Petition of Francis Philips to King Iames for the release of Sir Robert Philips prisoner in the Tower P. 155 Oliver St. John to the Major of Marlborough against the Benevolence P. 159 The Justices of Peace in Com. Devon to the Lords of the Councel P. 182 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishops concerning K. James his Directions for Preachers with the Directions Aug. 14. 1622. P. 183 King James his Instructions to the Archbishop of Canterbury concerning Orders to be observed by Bishops in their Dioceses 1622. P. 187 Bishop of Winchester to his Archdeacon to the same effect P. 189 The Bishop of Lincoln Lord Keeper to the Bishop of London concerning Preaching and Catechising P. 190 Instructions for the Ministers and Churchwardens of London P. 193 Mons Bevayr Chancellor of France discharged to the French King ibid. Mons Richere forced recants his opinions against the Papal supremacie over Kings P. 196 Car. Richlieu to the Roman Catholicks of Great Britain Aug. 25. 1624. P. 197 Mons Balsac to the Cardinal de la Valette ibid. Mons Balsac to the King Louis P. 200 Mons Toyrax to the Duke of Buckingham P. 201 Ab ignoto concerning the estate of Rochel after the surrender P. 202 The Protestants of France to Charles King of Great-Britain P. 204 The Duke of Rohan to his Majesty of Great-Britain Mar. 12. 1628. P. 208 Pope Greg. 15. to the Inquisitor-general of Spain April 19. 1623. P. 210 Pope Urban to Lewis the 13. Aug. 4. 1629. P. 211 The Duke of Buckingham Chancellor Elect to the Vniversity of Cambridge Iune 5. 1626. P. 213 King Charles to the Vniversity of Cambridge in approbation of their election Iune 6. 1626. P. 214 The Vniversity of Cambridge its answer to the Duke Iune 6. 1626. P. 215 The Vniversity of Cambridge its answer to the King P. 216 A Privy-Seal for transporting of Horse Iune 6. 1624. P. 217 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Duke P. 218 The Dukes answer P. 219 The Vice-chancellor of Cambridge to the King upon the Dukes death ib. King Charles to the Vniversity of Cambridge for a new election P. 220 The Earl of Holland to the Vniversity P. 221 The Vnimersity of Cambridge to the King P. 222 An Order made at Whitehall betwixt the Vniversity and Town of Cambridge Decemb. 4. 1629. P. 223 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Archbishop of York P. 224 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Earl of Manchester P. 225 The Vniversity of Cambridge to Sir Humphrey May P. 226 Instructions by K. Charles to the Vicechancellor and Heads of Cambridge for Government c. Mar. 4. 1629. P. 127 The Vniversity of Cambridge to the Lord chief Iustice Richardson P. 228 The Bishop of Exeter to the Lower-House of Parliament P. 229 King Charles to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal P. 230 A Councel-Table Order against hearing Mass at Ambassadors houses March 10. 1629. P. 232 The King of Spain to Pope Urban Sept. 11. 1629. P. 234 The Councel of Ireland to King Charls in defence of the Lord Deputy Faulkland Aug. 28. 1629. P. 235 Ab ignoto Of the affairs of Spain France and Italy June 5. 1629. P. 239 The Lords of the Councel of England to the Lords of the Councel of Ireland Jan. 31. 1629. P. 240 The Lord Faulklands Petition to the King P. 242 The Duke of Modena to the Duke of Savoy July 30. 1629. P. 243 Sir Kenelm Digby to Sir Edward Stradling P. 244 Mr. Gargrave to the Lord Davers P. 253 A Declaration of Ferdinand Infanta of Spain July 5. 1636. P. 257 FINIS King HENRY the 8. to the Clergie of the Province of York An. 1533. Touching his Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England RIght Reverend Father in God Right trusty and welbeloved We greet you well and have received your Letters dated at York the 6. of May containing a long discourse of your mind and opinion concerning such words as hath passed the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury in the Proeme of their Grant made unto us the like whereof should now pass in that Province Albeit ye interlace such words of submission of your Judgment and discharge of your duty towards us with humble fashion and behaviour as we cannot conceive displeasure nor be miscontent with you considering what you have said to us in times past in other matters and what ye confess in your Letters your self to have heard and known noting also the effect of the same We cannot but marvail at sundry points and Articles which we shall open unto you as hereafter followeth First ye have heard as ye say ye have the said words to have passed in the Convocation of Canterbury where were present so many learned in Divinity and Law as the Bishops of Rochester London S. Assaph Abbots of Hyde S. Bennets and many other and in the Law the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Bath and in the Lower House of the Clergie so many notable and great Clerks whose persons and learning you know well enough Why do ye not in this case with your self as you willed us in our great matter conform your conscience to the conscience and opinion of a great number Such was your advice to us in the same our great matter which now we perceive ye take for no sure counsel for ye search the grounds not regarding their sayings Nevertheless forasmuch as ye examine their grounds causes and reasons in doing whereof ye seem rather to seek and examine that thing which might disprove their doings then that which might maintain the same We shall answer you briefly without long discourse to the chief points of your said Letters wherein taking for a ground that words were ordained to signifie things and cannot therefore by sinister interpretation alter the truth of them but only in the wits of perverse persons that would blind or colour the same by reason whereof to good men they signifie that they mean only doing their office and to men of worse sort they serve for maintenance of such meaning as they would imagine so in using words we ought only to regard and consider the expression of the truth in convenient speech and sentences without overmuch scruple of super-perverse interpretations as the malice of men may excogitate wherein both overmuch negligence is not to be commended and too much diligence is not only by daily experience in mens writings and laws shewed frustrate and void insomuch as nothing can be so cleerly and plainly written spoken and ordered but that subtile wit hath been able to subvert the same but also the Spirit of God which in his Scripture taught us the contrary as in the places which ye bring in reherse if the Holy Ghost had had regard to that which might have been perversly construed of these words Pater major me est and the other Ego Pater unum sumus there should have been added to the first humanitas to the second substantia And
