it placeth in lieu thereof modest bashfulnesse silence and taciturnity it adorneth it with decent gesture and seemly countenance making it for ever after obedient to one lover onely Ye have heard I am sure of that most famous and renowmed courtisan Lais who was courted and sought unto by so many lovers and ye know well how she inflamed and set on fire all Greece with the love and longing desire after her or to say more truly how two seas strave about her how after that the love of Hippolochus the Thessalian had seased upon her she quit and abandoned the mount Acrocorinthus Seated upon the river side Which with greene waves by it did glide as one writeth of it and flying secretly from a great army as it were of other lovers she retired herselfe right decently within Megalopolis unto him where other women upon very spight envie and jelousie in regard of her surpassing beautie drew her into the temple of Venus and stoned her to death whereupon it came as it should seeme that even at this day they call the said temple The temple of Venus the murderesse We our selves have knowen divers yoong maidens by condition no better than slaves who never would yeeld to lie with their master as also sundry private persons of meane degree who refused yea and disdained the companie of queenes when their hearts were once possessed with other love which as a mistresse had the absolute command thereof For like as at Rome when there was a Lord Dictatour once chosen all other officers of State and magistrates valed bonet were presently deposed and laied downe their ensignes of authority even so those over whom Love hath gotten the mastery and rule incontinently are quit freed and delivered from all other lords and rulers no otherwise than such as are devoted to the service of some religious place And in trueth an honest and vertuous dame linked once unto her lawfull spouse by unfained love will sooner abide to be clipped clasped and embraced by any wolves and dragons than the contrectation and bed fellowship of any other man whatsoever but her owne husband And albeit there be an infinit number of examples among you here who are all of the same countrey and professed associats in one dance with this god Love yet it were not well done to passe over in silence the accidents which befell unto Camma the Galatian lady This yong dame being of incomparable beauty was maried unto a tetrarch or great lord of that countrey named Sinnatus howbeit one Synorix the mightiest man of all the Galatians was enamoured upon her but seeing that he could not prevaile with the woman neither by force and perswasion so long as her husband lived he made no more ado but murdred him Camma then having no other refuge for her pudicity nor comfort and easement of her hearts griefe made choise of the temple of Diana where she became a religious votary according to the custome of that countrey And verily the most part of her time she bestowed in the worship of that goddesse and would not admit speech with any 〈◊〉 many though they were and those great personages who sought her mariage but when Synorix had made meanes very boldly to aske her the question and to sollicite her about that point she seemed not to reject his motion nor to expostulate and be offended for any thing past as if for pure love of her and ardent affection and upon no wicked and malicious minde unto Sinnatus he had beene induced to do that which he did and therefore Synorix came confidently to treat with her and demand mariage of her she also for her part came toward the man kindly gave him her hand and brought him to the altar of the said goddesse where after she had made an offring unto Diana by powring forth some little of a certeine drinke made of wine hony as it should seeme empoisoned which she had put into a cup she began unto Synorix dranke up the one 〈◊〉 of it giving the rest unto the said Galatian for to pledge her Now when she saw that he had drunke it all off she fetched a grievous grone and brake forth aloud into this speech naming withall her husband that dead was My most loving and deere spouse quoth she I have lived thus long without thee in great sorow and heavinesse expecting this day but now receive me joifully seeing it is my good hap to be revenged for thy death upon this most wicked and ungratious wretch as one most glad to have lived once with thee and to die now with him As for Synorix he was caried away from thence in a litter and died soone after but Camma having survived him a day and a night died by report most resolutely and with exceeding joy of spirit Considering then that there be many such like examples aswel among us here in Greece as the Barbarians who is able to endure those that reproch and revile Love as if being associate and assistant to love she should hinder amitie whereas contrariwise the company of male with male a man may rather terme intemperance and disordinate lasciviousnesse crying out upon it in this maner Grosse wantonnesse or filthie lust it is Not Venus faire that worketh this And therefore such filths baggages as take delight to suffer themselves voluntarily thus to be abused against nature we reckon to be the woorst and most flagitious persons in the world no man reposeth in them any trust no man doth them any jote of honor and reverence nor vouchsafeth them woorthy of the least part of friendship but in very trueth according to Sophocles Such friends as these men are full glad and joy when they be gone But whiles they have them wish and pray that they were rid anone As for those who being by nature leaud and naught have beene circumvented in their youth aad forced to yeeld themselves and to abide this villany and abuse al their life after abhorre the sight of such wicked wantons and deadly hate them who have bene thus disposed to draw them to this wickednesse yea and ready they are to be revenged and to pay them home at one time or other whensoever meanes and opportunity is offered for upon this occasion Cratenas killed Archelaus whom in his flower of youth he had thus spoiled as also Pytholaus slew Alexander the tyrant of Pherae And Pertander the tyrant of Ambracia demanded upon a time of the boy whom he kept whether he were not yet with childe which indignity the youth tooke so to the heart that he slew him outright in the place whereas with women and those especially that be espoused and wedded wives these be the earnest penies as it were and beginnings of amity yea the very obligation and society of the most sacred holiest ceremonies As for fleshly pleasure it selfe the least thing it is of all other but the mutuall honour grace dilection and fidelity that springeth and ariseth
dash as it were all about with their jangling bibble babble for she in the meane time is otherwise occupied and discourseth to herselfe of divers matters within by which meanes such fellowes can meet with no hearers that take heed what they say or beleeve their words For as it is generally held that the naturall seed of such as are lecherous and much given to the companie of women is unfruitfull and of no force to engender even so the talke of these great praters is vaine barren and altogether fruitlesse And yet there is no part or member of our body that nature hath so surely defended as it were with a strong rampar as the tongue for before it she hath set a pallaisado of sharpe teeth to the end that if peradventure it will not obey reason which within holdeth it hard as with a straite bridle but it will blatter out and not tarrie within we might bite it until it bleed againe and so restraine the intemperance therof For Euripides said not that houses unbolted But tongues and mouth 's unbrid'led if they bee Shall find in th' end mishap and miserte And those in my conceit who say that housen without dores and purses without strings serve their masters in no steed and yet in the meane time neither set hatch nor locke unto their mouthes but suffer them run out and overflow continually like unto the mouth of the sea Pontus these I say in mine opinion seeme to make no other account of words than of the basest thing in the world whereby they are never beleeved say what they will and yet this is the proper end and scope that all speech tendeth to namely to winne credit with the hearers and no man will ever beleeve these great talkers no not when they speake the truth For like as wheat if be it enclosed within some danke or moist vessell doth swell and yeeld more in measure but for use is found to be worse even so it is with the talke of a pratling person well may he multiply and augment it with lying but by that meanes it leeseth all the force of perswasion Moreover what modest civil and honest man is there who would not verie carefully take heed of drunkennes for anger as some say may well be ranged with rage madnesse and drunkennesse doth lodge and dwell with her or rather is madnes it selfe onely in circumstance of time it may be counted lesse for that it continueth lesse while but surely in regard of the cause it is greater for that it is voluntarie and we runne wilfully into it and without any constraint Now there is no one thing for which drunkennesse is so much blamed and accused as for intemperate speech and talke without end for as the Poët saith Wine makes a man who is both wise and grave To sing and chant to laugh full wantonly It causeth him to dance and eke to rave And many things to do undecently for the greatest and woorst matter that ensueth thereupon is not singing laughing and dauncing there is another inconvenience in comparison whereof all these are nothing and that is To blurt abroad and those words to reveale Which better were within for to conceale This is I say the mischiefe most dangerous of all the rest and it may be that the Poët covertly would assoile that question which the Philosophers have propounded and disputed upon namely what difference there might be betweene liberall drinking of wine and starke drunkennesse in attributing unto the former mirth and jocundnesse extraordinarie and to the latter much babling and foolish prattle for according to the common proverbe that which is seated in the heart and thought of a sober person lieth aloft in the mouth and tongue of a drunkard And therefore wisely answered the Philosopher Bias unto one of these jangling and prating companions for when he seemed to marke him for sitting still and saying nothing at a feast insomuch as he gave him the lob and soole for it And how is it possible quoth he that a foole should hold his peace at the table There was upon a time a citizen of Athens who feasted the embassadors of the king of Persia and for that he perceived that these great Lords would take delight in the companie of learned men and Philosophers upon a brave minde that he carried invited they were all met there together now when all the rest began to discourse in generall and everie man seemed to put in some vie for himselfe and to hold and maintaine one theame or other Zeno who sate among them was onely silent and spake not a word whereupon the said Embassadors and strangers of Persia began to bee merrie with him and to drinke unto him round saying in the end And what shall we report of you Sir Zeno unto the King our master Marie quoth he no more but this that there is an ancient man at Athens who can sit at the boord and say nothing Thus you see that silence argueth deepe and profound wisedome it implieth sobrietie and is a mysticall secret and divine vertue whereas drunkennesse is talkative full of words void of sense and reason and indeed thereupon multiplieth so many words and is ever jangling And in truth the Philosophers themselves when they define drunkennesse say That it is a kinde of raving and speaking idlely at the table upon drinking too much wine whereby it is evident that they doe not simply condemne drinking so that a man keepe himselfe within the bounds of modestie and silence but it is excessive and foolish talke that of drinking wine maketh drunkennesse Thus the drunkard raveth and talketh idlely when he is cup-shotten at the boord but the pratler and man of many words doth it alwaies and in every place in the market and common hal at the theatre in the publike galleries and walking places by day and by night If he be a physician and visit his patient certes he is more grievous and doth more hurt in his cure than the maladie it selfe if he be a passenger with others in a ship all the companie had rather be sea-sicke than heare him prate if he set to praise thee thou wert better to be dispraised by another and in a word a man shall have more pleasure and delight to converse and commune with lewd persons so they be discrect in their speech than with others that be busie talkers though otherwise they be good honest men True it is indeed that old Nestor in a tragedie of Sophocles speaking unto Ajax who overshot himselfe in some hot and hasty words for to appease and pacifie him saith thus after a milde and gracious maner I blame not you sir Ajax for your speech Naught though it be your deeds are nothing leech But surely we are not so well affected unto a vaine-prating fellow for his importunate and unseasonable words marre all his good works and make them to lose their grace Lysias upon a time at the request
bare Their squadron thicke and battell square Likewise If die we must most glorious is death For vertue when we spend our vitall breath presently ought to conceive thus much That all is spoken of the best most excellent and divinest habitude in us which we understand to be the verie rectitude and rule of reason and judgement the heighth and perfection of our reasonable humaine nature yea and the disposition of the soule accordant with it selfe But when he readeth againe these other verses there Vertue in men Iove causeth for to grow And fade by him it doth both ebbe and flow As also Where worldly wealth and riches are Vertue and fame follow not farre let him not by set him downe and by occasion of these words have the rich in woonderfull great admiration as if they could anon buy vertue for money and with their wealth have it at command let him not thinke I say that it lieth in the power of Fortune either to augment or to diminish vertue but rather deeme thus and make this construction that the Poet under the name Vertue signifieth Worship Authoritie Power Prosperitie or some such matter For so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometimes taken by them in the native and proper signification for a naughtie and wicked disposition of the minde as when Hesiodus writeth thus Of wickednesse a man may evermore Have foison great and plenteous store But otherwile it is used for some other evill calamitie or infortunitie as by Homer Men quickly age and waxen olde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with hunger and cold c. And much were he deceived who should perswade himselfe that Poets take beatitude and blessednesse which in Greeke is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so precisely as Philosophers doe who understand thereby an absolute habitude and entire possession of all good things or rather an accomplished perfection of this life holding on a prosperous course according to nature for many times Poets abuse this word calling a man blessed and happie who is rich in world goods and giving the terme of felicitie and happinesse unto great power fame and renowme As for Homer he useth verily these termes aright and properly in this verse Although much wealth I do holde and enjoy Yet in my heart I take no blessed joy So doth Menander when he writeth thus Of goods I have and money great store And all men call me rich therefore But yet how rich soever I seeme Happie and blest none doth me deeme Euripides maketh great disorder and confusion when he writeth in this sort I would not have that blessed life Wherein I finde much paine and griefe Also in another place Why do'st thou honor tyranny Happie injustice and vtllany unlesse a man as I said before take these termes as spoken metaphorically or by the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the abusion of them otherwise than in their proper sense And thus much may serve as touching this point Now for this that remaineth behind yoong men would be put in remembrance and admonished not once but oftentimes that Poesie having for her proper subject an argument to be expressed by imitation howsoever she useth the ornaments beautifull furniture of sigurative speeches in setting out and describing those matters and actions which are presented unto her yet neverthelesse she doth not forgo the resemblance and likelihood of truth For that imitation indeed delighteth the Reader so long onely as it carieth some shew of probabilitie And therefore that imitation which seemeth not altogether to square and depart from the rule of veritie doth expresse the signes of vertues and vices both at once entermingled one with another in actions Such is the Poeme and composition written by Homer which resteth not in the strange opinions and paradoxes of the Stoicks who holde That neither any evill at all can sort with vertue ne yet one jot of goodnesse with vice but he hath bidden farewell to such precise positions namely That a foolish and lewd person in all his actions when and wheresoever doth offend and sinne and semblably the wise and vertuous man at all times and in all places can not chuse but do every thing well These are the principles which the Stoicks schooles refound withall Howbeit in the affaires of this world and in our dayly life and conversation as Euripdes saith It cannot be in everie point That good and bad should be disjoint But in all actions we dayly see One with another medled will be But the Art of Poetrie setting apart the truth in deede useth most of all varietie and sundry formes of phrases For the divers imitations are they that give to fables that vertue to moove affections passions in the readers these are they that worke strange events in them even contrarie to their opinion and expectation upon which ensueth the greatest woonder and astonishment wherein lieth the chiefe grace and from whence proceedeth the most delight and pleasure whereas contrariwise that which is simple and uniforme is not patheticall nor hath in it any fiction Heereupon it is that Poets bring not in the same persons alwaies winners alwaies happy and doing wel and that which more is when they feigne that the gods themselves meddle in mens affaires they describe them not without their passions nor yet exempt from errors faults for feare lest that part of their Poesie which stirreth up the affection holdeth in suspense and admiration the mindes of men should become idle and dull for want of some danger and adversarie as it were to excite and quicken it which being so let us bring a yoong man to the reading of Poets works not fore-stalled and possessed before with such an opinion as touching those great and magnificall names of ancient worthies as if they had beene wise and just men or vertuous Princes in the highest degree of perfection and as a man would saie the very Canon rule and paterne of all vertue uprightnes and integritie Otherwise he should receive great damage thereby in case I say he were of this minde to approove and have in admiration all that they did or said as singular and to be offended at nothing that he heareth from them neither would he allow of him who blameth and findeth fault with them when they either do or say such things as these O father Iove ô Phoebus bright ô Pallas maiden pure That you would all bring this about and make us twaine secure That not one Trojane might escape nor Greeke remaine aliue But we two knights That we I say and none but we belive May win the honor of this warre and onely reape the joy Of victory to race the wals and stately towres of Troy Also I heard the voice most piteous of Pryams daughter bright Cassandra faire a virgin chaste whom me for to despight My wife dame Clytemnestra slew by cruell treacherie Because of us she jelous was for sinne of lecherie Likewise With concubine of Father mine she
so it repugneth with others and is obstinate and disobedient whereupon it is that themselves enforced thereto by the truth of the thing do affirme and pronounce that every judgement is not a passion but that onely which stirreth up and mooveth a strong and vehement appetite to a thing confessing thereby no doubt that one thing it is in us which judgeth and another thing that suffereth that is to say which receiveth passions like as that which moveth and that which is mooved be divers Certes even Chrysippus himselfe defininig in many places what is Patience and what is Continency doth avouch That they be habitudes apt and fit to obey and follow the choise of reason whereby he sheweth evidently that by the force of truth he was driven to confesse and avow That there is one thing in us which doth obey and yeeld and another which being obeied is yeelded unto and not obeied is resisted Furthermore as touching the Stoicks who hold That all sinnes and faults be equall neither wil this place nor the time now serve to argue against them whether in other points they swerve from the trueth howbeit thus much by the way I dare be bolde to say That in most things they will be found to repugne reason even against apparent and manifest evidence For according to their opinion euery passion or perturbation is a fault and whosoever grieve feare or lust do sinne but in those passions great difference there is seene according to more or lesse for who would ever be so grosse as to say that Dolons feare was equall to the feare of Ajax who as Homer writeth As he went out of field did turne and looke behinde full oft With knee before knee decently and so retired soft or compare the sorrow of King Alexander who would needs have killed himselfe for the death of Clytus to that of Plato for the death of Socrates For dolours and griefs encrease exceedingly when they grow upon occasion of that which hapneth besides all reason like as any accident which falleth out beyond our expectation is more grievous and breedeth greater anguish than that whereof areason may be rendered and which a man might suspect to follow As for example if he who ever expected to fee his sonne advanced to honour and living in great repuration among men should heare say that he were in prison and put to all maner of torture as Parmeno was advertised of his sonne Philotas And who will ever say that the anger of Nicocreon against Anaxarchus was to be compared with that of Magas against Philemon which arose upon the same occasion for that they both were spightfully reviled by them in reprochful termes for Nicocreon caused Anaxarchus to be braid in a morter with yron pestles whereas Magas commanded the Executioner to lay a sharpe naked sword upon the necke of Philémon and so to let him go without doing him any more harme And therefore it is that Plato named anger the sinewes of the soule giving us thereby to understand that they might be stretched by bitternesse and let slake by mildnesse But the Stoicks for to avoid and put backe these objections and such like denie that these stretchings and vehement fits of passions be according to judgement for that it may faile and erre many waies saying they be certaine pricks or stings contractions diffusions or dilatations which in proportion and according to reason may be greater or lesse Certes what variety there is in judgement it is plaine and evident For some there be that deeme povertie not to be ill others holde that it is very ill and there are againe who account it the worst thing in the world insomuch as to avoid it they could be content to throw themselves headlong from high rocks into the sea Also you shall have those who reckon death to be evill in that onely it depriveth us of the fruition of many good things others there be who thinke and say as much but it is in regard of the eternall torments horrible punishments that be under the ground in hell As for bodily health some love it no otherwise than a thing agreeable to nature and profitable withall others take it to be the soveraigne good in the world as without which they make no reckoning of riches of children Ne yet of crowne and regall dignitie Which men do match even with divinitie Nay they let not in the end to thinke and say That vertue it serveth in no stead and availeth nought unlesse it be accompanied with good health whereby it appeareth that as touching judgement some erre more some lesse But my meaning is not now to dispute against this evasion of theirs Thus much onely I purpose to take for mine advantage out of their owne confession in that themselves do grant That the brutish and sensuall part according to which they say that passions be greater and more violent is different from iudgement and howsoever they may seeme to contest and cavill about words and names they grant the substance and the thing it selfe in question joining with those who mainteine that the reasonlesse part of the soule which enterteineth passions is altogether different from that whcih is able to discourse reason and judge And verily Chrysppus in those books which he entituled Of Anomologie after he hed written and taught that angenis blinde and many times will not permit a man to see those things which be plaine and apparent and as often casteth a darke mist over that which he hath already perfectly learned and knowen proceedeth forward a little further For quoth he the passions which arise drive out and chase forth all discourse of reason and such things as were judged and determined otherwise against them urging it still by force unto contrary actions Then he useth the testimonie of Menander the Poet who in one place writeth thus by way of exclamation We worth the time wretch that I am How was my minde destraught In body mine where were my wits some folly sure me caught What time I fell to this For why thereof I made no choise Farre better things they were 〈◊〉 which had my former voice The same Chrysippus also going on still It being so quoth he that a reasonable creature is by nature borne and given to use reason in all things and to be governed thereby yet notwithstanding we reject and cast it behinde us being over-ruled by another more violent motion that carieth us away In which words what doth he else but confesse even that which hapneth upon the dissention betweene affection and reason For it were a meere ridiculous mockerie in deed as Plato saith to affirme that a man were better worse than himselfe or that he were able now to master himselfe anon ready to be mastered by himselfe and how were it possible that the same man should be better worse than himselfe and at once both master and servant unlesse every one were naturally in some sort double and had
