest thing in the World and conduces most to Debauch the Mind But to run thrô History with a design to learn Human Nature to reflect on the Disorderly and Unjust Passions of Men to distinguish Solid and Real Virtue from that which consists in the mistaken Opinion of the Multitude This certainly is the most proper Study to form a Man for the World and Business Notwithstanding the reading History has these mighty Advantages there are few that profit by it The fate of those who spend their time in it is often the same with that of Persons who Travel live in a Court or Converse in the World A Man who has the Skill to make a good use of his Parts and Reason Accomplishes himself very much in Foreign Countries by Conversation with Courtiers and Men of Business But it ordinarily happens that Travellers only seek to Divert themselves in the places where they come A young Fellow returns out of Italy France Germany or England as ignorant as he went there And very often in stead of correcting his Domestick Vices he encreases them by the Addition of Foreign ones Most Men who come to Court or into the World only think how to wast away their Lives and spend their Time agreeably Very far from considering how private Interest and Passion play their parts on the publick Stage and reasoning with themselves oâ—… the different steps Men take and profitably observing their good and ill Qualities they only strive to please them and wiâ—… their savour by some Motives of Interest or Pleasure The greatest part of those whâ—… read History fall into the same Mistake They only aim to consume their Time and pass away the Tedious Hours It is enough for them if a Book be Pleasant and Diverting They are never in Pain to profit by the Examples of Virtue they meet with or reflect on the Faults of those who are exposed in it This Negligence proceeds from the little care taken to acquaint Youth with the Nature of Mankind and infusing good Principles of Morality into them before they are put on reading History sent into Foreign Countries or left to live at large in the World If their Tutors and Governors which had the Charge of their Education had accustomed them to Meditate on those Remarks which the Incomparable Author of the Search after Truth P. Malebranche de Recherche de la Verite has made on the Mistakes and Delusions of our Senses Imagination and Passions on the Maxims of Mr. de la Rochefancault and some other good Books published in our Times I do not in the least question but Minds thus prepared would draw a wonderful Fruit from Travelling Conversation in the World and Ancient and Modern History Perhaps too the small number of good Authors in this and former Ages is another cause of the little Progress made by those who promiscuously run over all without Choice or Distinction Herodotus whom the Ancients call the Father of History Cicero Liv. 1. De Legibuâ—… is a polite Writer and pleasant to read One may learn good Jonick in him Let him if you will have it so be a good Model of an Elegant and Clean Style but what Solid Knowledge can be gained out of an Author fill'd with Fables and Falsities who only aims to Divert and not to Instruct The History of Cyrus is thought to be a Romance devised by Xenophon I do not know whether the Plan of the Work do not come nearer Truth than what Herodotus delivers of the Birth Conquest and Death of Cyrus The one at least is more probable than the other However this be a Man of good Sense will ever prefer the Reading of Xenophon to Herodotus If the former did not design an exact History of the Life of Cyrus he draws at least the Idea of a good and just Government This should make us value the Eight Books of the Cyropedia of Xenophon more than the nine of Herodotus his History though they have the Name of the nine Muses given them This may amuse me indeed but the other will instruct me I find a thousand Maxims a thousand Reflections proper to improve my Mind and Reform my Passions Discourse of the manner of writing History Thucidides was very sensible of Herodotus his Fault Notwithstanding the great Reputation of a Man who first writ History among the Greeks I had rather said he as Lucian Reports displease by speaking the Truth than please by relating of Fables If I do not please my Reader so well I shall profit him more I would not prejudice him by Accommodating
far above their Neighbours Those People which some Persons look on as heavy have often more good Sense Solidity and Plain dealing than others that value themselves on their good Tast Sharpness and Wit The one without Dispute is infallibly more valuable than the other My Native Country is very dear to me and I take pleasure in professing it But I love it as an honest Man ought to do To wish well to a Mans Countrymen to pray God they may want nothing which can make them compleatly happy in this World or the next is in my Opinion to have a true and sincere Love for a Mans Country And I can protest God be praised I have such a Disposition of Mind St. Paul wished all his Auditors might become as he was except in his Bonds I pray in the same manner for all Frenchmen May Heaven grant they all become like me except being