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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A28178	An history of the civill vvares of England betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the Second, their proceedings, in the lives of Henry the Fourth, the Fifth, and Sixth, Edward the Fourth and Fifth, Richard the Third, and Henry the Seventh, in whose dayes they had a happy period : written in Italian in three volumes / by Sir Francis Biondi, Knight ... ; Englished by the Right Honourable Henry, Earle of Mounmouth, in two volumes.; Istoria delle guerre civili d'lnghilterra tra le due case di Lancastro e Iore. English	Biondi, Giovanni Francesco, Sir, 1572-1644.; Monmouth, Henry Carey, Earl of, 1596-1661.	1641 (1641)	Wing B2936; ESTC R20459	653,569	616

Spring which issuing from its undefiled Fountaine would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was therein concerned as well Mother to the Protectour whom hee feared to offend as to King Edward but necessity had enforced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls Crosse whose integrity was not to be contradicted hee being a Messenger of the Word of God so wise intelligent and indowed with so much worth as it would not suffer him to say any thing especially upon such an occasion and in such a place which was not certaine truth that great was the efficacy of truth which had opened his Mouth formerly shut up by the way of circumspection that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne since Edwards Children being illegitimate as the issue of an unlawfull Marriage the Kingdome fell to him the which being maturely considered and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince the Nobility and Commons especially them of the Northerne parts being resolved not to be governed by Bastards they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the Kingdome which by Nature and by the Lawes belonged unto Him For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it or no for being free from all manner of Ambition and sufficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government he was affraid he would refuse it Howsoever the necessity of the Kingdome being great King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes but very Young hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture Woe be to the Kingdome whose King is a Child would move him to condescend to the generall supplication of the State which needing a Prince of mature age who might be Wise and of Experience would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good and their owne particular advantage they would be the first that might doe it and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done His Speech being ended and expecting when the people applauding his discourse should cry up Richard King he was amazed to finde the contrary he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence who not knowing what to say answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood whereupon believing that that might be the cause of their silence and that his eloquence might yet prevaile with them he in a lowder tone and in other words repeated all he had said before whereat all that heard him marvelled for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it and gotten it without Booke But for all this the people altered not their silence He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said wherein he desired to be excused as being but lately entered upon the Office and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the people but the truth was he did not like the businesse thinking it to be unjust Yet notwithstanding the Major urging him and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood he unwillingly obeyed interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis He saies to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it But the people still more deafe then formerly the Duke said unto the Major He never met with so obstinate a silence and preparing to speake a third time he said He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite for the Nobility and Commons of the other Provinces would doe it without them but that he bearing a particular affection to that Noble City did not desire it should be done without them but rather would have them have the first part therein Hee desired them to say whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome they would name the most Noble Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester at the present Protectour of the Kingdome for their King To the which though no man answered yet was not the silence so great as before for one whispering in anothers eare a noise was heard much like the noise of a Hive of Bees but in the lower end of the Hall where were many servants and shop-boyes who in the crowde were gotten in they began to cry aloud the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders Long live King Richard throwing their Hats up but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be continued their former silence The Duke wisely making use of this disorder and being seconded by the Major said Hee was much overjoyed to heare that with so much conformity and without one Negative voice they had desired this Noble Prince for their King hee would acquaint him with it so as it should redound to their advantage He wished them to be ready for the next morning he would present him with their supplication to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome so much desired by Them and by the Kingdome Which being said he went away few or none appearing well pleased The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church from whence they went to Baynards Castle the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts where the Protectour now lay and where according to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen who sent word to the Protectour that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a businesse of great importance The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires and give them admittance as if the businesse had been New unto him feyning as though their unexpected comming the cause not knowne why had made him somewhat jealous Buckingham by this His refusall strongly argued the Protectours integrity as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was Hee sent him word againe that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe securing him in so humble and submissive a way as was sufficient to have