or debarre shooting for that we may overshoot and misse the marke or to condemne hearing of musicke because a discord or jarre is offensive to the eare For like as in sounds musicke maketh an accord and harmonie not by taking away the loud and base notes And in our bodies Physicke procureth health not by destroying heat and cold but by a certaine temperature and mixture of them both in good proportion Even so it fareth in the soule of man wherein reason hath the predominance and victorie namely when by the power thereof the passions perturbations and motions are reduced into a kind of moderation and mediocritie For no doubt excessive sorrow and heavines immeasurable joy and gladnesse in the soule may be aptly compared to a swelling and inflammation in the body but neither joy nor sorrow simply in it selfe And therefore Homer in this wise sentence of his Aman of woorth doth never colour change Exce ssive feare in him is verie strange doth not abolish feare altogether but the extremitie thereof to the end that a man should not thinke that either valour is desperate follie or confidence audacious temeritie And therefore in pleasures and delights we ought likewise to cut off immoderate lust as also in taking punishment extreme hatred of malefactours He that can do so shall be reputed in the one not indolent but temperate and in the other not bitter and cruell but just and righteous Whereas let passions be rid cleane away if that were possible to be done our reason will be found in many things more dull and idle like as the pilot and master of a ship hath little to do if the winde be laid and no gale at all stirring And verily as it should seeme wise Law-makers seeing this well enough have with great policie given occasion in cities and common-wealths of Ambition and Emulation among citizens one with another and in the field against enemies devised to excite the courage of souldiours and to whet their ire and manhood by sound of trumpets fifes diums and other instruments For not onely in Poetrie as Plato saith verie well he that is inspired and as it were ravished with the divine instinct of the Muses wil make a rediculous foole of him who otherwise is an excellent Poët and his crafts-master as having learned the exquisite knowledge of the art but also in battels the heat of courage set on fire with a certaine divine inspiration is invincible and cannot be withstood This is that martiall furie which as Homer saith the gods do infuse or inspire rather into warlike men Thus having said he did in spire The Princes heart with might andire And againe One god or other surely doth him assist Else faring thus he never could persist As if to the discourse of reason they had adjoined passion as a pricke to incite and a chariot to set it forward Certes even these verie Stoicks with whom now we argue and who seeme to reject all passions we may see oftentimes how they stirre up yoong men with praises and as often rebuke them with sharpe admonitions and severe reprehensions Whereof there must needs ensue of the one part pleasure and of the other part displeasure For surely checkes and fault-findings strike a certaine repentance and shame of which two the former is comprised under sorrow and the latter under feare and these be the meanes that they use principally to chastice and correct withall Which was the reason that Diogenes upon a time when he heard Plato so highly praised and extolled And what great and woorthy matter quoth he finde you in that man who having been a Philosopher so long taught the precepts thereof hath not in all this time greeved and wounded the heart of any one person For surely the Mathematicall sciences a man cannot so properly call the eares or handles of Philosophie to use the words of Xenocrates as he may affirme that these affections of yoong men to wit bashfulnesse desire repentance pleasure and paine are their handles whereof reason and law together taking hold by a discreet apt and holesome touch bring a yoong man speedily and effectually into the right way And therefore the Lacedaemonian schoolemaster and governour of children said verie well when he professed that he would bring to passe that the child whom he tooke into his tuition should joy in honest things and grieve in those that were fould and dishonest Then which there cannot possibly be named a more woorthy or commendable end of the liberall education and bringing up of a yoong youth well descended OF VERTVE AND VICE The Summarie IN this little treatise adjoyned aptly unto the former the Author prooveth that outward and corruptible things be not they that set the soule in repose but reason well ruled and governed And after that he hath depainted the miserable estate of wicked and sinfull persons troubled and tormented with their passions both night and day he prooveth by proper and apt similitudes that philosophie together with the love of vertue bringeth true contentment and happinesse indeed unto a man OF VERTVE AND VICE IT seemeth and commonly it is thought that they be the garments which do heat a man and yet of themselves they neither doe heat nor bring any heat with them for take any of them apart by it selfe you shall finde it colde which is the reason that men being verie hote and in a fit of a fever love often to change their clothes for to coole and refresh their bodies But the trueth is this Looke what heat a man doth yeeld from himselfe the clothes or garments that cover the body do keepe in the same and unite close together and being thus included and held in suffer it not to evapotate breathe out and vanish away The same errour in the state of this life hath deceived many man who imagine that if they may dwell in stately and gorgeous great houses be attended upon with a number of servants retaine a sort of slaves and can gather together huge summes of golde and silver then they shall live in joy and pleasure wheteas in verie sooth the sweete and joifull life proceedeth not from any thing without But contrariwise when a man hath those goodly things about him it is himselfe that addeth a pleasure and grace unto them even from his owne nature and civill behaviour composed by morall vertue within him which is the very fountaine and lively spring of all good contentment For if the fire do alwaies burne out light More stately is the house and faire in sight Semblably riches are more acceptable glorie hath the better and more shining lustre yea and authoritie carieth the greater grace if the inward joy of the soule be joined therewith For surely men doe endure povertie exile and banishment out of their owne countries yea and beare the burden of olde age willingly and with more ease according as their maners be milde and the minde disposed to meeknesse And like as sweet odours
were the principall thing in amitie he sheweth That first we must cut away selfe-love in all our reprehensions and secondly all injurtous bitter and biting speeches then he adjoineth moreover in what seasons and upon what occurrences a man ought to reproove and say his minde frankly and with what dexteritie he is to proceed that is to say that sometunes yea and more often he ought to rebuke his friend apart or under the person of another wherein he is to looke unto this That he eschue all vaine-glorie and season his reprehensions with some praise among to make them more acceptable and better taken Consequently he teacheth us how we must receive the advertisements admonitions and reprehensions of a true friend and returning to the very point in deed of amitie and friendship he sheweth what meane a man should keepe for to avert and turne away the neighbour vice and to urge our friends forward to their devoir adding morcouer That all remonstrance and admonition ought to be tempered with mildnesse and lenitie wherein he concludeth this whole Treatise which I assure you is to be well read and marked in these daies of all persons but those especially who are advanced above others in worldly wealth or honour able place HOW A MAN MAY DISCERNE a flatterer form a friend PLato writeth ô Antiochus Philopappus that all men do willingly pardon him who professeth That he loveth himselfe best Howbeit thereby quoth he is ingendred in us this fault and inconvenience among may others the greatest that by this meanes no man can be a just judge of himselfe but partiall and favourable For the lover is ordinarily blinded in the thing that he loveth unlesse he have beene taught yea and accustomed long before to affect and esteeme things honest above those that be his owne properly or inbred and familiar to him This is it that giveth unto a flatterer that large field under pretence of friendship where he hath a fort as it were commodiously seated and with the vantage to assaile and endammage us and that is Selfe-love whereby everie man being the first and greatest flatterer of himselfe he can be verie well content to admit a stranger to come neere and flatter him namely when he thinketh and is well willing withall to witnesse with him and to confirme that good selfe-conceit and opinion of his owne For even he who is justly reproched to be a lover of Flatterers loveth himselfe notwithstanding exceeding well and for that good affection that he hath is both very willing yea and fully perswaded also that all good things are in himselfe and the desire whereof is not simply bad and unlawfull but the perswasion is it that is dangerous and slipperie having need to be restrained with great heed and carefulnesse Now if Truth be an heavenly thing and the verie source yeelding all good things as Plato saith aswell to the gods as to men we ought thus to judge That a flatterer is an enemie to the gods and principally to Apollo For opposite he is alwaies and contrarie to this precept of his Know thyselfe causing a man to be abused and deceived by his owne selfe yea and to be ignorant of the good and evill things that be in him in making the good gifts which are in him to be defective unperfect but the evill parts incorrigible and such as cannot be reformed Now if it were so that flatterie as the most part of other vices touched either onely or especially base meane and abject persons it were perhaps neither so hurtfull nor so hard to be avoided as it is But like as wormes breed most of all and soonest in frimme tender and sweet wood even so for the most the part the generous and gentle natures and those mindes that are more ingenuous honest amialble and milde than others are readiest to receive and nourish the flatterer that hangeth upon him Moreover as Simonides was woont to say that the keeping of an escuirie or stable of horses followeth not the lampe or oile cruet but the rich corne fields that is it is not for poore men to entertaine great horses but those rather who are landed men and with their revennewes able to maintaine them Even so we see it is ordinarie that flatterie keepeth not companie nor sorteth with poore folke or such persons as live obscurely are of no abilitie but c̄omonly it is the ruine and decay of great houses a maladie incid̄et to mighty States which oftentimes undoeth overthroweth whole Monarchies Realmes and great Seignories In which regard it is no small matter nor a thing that requireth little or no forecast providence to search consider the nature thereof least being so active and busie as it is and readie to meddle in everie place nothing so much it do no hurt unto friendship norbring it into obloquie and discredit For these flatteres resemble lice for all the world And why These vermine we see never haunt those that be dead but leave and forsake the corps so soone as ever the blood whereof they were woont to feede is extinct or deprived of vitall spirit Semblably a man shall never see flatterers so much as approch unto such persons as are in decay whose state is crackt and credit waxeth coole but looke where there is the glorie of the world where there is authoritie and power thither they flocke and there they grow no sooner is there a chaunge of fortune but they sneake and slinke away and are no more seene But we ought not to attend so long and stay for this triall being unprofitable or rather hurtfull and not without some danger For it goeth verie hard with a man if at the verie instant and not before even when he hath most need of friendship to perceive those to be no friends whom he tooke to be and namely when he hath not with him at hand a good and faithfull friend to exchange for him that is untrustie disloyal and counterfeit For if a man did well he should be provided before hand of an approoved and tried friend ere he have neede to employ him aswell as of current and lawfull money and not then to make triall of him and finde him faultie when he is in greatest necessitie and standeth in most need For we ought not to make proofe with our losse and finde him to be false to our cost and detriment but contrariwise to be skilfull in the meanes of smelling out a flatterer that we receive no damage by him For otherwise that might befall us which happeneth unto those who for to know the force of deadly poisons take the assay and taste first themselves thereof well may they indeed come to the judgement thereof but this skill is deerely bought when they are sure to die for it And like as we do not commend such no more can we praise and approove of those who measure friendship onely by honestie and profit thinking withall That such as converse and company with
and whose displeasure he incur as who for no good in the world would he hired to hold his 〈◊〉 nor willingly forbeare to speake plainly the truth who with his good will would never speake or do any thing to sooth up and please another Then will he make semblance as though he neither saw nor tooke knowledge of any great and grosse sinnes indeed but if peradventure there be some light and small outward faults he will make foule a doo thereat he will keepe a woondring and crying out upon them then shall you have him in good earnest exclaime and reproove the delinquent with a loud and sounding voice As for example if hee chance to espie the implements or any thing else about the house lie out of order if a man be not well and neately lodged if his beard be not of the rightcut or his haire grow out of fashion if a garment sit not handsomly about him or if a horse or hound be not so carefully tended as they should be But say that a man set nought by his parents neglect his owne children misuse his wife disdaine and despise his kinred spend and consume his goods none of all these enormities touch and moove him Heere he is mute and hath not a word to say he dared not reprove these abuses much like as if a Master of the wrestling schoole who suffreth a wrestler that is under his hand to be a drunkard and a whooremonger should chide and rebuke him sharpely about an oile cruse or curry-combe or as if a Grammarian should finde fault with his scholar and chide him for his writing tables or his pen letting him goe away cleere with solaecismes incongruities and barbarismes as if he heard them not Also I can liken flatterer to him who will not blame an ill authour or ridiculous Rhetorician in any thing as touching his oration it selfe but rather reprooveth him for his utterance and sharpely taketh him up for that by drinking of cold water he hath hurt his winde-pipe and so marred his voice or to one who being bidden to reade over and peruse a poore seely Epigram or other writing that is nothing woorth taketh on and fareth against the paper wherein it is written for being thicke course or rugged or against the writer for negligent slovenly or impure otherwise Thus the claw-backs and flatterers about king Ptolomaeus who would seeme to love good letters and to be desirous of learning used ordinarily to draw out their disputations and conferences at length even to midnight debating about some glosse or signification of a word about a verse or touching some historie but all the while there was not one among so many of them that would tell him of his crueltie of his wrongs and oppressions ne yet of his 〈◊〉 tabouring and other enormious indignities under the colour of religion and seeke to reforme him Certes a foolish fellow were he who comming to a man diseased with tumors swellings impostumes or hollow ulcers called Fistulaes should with a Chirurgians launcet or Barbers rasor fall to cut his haires or pare his nailes even so it fareth with these flatterers who applie their libertie of speech to such things as neither are in paine nor yet do any hurt Moreover some others there bee of them who being more cunning and craftie then their fellowes and use this plainnesse of language and reprehension of theirs for to please and make sport withall Thus Agis the Argive seeing how Alexander the great gave very great rewards and gifts to a certaine pleasant and odde fellow that was a jester cried out for verie envie and dolour of heart O great abuse and monstrous absurditie The King hearing it turned about unto him in great displeasure and indignation demaunding of him what he had to say I confesse quoth he indeed that I am grieved and I thinke it a great indignitie when I see all you that are descended from Iupiter and his sonnes to take pleasure in flatterers and jesters about you for to make you merrie For even so Hercules tooke a delight to have in his company certeine ridiculous Cecropes and Bacchus had ever in his traine the Silenes In your court likewise a man may see such to be in credite and highly esteemed When Tiberius Caesar the Emperor upon a certeine day was come into the Senate house of Rome one of the Senators who knew how to flatter arose and stood up and with a good loud voice Meete it is quoth he ô Caesar that men free borne should likewise have the libertie of speech and speake their minds frankly without dissimuling or concealing any thing which they know to be good and profitable with this speech of his he stirred up the attention of the whole house so as they gaue good eare unto him and Tyberius himselfe listened what he would say Now when all was still and in great silence Hearken quoth he ô Caesar what it is that we all accuse and blame you for but no man dare be so bolde as to speake it out You neglect your selfe and have no regard of your owne person you consume and spoile your body with continuall cares and travels for our sake taking no rest nor repose either day or night Now when he had drawen out a long traine of words to this purpose Cassius Severus a Rhetorician stood up and by report said thus Such libertie of speech as this will be the utter undoing of this man But these flatteries are of the lighter sort and doe lesse hurt there be other more dangerous which worke the mischiefe and corruption of those who are not wise and take no heed unto them namely when flatterers set in hand to reproove them whom they flatter for the contrary vices to those that be in them Thus Himerius the flatterer reproched a certaine rich man of Athens the veriest pinching miser and the most covetous withall that was in the whole city with the imputations of prodigality and negligence about his owne profit and gaine charging him that one day he would smart for it and both he and his children be hunger-sterved for want wherwith to susteine themselves if he looked no better to his thrift or when they object miserable niggardise and beggerie unto those that are knowen to be prodigall spenders and consume all After which maner Titus Petronius reprooved Nero. Againe if they come to princes and great lords who deale cruelly and hardly with their subjects and tenants saying unto them That they must lay away this overmuch lenity and foolish pitty of theirs which neither is seemely for their persons nor yet profitable for their state And very like to these is he who maketh semblance to him who is a very senselesse for and foolish foole that he stands in great feare and doubt of him lest hee should be circumvented by him as if he were some cautelous crafty and cunning person He also that doth rebuke another who is an ordinary slanderer who taketh pleasure upon spight
he had in flouting and reviling others and even the verie comicall Poëts in old time exhibited and represented to the Theaters many grave austere and serious remonstrances and those pertaining to policy goverment of State but there be scurrile speeches intermingled among for to moove laughter which as one unsavorie dish of meate among many other good viands marre all their libertie of speech and the benefit thereof so as it is vaine and doth no good at all And even so the Authors and Actors of such broad jests get nothing thereby but an opinion and imputation of a malicious disposition and impure scurrilitie and to the hearers there accreweth no good nor profit at all At other times and in other places I hold well with it and grant that to jest with friends and moove laughter is tolerable enough but surely the libertie of speech then ought to be serious and modest shewing a good intention without any purpose to gall or sting And if it do concerne weightie affaires indeed let the words be so set and couched the affection so appeere the countenance be so composed and the gesture so ordred and the voice so tuned that all concurring together may win credite to the speech and be effectuall to moove But as in all things els fit opportunity overslipt and neglected doth much hurt so especially it is the occasion that the fruit of free speech is utterly lost in case it be omitted and forgotten Moreover this is evident that we must take heed how we speake broad at a table where friends be met together to drinke wine liberally and to make good cheere for he that amid pleasant discourses and mery talke mooveth a speech that causeth bending and knitting of browes or others maketh men to frowne and be frowning he doth as much as overcast faire weather with a blacke and darke cloud opposing himselfe unto that God Lyaeus who by good right hath that name as Pindarus the Poet saith For that the cord he doth untie Of cares that breed anxietie Besides this neglect of opportunitie bringeth with it great danger for that our minds and spirits kindled once with wine are easie enflamed with cholar yea and oftentimes it falleth out that a man after he hath taken his drinke well when he thinketh but to use his freedome of tongue for to give some wholesome advertisement and admonition ministreth occasion of great enmitie And to say all in few words it is not the part of a generous confident and resolute heart but rather of a craven kind and unmanly to forbeare plaine speech when men are sober and to keepe a barking at the boord like unto those cowardly cur dogs who never snarle but about a bone under the table And now of this point needlesse it is to discourse any longer But forasmuch as many men neither will nor dare controll and reforme their friends when they do amisse so long as they be in prosperitie as being of opinion that such admonition can not have accesse nor reach into a fortunate state that standeth upright and yet the same persous when men are falling are ready to lay them along and being once downe to make a foot-ball of them or tread them under feet or else keepe them so when they be once under the hatches giving their libertie of speech full scope to run over them all at once as a brooke-water which having beene kept up perforce against the nature and course thereof is now let go and the floud-gates drawen up rejoicing at his change and infortunitie of theirs in regard as well of their pride and arrogancie who before disdained and despised them as also of themselves who are but in meane and lowestate it were not impertinent to this place for to discourse a little of this matter and to answere that verse of Euripides When fortune doth upon men smile What need have they of friends the while Namely that even then when as they seeme to have fortune at commaund they stand in most necessitie and ought to have their friends about them to plucke downe their plumes and bring under their haughtinesse of heart occasioned by prosperitie for few there be who with their outward felicitie continue wise and sober in mind breaking not foorth into insolence yea many there are who have need of wit discretion and reason to be put into them from without to abate and depresse them being set a gog and puffed up with the favors of fortune But say that the Divine power do change and turne about and overthrow their state or clip their wings and diminish their greatnesse and authoritie then these calamities of themselves are scourges sufficient putting them in minde of their errors and working repentance and then in such distresse there is no use at all either of friendsto speake unto them frankly or of pinching and biting speeches to molest and trouble them but to say a truth in these mutations It greatly doth content our minds To see the face of pleasant friends who may yeeld consolation comfort and strength to a distressed heart like as Xenophon doth write that in battailes and the greatest extremities of danger the amiable visage and cheerefull countenance of Clearchus being once seene of the souldiors encouraged them much more to play the men and fight lustily whereas he that useth unto a man distressed such plaine speech as may gall and bite him more doth as much as one who unto a troubled and inflamed eie applieth some quicke eie-salve or sharpe drug that is proper for to cleere the sight by which meane he cureth not the infirmitie before said neither doth he mitigate or alay the paine but unto sorrow and griefe of minde already addeth anger moreover and doth exasperate a wounded heart And verily so long as a man is in the latitude of health he is not so testie froward and impatient but that he will in some sort give eare unto his friend and thinke him neither rough nor altogether rude and uncivill in case he tell him of his loosenesse of life how he is given too much either unto women or wine or if he finde fault with his idlenesse and sitting still or contrariwise his excessive exercise if he reproove him for haunting so often the baines or hot-houses and never lying out of them or blame him for gourmandise and belly cheere or eating at undue houres But if he be once sicke then it is a death unto him and a griefe insupportable which doth aggravate his maladie to have one at his bedside sounding ever in his eares See what comes of your drunkennesse your idlenesse your surfetting and gluttony your wenching and leacherie these are the causes of your disease But what will the sicke man say againe Away good sir with these unseasonable words of yours you trouble me much and do me no good iwis I am about making my last will and testament my Physicians are busie preparing and tempering a potion of Scammonie or a drinke