almost under a necessity to leave their Native Country to follow the Light of their Conscience If I am bound to France by that grateful Sense which a Reasonable Man ought to have for a Civil Society where God has given him Birth this do's not hinder me from thinking my self united to other Nations by the Ties of Religion and Humanity France may be Happy and Flourishing without disturbing its Neighbors or unjustly Usurping anothers Right Because I am of a Nation must I desire to see her Mistress of Europe Must I applaud the boundless Ambition of the Prince who governs her Must I praise my Countrymen for working Fetters and Chains to bind themselves withal Natural Justice requires me to contribute all I can to the Prosperity and Repose of my Native Land and that I should defend it when unjustly attacked But I am bound by the same Laws of Nature to prevent my Countrymen from destroying and doing Mischief to others Very far from extolling their Ignominous Slavery and Criminal Enterprizes Reason and Religion require me to Condemn and Oppose them to the utmost of my Power By a strange Inversion of Language and Reason a Man in France is said to be well affected to the Government when he shews I know not what ridiculous Zeal for the Power of the King Is the King then the whole State These two things are very different The State signifies a certain number of Men Associated and living under the same Laws The King is the Person who has the Charge of Supporting them and providing for the Wellfare of the People In what do's the Happiness of a Nation consist That she is only obliged to obey Laws confirmed by a long Use or made in such manner as was agreed on by the People in their first Confederacy or in the Assemblies held after in the Safe and Unmolested enjoyment of their Estates and the Fruits of their Industry without having these taken away from them by Force in Taxes and Publick Duties being so equally Levyed that no Man pay more than he conveniently can To love the Government or ones Country is ardently to wish it all the Advantages which a Man would give his Life to procure when they are wanting or to preserve them when she has the good fortune to enjoy them In this Sense it is pleasant and Honorable for a Man to die for his Country To love as it is call'd in France the Power and Glory of the King is to labour for the Establishing Tyranny Since the Principles and Detestable Policy of Machiavel have been brought into Europe a Prince thinks himself Glorious and Potent if he has found a way to become Absolute Master of the Lives and Estates of his People and securely make himself Great at the Expence of his Neighbours If this be not true Tyranny all Men in the World are deceived What do they understand by the word Tyranny The Government of those who only propose their own Profit Why should I Dissemble The love I have for my Country gives me an extream Aversion for these Politicks pernicious to Mankind I cannot value those who pursue these Maxims whatever good Qualities they have or however eminent their Rank in the World be Let some Persons born to Slavery if they please rail at me as a Seditious Author This is the Language now for those who still preserve Love for Liberty in a Country where it is almost Extinguished I am not in any pain about it A Learned Man Condemned the History of the Famous Mr. de Thou because it is writ said he with a Liberty which do's not suit with the Age. I have not the Presumption to compare my self with that Great Man He was infinitely above me by his Birth and Rank and yet more by his Sublime Genius and Universal Knowledge The Love of Truth is the only thing in which I think I may imitate him I will dare to say in which I strive to surpass him His Character his Employs his Relation to the Court have obliged him to some Management which I may lawfully dispense with If his Liberty did not agree with his Time mine will seem less proper for ours But let the World speak as it pleases I will follow the Example of this Great Man who despised Mean-spirited Censors We are not less free than the Men of former times why should we not speak the Truth as well as they There is nothing remains now but for me to give a Reason why in publishing this History I have not waited till it was entirely finished A great Book frightens the World The Reign of Lewis XIII has certain Remarkable Periods the Majority of the King the Removal of the Queen Mother the Ministry of Cardinal Richelieu the taking of Rochell the Foreign War The Reader may Repose himself at each of these Periods where there is a considerable change of Affairs For this Reason I have divided this Work into different Parts perhaps the Reader will not be Displeased to have them one after the other The Judgment which the Publick makes of the first may set me right and be of use in the following ones Those who will favour me with the Communication of any Memoirs may adress them if they please to the Bookseller They will be thankfully received and made use of with the Discretion they can reasonably expect whether they desire to have the Honour of them or will not be known I shall only desire they will not take it amiss that every thing be duly examined nor expect we should engage our selves to praise or blame what do's deserve neither THE CONTENTS BOOK I. THE Plan of this Work The State of Europe and France at the end of the Reign of Henry IV. Preparations for War The Prince of Conde's Flight Henry IV. prepares to March at the Head of his Army He is Assassinated the 14th of May 1610. The Queen labours to be declared Regent during the Minority of Lewis XIII her Son Lewis XIII sits in his Seat of Justice the first time Intrigues and Cabals at Court in the beginning of the