horse but causing them to bee fastned together by the raynes and tailes hee made them stay in the Arrere of the battell with the Pages Servants Carriages and Baggadge guarded by 2000. bowmen the fray endured 3. houres without any diversity of fortune the 400. horse which could not open the English troops though they did a little trouble them at their first assault past forward toward the carriages thinking to find lesse obstacle there whilst the rest of the horse infesting the enemies flankes wrought so much as having put them in some little dis-order they cryed out victory whilest they had no share at all therein for the second files houlding close together firmed the former and the bowmen by their shooting did suppresse the hopes of their supposed advantage so as the English having withstood their first brunt and passing from defence to offence charged hot upon them whilest the horse galled by the bowmen were the first that fled the 400. that were gone against the carriages being galled by a thicke showre of arrowes were constrained to betake them to their heeles pursued by the Archers who fresh and free from the custody of the horse joyned themselves with the rest letting fly at the enemies Battalion who weary wounded and in dis-order remained the greatest number of them slaine upon the field and those who fled towards the Towne the gates whereof were shut least the enemy might enter in with the rest found in the ditches thereof death and sepulture those who betooke themselves to the open fields did better it was well for them the enemy had no horse and that they were busied in the taking of Prisoners Amongst the rest the Duke of Bedford himselfe fought bravely and manfully This battle hapned in the month of August 1424. the day being uncertaine it being diversly said to have beene on the 8. 16. 17. and 28. but I beleeve it hapned on the 17. since it is by most part so affirmed and because the night after Iury was rendred the 16. the Duke went from thence and came on the 17. to Vernuille the way being not above 5. leagues I was willing to note this variety not for that the busines doth deserve it but since wee are to meete with others in more substantiall affaires particularly in the calculation of yeares no man may wonder if sometimes to follow one I dissent from the rest according to the English Writers witnesse by the testimony of the Heraulds of both Nations there was slaine of French and Scots 9700. and 2100 of their men Monstrelet names but 1600. English and betweene 4. and 5000. of the others the greatest part whereof were Scots Paulus Emilius 5000. Giles and Belleforest 4000. Alleyn Chartier Chesnes and Dupleix 4500. Argentres is hee alone who differing from the rest affirmes them to have beene 7000. Dupleix sayeth that as the English make their owne losse to bee lesse then it was so they make their enemies losse to bee greater wherein hee is deceaved for since they confesse it to bee 2100. they make it to bee 500. more then hee or the others it is true that Polidore Virgill numbring the lost French to bee about 5000. adds that the common report was that the number of dead and Prisoners amounted to 15000. but this hee doth not affirme for truth so as in such diversity it will not bee hard for us to guesse at the truth from the totall number of both their Armies For since the French write that their Army consisted of 18000. and the English but of 98000. it followes that if the number of the dead on their side did not exceed 4. or 5000. and of the English 2100. there should yet remaine of their men alive betweene 13. and 14000. and of the adversary 7700. so as after the battell their number was the greater by 5. or 6000. but let us take those 6000. and let us give them to Salisbury to content Serres and let us suppose that the English Army was 15800. all this granted wee shall find that if the number of their dead were 4000. the number of those who remained was yet greater by 300. if 4500. lesse by 200. and if 5000. lesse by 700. a difference in like case of small moment besides it is not to bee beleev'd that so valiant a Nation would have quitted the field unlesse they had lost so many as without blame might have made them inferiour to their enemy and their Writers thinking thereby to sustaine their reputation withdraw from it since it makes more for them to have beene overcome fighting and dying upon the place then to have yeelded the field and fled away whilest they were as many in number if not more and if reply bee made that from these the 3000. should bee withdrawne who were left under Ramburres to make good Vernuille those must likewise bee substracted from the English who were lest to guard Iury and the Castle places lately recovered from the enemy and which in reason were not to bee kept without a good garrison Moreover the battell was begunne with 2000. Archers lesse without the which the fight was a long time maintained neither were they to have quitted the guard of the baggage and horse which was their charge had it not bin to have assisted their Companions an act onely to bee expected from experienced Souldiers who well verst in their occupation and fit to command knew how to serve unanimously and to purpose uncommanded Wee must then beleve the number of the dead specified by the English to bee 9700. to be the true number the cheife whereof were the counts of Omale Tonnare Ventadoure and the Viscount of Narbon together with a great number of the nobility whose catalogue is diversly set downe by Monstrelette and Belleforest of Prisoners the Duke D'Alansonne the Bastard of Alansonne the Marishall Fajette Gaucourt Puis and many others of name together with 200. Gentlemen and some Souldiers the body of the Viscount of Narbonne being found amongst the dead was cut in quarters and the quarters hung up upon Gallowses for they used him being dead as they would have done had hee beene alive for that hee was one of those who murdered Iohn Duke of Burgony The chiefe of the Scotts that dyed were Archibald Earle Douglasse who together with his life lost the Dutchy of Furaine for his Sonne the Earle of Wintonne dyed with him and the Earle Bowhan Constable of France who as some write injoy'd not that charge above 100. houres together with these there dyed 9. Knights 2700. Gentlemen of quality The Duke of Bedford was this day abandonned by many Norman Cavaliers just as the Battels joyn'd who fled over to the contrary party to whom they adjudged the victory by reason of the inequality of the numbers some of which falling afterwards into his hands suffered condigne punishment and the rest lost what of command they held under him But S. Railes diligence did much comfort Charles his misfortune for had hee not