withall when it is received they have a power and facultie by a milde heat of the naturall spirits within them and with a delicate and foeminine tendernesse to concoct digest change and convert it into another nature and qualitie for that the paps have within them naturally the like temperature and disposition answerable unto it now these teats which spout out milke from the cocks of a conduct are so framed and disposed that it floweth not foorth all at once neither do they send it away suddenly but nature hath so placed the dug that as it endeth one way in a spongeous kinde of flesh full of small pipes and made of purpose to transmit the milke and let it distill gently by many little pores and secret passages so it yeeldeth a nipple in maner of a faucet very fit and ready for the little babes mouth about which to nuzzle and nudgell with it prety lips it taketh pleasure and loveth to be tugging and lugging of it but to no purpose and without any fruit or profit at all had nature provided such tooles and instruments for to engender and bring foorth a childe to no end I say had she taken so good order used so great industry diligence and forecast if withall she had not imprinted in the heart of mothers a woonderfull love and affection yea and an extraordinarie care over the fruit of their wombe when it is borne into the world for Of creatures all which breath and walke upon the earth in sight None is there wretched more than man new borne into this light And whosoever saith thus of a yoong infant newly comming forth of the mothers wombe maketh no lie at all but speaketh trueth for nothing is there so imperfect so indigent and poore so naked so deformed so foule and impure than is man to see to presently upon his birth considering that to him in maner alone nature hath not given so much as a cleane passage and way into this light so furred he is all over polluted with blood so ful of filth and ordure when he entreth into the world resembling rather a creature fresh killed slaine than newly borne that no bodie is willing to touch to take up to handle dandle kisse and clip it but such as by nature are lead to love it and therefore whereas in all other living creatures nature hath provided that their udders and paps should be set beneath under their bellies in a woman onely she hath seated them aloft in her breasts as a very proper and convenient place where shee may more readily kisse embrace coll and huggle her babe while it sucketh willing thereby to let us understand that the end of breeding bearing and rearing children is not gaine and profit but pure love and meere affection Now if you would see this more plainly proved unto you propose if you please and call to remembrance the women and men both in the olde world whose hap was either first to beare children or to see an infant newly borne there was no law then to command and compell them to nourish and bring up their yoong babes no hope at all of reciprocall pleasure or thanks at their hands that indured them no expectance of reward and recompense another day to be paied from them as due debt for their care paines and cost about them nay if you goe to that I might say rather That mothers had some reason to deale hardly with their yoong infants and to beare in minde the injuries that they have done them in that they endured such dangers and so great paines for them As namely when the painfull throwes as sharpe as any dart In travell pinch a woman neere and pierce her to the hart Which midwives Iunoes daughtersthen do put her to poore wretch With many a pang when with their hand they make her body stretch But our women say It was never Homerus surely who wrote this but Homeris rather that is to say some Poetresse or woman of his poeticall veine who had bene herselfe at such a busines and felt the dolourous pangs of child-birth or els was even then in labour and upon the point to be delivered feeling a mixture of bitter and sharpe throwes in her backe belly and flanks when shee powred out these verses but yet for all the sorow and deare bargaine that a mother hath of it this kinde and naturall love doth still so bend incline and leade her that notwithstanding she be in a heat still upon her travell full of paines and after-throwes panting trembling and shaking for very anguish yet she neglecteth not her sweet babe nor windeth or shrinketh away from it but she turneth toward it she maketh to it she smileth and laugheth upon it she taketh it into her armes she hugleth it in her bosome and kisseth it full kindly neither all this whiles gathereth she any fruits of pleasure or profit but painfully God wot and carefully She laps it then in raggs full soft With swadling bands shewraps it oft By turnes she cooles and keeps it warme Loth is she that it should take harme And thus aswell by night as day Paives after paines she taketh ay Now tell me I pray you what reward recompense and profit do women reape for all this trouble and painfull hand about their little ones None at all surely for the present and as little in future expectance another day considering their hopes are so farre off and the same so uncertaine The husbandman that diggeth and laboureth about his vine at the Acquinox in the Spring presseth grapes out of it and maketh his vintage at the Aequinox of the Autumne He that soweth his corne when the starres called Pleiades doe couch and goe downe reapeth and hath his harvest afterwards when they rise and appeare againe kine calve mares foale hennes hatch and soone after there commeth profit of their calves their colts and their chickens but the rearing and education of a man is laborious his growth is very slow and late and whereas long it is ere he commeth to proofe and make any shew of vertue commonly most fathers die before that day Neocles lived not to see the noble victorie before Salanus that Themistocles his sonue atchived neither saw Miltiades the happie day wherein Cimon his sonne won the fielde at the famous battell neere the river Eurynidon Xantippus was not so happy as to heare Pericles his sonne out of the pulpit preaching and making orations to the people neither was it the good fortune of Ariston to be at any of his sonne Platoes lectures and disputations in Philosophie the fathers of Euripides and Sophocles two renowmed Poets never knew of the victories which they obteined for pronouncing and rehearsing their tragedies in open theater they might heare them peradventure when they were little ones to stammer to lispe to spel and put syllables together or to speake broken Greeke and that was all But ordinary it is that men live to see heare and know when
wives and children For the goddesse Diana in Ephesus yeelded sanctuarie franchise and savegard unto all debters against their creditours who fled for succour into her temple But the sanctuarie indeed of parsimonie frugalitie and moderate expense into which no usurers can make entrie for to hale and pull out of it any debter prisoner standeth alwaies open for those that are wise and affoordeth unto them a large space of joious and honorable repose For like as that Prophetesse which gave oracles in the temple of Pythius Apollo about the time of the Medians warre made answere unto the Athenian Embassadors That God gave vnto them for their safetie a wall of wood whereupon they leaving their lands and possessions abandoning their citie and forsaking their houses and all the goods therein had recourse unto their ships for to save their libertie even so God giveth unto us woodden tables earthen vessels and garments of course cloth if we would live in freedome Set not thy minde upon steeds of great price And chariots brave in silver harnesse dight With claspes with hookes and studs by fine device Ywrought in race to shew a goodly sight for how swift soever they be these usurers will soone overtake them and run beyong But rather get upon the next asse thou meetest with or the first pack-horse that commeth in thy way to flie from the usurer a cruell enemie and meere tyrant who demaundeth not at thy hands fire and water as sometimes did that barbarous King of Media but that which woorse is toucheth thy libertie woundeth thine honor and credit by proscriptions writs and open proclamations If thou pay him not to his conteut he is ready to trouble thee if thou have wherewith to satisfie him he wil not receive thy payment unlosse he list if thou prize and sell thy goods he will have them under their worth art thou not disposed to make a sale of them hee will force thee to it doest thou sue him for his extreame dealing he will seeme to offer parley of agreement if thou sweare unto him that thou wilt make paiment he will impose upon thee hard conditions and have thee at command if thou goe to his house for to speake and conferre with him hee will locke the gates against thee and if thou stay at home and keepe house thou shalt have him rapping at thy doore he will not away but take up his lodging there with thee For in what stead served the law of Solon in Athens wherein it was ordained that among the Athenians mens bodies should not be obliged for any civill debt considering that they be in bondage and slaverie to all banquers and usurers who force men to keepe in their heads and that which more is not to them alone for that were not such a great matter but even to their verie slaves being proud insolent barbarous and outrageous such as Plato describeth the divels and fiery executioners in hel to be who torment the soules of wicked and godlesse persons For surely these cursed usurers make thy hall and judiciall place of justice no better than a very hell and place of torment to their poore debters where after the manner of greedie geirs and hungrie griffons they flay mangle and eate them to the verie bones And of their beaks and talons keene The markes within their flesh be seene And some of them they stand continually over not suffring them to touch and taste their owne proper goods when they have done their vintage and gathered in their corne other fruits of the earth making them fast pine away like unto Tantalus And like as king Darius sent against the citie of Athens his lieutenants generall Datis and Artaphernes with chaines cordes and halters in their hands therewith to binde the prisoners which they should take semblablie these usurers bring into Greece with them their boxes and caskets full of schedules bils hand-writings and contracts obligatorie which be as good as so many irons and fetters to hang upon their poore debters and thus they go up and downe leaping from citie to citie where they sow not as they passe along good and profitable seede as Triptolemus did in old time but plant their rootes of debts which bring foorth infinite troubles and intolerable usuries whereof there is no end which eating as they goe and spreading their spaunes round about in the end cause whole cities to stoupe and stinke yea and be ready to suffocate and strangle them It is reported of hares that at one time they suckle young leverets and be ready to kinnule others that be in their bellies and withall to conceive a fresh but the debts of these barbarous wicked and cruell usurers do bring foorth before they conceive For in putting out their money they redemand it presently in laying it downe they take it up they deliver that againe for interest which they received and tooke in consideration of lone and use It is said of the Messenians citie Gate after gate a man shall here find And yet one gate ther 's alwaies behind But it may better be said of usurers Usurte here upon usurie doth grow And end thereof you never shall know and here withall in some sort they laugh at natural philosophers who holde this Axiome That of nothing can be engendred nothing for with them usurie is bred of that which neither is not ever was of that I say which never had subsistence nor being Howbeit these men thinke it a shame reproch to be a publicane and take to farme for a rent the publike revenewes notwithstanding the lawes do permit and allow that calling whereas themselves against all the lawes of the world exact a rent and custome for that which they put foorth to usurie or rather to speake a truth in lending their money they defraude their debtors as bankrupts do their creditors For the poore debter who receiveth lesse than he hath set downe in his obligation is most falsely coufened deceived and cut short of that which he ought to have And verily the Persians repute lying to be a sinne but in a second degree for in the first place they reckon to owe money and be indebted in as much as leasing followeth commonly those that be in debt But yet usurers ly more than they neither are there any that practise more falshood and deceit in their day debt bookes wherein they write that to such a one they have delivered so much whereas indeed it is farre lesse and so the motive of their lying is faire avarice neither indigence nor poverty but even a miserable covetousnes and desire ever to have more and more the end whereof turneth neither to pleasure nor profit unto themselves but to the losse and ruine of those whom they wring and wrong for neither till they those grounds which they take away from their debters nor dwell in the houses out of which they turne them nor their meat upon those tables which they have from them ne
or discord a good magistrate ought to bring them into tune and good accord againe by gently setting up and letting downe as a skilfull Musician would doe by the strings of his instrument and not in anger to come upon those that are delinquents roughly and after an outragious maner even to their detriment and disgrace but after a more milde and civill sort as Homer speaketh in one place Certes faire friend I would have held That others for your wit you had exceld As also in another You know if that you list iwis To tell a better tale than this Yea and when they shall either say or do that which is good and convenient not to shew himselfe to grieve and grudge at their credit and reputation which they win thereby nor to be sparie in affoording them honourable words to their commendation and advantage for in so doing thus much will be gained that the blame which shall be laied upon them another time when they deserve it will be better taken and more credit given to it and besides by how much more we shall exalt their vertues so much the more we may beat downe and depresse their vices when they do amisse by making comparison of them both and shewing how much the one is more worthy and beseeming than the other for mine owne part I holde it meet and good that a man of government should give testimony in the behalfe of his adversaries in righteous just causes also assist and helpe them out of troubles in case they be brought into question by some leawd sycophants yea and discredit and disable the imputations charged upon them namely when he seeth that such matters for which they are molested be farre from their intention and meaning Thus Nero a cruell tyrant though he was a little before he put Thraseas to death whom he hated and feared most of all men in the world notwithstanding one laied to his charge before him that he had given a wrong dome or unjust sentence I would quoth he that I could be assured that Thraseas loved me so well as I am sure he a is most upright and just Judge Neither were it amisse for the astonishing daunting of others who be of a naughty nature when they doe commit any grosse faults to make mention other-whiles of some adversarie of theirs who is of a more modest behaviour and civill carriage by saying Such an one I warrant you would never have said or done thus Moreover it were not impertinent to put some who doe offend in minde of their fathers and ancestours that have bene good and honest like as Homer did A sonne iwis sir Tydeus left behinde Unlike himselfe and much growen out of kinde And Appius Claudius being the concurrent to Scipio Africanus when they stood both for one magistracie said unto him as he met him in the street O Paulus Aemilius how deeply wouldest thou sigh for griefe and sorow in case thou wert advertised that one Philonicus a Publicane or Banker and no better accompanied and guarded thy sonne thorow the city going downe toward the assembly of Cornices for to be chosen Censour This maner of reprehension as it admonisheth the offender so it doth honour unto the admonisher Nestor likewise in a Tragedie of Sophocles answereth as politickly unto Ajax when he reproched him saying I blame not you sir Ajax for your speech Naught though it be your words are nothing liech Semblably Cato who had contested against Pompey for that being combined and in league with Julius Caesar he assaulted and forced the citie of Rome when as afterwards they were growen to open warre one against the other opined and gave his advice to conferre the charge and regiment of the common-weale upon Pompeius saying withall That they who could doe most mischiefe were the sittest men to stay the same for thus a blame or reproose mingled with a praise and commendation especially if the same grow to no opprobrious tearmes but be contained within the compasse of a franke and free remonstrance working not a spightfull stomacke but a remorse of conscience and repentance seemeth kinde and dutifull whereas despiteousreproches are never seemely and decent in the mouth of a magistrate and man of honour Marke the opprobrious termes and taunts that Demosthenes let flie against Aeschines those also that Aeschenes gave him likewise the bitter frumps which Hyperides wrote against Demades and see if Solon ever delivered such or if there came the like out of the mouth of Pericles of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian or of Pittacus the Lesbian and as for Demosthenes he forbare such sharpe and cutting tearmes otherwise and never used them but in pleading against some criminall causes for his orations against Philip are cleere and voide of all nips flouts and scoffes whatsoever and in truth such maner of dealing diffameth the speaker more than those against whom they bee spoken they bring confusion in all affaires they trouble assemblies both in counsell house and also in common hall In which regard Phocion yeelding upon a time to one that was given to raile brake off his oration held his peace for a while and came downe but after the other with much a doo held his tongue and gave over his foule language he mounted up into the place of audience againe and going on in his former speech which was interrupted and discontinued said thus Now that I have already my masters spoken sufficiently of horsemen men of armes and soldiours heavily armed at all peeces it remaineth to discourse of light footemen and targuatiers nimbly appointed But forasmuch as this is an hard matter unto many to beare with such broad language and to conteine and oftentimes these taunting scoffers meete with their matches and have their mouthes stopped and are put to silence by some pretie replies I would wish that the same were short pithie and delivered in very fewe words not shewing any heate of anger and choler but a kinde of sweete mildenesse after the maner of a grave laughter yet withall somewhat tart and biting and such ordinarily be those that are returned fitly in the same kinde against them that first began for like as those darts which are recharged upon them that flung them first seeme to be driven with good will and sent backe againe with great force and firme strength of him who was stroken with them even so it seemeth that a sharpe and biting speech retorted against him who first spake it commeth forceable and with a power of wit and understanding from the partie who received it such was the replie of Epaminondas unto Callistratus who reproched and upbraided the Thebanes and Argives with the parents of Oedipus and Orestes for that the one being borne in Thebes slew his owne father and the other at Argos killed his mother true indeed quoth Epaminondas and therefore we banished them out of our cities but you receive them into yours Semb able was the answer of Antalcidas a Lacedaemonian unto an