Blasphemies against the late King Henry III. and against the Persons and States of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Jesuits have ever had their Partisans and Adversaries The first were ready to excuse them and the latter rose up against them with great Zeal and Vehemence The Abbot Dubois preaching at St. Eustace in Paris undertook in one of his Sermons to refute the Opinions of Mariana By a figure of Rhetorick lively enough he addrest his Speech to the good Fathers and exhorted them strongly for the future to take care in the Books published in the name of their Body and with Approbation of their Superious to let nothing pass offensive to France unless the Jesuits would expose themselves to Dangers which all their Prudence strengthen'd by the Power of their Friends would not be able to avoid This Discourse made a great Impression on the Audience They went away enraged against the Society and the People appeared extreamly incensed against them Complaint was made to the Queen of this Sermon and she remitted the Affair to the Archbâ—…shop of Paris Dubois protested before that Prelate he meant no hurt to the Society My Love said he to Truth my Grief for the Death of the King and a just Dread of the fatal Effects that the Doctrine of Mariana may produce such Sentiments as these made me speak in that manner The Archbishop of Paris had nothing to reply and contented himself with exhorting the Preacher to live well with all the Servants of God and particularly with the Jesuits But it had been more to the purpose to perswade effectually those good Fathers to pardon the Abbot the injury which they thought they had received I do not know how it came to pass but Dubois had the Imprudence to go to Rome the next year and then they did not want colour to shut him up in a close Prison The Patience of Father Coton Confessour to the late King could not bear to hear the General Exclamation against his Brethren He resolved to justifie the Society against the Imputation on the account of Mariana's Book His Wise and discerning Friends advised Coton to say nothing for fear of any Misunderstanding in an Affair that must be so nicely handled Every one wonder'd that a Man who knew the World so well and wanted not Prudence should not take so good Advice He published a long Letter addressed to the Queen to perswade the World Mariana was a private Person disown'd by their Body who had true Notions of the Authority of Princes and the Obedience due to them The thing happened at the Friends of the Jesuits had foretold A thousand Pamphlets were instantly published against the Fathers Letter It is full say they of Ambiguous Expressions and Tricking They insulted him on his pretended disclaiming the Doctrine which was plainly forced to comply with present necessity It comes too late said some maliciously enough to the good Fathers but perhaps it will not be useless to the Children of him who is now in his Grave Indeed the defence of Coton was weak and ill put together What he said of the Complaints of the Provincial Congregation held at Paris some years before and the Answer of their General Aquaviva gave an Advantage to the Enemies of the Society The French Jesuits having desired their Superiour to stop the Liceace and Suppress the Books of some Authours who had written some things to the prejudice of France the Father gave them this Answer We approve the Judgment and Care of your Congregation And we are very sorry that this was not discover'd till after the Impression of those Books We have taken order they shall be corrected and we will have a care that nothing of the like nature shall happen for the future This is very cold and ambiguous for an Opinion which allows Attempts on the Lives of Soveraigns Here are some of the Prudential Managements of the Children of this World But there is no formal disavowing that execrable Dogm the Defenders of which deserve an Exemplary punishment We must be very simple to believe that the Superiours of the Society did not know what Mariana and others of the same stamp wrote till after the Publication of their Works do's not all the World know what are their Statutes relating to the Publication of their Books It is to little purpose that Coton cites several Authours of different Sentiments from Mariana If among so many able Men there was none to be found who maintain Homicide to be absolutely forbid by the Laws of God it would be a very extraordinary thing The permission of the Society to print Mariana's Book is ground enough to conclude they approve it or at least do not condemn it as ill These Writers