Councellors and Sheriffe of Beaucaire This relation is made by Du Pleix a moderne Writer who complaines of his not being therein beleeved as if it were as much to bee beleeved as an Article of faith Hee agrees in many things with them that are of his opinion in some things hee sayes more then they as the miracle of the Horsman and the cleansing the sword without art to the which hee ascribes the marke of three Crosses but they three flower de-luces on both sides likewise they say not that it was buried with a Knight but hung up with other rusty swords and prison Irons which by devotion or vow were found in that Church Giles and Belleforest write that Baudicourt was not well satisfied for what concern'd her till the hearing day at which very time shee told him that France had receiv'd a great defeat and that it would receive many more if hee would not take order for the convaying of her unto the King so as hearing that that losse had hapned the very day shee had foretold it him hee thought hee should offend God and doe dis-service to the King should hee not send her and therefore dispatch'd her away suddenly that shee said some things to the King which were never by him retold to any but that laying aside all melancholy hee seemed ever after to bee exceeding joyfull that when shee demanded the aforesaid sword of him hee asked her how shee came to the knowledge thereof and whether shee had ever beene in that Church or no to the which shee answered No but that shee knew it by divine revelation and that there withall shee was to drive out all his enemies and to lead him into Rheims to bee annoynted and consecrated and to strengthen their testimony they produce Mieres a Flemish Authour who though he bee accused of falsehood and partiality against the French they will yet have him in this to bee on their side and to say the truth but t is a strange thing that the English differ not in this and the French doe Vasseburg Paradine and Hallian write diversly of her to whom Argentres may bee joyned for a fourth I will relate what Hallian sayes of this in his history and in his booke intituled Touching the estate and successe of affaires in France His words are these The miracle of this Woman were it true or false did much incourage the depressed hearts both of King Lords and People of so great power is religion and sometimes superstition for some thought her to bee a Wench belonging to Iohn Bastard of Orleans others to Monsieur de Baudicourt and others to Lentruille who being wary and knowing the King to bee so moap't as that hee neither knew what to doe nor say the people to bee so dejected as that they were not to bee cheered by any humane hopes they bee-thought themselves how to make use of a false miracle as a meanes which infuseth courage and strength into men and which makes men especially such as are simple more then is true the people being subject to beleeve such superstitions so as they are not to bee condemn'd who beleeve her to bee a Virgin sent by God nor yet they which beleeve otherwise These noble men spent some dayes in instructing her in all such things as shee was to answer to the demands the King might likely make her and such as in his presence they would aske of her for they themselves were to interrogate her and to the end shee might know the King from among the rest shee never having seene him they oftentimes made her contemplate his picture and failed not to bee present the day that shee was to come being themselves to bee Actors in this busines The first that askt her what her busines was was the Bastard of Orleans and Baudicourt she answear'd shee would speake with the King then they there presenting some of the Lords that were there present for the King shee said that was not hee for hee was hidden behind his bed whither shee went to find him and a little while after hee adds This invention of counterfeit and fained religion was of such advantage to this Kingdome as that it infused hope into men that were before deprest by despaire Hitherto Hallian Now that this was rather to bee beleeved then the other report Argentres seemes to denote where sometime after hee makes her incounter with the Constable Monsieur de Tremuille was by the Constables meanes brought into favour with Charles and hee like an ingrate person had wrought the Constable out of favour with him made him bee forbidden the Court diminished his pensions given order to the Citie to shut their Gates upon him and to the Captaines to fight with him the which the wisest sort thinking to bee somewhat hard the Maid willed it should bee put in execution but the contrary opinion prevailing shee went along with others to meet him who did him this honour not onely as being a Prince but as being Constable and their superiour so as being informed of her bad offices as hee came to salute her said Jane I understand you would have fought with mee I know not what you are nor by whom sent whether by God or the Divell if by God I feare you not for hee knowes my intentions as well as yours if by the Divell I value you much lesse therefore doe the worst you can I defie you Whereby is plainely seene what opinion was held of her and that having failed upon this occasion as in many others shee had no Spirit of revelation for then shee would not have beene subject to ambiguity in the undertaking of things nor to inconstancy in the putting of them in execution For what concernes Messierus his testimony every man who speakes of other mens actions doth say and beleeve what is said and beleeved by a concurrence of Writers not having heard those who affirme the contrary Moreover though hee were a Fleming by Nation yet was hee not separated from the interest of France For if in some things hee writ in favour of Philip against the French hee writ many things wherein Philip was not concern'd as namely this infavour of them but the evidence that hee brings of this Woman for what concernes Philip ought not make that bee beleeved which hee had formerly written in the favour thereof Hee brings her forth as sent by God but not against Philip Hee affirmes that shee had not like successe against the Burgonians as shee had against the English that some said though shee were of power against these yet was shee not so against those as if grace had beene conferr'd upon her conditionally lesse towards them and in abundance towards the English To witnesse the which hee alleadges two cases the one that being gone to the siedge of Senlis in the defence whereof besides the English there were many Burgonians under the command of Lilliadam and Croy shee advised sometimes to fight and sometimes not having lost in