lawyer although he had no law in the world in him and was besides a man of very grosse capacity this man was served with a writ to appeare in the court for to beare witnesse of a trueth touching a certeine fact in question but he answered That he knew nothing at all True quoth Cicero for peradventure you meane of the law and thinke that you are asked the question of it Hortensius the orator who pleaded the cause of Verres had received of him for a fee or a gentle reward a jewel with the portraiture of Sphinx in silver it fell out so that Cicero chanced to give out a certeine darke and ambiguous speech As for mee quoth Hortensius I can not tell what to make of your words for I am not one that useth to solve riddles and aenigmaticall speeches Why man quoth Cicero and yet you have Sphinx in your house He met upon a time with Voconius and his three daughters the foulest that ever looked out of a paire of eies at which object he spake softly to his friends about him This man I weene his children hath begot In spight of Phoebus and when he would it not Faustus the sonne of Sylla was in the end so farre endebted that he exposed his goods to be sold in open sale and caused billes to be set up on posts in every quarrefour to notisie the same Yea mary quoth Cicero I like these billes and proscriptions better than those that his father published before him When Caesar and Pompeius were entred into open warre one against another I know full well quoth Cicero whom to flie but I wot not unto whom to flie He found great fault with Pompeius in that he left the citie of Rome and that he chose rather in this case to imitate the policy of Themistocles than of Pericles saying That the present state of the world resembled rather the time of Pericles than of Themistocles Hee drew at first to Pompeius side and being with him repented thereof When Pompey asked him where he had left Piso his son-in-law he answered readily Even with your good father-in-law meaning Caesar. There was one who departed out of Caesars campe unto Pompey and said That he had made such haste that hee left his horse behinde him Thou canst skill I perceive better to save thy horses life than thine owne Unto another who brought word that the friends of Caesar looked soure and unpleasant Thou saiest quoth he as much as if they thought not well of his proceedings After the battell of Pharsalia was lost and that Pompeius was already fled there was one Nonius who came unto him and willed him not to despaire but be of good cheere for that they had yet seven eagles left which were the standerds of the legions Seven eagles quoth he that were somewhat indeed if we had to warre against jaies jackdawes After that Caesar upon his victorie being lord of all had caused the statues of Pompey which were cast done to be set up againe with honor Cicero said of Caesar In setting up these statues of Pompey he hath pitched his owne more surely He so highly esteemed the gift of eloquence and grace of well speaking yea and he tooke so great paines with ardent affection for to performe the thing that having to plead a cause onely before the Centumvirs or hundred judges and the day set downe being neere at hand for the hearing and triall thereof when one of his servants Eros brought him word that the cause was put off to the next day he was so well contented and pleased therewith that incontinently he gave him his freedome for that newes CAIUS CAESAR at what time as he being yet a yoong man fled and avoided the furie of Sylla fell into the hands of certeine pirats or rovers who at the first demanded of him no great summe of money for his ransome whereat hee mocked and laughed at them as not knowing what maner of person they had gotten and so of himselfe promised to pay them twise as much as they asked and being by them guarded and attended upon very diligently all the while that he sent for to gather the said summe of money which he was to deliver them he willed them to keepe silence and make no noise that he might sleepe and take his repose during which time that he was in their custodie he exercised himselfe in writing aswell verse as prose and read the same to them when they were composed and if hee saw that they would not praise and commend those poemes and orations sufficiently to his contentment he would call them senselesse fots and barbarous yea and after a laughing maner threaten to hang them and to say a truth within a while after he did as much for them for when his ransome was come and he delivered once out of their hands he levied together a power of men and ships from out of the coasts of Asia set upon the said rovers spoiled them and crucified them Being returned to Rome and having enterprised a sute for the soveraign Sacerdotall dignitie against Catulus who was then a principall man at Rome whenas his mother accompanied him as farre as to the utmost gates of his house when he went into Mars field where the election was held he took his leave of her and said Mother you shall have this day your sonne to be chiefe Pontifice and high priest or else banished from the citie of Rome He put away his wife Pompeia upon an ill name that went of her as if she had beene naught with Clodius whereupon when Clodius afterwards was called into question judicially for the fact and Caesar likewise convented into the court peremptorily for to beare witnesse of the truth being examined upon his oath he sware that he never knew any ill at all by his wife and when he was urged and replied upon againe wherefore he had put her away he answered That the wife of Caesar ought not onely to be innocent and cleere of crime but also of all suspicion of crime In reading the noble acts of Alexander the great the teares trickled downe his cheeks and when his friends desired to know the reason why he wept At my age quoth he Alexander had vanquished subdued Darius and I have yet done nothing As he passed along through a little poore towne situate within the Alpes his familiar friends about him merrily asked one another whether there were any factions and contentions in that burrough about superioritie and namely who should be the chiefe whereupon he staid suddenly and after he had studied and mused a while within himselfe I had rather quoth he be the first here than the second in Rome As for hautie adventerous enterprises he was wont to say They should be executed not consulted upon and verily when he passed over the river Rubicon which divideth the province of Gaul from Italy for to leade his power against Pompeius Let the Die
the best sauce in the world and as for salt Homer called it divine and most men gave it the name of the Graces for that being mingled or otherwise taken with most of our meates it gives a kinde of grace and commendeth them as pleasant and agreeable to the stomacke But to say a truth the most divine sauce of a table or a supper is the presence of a friend a familiar and one whom a man knoweth well not so much for that he eateth and drinketh with us but rather because as he is partaker of our speeches so he doth participate his owne unto us especially if in such reciprocall talke there be any good discourses and those which be profitable fit and pertinent to the purpose for much babling indeed and lavish speech that many men use at the boord and in their cuppes bewraieth their vaine folly driving them oftentimes into inconsiderate and passionate fits and to perverse lewdnesse and therefore no lesse requisite it is and needfull to make choise of speeches than of friends to be admitted to our table and in this case we ought both to thinke and also to say contrary unto the auncient Lacedaemonians who when they received any yoong man or stranger into their guild-halles called phiditia where they used to dine and suppe in publicke together would shew unto them the dores of the place and say Out at these there never goeth word but we acquainting our selves with good words and pertinent speeches at the table in our discourses are willing and content that the same should go forth all and be set abroad to all persons whatsoever for that the matters and arguments of our talke are void of lascivious wantonnesse without backbiting flaundering malice and illiberall scurrilitie not beseeming men of good education as a man may well judge by these examples following in the Decade of this seventh booke THE FIRST QUESTION Against those who reproove Plato for saying That our drinke passeth by the lungs IT hapned one day in summer time that one of the company where I was at supper came out with this verse of Alcaus which every man hath readily in his mouth and pronounced it with a loud voice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say Now drinke and wet thy lungs with wine For why the hot Dogge-starre doth shine No marvell quoth Nicias then a physician of the city Nicopolis if a poet as Alcaeus was were ignorant in that which Plato a great philosopher knew not and yet Alcaus in some sort may be borne out in saying so and relieved in this wise namely that the lungs being so neere as they are unto the stomacke enjoy the benefit of the liquid drinke and therefor it was not improperly said That they be wette and soked therewith but this famous philosopher by expresse words hath left in writing that our drinke directly passeth for the most part thorow the lungs so that he hath given us no meanes of any probabilitie in the world to excuse and defend him would we never so faine so grosse is his errour and ignorance so palpable for in the first place considering it is necessary that the drie nourishment should be mingled with the liquid plaine it is that there ought to be one common vessell which is the stomacke for to receive them both together to the end that it might transmit and send into the bellie and panch beneath the meat well soaked and made soft besides seeing that the lungs be smooth and every way compact and solide how is it possible that if a man drinke a supping or grewell wherein there is a little meale or flowre it should get thorow and not stay there for this is the doubt that Erasistratus objected very well against Plato Moreover this philosopher having considered most parts of the bodie and searched by reason wherefore they were made and being desirous to know as became a man of his profession for what use nature had framed every one he might have thought thus much That the wezill of the throat otherwise called Epiglottis was not made for nothing and to no purpose but ordeined for this that when we swallow any food it might keepe downe and close the conduit of the winde-pipe for feare that nothing might fall that way upon the lights which part no doubt is woonderfully troubled tormented and torne as it were with the cough when any little thing is gotten thither where the breath doth passe to and fro Now this wezill abovesaid being placed just in the middes and indifferent to serve both passages when we speake doth shut the mouth of that conduit or wezand that leadeth to the stomacke and as we either eat or drinke falleth likewise upon the winde-pipe that goeth to the lungs keeping that passage pure and cleere for the winde and breath to go and come at ease by way of respiration Furthermore thus much we know by experience That those who take their drinke leasurely letting it go downe by little and little have moister bellies than those who powre their liquor downe at once for by this meanes the drinke is caried directly into the bladder passing away apace and with violence making no stay whereas otherwise it resteth longer with the meat which it soaketh gently and is better mingled and incorporate into it but wee should never see the one or the other if at the first our drinke and meat went apart and had their severall waies by themselves when wee swallow them downe for wee conjoine our meat and drinke together sending them both one after another to the end that the liquor might serve in stead of a waggon according as Erasistratus was woont to say for to carrie and convey the meat and the nourishment into all parts After that Nicias had made this discourse Protogenes the Grammarian added moreover and seconded him in this wise saying That the poet Homer first of all other saw well enough and observed that the stomacke was the proper receptacle and vessell to receive our food as the winde-pipe which they called in olde time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to admit the winde and the breath and hereupon it came that they used to call those who had big and loud voices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say wide-throated meaning by the throat the winde-pipe and not the gullet wezand or gorge and therefore when he had said of Achilles charging Hector with his launce Heran him through his gorge at first A speeding wound and deadly thrust A little after he added and said His winde-pipe yet he went beside And did not it in twaine divide He meaneth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the proper instrument of the voice and conduit of the breath which he cut not quite in sunder as he did the other named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the wezand or gullet Upon these words all was husht for a time untill Florus tooke upon him to speake in the
he saith these be the onely delights proper unto man whereas in all others brute beasts do communicate with us and have the benefit of them for I see that there be manie creatures which have no use of reason and yet take pleasure in musicke as for example stags in flutes and pipes and at the time when mares are to be covered with stallions there is a certeine sound of the hautboies and a song to it named thereupon Hippothoros and Pindarus saith in one place that he was moved with the song Like as the dolphin swimmes apace Directly forward to that place Whereas the pleasant hautboies sound And whence their noise doth soone rebound What time both winds and waves do lie At sea and let no harmonie And as they daunce they beare up their heads and eies aloft as joying in the object which they see of others likewise dauncing for they strive to imitate and counterseit the same stirring and wagging their shoulders to and fro I cannot see therefore what singularitie by it selfe there is in these pleasures because they onely are respective to the soule and others belong unto the bodie and do seize and rest in the bodie whereas tunes measures daunces and songs passing besides and beyond the sense doe fasten their delight and tickling pleasure upon the very joy and contentment of the minde which is the reason that none of these delectations are hidden nor have need either of darkenesse to cover them or of walles to environ enclose and keepe them in as women are woont to say by other pleasures but contrariwise built there are for these delights of the eie and eare cirques and races theaters and shew-places and the greater company that there is with us to see or heare any of these the greater joy we take and the thing it selfe is more stately but this is plaine that desirous we are not of a number of witnesses to testifie our intemperance and naughtie pleasure but we care not how many see our honest exercises and civill sports or recreations After that Callistratus had ended his speech Lamprias perceiving that those favourers and mainteiners of such eare-sports tooke better heart and became more audacious by these words set in hand to speake now in deed as he meant before in this maner This is not the cause good sir Callistratus the sonne of Leon but in mine opinion our ancient forefathers have not done well to say that Bacchus was the sonne of Oblivion for they should rather have said that he was his father considering that even now by his meanes you have forgotten that of those faults and misdemeanours which are committed by occasion of pleasures some proceed from intemperance others from ignorance or negligence for where the hurt and dammage is evident there men if they sinne doe it because their reason is forced and overcome by intemperance but looke where the hire and reward of incontinencie and loosenesse doth not directly ensue nor presently upon the committing of a fault there all their delinquencie is to be ascribed unto ignorance for that such leaud acts they both approve and perpetrate because they wist not what hurt would follow and therefore such as doe exorbitate and misgoverne themselves in eating or drinking excessively as also in the immoderate use of women which enormities be ordinarily accompanied with many maladies much expence decay of estate losse of goods and an ill name besides we usually call loose dissolute and intemperate persons such an one was that Theodectes who being diseased in his eies when soever hee espied his sweet heart whom he kept as his harlot would salute her in these tearmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All haile my sweet and lovely light The onely joy of mine eie-sight And such another was Anaxarchus of Abdera Who by report knew well what miseries He lived in but yet his nature was Inclined so to pleasure which men wise And sages dread most part that he alas Was thereby drawen and caried unto sin Out of that way which judgement set him in But those who hold out manfully and stand upon their owne guards for feare they bee caught and overcome with the grosse pleasure of the belly and the parts under it of taste and of smelling and yet neverthelesse suffer themselves to be circumvented and surprized by other delights which secretly forelay them and lie in ambush hidden close within their eies and eares these men I say although they be nothing lesse passionate dissolute and incontinent than the others yet we tearme them not so for all that and why so because they know not the danger wherein they stand they runne on headlong through ignorance thinking they shall bee masters over their pleasures yea though they taried at the theater all the long day from morning to night to see and heare plaies and other pastimes without bit of bread or drop of drinke as if forsooth an earthen vessell or pitcher should boast it selfe and stand much upon this that it is not stirred and taken up by the belly or the bottome and yet easily removed and caried from place to place by the two eares and therefore Arcesilaus was woont to say That it skilled not which way one committed filthinesse for behind and before was all one so that we ought to feare that wantonnesse and pleasure which tickleth us in our eares and eies both neither are we to thinke a citie impregnable which having all other gates fast made with strong locks fortified also with crosse barres portcullisses if the enemies may enter in at one other gate not to take our selves to be invincible unconquered by pleasures for that we be not caught taken within the temple of Venus in case we suffer our selves to be taken in the chappell of the Muses or else at some theatre For surely such a passion may overtake and captivate our soule as well here as there yea betake it unto pleasures for to hale pull carie harie us as they list and these verily doe infuse and powre into our spirits poisons more eger and piercing yea and in greater varietie I meane of songs daunces musicall accords and measures than all those be which either cooks confectioners or perfumers can devise by the strength whereof they leade and carie us whither they will yea and corrupt us so as that wee cannot chuse but convince and condemne our selves by our owne testimonie against us For as Pindarus said very well We cannot charge nor yet blame-worthy thinke What ever for our present meat and drinke The sacred earth to us affor ded hath Or sea with windes that is so fell and wrath And to say a truth there is no daintie cates no delicate viands fish or flesh no nor this passing good wine which we drinke that for any pleasure contentment which they yeeld unto us causeth us to set up any such noises like as ere while the sound and playing of the flutes did which filled I say not this
was thought a great sinne and exceeding irreverence for a man to turne himselfe out of his apparrell naked in any church chappell or religious and sacred place 〈◊〉 so they carried a great respect unto the aire and open skie as being full of gods demi-gods and saints And this is the verie cause why we do many of our necessarie businesses within 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and covered with the 〈◊〉 of our houses and so remooved from the eies as it were of the deitie 〈◊〉 somethings there be that by law are commaunded and enjoined unto the priest onely and others againe unto all men by the priest as for example heere with us in 〈◊〉 to be crowned with chaplets of flowers upon the head to let the haire grow long to weare a sword and not to set foot within the limits of Phocis pertaine all to the office and dutie of the captaine generall and chiefe ruler but to tast of no new fruits before the Autumnall Aequinox be past nor to cut and prune a vine but before the Acquinox of the Spring be intimated and declared unto all by the said ruler or captaine generall for those be the verie seasons to do both the one the other In like case it should seeme in my judgement that among the Romans it properly belonged to the priest not to mount on horseback not to be above three nights out of the citie not to put off his cap wherupon he was called in the Roman language Flamen But there be many other offices and duties notified and declared unto all men by the priest among which this is one not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the open aire For this maner of anointing drie without the bath the Romans mightily suspected and were afraid of and even at this day they are of opinion that there was no such cause in the world that brought the Greeks under the yoke of servitude and bondage and made them so tender and effeminate as their halles and publike places where their yong men wrestled exercised their bodies naked as being the meanes that brought into their cities much losse of time engendred idlenesse bred lazie slouth and ministred occasion opportunity of lewdnesse and vilany as namely to make love unto faire boies and to spoile and marre the bodies of young men with sleeping with walking at a certaine measure with stirring according to motions keeping artificiall compasse and with observing rules of exquisit diet Through which fashions they see not how ere they be aware they befallen from exercises of armes and have cleane forgotten all militarie discipline loving rather to be held and esteemed good wrestlers fine dauncers conceited pleasants and faire minions than hardic footmen or valiant men of armes And verely it is an hard matter to avoid and decline these inconveniences for them that use to discover their bodies naked before all the world in the broad aire but those who annoint themselves closely within doores and looke to their bodies at home are neither faultie nor offensive 41 What is the reason that the auncient coine and mony in old time caried the stampe of one side of Ianus with two faces and on the other side the prow or the poope of a boat engraved 〈◊〉 WAs it not as many men do say for to honour the memorie of Saturne who passed into Italy by water in such a vessell But a man may say thus much as well of many 〈◊〉 for Janus Evander and Aeneas came thither likewise by sea and therefore a man may peradventure gesse with better reason that whereas some things serve as goodly ornaments for cities others as necessarie implements among those which are decent and seemely ornaments the principall is good government and discipline and among such as be necessary is reckoned plentie and abundance of victuals now for that Janus instituted good government in 〈◊〉 holsome lawes and reducing their manner of life to civilitie which before was rude and brutish and for that the river being navigable furnished them with store of all neceslary commodities whereby some were brought thither by sea others from the land the coine caried for the marke of a law-giver the head with two faces like as we have already said because of that change of life which he brought in and of the river a ferrie boate or barge and yet there was another kinde of money currant among them which had the figure portraied upon it of a beefe of a sheepe and of a swine for that their riches they raised especially from such cattle and all their wealth and substance consisted in them And heereupon it commeth that many of their auncient names were Ovilij Bubulci and 〈◊〉 that is to say Sheepe-reeves and Neat-herds and Swineherds according as Fenestella doth report 42 What is the cause that they make the temple of Saturne the chamber of the 〈◊〉 for to keepe therein the publicke treasure of gold and silver as also their arches for the custodic of all their writings rolles contracts and evidences whatsoever IS it by occasion of that opinion so commonly received and the speech so universally currant in every mans mouth that during the raigne of Saturne there was no avarice nor injustice in the world but loialtie truth faith and righteousnesse caried the whole sway among men Or for that he was the god who found out fruits brought in agriculture and taught husbandry first for the hooke or sickle in his hand signifieth so much and not as Antimachus wrote following therein and beleeving Hesiodus Rough Saturne with his hairy skinne against all law and right Of Aemons sonne sir Ouranus or Coelus sometime hight Those privy members which him gat with hooke a-slant off-cut And then anon in fathers place of reigne himselfe did put Now the abundance of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth and the vent or disposition of them is the very mother that bringeth foorth plentie of monie and therefore it is that this same god they make the author and mainteiner of their felicitie in testimonie whereof those assemblies which are holden every ninth day in the comon place of the city called Nundinae that is to say Faires or markets they esteeme consecrated to Saturne for the store foison of fruits is that which openeth the trade comerce of buying and selling Or because these reasons seeme to be very antique what and if we say that the first man who made of Saturns temple at Rome the treasurie or chamber of the citie was Valerius Poplicola after that the kings were driven out of Rome and it seemeth to stand to good reason that he made choise thereof because he thought it a safe and secure place eminent and conspicuous in all mens eies and by consequence hard to be surprised and forced 43 What is the cause that those who come as embassadours to Rome from any parts whatsoever go first into the temple of Saturne and there before the Questors or Treasurers of the citie enter their names in