pass for grave Authours but according to the Principles of Probability a Dogm which ows its Birth to or at least is adopted by the Society in all its Forms James Clement could on the Authority of Mariana Assassinate Henry III. And his Successour might be kill'd with a safe Conscience at least at a time when Sixtus V. and Gregory XIV darted all the Thunder of the Vatican against him The Jesuits bore the most violent Assaults of the Preachers of Paris The Funeral of Henry IV. at the time of Henry's Funerals The Ceremony was performed with the usual pomp The Heart was sent to the College of Jesuits which the King had founded at la Fleche in Anjou He had ordered it thus before his Death Coton made his Funeral Oration there The Body was first carried to the Cathedral Church of Paris and from thence conveyed to the ordinary Burying-place of the Kings of France The Bishop of Aire pronounced the Elogy of the Deceased King at Notre Dame and the Bishop of Anger 's at St. Denys Tho' Henry might deserve in the Eyes of the World the Title of Great his Vertues and Actions did not deserve the Church of Rome should interrupt her Holy Rites to make his Panegyrick in a Pulpit which ought to be Sacred to the Preaching of the Truth What can a good Christian say in praise of a Prince dead in several Criminal Habits on the point of putting all Europe in a Flame and causing a great Effusion of Blood to satisfie his Ambition to revenge himself of his Enemies who were not in a condition to hurt him to force away a Princess in the face of the World whose Husband took Refuge to defend himself from the Solicitations and Pursuits of a King whom love had deprived of all Senseand Reason His pretended Conversion was a fair Field for prophane Orators void of Religion to exercise their Eloquence Their Triumph in so Important a Conquest served to cover his ill Life and impenitent Death But were they ever assured Henry was sincerely a Catholick Let us leave that to the judgment of God If it be true this Princes Conscience was setled in matters of Faith it is certain his irregular Life did not do much honour to the
your most incontestable Right will be soon Vsurped He that attacks me to day will declare himself against you to morrow should a Wise Man stand with his Arms folded when his Neighbours House is on Fire The Advice was wholsom but his Majesty of Great Britain had the Dissatisfaction to hear several Catholick Princes did not dare to read his Apology for fear of giving offence to the Pope A strange Slavery Can Policy or Superstition reduce Princes to so mean a Complaisance to a Bishop who would have great Honour done him in leaving him the first Subject of the Empire Henry IV. of France was as weak as the rest Coeffeteau writes against K. James his Apology He forbid any Translation should be published of that Book which his good Ally had sent him His Care and Orders were ineffectual the Apology appeared in French in spite of him Coeffeteau a Religious Dominican after Bishop of Marseille an Author who successfully began first to give an Elegance and an Agreeable and Neat turn to the French Language Coeffeteau I say was desirous to Signalize himself on this occasion and so enter the List against a King This Man was obliged to speak after the manner used in France and to own the Independance of Sovereigns in regard of their Temporal Concerns But the poor Dominican Embarassed himself terribly Indeed says he to the King of Great Britain If the Catholick Church teacheth this Furious Zeal if she arms her own Children against Kings and puts them on making Attempts against their Lives she is not only unworthy of their Favours but deserves to be Exterminated and her Memory erased by a General Decree of Mankind but if on the contrary she condemns all these Attempts as Parricides if she desires Princes should securely enjoy their Dominions have their Armies Victorious an obedient People a Faithful Counsel and all Happiness that can be desired is not her Greatness Harmless notwithstanding the Rage of some private Persons whom Despair and not Religion has pushed on to Brutality She knows she cannot subsist without the State that she is born in it and the State is her Support The Catholick Church this is a word strangely Equivocal in France If it may be allowed to fignifie a certain Number of the most enlightned and sincere Persons in the Roman Communion the Author I have just now cited may speak Truth But if by the Catholick Church we must understand as is more reasonable its Supreme Pastor the great number of those which fill its chief Dignities its most Famous Writers I very much fear the good Coeffeteau has advanced a Notorious Falshood The Pope and Cardinals gave him the Lye in a very Remarkable manner the very same year he answered King James Barclay had wrote against Bellarmine about the Authority of the Pope and followed the Principles commonly received amongst the better Men of France His Book was Condemned at Rome as well as the Noble History of Mr. De Thou the Famous Argument of Antony Arnaud against the Jesuits and the Sentence it self of the Parlement of Paris against John Chastel who had made an Attempt on