upon 78. articles some of which were Her change of Womans apparell for mans Ruines and Manslaughters partly committed by her partly by her directions that shee had seduced the people by making them beleeve shee was sent from God The falshood of her revelations that shee was a Sorceresse a Witch a foreteller of things to come that shee had disswaded Charles from peace with England that shee had boasted herselfe to know things to come that shee had said the Saints that convers'd with her had beene seene by the King the Duke of Bourbon and two or three Lords more That shee had so seduced the people as that many abused by her hypocrisie and fained devotion worshipped her as a Saint To these and the rest in some shee gave becomming answers in others very foolish ones Giles one of her chiefest advocates sayes these underwritten words For my owne part I intend not totally to take from any one the judgement of visions wherein this Maid hath shew'd her selfe too superstitious I am clearly of opinion that shee never was a whore nor vagabond as some have deciphered her to bee I likewise thinke that hee having rais'd the siege of Orleans and brought the King to bee crowned was not done by the Divels meanes but if there were any folly or lightnesse in her answers to her interrogations it should bee ascribed to the weakenesse of her sexe and the confusion of her mind caused by her miseries and imprisonment the like I say of her boldnesse which was somewhat more then became Christian humility The words of a man of integrity though said that hee might not faile in his judgement and for that they could not bee denied for amongst the rest of her vanities being asked by what name those who spoke unto her in vision did call her shee answered that after the siedge of Orleans they called her the Maid Iane daughter of God as if the freeing of Orleans her pretended worke had made her worthy of that name But Giles leaving the judgement of visions at liberty seemes not to approve that which hee defends for visions not honesty makes her what shee affirmes her selfe to bee and as touching her honesty though it bee a bad signe that her owne writers have doubted it yet will not I dispute it onely in as much as unchastity admits not the favour of divine mission which is the ground worke of the controversie Antient Idolaters give us Pithia and the Sybils Virgins nature shewing us that divinity is an enemy to pollution as for the freeing of Orleans and crowning of the King I doe not onely thinke them but all her other actions to bee done without the Divels meanes for it appeares not to me that she knew what the Divell was I with Polidorus praise her as parallell to Cloelia since it so pleaseth him but not as parallell to her in her actions Cloelia fought not fained not did no harme to any the Maid did hurt and as much unto her selfe as others I doe not praise her with Tillet who doth paragonise her to Deborah Iael and Iudith I doe not liken herto them nor yet the English and the French to the Canaanites and Israelites Israel was a chosen faithfull people the Canaanites Idolaters and reprobates The English and French both Christians Of the latter two let me bee permitted to say that Iael violated the lawes of Hospitality and friendship neither did shee doe it by the commandement of God so as her act may bee authorised Iudith deserveth praise for an act more generous then just Justice admits not of flattery deceit lies first to cousen and then to assasinate the enemy shee is praised for the good that ensued thereupon Her action being the more Heroique as done against an infidell by the hand of a Woman and in the service of her Country for the which all actions seeme lawfull though they bee not so deceit is vulgarly accounted lawfull against the enemy the which whether it bee to bee approved of or no in Christian religion I leave to bee decided by divines whilest in the meere respect of vertue the Gentles teach us the contrary The Athenians rejected the advantagious record of Themistocles because it was according to Aristides as much unjust as usefull But let us grant what paralell you please unto the Maid If shee had proceeded in this busines like Cloelia without any fiction out of much zeale to her Country no praise had beene too great for her but Hypocrisie without the which shee could not compasse her end cancell'd all worth leaving onely so much shadow thereof as may become a bold resolution and moreover that Cloelian worth vanished in her when swearing that shee never dream't of shee confest her selfe guilty when shee was not that shee might not die and being sentenc'd to bee burnt shee said then shee was with childe to prolong her end signes of a Spirit inconstant in sanctimony and vertue the which if at any time they entred into her it was not as into their owne house but as into a lodging or inne by way of passage Her first sentence was perpetuall imprisonment with bread and water abjuring the evils committed and the opinions contrary to the holy sense of Religion the evils committed not submitted to abjuration but to repentance and her opinions contrary to the holy sense of Scripture as voyd asignorant unlesse by opinions they understand her impostures and lyes in affirming herselfe to bee sent from Heaven and to have talked with the Saints Vanity which causing her to repent her repentance made her to bee thought relapsed and to bee reassigned over to the secular power which condemn'd her to bee burnt whereupon affirming her selfe to bee with child and her punishment deferr'd for nine monthes shee not being brought to bed nor proving with childe shee was the next yeare 1431. in the month of May burnt in the market-place of Roan where at this day stands Saint Michels Church and where her ashes were by the wind dispers't Belleforest relates one of the two miracles which you may read in the underwritten verses of Valeran Varan POstremo enituit pietas in morte Puellae In cinerem cunctos dum flamma resolveret artus Illaesus cor habet ve●…as mirabile dictu Nec sinceri animi temerant incendia sedem Albaque tunc vita est igni prodire columba Et petere Aethereos multis spectantibus orbes But saying nothing of the dove and publishing the other of her incombustible heart hee leaves us in doubt whether Varan writ these by way of Poeticall Hyperboly or of true Miracle if by Hyperboly Belleforest should have made no mention at all thereof if by Miracle where hee alludes the one hee ought not to have conceald the other but say that the incombustibility were a truth and the dove a poeticall fiction how is it possible that this truth should bee onely written by a Poet and that the English should bee so obdurate as not to bee