they lacke Or many times the bottome of the sea and great rivers being full of mud doth by the reflexion of the Sunne-beames represent the like colour that the said mud hath Or is not more probable that the water toward the bottome is not pure and sincere but corrupted with an earthly qualitie as continually carying with it somewhat of that by which it runneth and wherewith it is stirred and the same setling once to the bottome causeth it to be more troubled and lesse transparent PLATONIQVE QVESTIONS The Summarie IN these gatherings Plutarch expoundeth the sense of divers hard places which are found in the disputations of Socrates conteined in the Dialogues of Plato his disciple but especially in Timaeus which may serve to allure yoong students to the reading of that great Philosopher who under the barke of words hath delivered grave and pleasant matters PLATONIQUE QUESTIONS 1 What is the reason that God other-whiles commanded Socrates to do the part of a Midwife in helping others to be delivered of child-birth but for had himselfe in any wise to procreate children according as it is written in a treatise entituled Theaetetus For we ought not to thinke that if he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cavill to 〈◊〉 or to speake ironically in this place he would have abused the name of God Besides in this selfe same treatise he attributeth many other high and magnificall speeches unto Socrates namely this among many others Certes quoth he there be many men right good sir who cary this minde to me-ward that they are disposed plainly to carpe and bite me in case at any time I seeme to rid them of any foolish opinion that they have neither thinke they that I do it of good will and meaning well unto them shewing themselves herein far short of this doctrine That no God beareth evill will to men no more verily do I this unto them upon any malice but surely I can not otherwise chuse neither doe I thinke it lawfull for me either to smoother up and pardon a lie or to dissemble and suppresse a trueth IS it for that he tearmeth his owne nature as being more judicious and inventive by the name of God like as Menander doth saying This minde this our intelligence In trueth is of divine essence And Heraclitus Mans nature we must needs confesse Is heavenly and a god doubtlesse Or rather in very trueth there was some divine and celestiall cause which suggested and inspired into Socrates this maner of philosophy whereby sifting as hee did continually and examining others he cured them of all swelling pride of vaine errour of presumptuous arrogancy likewise of being odious first to themselves and afterwards to those about them of their company for it fortuned about his time that a number of these sophisters swarmed over all Greece unto whom yong gentlemen resorting paying good summes of money for their salary were filled with a great weening and opinion of themselves with a vaine perswasion of their owne learning and zelous love to good letters spending their time in idle disputations and frivolous contentions without doing any thing in the world that was either good honest or profitable Socrates therefore who had a speciall gift by his maner of speech and discourse as it were by some purgative medicine to argue and convince was of greater authority and credit when he confuted others in that he never affirmed nor pronounced resolutely any thing of his owne yea and he pierced deeper into the soules and hearts of his hearers by how much he seemed to seeke out the trueth in common and never to favorize and mainteine any opinion of his owne for this begetting of a mans owne fansies mightily empeacheth the facultie and power to judge another for evermore the lover is blinded in the behalfe of that which he loveth and verily there is nothing in the world that loveth so much the owne as a man doth the opinions and reason whereof himselfe was the father for surely that distribution and partition among children which is commonly said to be most and equall is in this case of opinions and reasons most unjust for in the former every one must take his owne but in this hee ought to chuse the better yea though it were another mans and therefore once againe he that fathereth somewhat of his owne becommeth the worse judge of other mens And like as there was sometime a sophister or great learned man who said That the Elians would be the better umpires and judges of the sacred Olympick games in case there were never any Elian came in place to performe his prizes even so he that would be a good president to sit and determine of divers sentences and opinions no reason there is in the world that he should desire to have his owne sentence crowned no nor to be one of the parties contending and who in truth are to be judged by him The Grecian captaines after they had defaited the Barbarians being assembled in counsell to give their voices unto those whom they deemed woorthy of reward and honour for their prowesse judged themselves all to have done the best service and to be the most valorous warriours And of philosophers I assure you there is not one but he would doe as much unlesse it were Socrates and such as he who confesse that they neither have nor know ought of their owne for these in truth be they who onely shew themselves to be uncorrupt and competent judges of the truth and such as cannot be chalenged for like as the aire within our eares if it be not firme and steady nor cleere without any voice of the owne but full of singing sounds and ringing noises cannot exactly comprehend that which is said unto us even so that which is to judge of reasons in philosophie if it meet with any thing that resoundeth and keepeth an hammering within hardly will it be able to understand that which shall be delivered without foorth for the owne particular opinion which is domesticall and dwelleth at home of what matter soever it be that is treated of will alwaies be the philosopher that hitteth the marke and toucheth the truth best whereas all the rest shall be thought but to opine probably the trueth Moreover if it be true that a man is not able perfectly to comprise or know any thing by good right and reason then did God forbid him to cast forth these false conceptions as it were of untrue and unconstant opinions and forced him to reproove and detect those who ever had such for no small profit but right great commoditie comes by such a speech as is able to deliver men from the greatest evill that is even the spirit of error of illusion and vanitie in opinion So great a gift as God of spectall grace Gave never to Asclepius his race For the physicke of Socrates was not to heale the body but to clense and purifie the soule festestered inwardly and corrupt Contrariwise if it
pliable shewed very well that he held it for a singular vertue to be sociable and to know how to sort and agree with others like as the same Pindar us himselfe When God did call he gave attendance And never bragd of all his valiance meaning and signifying Cadmus The olde Theologians and Divines who of all Philosophers are most ancient have put into the hands of of the images of the gods musicall instruments minding nothing lesse thereby than to make this god or that a minstrell either to play on lute or to sound the flute but because they thought there was no greater piece of worke than accord and harmonicall symphonic could beseeme the gods Like as therefore hee that would seeke for sesquitertian sesquialterall or double proportions of Musicke in the necke or bridge in the belly or backe of a lute or in the pegs and pinnes thereof were a ridiculous foole for howsoever these parts ought to have a symmetrie and proportion one to another in regard of length and thicknesse yet the harmonie where of we speake is to be considered in the sounds onely Even so probable it is and standeth with great reason that the bodies of the starres the distances and intervals of sphaeres the celeritie also of their courses and revolutions should be proportionate one unto the other yea and unto the whole world as instruments of musicke well set and tuned albeit the just quantitie of the measure be unknowen unto But this we are to thinke that the principall effect and efficacie of these numbers and proportions which that great and sovereigne Creatour used is the consonance accord and agreement of the soule in it selfe with which she being endowed she hath replenished both the heaven it selfe when she was setled thereupon with an infinite number of good things and also disposed and ordeined all things upon the earth by seasons by changes and mutations tempered and measured most excellently well and with surpassing wisdome aswell for the production and generation of all things as for the preservation and safety of them when they were created and made AN EPITOME OR BREVIARIE of a Treatise as touching the creation of the Soule according to Plato in Timaeus THis Treatise entituled Of the creation of the soule as it is described in the booke of of Plato named Timaeus declareth all that Plato and the Platoniques have written of that argument and inferreth certeine proportions and similitudes Geometricall which he supposeth pertinent to the speculation and intelligence of the nature of the soule as also certeine Musical and Arithmeticall Theoremes His meaning and saying is that the first matter was brought into forme and shape by the soule Hee attributeth to the universall world a soule and likewise to every living creature a soule of the owne by it selfe which ruleth and governeth it He bringeth in the said soule in some sort not engendred and yet after a sort subject to generation But hee affirmeth that eternall matter to have bene formed by God that evill and vice is an impe springing from the said matter To the end quoth he that it might never come into mans thought That God was the authour or cause of evill All the rest of this Breviarie is word for word in the Treatise it selfe therefore may be well spared in this place and not rehearsed a second time OF FATALL NECESSITY This little Treatise is so pitiously torne maimed and dismembred thorowout that a man may sooner divine and guesse thereat as I have done than translate it I beseech the readers therefore to holde me excused in case I neither please my selfe nor content them in that which I have written ENdevour I will and addresse my selfe to write unto you most deere and loving friend Piso as plainly and compendiously as possible I can mine opinion as touching Fatall destinie for to satisfie your request albeit you know full well how wary and precise I am in my writing First and formost therefore thus much you must understand That this terme of Fatall destinie is spoken and understood two maner of waies the one as it is an action and the other as it is a substance In the first place Plato hath figuratively drawen it forth under a type described it as an action both in his diologue entituled Phaedrus in these words It is an Adrastian law or inevitable ordinance which alwaies followeth and accompanieth God And also in his treatise called Timaeus after this maner The lawes which God hath pronounced and published to the immortall soules in the procreation of the universall world Likewise in his books of Common-wealth he saith That Fatall necessitie is the reason and speech of Lachesis the daughter of Necessitie By which places he giveth us to understand not tragically but after a theologicall maner what his minde and opinion is Now if a man taking the said places already cited quoted would expound the same more familiarly in other words he may declare the former descriptiō in Phaedrus after this sort namely that Fatall destinie is a divine reason or sentence intransgressible and inevitable proceeding from a cause that cannot be diverted nor impeached And according to that which he delivereth in Timaeus it is a law consequently ensuing upon the nature and creation of the world by the rule whereof all things passe and are dispenced that be done For this is it that Lachesis worketh effecteth who is in trueth the daughter of Necessity as we have both alreadie said also shall better understand by that which we are to deliver hereafter in this and other treatises at our leasure Thus you see what Destinie is as it goeth for an action but being taken for a substance it seemeth to be the universall soule of the whole world and admitteth a tripartite division The first Destiny is that which erreth not the second seemeth to erre and the third is under heaven conversant about the earth of which three the highest is called Clotho that next under it is named Atropos and the lowest Lachesis and she receiveth the influences of her two celestiall sisters transmitting and fastening the same upon terrestriall things which are under her governmēt Thus have we shewed summarily what is to be thought said as touching Destiny being taken as a substance namely What it is what parts it hath after what sort it is how it is ordeined and in what maner it standeth both in respect of it selfe and also in regard of us but as concerning the particularities of all these points there is another fable in the Politiques of Plato which covertly in some sort giveth us intelligence thereof and the same have we assaied to explane unfolde unto you as wel as possibly we can But to returne unto our Destiny as it is an action let us discourse thereof forasmuch as many questions naturall morall and rationall depend thereupon Now for that we have in some sort sufficiently defined already what it is we are to consider consequently
insomuch as eftsoones in disputation he would alluding to a verse in Homer cry out aloud in this maner Unhappy man thus for to doe Thine owne pure strength will worke thy woe as if he lay open and ministred great advantages and meanes against himselfe to those who went about for to infringe and calumniate his opinions But as touching those treatises and discourses which he hath put foorth and set out against ordinary custome his followers do so gloriously boast and joy that they give out if all the books of the Academiques that ever lived were laid together they deserved not to be compared with that which Chrysippus wrote in calumniation of the senses an evident signe either of their ignorance who say so or els of their owne blinde selfe-love Howbeit certeine it is that afterwards being desirous to defend custome and the senses he was found much inferior to himselfe and the latter treatise came farre short of the former and was nothing at all so pithy in such sort as he is contradictorie and repugnant to himselfe whiles he alwaies prescribeth and willeth to conferre and oppose contrary sentences not as one patronizing any but making an ostentation that they be false and afterwards sheweth himselfe to be a more vehement accuser than a defender of his owne proper sentences and counselling others to take heed of repugnant and contrary disputations as those which distract and impeach their perception himselfe is more studious and diligent to addresse such proofes as overthrow perception than those which are to establish and confirme the same and yet that he feared no lesse hee declareth plainly in the fourth booke of his lives where he writeth thus We are not rashly nor without good respect and advisement to admit and allow repugnant disputations and contrary opinions to be proposed nor to answere those probable arguments which are brought against true sentences but heerein we must warily goe to worke and cary our selves so as fearing 〈◊〉 lest the hearers being thereby distracted and diverted let goe this apprehension and conception and be not of sufficient capacity to comprehend their solutions but after such a feeble sort as that their comprehensions be ready to falter and shake considering that even they who customably comprehend sensible objects and other things which depend of senses quickly forgo the same being distracted as well by Megarian interrogatories as by others more forcible and in greater number Now would I gladly demand of these Stoicks whether they thinke these Megarian interrogatories more puissant than those which Chrysippus hath written in sixe bookes or rather Chrysippus himselfe would be asked the question For marke I pray you what he hath written of the Megarian disputation in his booke entituled The use of speech after this maner Such a thing as befell in the disputation betweene Stilpo and Menedemus both renowmed personages for their learning and wisedome and yet the whole maner of their arguing is now turned to their reproch and plain mockery as if their arguments were either very grosse or else too captious sophistical and yet good sir these arguments which it pleaseth you to scorne and tearme the reproach of those who make such interrogatories as containing in them notorious leawdnesse you feare lest they should divert any from perception And even your owne selfe 〈◊〉 so many books as you doe against custome whereunto you have adjoined whatsoever you could devise and invent labouring to surmount and surpasse Arcesilaus did you never expect and looke to scare and terrifie any of the readers that should light upon them For Chrysippus verily useth not onely slender and naked arguments in disputing against custome but as if he were an advocate pleading at the barre mooveth affections being passionate and affectionate himselfe breaking out eftsoones into these tearmes of giving the foole and imputing vanity and sottishnesse and to the end that he might leave no place for contradiction at all but that he delivereth repugnances and speaketh contraries thus hath he writen in his Positions naturall A man may very well when he hath once perfectly comprised a thing argue a little on the contrary side and apply that defence which the matter it selfe doth affoord yea and otherwhiles when he doth comprehend neither the one nor the other discourse of either of them pro contra as much as the cause will yeeld Also in that treatise of his concerning the use of speech after he had said we ought not to use the power and faculty of disputation no more than armes or weapons in things that tend to no purpose and when the case requireth it not he addeth soone after these words For we ought to imploy the gift of reason and speech to the finding out of trueth and such things as resemble it and not contrariwise howsoever many there be that are wont so to doe And peradventer by these Many he meaneth those Academicks who ever doubt and give no assent to any thing and they verily for that they comprehend neither the one nor the other doe argue on both parts to and fro that it is perceptible as if by this onely or especiall meanes the trueth yeelded a certeine comprehension of it selfe if there were nothing in the world comprehensible But you who accuse and blame them writing the contrary to that which you conceive as touching custome and exhorting others to doe the same and that with an affectionate defence doeplainly confesse that you use the force of speech and eloquence in things not onely unprofitable but also hurtfull upon a vaine ambtious humor of shewing your ready wit like to some yoong scholar These Stoicks affirme that a good deed is the commandement of the law and sin the prohibition of the law and therefore it is that the law forbiddeth fooles and leawd folke to doemany things but prescribeth them nothing for that indeed they are not able to doe ought well And who seeth not that impossible it is for him who can doe no vertuous act to keepe himselfe from sin and transgression Therefore they make the law repugnant to it selfe if it command that which to performe is impossible and forbid that which men are not able to avoid For he that is not able to live honestly cannot chuse but beare himselfe dishonestly and whosoever he be that cannot be wise must of necessity become a foole and even them selves doe holde that those lawes which are prohibitive say the same thing when they forbid one and command likewise another For that which saith thou shalt dot steale saith verily the same to wit Steale not but it forbiddeth withall to steale and therefore the law forbiddeth fooles and leawd persons nothing for otherwise it should command them somewhat And thus they say that the Physician biddeth his apprentise or Chyrurgian to cut or to cauterize without adding thereto these words handsomly moderatly and in good time The Musician likewise commandeth his scholar to sing or play upon the harpe a lesson without putting
enter into little businesse in the world be both alike commendable parts and the properties of civill and 〈◊〉 persons And in maner the same speeches or very like thereto he hath delivered in the third booke of such things as be expetible and to be chosen for themselves in these termes For in truth quoth he it seemeth that the quiet life should be without danger and in perfect security which few or none of the vulgar sort are able to comprehend and understand Wherein first and formost it is evident that he commeth very neere to the errour of Epicurus who in the government of the world disavoweth divine providence for that he would have God to rest in repose idle and not emploied in any thing And yet Chrysippus himselfe in his first booke of Lives saith That a wise man willingly will take a kingdome upon him yea and thinke to make his gaine and profit thereby and if he be not able to reigne himselfe yet he will at leastwise converse and live with a king yea goe foorth with him to warre like as Hydanthyrsus the Scythian did and Leucon of Pontus But I will set downe his owne words that we may see whether like as of the treble and base strings there ariseth a consonance of an eight so there be an accord in the life of a man who hath chosen to live quietly without doing ought or at leastwise to intermeddle in few affaires yea and yet afterwards accompanieth the Scythians riding on horsebacke and manageth the affaires of the kings of Bosphorus upon any occasion of need that may be presented For as touching this point quoth he that a wise man will go into warlike expeditions with princes live and converse with them we will consider againe thereof heereafter being as it is a thing that as some upon the like arguments imagine not so we for the semblable reasons admit and allow And a little after Not onely with those who have proceeded well in the knowledge of vertue and beene sufficiently instituted and trained up in good maners as were Hydanthyrsus and Leucon abovesaid Some there be who blame Calisthenes for that he passed over the seas to king Alexander into his campe in hope to reedifie the city Olynthus as Artstotle caused the city Stagyra to be repaired who highly commend Ephorus Xenocrates and Menedemus who rejected Alexander But Chrysippus driveth his wise man by the head forward for his gaine and profit as farre as to the city Panticapaeum and the deserts of Scythia And that this is I say for his gaine profit he shewed before by setting downe three principall meanes beseeming a wise man for to practise and seeke his gaine by the first by a kingdome and the beneficence of kings the second by his friends and the third besides these by teaching literature and yet in many places he wearieth us with citing this verse of Euripides For what need mortall men take paine Onely for things in number twaine But in his books of Nature he saith That a wise man if he have lost the greatest riches that may be esteemeth the losse no more than if it were but a single denier of silver or one grey groat Howbeit him whom he hath there so highly extolled and pussed up with glory heere hee taketh downe and abaseth as much even to make him a meere mercenary pedante and one that is faine to teach a schoole for he would have him to demaund and exact his salary sometime before hand of his scholar when he enters into his schoole and otherwhile after a certeine prefixed time of his schooling is come and gone And this quoth hee is the honester and more civill way of the twaine but the other is the furer namely to make him pay his mony aforehand for that delay and giving attendance is subject to receive wrong and susteine losse and thus much he uttereth in these very termes Those teachers that be of the wiser sort cal for their schoolage and minervals of their scholars not all after one maner but diversly a number of them according as the present occasion requireth who promise not to make them wise men and that within a yeere but undertake to doe what lies in them within a set time agreed upon betweene them And soone after speaking of his wise man He will quoth he know the best time when to demaund his pension to wit whether incontinently upon the entrance of his scholar as the most part do or to give day and set downe a certeine time which maner of dealing is more subject to receive injurie howsoever it may seeme more honest and civill And how can a wise man tell me now be a despiser of money in case hee make a contract and bargaine at a price to receive money for delivering vertue or if he doe not deliver it yet require his salary neverthelesse as if he he had performed his part fully Either how can he be greater than to susteine a losse and damage if it be so that he stand so strictly upon this point and be so warie that he receive no wrong by the paiment of his wages For surely no man is said to bee injuried who is not hurt nor endamaged and therefore how ever otherwise he hath flatly denied that a wise man could receive warning yet in this booke he saith that this maner of dealing is exposed to losse and damage In his booke of Common-wealth he affirmeth that his citizens will never doe any thing for pleasure no nor addresse and prepare themselves therefore praising highly Euripides for these verses What need men but for two things onely swinke Bread for to eat and water shere to drinke And soone after he proceedeth forward and praiseth Diogenes for abusing himselfe by forcing his nature to passe from him in the open street and saying withall to those that stood by Oh that I could chase hunger as well from my belly What reason then is there in the selfesame bookes to commend him for rejecting pleasure and withall for defiling his owne body as hee did so beastly in the sight of the whole world and that for a little filthy pleasure In his books of Nature having written that nature had produced and brought foorth many living creatures for beauty onely as delighting and taking pleasure in such lovely varietie and therewith having adjoined moreover a most strange and absurd speech namely that the peacocke was made for his tailes sake and in regard of the beauty thereof cleane contrary to himselfe in his books of Common-wealth he reprooveth very sharpely those who keepe peacocks and nightingals as if he would make lawes quite contrary to that soveraigne law-giver of the world deriding nature for taking delight and employing as it were her study in bringing foorth such creatures unto which a wise man wil give no place in his city and common-wealth For how can it otherwise be but monstrous and absurd for to finde fault with those who nourish such creatures