the Life of Henry IV. That poor Prince was not yet dead This strange Censure which he endur'd so patiently did it not serve to Animate the Rage of that Wretch who Assassinated him the year following If the pretended Head of the Church of Rome if the Cardinals and the greatest number of its Paftors did not teach this Furious Zeal If they condemned their Attempts as Parricides would they have destroyed so many good Books so Just and so Christian a Sentence Let us then conclude with the Opinion of the Eminent Coeffeteau The Pope and Cardinals deserve to be exterminated and their Memory erased by a publick Decree of Mankind As the Cardinals pretend they are not Inferior to Crown'd Heads Cardinal Pellarmine Addresses to the Emperor and Kings of the Popal Communion his Answer to the King of England's Apology Bellarmine in the same manner Addresses to the Emperor and the Kings who own God for their Father and the Catholick Church for their Mother the Answer which he had some time since made under a borrowed Name to the King of Great Britain's Apology It must not be thought strange says the Cardinal that I undertake to refute a King It is for the Defence of the Faith I have taken my Pen in hand after the Example of divers Prelates of Antiquity Hilary of Poitiers and Lucifer of Cagliari have writ against the Haeretical Emperor Constantius Gregory Narianzen and Cyrill of Alexandria have Encountred Julian the Apostate This did James the first draw on himself from a Priest for turning Controvertist without necessity If he had contented himself with publishing a Manifesto to prove the Justice of the Oath he required of his Popish Subjects he would have embarass'd the Court of Rome and its Advocates But he labour'd to shew the Pope was Antichrist and that Rome is the Seat of the Son of Perdition Was not this a way to please the Sovereigns of the Popes Communion by furnishing them with a pretence for not receiving kindly the Kings Apology and applauding the Cardinals Answer A Deeree of the Parlement of Paris against the Treatise of Bellarmine of the Authority of the Pope The Dispute stopt there Bellarmine set himself to reply to Barclay This Man had refuted what the Cardinal advanced concerning the Authority of the Pope in the first Volume of his Controversies The Magistrates opposed the printing them at Paris and the first Sheets which were work'd of were Suppressed by order of the Solicitor General As soon as they had notice of the New Book which Bellarmine had published of the Authority of the Pope in Temporal Matters Servin Advocate General moved the Parlement to provide against any Mischiefs which the Publication of so ill a Book might cause This Magistrate urged the Duty of his Place obliged him not to be less Diligent or Zealous for the Service of his Master than Peter de Cugnieres and John le Cooq his Predecessors had been the one in the Reign of Philip of Valois and the other in that of Charles the VI. Farther he alledged the late proceedings of the King of Spain and his Officers against that Volume of the Annals of Cardinal Baronius wherein the Monarchy of Sicily is attacked The Chambers meeting upon the occasion of this Remonstrance ordered Cardinal Bellarmines Work to be Supprest let us now see what was done this year in Spain against Baronius An Edict of the King of Spain against the XI Volume of the Ecclesiastical Annals of Cardinal Baronius The Kings of Sicily have for a long time been the only Popes of this little Kingdom By Virtue of a certain Bull which Pope Vrban the Second granted say they to Roger Count of Sicily and his Successors the Sovereign is Legatus Natus or Born Legat of the Holy See His Spiritual Power is so great that he
both Conde would have had them removed from Court if he could have had any advantage against them and the Duke de Guise would have done his endeavour to have remov'd them as soon as he should have been at the head of the King's Army The Duke d'Epernon angry that his advice to oppose the Malecontents with an open force was not followed resolved not to assist at any Treaties which they should afterwards hold with the Prince and the united Lords where the King was to buy of his Subjects a short liv'd Peace at a shameful Rate The Circular Letter of the Regent upon Retreat of the Prince de Conde and the Lords of his Party When the Duke de Vantadour and Boissise were gone to the Prince de Conde in Berri the Regent wrote a Circular Letters dated the 13th February to all the Parlements of the Kingdom to the Governors of Provinces and other Places to the Provost of the Merchants to the Mayors and Sheriffs of the Cities to exhort them to remain faithful to the King and not suffer themselves to be surpriz'd by the Prince de Conde and his Party If you will believe Mary de Medicis Mercure Francoise 1614. These Gentlemen had no just ground of Complaint neither with relation to their own private Interest nor to the Administration of the publick Affairs Her Majesty had Treated this Prince and those Lords with all the Respect imaginable she had heap'd as many Favours on them as they could reasonably desire and had taken no Step of any consequence without their