Present they had not backs to bear any More This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York and their Hatred to the present King The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them knew not what to do for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's Decree They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northumberland who wrote thereof unto the King and received answer That the Subsidies were given by Parliament and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom and that he would have them of Them without the Abatement of one Peny The Earl calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey acquainted them with the King's answer who believing he had framed it of his Own head broke into his house and slew him together with many of his Servants This being done they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour both which were Seditious men Their conceit was to meet the King and give him Battel in defence of their Liberties the which the King understanding he commanded Thomas Earl of Surrey lately before taken out of the Tower to compel them which he did by Discomfiting them and taking à Chamber prisoner Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York and some others of the Chiefest of them were hanged round about him but somewhat Lower This was the end of this Rebellion Iames the Third King of Scotland and friend to Henry died this yeer who was brought to a miserable Period rather by evil Counsel then evil Nature He had naturally good inclinations but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever not to be quenched by all the water of Nilus He valued not Legal authority but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill the which they did not to incur the danger of his Disfavour and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility was his breach of Faith so as they not believing any more in him nor trusting him there ensued a Rebellion and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence they thought to make use of the Prince a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age and under the shadow of the Son to send the Father to eternal Darknesse but the Prince being endued with much Worth would not accept so detestable a Charge whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England deprive him of his Birth-right and possibly of his Life so as thus threatned he gave way to their Will Iames this mean while having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth and to his Two Neighbour-Kings of England and France might have been succoured all in good time had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough a safe place but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in whom he enpected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom was in going thither fought withal and beaten whereupon retyring to a Water Mill with intention to save himself in certain Ships which were not far off he was miserably slain and Iames the Fourth his Son by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto upon this occasion for Scotland a man of noble conditions who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident he thought presently to have returned but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts which were by Morton Archbishop of Canterbury commended unto him Neither were they any whit deceived for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world to boot with his Learning Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue and the most Eloquent next Cicero he came to the highest degrees of Preferment The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford which he refusing he gave him that of Bath and Wells and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome which made him being promoted to be a Cardinal acknowledge his favours and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope ruined his Honour his Fortune and Himself it being verified in Him that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life The reason of his ruine was that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio having together with certain other Cardinals his Confederates plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth there were Three that were not Of this Confederacy but Knew of it Riario Soderini and this Adrian who not medling in the businesse did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect for each of them aspired to be Pope Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope when he comes to speak of Adrian says But Adrian not moved by Hatred but by a vain Desire of Rule wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer who having long before this being asked by him told him many things touching his Own fortune and the Publike affairs of the World told him for a truth that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death an old man call'd Adrian should succeed him famous for his Learning who building onely upon Vertue had without any Help from his Ancestors gotten the highest Ecclesiastical preferments and it seemed all this was found in Him For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany of mean mechanical parentage he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders Neither did the Old woman foretel a Falsehood for one Adrian an old Dutch-man son to a poor Artificer famous for his Learning was by much good fortune made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says Soderini by voluntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi but Adrian being fearful and suspitious not trusting to Leo's clemency went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit and not being pursued by any changed from place to place still seeking to hide himself till he died And Guicchiardine speaking more clearly of him says Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome as neither did