principally in two severall Treatises of the former tome perceived how Plutarch is quite contrary unto the Epicureans and namely in one of those Treatises he dealeth with a certaine booke which he now expresly refuteth where Colotes endevoured to proove that a man can not possibly live well according to the opinions of other Philosophers Plutarch sheweth on the contrarie side that impossible it is to leade a joifull life after the doctrine of Epicurus and that it is accompanied with overweening impudency and slanderous calumniation And not contenting himselfe thus to have confuted them of purpose once or twice he setteth upon them in this discourse and particularly he copeth with Colotes whose slouth filthinesse and impiette he heere describeth The summe of all which declamation is this That these Epicureans are not any way worthy the name of Philosophers who contrariwise tread and trample under foot all the parts of true Philosophie discovering in their writings aswell as thorowout all their lives meere beastly brutalitie But all that is delivered in this Treatise may be reduced well to two principall points The one conteineth a defence or excuse of the doctrine taught by Democritus Empedocles Parmenides Socrates and other ancient Philosophers standered by Colotes who extolled farre above them the traditions and precepts of his master The other discovereth divers absurdities and strange opinions of the Epicureans even by their owne testimonies whom Plutarch refelleth soundly handling in this disputation many articles of Philosophie Naturall Morall and Supernaturall and particularly of the Senses of Nature of the Atomes of the Universall world of the Knowledge of man of the Opinion of the Academicks of the Apprehensions faculties passions and affections of the soule of the certeintie of things sensible of the falsitie and trueth of imaginations of the use of Lawes of the profit of Philosophie of the sovereigne good of religion and of other such matters the principles whereof the Epicureans abolished bringing in paradoxes woonderfull strange for to shuffle things confusedly and make all uncerteine All which is marked particularly in the traine and course of the authours owne words and therefore needlesse it is to specifie thereof any more because I would avoid tantologies unnecessary repetitions True it is that in certeine refutations Plutarch is not so firme as were to be desired but that may be imputed to his ignorance of the true God As for the rest it may suffice serve to know the misery wretchednes of the Epicureans and that other Philosophers had many good parts and delivered many beautifull speeches whereof all vertuous persons may reape and gather great fruit in applying and referring the same to their right use And for to close up all he maketh a comparison betweene true Philosophers and the Epicureans proving in very many places that Colotes and his fellowes like himselfe are people not onely unprofitable but also most pernicious and so by consequence unworthy to live in the world AGAINST COLOTES THE Epicurean COlotes whom Epicurus was wont ô Saturninus to call by way of slattering diminution Colatar as and Colatarius composed and put forth a little booke which he entituled That there could be no life at all according to the opinions of other Philosophers and dedicated the said booke unto king Ptolemaeus Now what came into my minde to speake against this Colotes I suppose you would take pleasure to reade the same in writing being as you are a man who loveth elegancie and all honest things especially such as concerne the knowledge of antiquity besides esteemeth it the most prince like exercise and roiall study to beare in minde and have alwaies in hand as much as possibly may be the discourses of auncient Sages Whereas therefore of late this booke was in reading one of our familiar friends one whom you know well enough Aristodemus by name an Aegian borne a man exceeding passionate and of all the Academicks a most sranticke sectary of Plato although hee carie not the ferula like unto the madde supposts of Plato I wot not how contrary to his usuall maner was very patient and silent all the while giving care most civilly even to the very end But so soone as the lecture was done Goe to now my masters quoth he whom were we best to cause for to arise and fight with this fellow in the quarrell and defence of Philosophers For I am not of Nestors minde neither doe I greatly praise him for that when there was to be chosen the most valiant warrior of those nine hardy knights who were presented to enter into combat with Hector hand to hand committed the election unto fortune and put all to the lot But you see also quoth I that even he referred himselfe to be ordered by the lot to the end that the choise might passe according to the dispose and ordinance of the wisest man The lot out of the helmet then did fall Of Ajax whom themselves wisht most of all And yet if you command me to make election How can I ever put out of mind Divine Ulysses a prince so kind Consider therefore and be well advised how you may be able to refell this man Then Aristodedemus But you know full well quoth he what Plato sometime did who being offended with his boy that waited upon him would not himselfe swindge him but caused Speusippus to doe so much for him saying withall That he was in a fit of choler And even so I say as much to you Take the man to you I pray and entreat him at your pleasure for my selfe am very angry with him Now when all the rest of the company were instant with me and praied me to take this charge in hand Well I see quoth I that I must speake seeing you will needs have it so but I am affraid lest I may seeme my selfe to be more earnestly bent against this booke than it deserveth in the defence and maintenance of Socrates against the incivility rudenesse scurrility and insolence of this man who presenteth as one would say unto him hay as if he were a beast and demaundeth how he may put meat into his mouth and not into his care whereas haply the best way were to laugh onely at him for such railing especially considering the mildnesse and gentle grace of Socrates in such cases Howbeit in regard of the whole host beside of other Greeke Philosophers namely Democritus Plato Empedocles Parmenides and Melissus who by him are foully reviled it were not onely a shame to be tongue tied and keepe silence but also meere sacriledge and impiety to remit any jot or forbeare to speake freely to the utmost in their behalfe being such as have advanced philosophy to that honour and reputation which it hath And verily our parents together with the gods have given us our life but to live well we suppose and that truely that it commeth from the philosophers by the meanes of that doctrine which we have received from them as
reproch or touch notwithstanding shee was yoong and therewith beautifull This fresh widow whiles she treated of a mariage to be made betweene Bacchon a yoong gentleman a neighbours childe whose mother was a very familiar friend of hers a certeine yoong maiden a kinswoman of her owne by often talking with him and frequenting his company much fell herselfe in some fancie with the yoong man Thus both hearing and speaking much good and many kinde speeches of him and seeing besides a number of other gentlemen and persons of good woorth to be enamoured upon him by little and little she also fell to bee in hot love with the youth howbeit with a full intention and resolution to doe nothing that should be dishonest or unbeseeming her place parentage reputation but to be wedded unto Bacchon lawfully in the open sight of the world and so to live with him in the estate of wedlocke As the thing it selfe seemed at the first very strange so the mother of the yoong man of one side doubted and suspected the greatnesse of her state and the nobility magnificence of her house linage as not meet correspondent to his cōdition for to be a lover or to be matched there and on the other side some of his companions who used to ride forth a hunting with him considering that the yoong age of Bacchon was not answerable to the yeeres of Ismenodora buzzed many doubts in his head and frighted him from her what they could saying That she might be his mother and that one of her age was not for him and thus by their jesting and scoffing they hindered the mariage more than they who laboured in good earnest to breake it for hee began to enter into himselfe and considering that he was yet a beardlesse youth and scarcely undergrowen he was abashed and ashamed to mary a widow Howbeit in the end shaking off all others he referred himselfe to Anthemion and Pisias for to tell him their minds upon the point and to advise him for his best Now was Anthemion his cousen german one of good yeeres and elder than himselfe farre and Pisias of all those that made love unto him most austere and therefore he both withstood the mariage and also checked Anthemion as one who abandoned and betraied the yoong man unto Ismenodora Contrariwise Anthemion charged Pisias and said he did not well who being otherwise an honest man yet heerein imitated leawd lovers for that he went about to put his friend beside a good bargaine who now might be sped with so great a mariage out offo worshipfull an house and wealthy besides to the end that he might have the pleasure to see him a long time stripped naked in the wrestling place fresh still and smooth and not having touched a woman But because they should not by arguing thus one against another grow by little and little into heat of choler they chose for umpiers and judges of this their controversie my father and those who were of his company and thither they came assistant also there were unto them other of their friends Daphnaeus to the one and Protogenes to the other as if they had beene provided of set purpose to plead a cause As for Protogenes who sided with Pisias he inveighed verily with open mouth against dame Ismenodora whereupon Daphnaeus O Hercules quoth he what are we not to expect and what thing in the world may not happen in case it be so that Protogenes is ready heere to give defiance and make warre against love who all his life both in earnest and in game hath beene wholy in love and all for love which hath caused him to forget his booke and to forget his naturall countrey not as Laius did who was but five daies journey distant for that love of his was slow and heavy and kept still upon the land whereas your Cupid Protogenes With his light wings displaied and spred Hath over seafull swiftly fled from out of Cilicia to Athens to see faire boies and to converse and goe up and downe with them for to say a trueth the chiefe cause why Protogenes made a voiage out of his owne countrey and became a traveller was at the first this and no other Heere at the company tooke up a laughter and Protogenes Thinke you quoth he that I warre not against love and not rather stande in the defence of love against lascivious wantonnesse and violent intemperance which by most shamefull acts and filthy passions would perforce chalenge and breake into the fairest most honest and venerable names that be Why quoth Daphnaeus then do you terme mariage and the secret of mariage to wit the lawfull conjunction of man and wife most vile and dishonest actions than which there can be no knot nor linke in the world more sacred and holy This bond in trueth of wedlocke quoth Protogenes as it is necessary for generation is by good right praised by Polititians and law-givers who recommend the same highly unto the people and common multitude but to speake of true love indeed there is no jot or part therof in the societie and felowship of women neither doe I thinke that you and such as your selves whose affections stand to wives or maidens do love them no more than a flie loveth milke or a bee the hony combe as caters and cookes who keepe foules in mue and feed calves and other such beasts fatte in darke places and yet for all that they love them not But like as nature leadeth and conducteth our appetite moderately and as much as is sufficient to bread and other viands but the excesse thereof which maketh the naturall appetite to be a vicious passion is called gourmandise and pampering of the flesh even so there is naturally in men and women both a desire to enjoy the mutuall pleasure one of another whereas the impetuous lust which commeth with a kinde of force and violence so as it hardly can be held in is not fitly called love neither deserveth it that name For love if it seise upon a yoong kinde and gentle heart endeth by amity in vertue whereas of these affections and lusts afterwomen if they have successe and speed never so well there followeth in the end the fruit of some pleasure the fruition and enjoying of youth and a beautifull body and that is all And thus much testified Aristippus who when one went about to make him have a distaste and mislike of Lais the curtisan saying that she loved him not made this answer I suppose quoth he that neither good wine nor delicate fish loveth me but yet quoth he I take pleasure and delight in drinking the one and eating the other For surely the end of desire and appetite is pleasure and the fruition of it But love if it have once lost the hope and expectation of amity and kindnesse will not continue nor cherish and make much for beauty sake that which is irksome and odious be it neverso gallant and in
off unjustly to pay the debt which you have promised us for having ere while by the way and against your will made some little mention of the Aegyptians and of Plato you passed them over then and even so doe you at this present as for that which Plato hath written or rather these Muses heere have by him delivered I know well you will say nothing thereof although we should request and pray you to doe it but for that you have covertly signified thus much that the mythologie or fables of the Aegyptians accord sufficiently with the doctrine of the Platonikes concerning Love it were against all reason that you should refuse to discover reveale and declare it unto us and content will we be in case we may heare but a little of such great and important matters Now when the rest of the companie instantly intreated likewise my father began againe and said That the Aegyptians like as the Greeks acknowledge two kindes of Love the one vulgar the other celestiall they beleeve also that there is a third beside to wit the sunne and Venus above all they have in great admiration as for us we see a great affinity and resemblance betweene Love and the sunne for neither of them both is as some doe imagine a materiall fire but the heat of the one and the other is milde and generative for that which proceedeth from the sunne giveth unto bodies nouriture light and deliverance from cold winter that which commeth from the other worketh the same effects in soules and as the sunne betweene two clouds and after a foggy mist breaketh foorth most ardent even so Love after anger fallings out and fits of jealousie upon attonement and reconciliation made betweene Lovers is more pleasant and fervent and looke what conceit some have of the sunne that it is kindled and quenched alternatiuely namely that every evening it goeth out and every morning is lighted againe the same they have of Love as being mortall corruptible and not permanent in one estate moreover that habite or constitution of the body which is not exercised and inured to endure both cold and heat can not abide the sunne no more can that nature of the soule which is not well nurtured and liberally taught be able to brooke Love without some paine and trouble but both the one and the other is transported out of order yea and indisposed or diseased alike laying the weight upon the force and power of Love and not upon their owne impuissance and weaknesse this onely seemeth to be the difference betweene them that the sunne exhibiteth and sheweth unto those upon the earth who have their eie-sight things beautifull and foule indifferently whereas Love is the light that representeth faire things onely causing lovers to be lookers of such alone and to turne toward them but contrariwise to make none account of all others Furthermore they that attribute the name of Venus to the earth are induced thereto by no similitude nor proportion at all for that Venus is divine and celestiall but the region wherein there is a mixture of mortall with immortall is of it selfe feeble darke and shadie when the sunne shineth not upon it like as Venus when love is not assistant unto it and therefore more credible it is that the moone should resemble Venus and the sunne Love rather than any other god yet are not they therefore all one because the body is not the same that the souleis but divers like as the sunne is sensible visible but Love spirituall and intelligible and if this might seeme a speech somewhat harsh a man might say that the sunne doeth cleane contrary unto Love for that it diverteth our understanding from the speculation of things intelligible unto the beholding of objects sensible in abusing and deceiving it by the pleasure and brightnesse of the sight perswading it to seeke in it and about it as all other things so trueth it selfe and nothing else where being ravished with the Love thereof For that we see it shine so faire Vpon the earth amid the aire according as Euripides saith and that for want of knowledge and experience of another life or rather by reason of forgetfulnesse of those things which Love reduceth into our memorie For like as when we awake in some great and resplendent light all nightly visions and apparitions vanish away and depart which our soule saw during sleepe even so it seemeth that the sunne doeth astonish the remembrance of such things as heere happen and chance in this life yea and to bewitch charme and enchant our understanding by reason of pleasure and admiration so as it forgetteth what it knew in the former life and verily there is the true reall substance of those things but heere apparitions onely by which our soule in sleepe admireth and embraceth that which is most beautifull divine and woonderfull but as the Poet saith About the same are vaine illusions Dreames manifold and foolish visions And so the mind is perswaded that all things heere be goodly and precious unlesse haply by good adventure it meet with some divine honest and chaste Love for to be her Physicion and savior which passing from the other world by things corporall may conduct and bring it to the truth and to the pleasant fields thereof wherein is seated and lodged the perfect pure and naturall beautie not sophisticate with any mixture of that which is counterfet and false where they desire to embrace one another and to commune together as good friends that of long time have had no interview nor entercourse assisted alwaies by Love as by a Sextaine who leadeth by the hand those that are professed in some religion shewing unto them all the holy reliques and sacred ceremonies one after another Now when they be sent hether againe the soule by it selfe can not come neere and approch thereto but by the organe of the body and like as because yoong children of themselves are not able to comprehend intelligible things therefore Geometricians put into their hands visible and palpable formes of a substance incorporall and impassible to wit the representations of sphaeres cubes or square bodies as also those that be dodecaedra that is to say having twelve equall faces even so the celestiall Love doth present and shew unto us faire mirrors to behold therein beautifull things howbeit mortall thereby to admire such as be heavenly and divine sensible objects for to imagine thereby those that be spirituall and intelligible These be the severall favors and beauties faire colours pleasant shapes proportions and features of yoong persons in the floure of their age which shining and glittring as they doe gently excite and stirre up our memorie which by little and little at the first is enflamed thereby whereby it commeth to passe that some through the folly of their friends and kinsfolke endevoring to extinguish this affection and passion of the minde by force and without reason have enjoied no benefit thereof but
away the life of Croesus gave unto the baker aforesaid poison willing her when she had tempered it with dough and wrought it into bread to serve the same up unto Croesus But the woman gave secret intelligence hereof unto Croesus and withall bestowed the poisoned bread among the children of this step dame In regard of which demerit Croesus when he came to the crowne would acknowledge and require the good service which this woman had done with the testimony as it were of this god himselfe wherein he did well and vertuously And therefore quoth he meet it is and seemly to praise and honor highly such oblations if any have beene presented and dedicated by cities upon semblable occasions like as the Opunitians did For when the tyrants of the Phocaeans had broken and melted many sacred oblations both of golde and silver and thereof coined money which they sent and dispersed among the cities the Opuntians gathered as much silver as they could wherewith they filled a great pot sent in hither and made thereof an offering to Apollo And I verily for my part doe greatly comend those of Smyrna and Apollonia for sending hither certeine corne-eares of gold in token of harvest and more than that the Eretrians and Magnesians for presenting this god with the first fruits of their men women recognising thereby him to be the giver not only of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth but also of children as being the authour of generation and the lover of mankind But I blame the Megarians as much for that they onely in maner of all the Greeks caused to be erected here the image of this our god with a lance in his hand after the battell with the Athenians who upon the defeature of the Persians held their city in possession and were by them vanquished in fight and disseized thereof againe And yet true it is that these men afterward offered unto Apollo a golden plectre wherewith to play upon his Cittern or Viole having heard as it should seeme the Poet Scythinus speaking of the said instrument Which Don Apollo faire and lovely sonne Of Jupiter doth tune in skilfull wise As who is wont of all things wrought and done All ends with their beginnings to comprise And in his hand the plectre bright as golde Even glittering raies of shining Sun doth holde Now when Serapion would have said somewhat els of these matters A pleasure it were quoth the stranger to heare you devise and discourse of such like things but I must needs demand the first promise made unto me as touching the cause why the Prophetesse Pythia hath given over to make answere any longer by oracle in verse and meetre and therefore if it so please you let us surcease visiting the rest of these oblations and ornaments and rather sit we downe in this place for to heare what can be said of this matter being the principall point and maine reason which impeacheth the credit of this oracle for that of necessitie one of these two things must needs be either that the Prophetesse Pythia approcheth not neere enough to the very place where the divine power is or els that the aire which was woont to breathe and inspire this instinct is utterly quenched and the puissance quite gone and vanished away When we had fetched therefore a circuit about we sat us downe upon the tablements on the South side of the temple nere unto the chappell of Tellus that is to say the Earth where we beheld the waters of the fountaine Castilius and the temple of the Muses with admiration in such sort as Boethus incontinently said that the very place it selfe made much for the question and doubt mooved by the stranger For in olde time quoth he there was a temple of the Muses even there from whence the river springs insomuch as they used this water for the solemne libations at sacrifices according as Simonides writeth in this wise Where water pure is kept in basons faire Beneath of Muses with their yellow haire And in another place the same Simonides with a little more curiositie of words calling upon Cleio the Muse saith she is the holy keeper The sacred ewres who doth superintend Whereby from lovely fountaine do deseend Those waters pure which all the world admires And thereof for to have a taste desires As rising from those caves propheticall That yeeld sweet odors most mirificall And therefore Eudoxus was much overseene to beleeve those who gave out that this was called the water of Styx But in trueth they placed the Muses as assistants to divination and the warders thereof neere unto that riveret and the temple of Tellus aforesaid whereunto apperteined the oracle whereby answeres were rendred in verse and song And some there be who say that this heroique verse was first heard here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say You pretie Bees and birds that sing Bring hither both your wax and wing at what time as the oracle being forsaken and destitute of the god Apollo lost all the dignity and majesty that it had Then Serapion These things indeed quoth he ô Boethus are more meet and convenient for the Muses For we ought not to fight against God nor together with prophesie and divination take away both providence and divinitie but to seeke rather for the solution of those reasons which seeme to be contrary thereto and in no wise to abandon and cast off that faith and religious beliefe which hath in our countrey time out of minde passed from father to sonne You say very well and truely quoth I good Serapion for we despaire not of Philosophie as if it were quite overthrowen and utterly gone because Philosophers beforetime pronounced their sentences and published their doctrines in verse as for example Orpheus Hesiodus Parmenides Xenophanes Empedocles Thales and afterwards ceased and gave over to versifie all but your selfe for you have into Philosophie reduced Poetrie againe to set up aloud and loftie note for to incite and stirre up yoong men Neither is Astrologie of lesse credite and estimation because Aristarchus Timochares Aristyllus and Hipparchus have written in prose whereas Eudoxus Hesiodus and Thales wrote before them in verse of that argument at leastwise if it be true that Thales was the author of that Astrologie which is ascribed unto him And Pindarus himselfe confesseth that he doubted greatly of that maner of melodie which was neglected in his daies wondering why it was so despised For I assure you it is no absurd thing nor impertinent to search the causes of such mutations But to abolish all arts and faculties if haply somewhat be changed or altered in them I hold neither just nor reasonable Then came in Theon also with his vie adding moreover saying that it could not be denied but that in truth herein there have bene great changes mutations how beit no lesse true it is that even in this very place there have bene many oracles answers delivered in prose