Advice The Kingdom was in as flourishing and quiet a Condition the Dignity of the Crown of France as well Supported the People as easie and happy as ever To write the History of a Reign from Manifesto's from prefaces of Edicts and Declarations from Letters and other Papers published under the King's Name is to have but very bad Authority for what one writes In the mean time to amuse the People with the hopes of a better Government the Regent declared in a Letter that her Majesty resolv'd to call as they speak in France an Assembly des Notables of all Orders in the Kingdom in which they should consult together for the publick Welfare The Duke de Nevers seizes on the Cittadel de Mezieres in Champagne Ventadour and Boissise had Intelligence upon the Road that the Prince de Conde was gone from Chateauroux and designed â—…o pass the Loir accompanied by 30 or â—…o Horse They sent one of their Comâ—…any to inform him of their Commissiâ—â— and to know where they might meet â—â—m Mercure Francoise 1614. Conde refused to receive the King's â—…eputies and went immediately into â—…hampagne where the Duke de Nevers â—â—ceived him The Prince was immediâ—…ely Conducted to Chalons from thence â—â—vers and he went to Mezieres Descuâ—…es Commanded there in the absence of â—â—e Marquiss de la Vieuville There â—â—ing a good understanding between him and the Duke de Nevers Descuroles made as if he would shut the Gates of the Cittadel and defend it according to the Order which he had received from Vieuville But the Prince and the Duke de Nevers threatning to attack it if he did not shew express Orders from her Majesty to Resist them Descuroles received the Prince and Duke into the Place Nevers wrote afterwards to the Queen to complain of the Marquiss of Vieuville to desire that Justice might be done him for the resistance that had been made him who was the Governor of the Province Was not this to Affront the Queen under pretence of paying I know not what respect to the Majesty of a Sovereign The Prince de Conde wrote to the Regent a Letter in Form of a Mà nifesto Mercure Francois 1614. The Prince de Conde the Dukes de Nevers de Maìenne de Longueville and some others of the chief of the Party being met at Mezieres Conde wrote a long Letter to the Queen in form of a Manifesto He expresseth there an extraordinary Zeal for the publick Good and offers to Restore the Pensions and Gratifications which he had Received from the King to her Majesty's hand when all the States shall be assembled and Act with entire Liberty In a Word he speaks much like the Ancient Greeks and Romans of whose Impartial Justice we read of in History If he had a mind to impose upon the World he should have taken care that his Actions did not contradict his Words In truth the Complaints which the Prince de Conde and those of his Party made concerning the wasting of the Treasury the giving the highest Employments to People unworthy of them the too great Authority of the Ministers the little Respect that was paid to the Princes and Peers of the Realm the Officers of the Crown the Obstacles which the Parlement found in exercising of their Power the Ruine of the Nobles the excessive Price of the Places of Judicature the Oppression of the People neglecting to Assemble the States of the Kingdom the Haste with which they had concluded the Marriage of the King before his Majority all these Complaints I say were well founded In the mean time what ever Protestations the Prince of Conde made that he had no other design but to procure an effectual Remedy for these heavy Grievances yet the World could never firmly believe the integrity of his Intentions nor the sincerity of his Words He added to these Three or Four Demands which were not less Reasonable the Assembling of the States of the Kingdom within Three months at farthest the Suspending the Marriage of the King and his Sister till after the sitting of the States and the placing near her Majesty Persons of known Honesty and Integrity Conde at the same time wrote to the Prince of Conti his Uncle to the Dukes Peers and Officers of the Crown to the Parlements to Cardinals and he sent them a Copy of the Letter he had sent to the Queen In that to the Parlement of Paris he Stiled them the Chief Guardian of the Kingdom He was willing to give them an account of his Actions he desired their Advice and Concurrence in this Laudable undertaking of his to Reform the Government Thus it is that Kings and Princes and great Lords have used to play with a Senate The weakness of the Parlement of Paris on this occasion the Chief Members whereof being Ambitious and Slaves to the Court take no care to maintain its Reputation and Authority When there are hopes that the Parlement of Paris will be of any use to impose upon the People they bestow upon it magnificent Titles and Treat it with the greatest Honour and Respect imaginable but when these Considerations cease they despise and ridicule it The Parlement upon this occasion gave a Proof of its Weakness They would not open the Letter which the Prince de Conde sent them Two of their Members were deputed to carry it to the Queen who sent them to the Chancellor