Juno The same is the man quoth he Who then is he whom I have seene this long while standing at the hall doore and looking full upon us It is Chlidon himselfe I assure you quoth he Now by Hercules I sweare could any thing have hapned woorse And with that the man perceiving how we looked upon him approched faire and softly from the dore unto us Then Hipposthenidas beckned unto him and nodded with his head as willing him to speake unto us all for that there was no danger because they were all honest men and of our side I know them all wel enough quoth he Hipposthenidas and not finding you at home nor in the market place I guessed by and by that you were gone toward them and therefore I made as great haste as I could hither to the end that you might not be ignorant of all things how they goe For so soone as you commanded me in all speed to meet with our banished citizens in the forest I went presently to my house for to take horse called unto my wife for my bridle but she could not give it me and to mend the matter staied a great while in the chamber or store-house where such things use to be now after she had made a seeking puddering in every corner within the roome could not find it at length when she had plaid long enough with me made a foole of me she confessed told me plainly that she had lent it forth to one of our neighbors whose wife the evening before came to borrow it of her whereupon I was in a great chafe and gave her some curst words but she like a shrew paied me with as good as I lent her and made no more adoe but cursed me in abominable tearmes wishing my forth going might be unhappie and my home comming worse which execrations I pray god may all light upon her owne head To be short she provoked me so farre that in my choler I dealt her some blowes for her shrewd tongue with that comes out a number of the neighbors and women especially where after I had given and taken one for another with shame inough at last with much adoe I got away from them and came hither to pray you for to send some other messenger to the parties you wot of for I assure you at this present I am so much out of temper that I am not mine owne man but in maner beside my selfe This wrought in us all a mervellous alteration of our wils and affections For whereas a little before we were offended that our designments were crossed and their comming impeached now againe upon this sudden occurrence the shortnes of time which allowed us no leasure to put of to procrastinate the matter we were driven into an agony and fearefull perplexity Howbeit setting a good countenance upon the matter speaking also cheerefully unto Hipposthenidas and taking him frendly by the hand I encouraged him and gave him to understand that the very gods themselves seconded our intentions and invited us to the execution of the enterprise This done Phyllidas went home to his house for to give order about his feast and withall to draw on Archias to drinke wine liberally and to make mery Chanon departed also to make ready his house for the intertainment of the banished men against their returne Meane while Theocritus and I went againe to Simmias to the end that finding some good occasion and opportunity for the purpose we might talke with Epaminondas againe who was well entred already into a prety question which Galaxidorus and Phidolaus a little before had begun demanding of what substance nature and puissance was the familiar spirit of Socrates so much spoken of Now what Simmias had alledged against Galaxidorus upon this point we hard not mary thus much he said that when he demanded upon a time of Socrates himselfe concerning the said matter he never could get of him any answer therefore he never after would aske him the question but he said that oftentimes he had bene present when Socrates gave out that he reputed those men for vaine persons who said they had seene with their eie any divine power and so communed therewith but contrariwise that he could hold better with those who said they tooke knowledge of such a thing by hearing a voice speaking unto one that gave attentive care thereto or earnestly enquied thereof whereupon he set our heads on worke when we were aprat by our selves and made us to guesse and conjecture that this daemon of Socrates was no vision but a sense of some voice and an intelligence of words which came unto him by an extraordinary maner Like as in our dreames it is not a voice indeed that men heare lying fast asleepe but the opinion of some words that they thinke they heare pronounced but this intelligence of dreames commeth in truth to men asleepe by reason of the repose and tranquillity of the body whereas they that be awake cannot heare but very hardly these diving advertisements being troubled and disquieted with tumultuous passions and the distraction of their affaires by occasion whereof they cannot wholy yeeld their minde and thought to heare the revelations that the gods deliver unto them Now Socrates having a pure and cleare understanding not tossed and turmoiled with any passions nor mingled with the body unlesse it were very little for things necessary and no more was easie to be touched and so subtile that soone it might be altered with whatsoever was objected and presented to it now that which met with it we may conjecture that it was not simply a voice or sound but a very articulate speech of his daemon which without any audible voice touched the intellectuall part of his soule together with the thing that it declared and revealed unto him For the voice resembleth a blow or stroke given unto the soule which by the eares is constrained to receive speech when we speake one unto another but the intelligence or understanding of a divine and better nature leadeth and conducteth a generous minde by a thing that causeth it to understand without need of any other stroake and the same minde or soule obeieth and yeeldeth thereto accordingly as it either slaketh loose or stretcheth hard the instincts and inclinations not violently by resistance which the passions make but supple and pliable as slacke and gentle raines And hereof we shall not need to make any wonder considering that we see how little helmes turne about and winde the greatest hulks and caraques that be and againe the wheeles that potters use being never so little touched with the hand turne very easily for although they be instruments without life yet being as they are counterpeised and framed even on every side by reason of their polished smoothnesse they are apt to stirre and yeeld unto the mooving cause with the least moment that is Now the soule of man being bent and stretched out stiffe with
or casket the holy doctrine of the gods pure and clensed from all superstition and affected curiositie who also of that opinion which is held of the gods declare some things which are obscure darke others also which be cleere and lightsome like as be those which are reported as touching their holy and religious habit And therefore whereas the religious priests of Isis after they be dead are thus clad with these holy habiliments it is a marke and signe witnessing unto us that this sacred doctrine is with them and that they be departed out of this world into another and carie nothing with them but it for neither to weare a long beard nor to put on a frize rugge and course gabardine dame Clea makes a Philosopher no more doth the surplice and linnen vestment or shaving an Isiaque priest But he indeed is a priest of Isis who after he hath seene and received by law and custome those things which are shewed and practised in the religious ceremonies about these gods searcheth and diligently enquireth by the meanes of this holy doctrine and discourse of reason into the trueth of the said ceremonies For very few there be who among them who understand and know the cause of this ceremony which is of all other the smallest and yet most commonly observed namely why the Isiaque priests shave their heads and weare no haire upon them as also wherefore they goe in vestments of Line And some of them there be who care not at all for any knowledge of such matters yet others say they forbeare to put on any garments of wooll like as they doe to cat the flesh of those sheepe which caric the said wooll upon a reverence they beare unto them semblably that they cause their heads to be shaven in token of dole and sorrow likewise that they weare surplices and vestments of linnen in regard of the colour that the flower of line or flaxe beareth which resembleth properly that celestiall azure skie that environeth the whole world But to say a trueth there is but one cause indeed of all for lawfull it is not for a man who is pure and cleane to touch any thing as Plato saith which is impure and uncleane Now it is well knowen that all the superfluities and excrements of our food and nourishment be foule and impure and of such be engendred and grow wooll haire shagge and nailes and therefore a meere ridiculous mockerie it were if when in their expiatorie sanctifications and divine services they cast off their haire being shaven and made smooth all their bodies over they should then be clad and arraied with the superfluous excrements of beasts for we must thinke that Hesiodus the Poet when he writeth thus At feast of gods and sacredmeriment Take heed with knife thy nailes thou do not pare To cut I say that dry dead excrement From lively flesh of fingers five beware teacheth us that we ought first to be cleansed and purified then to solemnise festivall holidaies and not at the very time of celebration and performance of holie rites and divine service to use such clensing and ridding away of superfluous excrements Now the herbe Line groweth out of the earth which is immortall bringeth foorth a frute good to be eaten and furnisheth us wherewith to make a simple plaine and slender vestment which sitteth light upon his backe that weareth it is meet for all seasons of the yeere and of all others as men say least breedeth lice or vermine whereof I am to discourse else where Now these Isiaque priests so much abhorre the nature and generation of all superfluities and excrements that they not onely refuse to eate most part of pulse and of flesh meats mutton and porke for that sheepe and swine breed much excrement but also upon their daies of sanctification and expiatorie solemnities they will not allow any salt to be eaten with their viands among many other reasons because it whetteth the appetite and giveth an edge to our stomacke provoking us to eate and drinke more liberally for to say as Aristagoras did That salt was by them reputed uncleane because when it is congealed and growen hard many little animals or living creatures which were caught within it die withall is a very foolerie Furthermore it is said that the Aegyptian priests have a certeine pit or well apart out of which they water their bull or beefe Apis and be very precise in any wise not to let him drinke of Nilus not for that they thinke the water of that river uncleane in regard of the crocodiles which are in it as some be of opinion for contrariwise there is nothing so much honored among the Aegyptians as the river Nilus but it seemeth that the water of Nilus doth fatten exceeding much and breed flesh over fast and they would not in any case that their Apis should be fat or themselves grosse and corpulent but that their soules might be clothed with light nimble and delicate bodies so as the divine part in them should not be oppressed or weighed downe by the force and ponderositie of that which is mortall In Heliopolis which is the citie of the Sunne those who serve and minister unto their god never bring wine into the temple as thinking it not convenient in the day time to drinke in the sight of their lord and king otherwise the priests drinke thereof but sparily and besides many purgations and expiations they have wherein they absteine wholly from wine and during those daies they give themselves wholly to their studies and meditations learning and teaching holy things even their very kings are not allowed to drinke wine their fill but are stinted to the gage of a certeine measure according as it is prescribed in their holy writings and those kings also were priests as Hecataeus writeth And they began to drinke it after the daies of king Psammetichus for before his time they dranke it not at all neither made they libaments thereof unto their gods supposing it not acceptable unto them for they tooke it to be the verie bloud of those giants which in times past warred against the gods of whom after they were slaine when their bloud was mixed with the earth the vine tree sprang and this is the cause say they why those who be drunke lose the use of their wit reason as being full of the bloud of their progenitours Now that the Aegyptian priests both hold and affirme thus much Eudoxus hath delivered in the second booke of his Geographie As concerning fishes of the sea they doe not every one of them absteine from all indifferently but some forbeare one kind some another as for example the Oxyrynchites will eate of none that is taken with an hooke for adoring as they doe a fish named Oxyrynchos they are in doubt and feare lest the hooke should be uncleane if haply the said fish swallowed it downe with the baite The Sienites will not touch the fish Phagrus For it should
seeme that it is found what time as Nilus beginnes to flow and therefore the said fish by his appearing signifieth the rising and inundation of Nilus whereof they be exceeding joious holding him for a certeine and sure messenger But the priests absteme from all fishes ingenerall and whereas upon the ninth 〈◊〉 of the first moneth all other inhabitants of Aegypt seede upon a certeine broiled or rosted fish before their dores the priests in no wise taste thereof mary they burne fishes before the gates of their houses and two reasons they have the one holy fine and subtile which I will deliver hereafter as that which accordeth and agreeth very well to the sacred discourses as touching Osiris and Typhon the other plaine vulgar and common represented by the fish which is none of the viands that be necessary rare and exquisit according as Homer beareth witnesse when he brings not in the Phaeacians delicate men loving to feed daintily nor the Ithacesians Ilanders to eat fish at their feasts no nor the mates and fellow travellers with Ulysses during the time of their long navigation and voiage by sea before they were brought to extreame necessity To be briefe the very sea it selfe they thinke to be produced a part by fire without the bounds limits of nature as being no portion nor element of the world but a strange excrement a corrupt superfluity and unkinde maladie For nothing absurd and against reason nothing fabulous and superstitious as some untruly thinke was inserted or served as a sacred signe in their holy ceremonies but they were all markes grounded upon causes and reasons morall and the same profitable for this life or else not without some historicall or naturall elegancy As for example that which is said of the oinion for that Dictys the foster father of Isis fell into the river of Nilus and was there drowned as he was reaching at oinions and could not come by them it is a mere fable and carieth no sense or probability in the world but the trueth is this the priests of Isis hate the oinion and avoid it as a thing abominable because they have observed that it never groweth nor thriveth well to any bignesse but in the decrease and waine of the Moone Neither is it meet and fit for those who would lead an holy and sanctified life or for such as celebrate solemne feasts and holidaies because it provoketh thirst in the former and in the other causeth teares if they feed thereupon And for the same reason they take the sow to be a prophane and uncleane beast for that ordinarily she goeth a brimming and admitteth the bore when the Moone is past the full and looke how many drinke of her milke they breake out into a kinde of leprosie or drie skurfe all over their bodies As touching the tale which they inferre who once in their lives doe sacrifice a sow when the Moone is in the full and then eat her flesh namely that Typhon hunting and chasing the wilde swine at the full of the Moone chanced to light upon an arke or coffin of wood wherein was the body of Osiris which he dismembred and threwaway by peece meale all men admit not thereof supposing that it is a fable as many others be misheard and misunderstood But this for certaine is held that our ancients in old time so much hated and abhorred all excessive delicacy superfluous and costly delights and voluptuous pleasures that they said within the temple of the city of Thebes in Aegypt there stood a square columne or pillar wherein were engraven certaine curses and execrations against their king Minis who was the first that turned and averted the Aegyptians quite from their simple and frugal maner of life without mony without sumptuous fare chargeable delights It is said also that Technatis the father of Bocchoreus in an expedition or journey against the Arabians when it chaunced that his cariages were far behind and came not in due time to the place where he incamped was content to make his supper of whatsoever he could get so to take up with a very small and simple pittance yea and after supper to lie upon a course and homely pallet where he slept all night very soundly and never awoke whereupon he ever after loved sobrietie of life srugality cursed the foresaid king Minis which malediction of his being by the priests of that time approved he caused to be engraven upon the pillar abovesaid Now their kings were created either out of the order of their priests or else out of the degree of knights and warriors for that the one estate was honored and accounted noble for valour the other for wisdome and knowledge And looke whomsoever they chose from out of the order of knighthood presently after his election he was admitted unto the colledge of priests and unto him were disclosed and communicated the secrets of their Philosophy which under the vaile of fables and darke speeches couched and covered many mysteries through which the light of the trueth in some sort though dimly appeare And this themselves seeme to signifie and give us to understand by setting up ordinarily before the porches and gates of their temples certaine Sphinges meaning thereby that all their Theologie containeth under aenigmaticall and covert words the secrets of wisdome In the citie of Sais the image of Minerva which they take to be Isis had such an inscription over it as this I am all that which hath beene which is and which shall be and never any man yet was able to draw open my vaile Moreover many there be of opinion that the proper name of Jupiter in the Aegyptians language is 〈◊〉 of which we have in Greeke derived the word Ammon whereupon 〈◊〉 Jupiter Ammon but Manethos who was an Aegyptian himselfe of the citie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by this word is signfied a thing hidden or occulation and 〈◊〉 the Abderite 〈◊〉 that the Aegyptians used this terme among themselves when they called one unto another for it was a vocative word and for that they imagined the prince and soveraigne of the gods to be the same that Pan that is to say an universall nature and therefore unseene hidden and unknowen they praied and be sought him for to disclose and make himselfe knowen unto them by calling him 〈◊〉 See then how the Aegyptians were very strict and precise in not profaning their wisdome nor publishing that learning of theirs which concerned the gods And this the greatest Sages and most learned clerkes of all Greece do testifie by name Solon Thales Plato Eudoxus Pythagoras as some let not to say Lycurgus himselfe who all travelled of a deliberate purpose into Aegypt for to confer with the priests of that country For it is constantly held that Eudoxus was the auditour of Chonupheus the priest of Memphis Solon of Sonchis the priest of 〈◊〉 Pythagoras of Oenupheus the priest of Heliopolis And verily this Pythagoras last named was highly
unmoveable nor that which is forever perdurable but by processe and succession of time doth diminish and decay by 〈◊〉 and little untill at length through age it consume to nothing Semblably that this great number of spirits are not engendred incessantly neither proceed they forward or retire backe continually but this vertue of the earth moveth of it selfe in certeine revolutions and by that meanes is enchafed and puffed up and after that in time it hath gathered abundance of new vapours it filleth the caves and holes so full untill they discharge send them up againe Wherupon it commeth to passe that the exhalations stirred in the said caves and desirous to issue forth after that they have beene beaten backe againe violently assaile the foundations and stirre the temples built upon them in such sort as being shaken as it were by earthquakes more or lesse in one place than another according to the avertures and passages made for the exhalation they finde issue through the streights breake forth with forcible violence and so produce these Oracles In summe the intention and minde of Plutarch is to prove that the beginning progresse and end of these Oracles proceed all from naturall causes to wit the exhalations of the earth Wherein he is fouly and grosly deceived considering that such Oracles in Greece have beene inspired by the divell who hath kept an open shop there of imposture deceits and the most horrible seducements that can be devised For mine owne part I impute this whole discourse of Plutarch unto the ignorance of the true God the very mother of this dispight which bringeth forth this present treatise saved by the Pagans for to darken the resplendent light of that great King of the world and his trueth which hath discussed and brought to nothing all the subtill devices of Satan who triumphed over all Greece by the meanes of his Oracles Thus after large discourses upon these matters Plutarch concludeth the whole disputation the conclusion whereof he 〈◊〉 with an accident that befel unto the Prophetesse of Delphi where a man may evidently see the imposture and fraud of divels and of malicious spirits and those be the Daemons which Plutarch would designe and their horrible tyranny over men destitute of Gods grace OF THE ORACLES THAT have ceased to give answers THere goeth a tale my friend Terentius Priscus that in times past certeine Eagles or els Swannes flying from the utmost ends of the earth opposit one unto the other toward the mids thereof encountred met together at the very place where the temple of Apollo Pythius was built even that which is called Omphalos that is to say the Navill And that afterwards Epimenides the Phaestian being desirous to know whether this fable was true sought unto the Oracle for to be resolved but having received from the god a doubtfull and uncerteine answere by reason thereof made these verses Now sure in mids of land or sea there is no Navill such Or if there be the gods it know men must not see so much And verily the god Apollo chastised and punished him well enough for being so curious as to search into the 〈◊〉 or proofe of an olde received tale as if it had beene some antique picture But true it is that in our daies a little before the solemnity of the Pythique games which were held during the magistracy of Callistratus there were two devout holy personages who comming from the contrary ends of the earth met together in the city of Delphi the one was Demetrius the Grammarian who came from as farre as Britaine minding to returne unto Tarsus in Cilicia the city of his nativity and the other Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian who had travelled and wandered long time in Aegypt within the Troglodytique province and sailed a good way up into the Red sea not for any traffique or negotiation of merchandise but onely as a traveller that desired to see the world and to learne new fashions abroad For having wherewith sufficiently to mainteine himselfe and not caring to gather more than might serve his owne turne he emploied that time which he had this waies and gathered together a certeine history as the subject matter and ground of that Philosophy which proposed for the end thereof as he himselfe said Theologie This man having not long before beene at the temple and Oracle of Jupiter Ammon made semblance as if he woondered not much at any thing that he saw there only he reported unto us a strange thing worth the observation and better to be considered of which he learned of the Priests there as touching the burning lampe that never goeth out for by their saying every yeere it spendeth lesse oile than other Whereby they gather certeinly quoth he the inequality of the yeeres whereby the latter is evermore shorter than the former for great probability there is that seeing lesse oile is consumed the time also is in proportion so much lesse Now when all the company there present made a woonder heereat Demetrius among the rest made a very jest of it and said it was a meere mockery to search into the knowledge of matters so high by such slight and small presumptions for this was not as Alcaeus said to paint a lion by measure of his claw or paw but to move and alter heaven and earth and all the world by the conjecture onely of a weike and lampe yea and to overthrow at once all the Mathematicall sciences It is neither so nor so good sir quoth Cleombrotus for neither the one nor the other will trouble these men For first they will never yeeld and give place unto the Mathematicians in the certitude of their proofs for sooner may the Mathematicians misreckon the time and misse in their calculation and accounts in such long motions and revolutions so farre remote and distant than they faile in the measure of the oile which they observe continually and marke most precisely in regard of that which they see so strange and against all discourse of reason Againe not to grant and allow ô Demetrius that petie things may many times serve for signes and arguments of great and important matters would hinder and prejudice many arts considering that it is as much as to take away the proofs from many demonstrations conclusions and predictions And verily even you that are Grammarians will seeme to verifie and avow one point which is not of the least consequence namely that those heroique princes and Worthies who were at the Trojane warre used to shave their haire and keepe their skin smooth with the rasour because for sooth in reading of Homer you meet with some place where he maketh mention barely of the rasour Semblably that in those daies men used to put forth their money upon usury for that in one passage the said Poet writeth thus Whereas my debt is neither new nor small But as daies come and goe it growes 〈◊〉 hall Meaning by the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
set eie on neither was he subject to any disease once every moneth he fed upon a medicinable and bitter fruit of a certeine herbe and this was the fare he lived upon A good linguist he was and used to speake many languages but with me he talked commonly in Greeke after the Doricke dialect His speech differed not much from song and meeter and whensoever he opened his mouth for to speake there issued forth of it so sweet and fragrant a breath that all the place about was filled therewith and smelled most pleasantly As for his other learning and knowledge yea the skill of all histories he had the same all the yere long but as touching the gift of divination he was inspired therewith one day every yeere and no more and then he went downe to the sea side and prophesied of things to come and thither resorted unto him the Princes and great Lords of that countrey yea and Secretaries of forren kings who there attended his comming at a day prefixed which done he returned This personage then attributed unto Daemons the spirit of divination and prophesie most pleasure tooke he in hearing and speaking of Delphi and looke whatsoever we hold here as touching Bacchus what adventures befel unto him what sacrifices are performed by us in his honor he had bene enformed thereof and knew all well enough saying withall That as these were great accidents that hapned to Daemons so like wife was that which men reported of the serpent Python whom he that slew was neither banished for nine yeres nor fled into the valley of Tempe but was chased out of this world and went into another from whence after nine revolutions of the great yeeres being returned all purified and Phoebus indeed that is to say cleere and bright he recovered the superintendance of the Delphicke Oracle which during that while was left to the custodie of Themis The same was the case said he of the Titons and Typhous For he affirmed they were the battels of Daemons against Daemons the flights and banishments also of 〈◊〉 who were vanquished or rather the punishments inflicted by the gods upon as many as 〈◊〉 committed such outrages as Typhon had done against Osiris and Saturne against Caelus or the heaven whose honours were the more obscure or abolished altogether by reason that themselves were translated into another world For I understand and heare that the Solymians who border hard upon the Lycians highly honoured Saturne when the time was but after that he having slaine their princes Arsalus Dryus and Trosobius fled departed into some other countrey for whither he went they knew not they made no more any reckoning of him but Arsalus and the other they termed by the name of Scleroi that is to say severe gods and in trueth the Lycians at this day aswell in publicke as private utter and recite the forme of all their curses and execrations in their names Many other semblable examples a man may draw out of Theologicall writings as touching the gods Now if we call some of these Daemons by the usuall and ordinary names of the goes we ought not to marvell thereat quoth this stranger unto me for looke unto which of the gods they do reteine upon whom they depend and by whose meanes they have honour and puissance by their names they love to be called like as heere among us men one is called Jovius of Jupiter another Palladius or Athenaeus of Minerva a third Apollonius of Apollo or 〈◊〉 and Hermaeus of Bacchus and Mercurie And verily some there be who although they be named thus at aventure yet answer very fitly to such denominations but many have gotten the denominations of the gods which agree not unto them but are transposed wrong and 〈◊〉 Herewith Cleombrotus paused and the speech that he had delivered seemed very strange unto all the company Then Heracleon demanded of him whether this doctrine concerned Plato and how it was that Plato had given the overture and beginning of such matter You doe well quoth Cleombrotus to put me in minde heereof and to reduce it into my memory First and formost therefore he condemneth evermore the infinity of worlds mary about the just and precise number of them he doubteth and howsoever he seemes to yeeld a probability and apparence of trueth unto those who have set downe five and attributed to every element one yet himselfe sticketh still to one which seemeth indeed to be the peculiar opinion of Plato wheras other Philosophers also have alwaies mightily feared to admit a multitude of worlds as if necessarie it were that those who staied not by the meanes of matter in one but went out of it once could not chuse but fall presently into this indeterminate and troublesome infinity But this your stranger quoth I determined he nothing of this multitude of worlds otherwise than Plato did or all the whiles that you conversed with him did you never move the question thereof unto him to know what his opinion was thereof Thinke you quoth Cleombrotus that I failed herein and was not howsoever otherwise I behaved my selfe a diligent scholar and affectionate auditor of his in these matters especially seeing he was so affable and shewed himselfe so courteous unto me But as touching this point he said That neither the number of the worlds was infinit nor yet true it was that there were no more but one or five in all for there were 183 and those ordeined and ranged in a forme triangular of which triangle every side contemed threescore worlds and of the three remaining still every corner thereof had one that they were so ordered as one touched and interteined another round in maner of those who are in a ring dance that the plaine within the triangle is as it were the foundation and altar common to all the worlds which is called The Plaine or Field of Trueth and within it lie immovable the designes reasons formes ideae and examples of all things that ever were or shall be and about them is eternity wherof time is a portion which as a riveret 〈◊〉 from thence to those things that are done in time Now the sight and contemplation of these things was presented unto the soules of men if they lived well in this world and that but once in ten thousand yeeres as for our mysteries heere beneath and all our best and most sacred ceremonies they were but a dreame in comparison of that spectacle and holy ceremonies Moreover he said That for the good things there and for to enjoy the sight of those beauties men emploied their study in Philosophy here or els all their paines taken was but in vaine and their travellost And verily quoth he I heard him discourse of these matters plainly and without any art no otherwise than if it had beene some religion wherein I was to be professed in which he instructed me without using any proofe and demonstration of his doctrine Then I turning to Demetrius
by an even number and dubled bringeth forth Ten a perfect number but if by the odde it representeth it selfe againe Heere I omit to say that it is composed of the two first quadrate numbers to wit of Unity and Foure and that it is the first number which is equivalent to the two before it in such sort as it compoundeth the fairest triangle of those that have right angle and is the first number that containeth the sesquialter all proportion For haply these reasons be not well sutable nor proper unto the discourse of this present matter but this rather is more convenient to alledge that in this number there is a naturall vertue and facultie of dividing and that nature divideth many things by this number For even in our owne selves she hath placed five exterior senses as also five parts of the soule to wit naturall sensitive concupiscible irascible and reasonable likewise so many fingers in either hand Also the generall seed is at the most distributed into five portions for in no history is it found written that a woman was delivered of more than five children at one birth The Aegyptians also in their fables doe report that the goddesse Rhea brought forth five gods and goddesses signifying heereby under covert words that of one and the same matter five worldes were procreated Come to the universall fabricke and frame of nature the earth is divided into five zones the heaven also in five circles two Arctiques two Tropickes and one Aequinoctiall in the midst Moreover five revolutions there be of the Planets or wandring starres for that the Sunne Venus and Mercurie run together in one race Furthermore the very world it selfe is composed 〈◊〉 respective to five Like as even among us our musicall accord and concent consisteth of the positure of five tetrachords ranged orderly one after another to wit of Hypates Meses Synnemenae Diezeugmenae and Hyperboliaeae likewise The intervals likewise in song which we use be five in number Dresis Semitonion Tonus 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 So as it seemeth that nature taketh more pleasure in making all things according to the number of five than after a Sphaericall or round forme as Aristotle writeth But what is the cause will some one say that Plato hath reduced the number of five worldes to the five primitive figures of regular bodies saying that God in ordaining and describing the whole world used the Quinarie construction and yet afterwards having proposed the doubtfull question of the number of worldes to wit whether we should hold there was but one or rather that there were five in truth he sheweth plainely that his conjecture is grounded upon this very argument If therefore we ought to apply the probability to his minde and opinion then of necessity with the diversity of these figures and bodies there must ensue presently a difference also of motions according as he himselfe teacheth affirming Whatsoever is subtilized or thickned with the alteration of substance changeth withall the place For so if of the aire is ingendred fire namely when the Octaedron is dissolved and parted into Pyramides and contrariwise aire of fire being driven close and thrust together into the force of octaedron it is not possible that it should be in the place where it was afore but flie and runne into another as being forced and driven out of the former and so fight against whatsoever standeth in the way and maketh resistance And yet more fully and evidently declareth he the same by a similitude and example of such things as by fannes or such like instruments whereby corne is clensed shaken out or winowed and tried from the rest saying that even so the elements shaking the matter and likewise shaken by it went alwaies to bring like to like and some tooke up this place others that before the universall world was of them composed as now it is The generall matter therefore being in such estate then as by good likelihood All must needs be where god is away presently the first five qualities or rather the first five bodies having every one of them their proper inclinations and peculiar motions went apart not wholly and altogether nor severed sincerely asunder one from another for that when all was hudled pell-mell confusedly such as were surmounted and vanquished went evermore even against their nature with the mightier and those which conquered And therefore when some were haled one way and others caried another way it hapned that they made as many portions and distinctions in number just as there were divers kindes of those first bodies the one of fire and yet the same not pure but carying the forme of 〈◊〉 another of a celestial nature not sincere heaven indeed but standing much of the skie a third of earth and yet not simply and wholy earth but rather earthly But principally there was a communication of aire and water as we have said heeretofore for that these went their waies filled with many divers kindes For it was not God who separated and disposed the substance but having found it so rashly and confusedly dissipated of it selfe and ech part caried diversly in so great disorder he digested and arranged it by Symmetrie and competent proportion Then after he had set over every one Reason as a guardian and governesse he made as many worldes as there were kindes of those first bodies subsistent And thus let this discourse for Ammontus sake be dedicated as it were to the grace and favour of Plato For mine owne part I wil never stand so precisely upon this number of worlds mary of this minde I am rather that their opinion who hold that there be more worldes than one howbeit not infinit but determinate is not more absurd than either of the other but founded upon as much reason as they seeing as I doe that Matter of the owne nature is spred and diffused into many parts nor resting in one and yet not permitted by reason to runne in in finitum And therefore especially heere if else where putting our selves in minde of the Academie and the precepts thereof let us not be over credulous but as in a slippery place restraine our assent and beleefe onely in this point of infinity of worldes let us stand firme and see we fall not but keepe our selves upright When I had delivered these reasons abovesaid Beleeve me quoth Demetrius Lamprias giveth us a good and wise admonition For The gods for to deceive us men devise Right many meanes not of false Sophistries as Euripides faith but of their deeds works when we presume and dare pronounce of so high and great matters as if we knew them certainely But as the man himselfe said even now we must recall our speech unto the argument which was first proposed For that which heeretofore hath beene said namely that the Oracles are become mute and lie still without any validity because the Daemons which were wont to governe them be retired and gone like as instruments of
Diatessaron is Epitritos or Sesquitertiall that is to say the whole and a third part over of Diapente Hemolios or Sesquialterall that is to say the whole and halfe as much more of Diapason duple of Diapason with Diapente together triple of Dis-diapason quadruple And as for that which the Musicians bring in over and above these to wit Diapason and Diatessaron for so they name it they are not worthy to be admitted and received as transcending all meane and measure to gratifie forsooth the unreasonable pleasure of the eare against all proportion and breaking as it were the ordinance of the law To let passe therefore the five positures of the Tetrachords as also the first five tones tropes changes notes or harmonies call them what you will for that they change and alter by setting up or letting downe the strings more or lesse or by streining or easing the voice all the rest are 〈◊〉 as bases and trebles For see you not that there being many or rather infinit intervals yet five there be onely used in song namely Diesis Hemitonium Tonos Trisemitonion and Ditonos Neither is there any space or intervall greater or lesse in voices distinguished by base and treble high and low that can be expressed in song But to passe by many other such things quoth I onely Plato I will alledge who affirmeth that there is indeed but one world mary if there were more in number and not the same one alone it must needs be that there are five in all and not one more But grant that there be no more in trueth than one as Aristotle holdeth yet so it is that the same seemeth to be composed and coagmented in some sort of five other worlds whereof one is that of earth another of water the third of fire the fourth of aire as for the fifth some call it heaven others light and some againe the skie and there be who name it a quint-essence unto which onely it is proper and naturall of all other bodies to turne round not by violent force nor otherwise by chance and aventure Plato therefore observing and knowing well enough that the most beautifull and perfect figures of regular bodies which be in the world within compasse of nature are five in number namely the Pyramis the Cube the Octaedron Icofaedron Dodecaedron hath very fitly appropriated and attributed ech of these noble figures unto one or other of those first bodies Others there be also who apply the faculties of the naturall senses which likewise be in number five unto the said primitive bodies to wit Touching which is firme solid and hard to Earth Tasting which judgeth of the qualities of savors by the meanes of moisture to Water Hearing to the Aire for that the aire being beaten upon is the voice and sound in the eares of the other twaine Smelling hath for the object Sent or odour which being in maner of a perfume is ingendred and elevated by heat and therfore holdeth of the Fire as for the Sight which is cleere and bright by a certeine affinitie and consanguinity which it hath with the heaven and with light hath a temperature and complexion mingled of the one and the other neither is there in any living creature other sense nor in the whole world any other nature and substance simple and uncompound but a marvellous distribution there is and congruity of five to five as it evidently appeareth When I had thus said and made a stop withall after a little pause betweene O what a fault quoth I ô Eustrophus had I like to have committed for I went within a little of passing over Homer altogether as if he had not beene the first that divided the world into five parts allotting three of them which are in the middes unto three gods and the other two which be the extremes namely heaven and earth whereof the one is the limit of things beneath the other the bound of things above in common and not distributed like the others But our speech must remember to returne againe as Euripides saith from whence it hath digressed For they who magnifie the quaternarie or number of foure teach not amisse nor beside the purpose that everie solide body hath taken the beginning and generation by reason of it For it being so that every solide consisteth in length and bredth having withall a depth before length there is to be supposed a positure and situation of a point or pricke answerable to unitie in numbers and longitude without bredth is called a line and the mooving of a line into bredth and the procreation of a superficies thereby consisteth of three afterwards when there is adjoined thereto profundity or depth the augmentation groweth by foure untill it become a perfect solidity So that every man seeth that the quaternary having brought nature to this point as to performe and accomplish a body in giving it a double magnitude or masse with firme soliditie apt to make resistance leaveth it afterwards destitute of the thing which is greatest and principall For that which is without a soule to speake plaine is in maner of an Orphan unperfect and good for nothing so long as it is without a soule to use and guide it but the motion or disposition which putteth in the soule ingenerated by meanes of the number of five is it that bringeth perfection and consummation unto nature Whereby it appeereth that there is an essence more excellent than the foure inasmuch as a living body endued with a soule is of a more noble nature than that which hath none but more than so the beauty and excellent power of this number five proceeding yet farther would not suffer a body animate to be extended into infinite kinds but hath given unto us five divers sorts of animate and living natures in al. For there be Gods Daemons or Angels Demi-gods or Heroës then after these a fourth kind of Men and last of all in the fift place is that of brute Beasts and unreasonable Furthermore if you come and divide the soule according to nature the first and obscurest part or puissance thereof is the vegetative or nutritive faculty the second is the sensitive then the appetitive after it the irascible wherein is engendred anger Now when it is once come unto that power which discourseth by reason and brought nature as it were to perfection there it resteth in the fift as in the very pitch top of all Since then this number hath so many and those so great puissances faculties the very generation thereof is beautiful to be considered I meane not that whereof we have already heeretofore discoursed when we said that composed it was of two and three but that which is made by the conjunction of the first principle with the first square and quadrate number And what is that principle or beginning of all numbers even one or Unitie and that first quadrat is Foure and of these twaine as a man would say of