esse Principibus as yee do alledge Wherefore if the law of God permitteth superiority and commandeth obedience to examine and measure modum obedientiae superioritatis there can to no other thing so good a relation be made For as yee understand the Scripture though it say nay to part it saith not nay to the whole whereas nature denieth utterly all immortality and so though in speaking of immortality of man it were superfluous to say quantum per naturae legem licet yet is not so speaking de superioritate modo Principatus referring the certain limits to the law of Christ ad cujus normam quicquid quadrat planum rectum est quicquid non quadrat pravum iniquum And as touching the doubt and difficulty you make to give a single answer yea or no for that the question propounded containeth two things whereof the one is true th' other false as yee say meaning as yee write that in temporalibus we be Caput and in spiritualibus we be not It seemeth that neither your example agreeth in similitude with that yee bring it in for nor is there in learning or common speech used the scrupulosity in answers yee write of Truth it is that the question in plain words containeth two parts expressly whereof the one is true th' other false our yea or nay cannot be answered for there should appear a manifest lye which Gods law detesteth and naturally is abhorred as if it should be asked Us if We were King of England and of Denmark our nay or yea should not suffice But it is farre otherwise both in matters of Learning and common speech where the words in the question may by divers interpretations or relations contain two things and yet in expression contain but one As if a man should ask Us An filius pater unum sunt We would not doubt to answer and say Yea as the Scripture saith for it is truly answered and to make a lye is but Sophistication drawing the word unum to person wherein it is a lye If one were asked the question Whether the man and wife were one he might boldly and truly say Yea and yet it is distinctione corporum naturalium a lie and to the question Vtrum Ecclesiam constet ex bonis malis Yea and yet as yee define Ecclesiam it it is a lie The reason of diversityis this for that it is not supposed men would abuse words but apply them to signifie truth and not to signifie a lie wherein the Arrians offending took occasion of heresies For that which is in Scripture written is a most certain truth and as it is there written so and no otherwise would Christ have answered if the question had been asked An Pater esset major illo he would have said yea as it is written And if the Arrians would have taken for a truth that of him that is truth and speaketh truth and from whom proceedeth but truth they would have brought a distinction with them to set forth truly and not disprove that it was truly written by sophistication of the word When S. James wrote Fides sine operibus mortua est he wrote truth and so did S. Paul Quod fides justificat absque operibus legis which it could not do if it were mortua Either of these made a single asseveration of a sentence by interpretation containing two trusting that the Reader would pio animo so understand them as their sayings might as they do indeed agree with truth It is never to be thought men will willingly without shame lye And therefore the sense if any may be gathered true or like to be true is to be taken and not that which is a lye And when we write to the Pope Sanctissimo we mean not holier then S. Peter though it sound so and he that in our Letters should object that should be thought ridiculous He that should say he rode beyond the sea were not conveniently interrupted in his tale by him that would object sailing upon the sea where he could not ride at all And rather then men would note a lye when they know what is meant they will sooner by allegory or methaphor draw the word to the truth then by cavillation of the word note a lye Hath not the Pope been called Caput Ecclesiae and who hath put any addition unto it Have not men said that the Pope may dispence cum Jure divino and yet in a part Juris divini viz. moralis naturalis the same men would say he might not dispence wherefore if in all other matters it was never thought inconvenient to speak absolutely the truth without distinction why should there be more scruple in our case The truth cannot be changed by words that we be as Gods law suffereth us to be whereunto we do and must conform our selves And if ye understand as ye ought to understand Temporalibus for the passing over this life in quietness ye at last descend to agree to that which in the former part of your Letters you intend to impugne and sticking to that it were most improperly spoken to say We be illius Ecclesiae Caput in temporalibus which hath not temporalia Queen Anne of Bullen to King Henry from the Tower May 6. 1536. SIR YOur Graces displeasure and my imprisonment are things so strange unto me as what to write or what to excuse I am altogether ignorant Whereas you send unto me willing me to confess a truth and so to obtain your favour by such a one whom you know to be my ancient professed enemy I no sooner received this message then I rightly conceived your menning And if as you say confessing a truth indeed may procure my safety I shall with all willingness and duty perform your command but let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor wife will ever be brought to acknowledg a fault where not so much as a thought ever proceeded And to speak a truth never Prince had wife more loyal in all duty and in all true affection then you have ever found in Anne Bullen with which name and place I could willingly have contented my self if God and your Graces pleasure had so been pleased Neither did I at any time forget my self in my exaltation or received Queenship but that I always look'd for such an alteration as now I find the ground of my preferment being on no surer foundation then your Graces fancie the least alteration whereof I knew was fit and sufficient to draw that fancie to some other subject You have chosen me from a low estate to be your Queen and Companion far beyond my desert or desire If then you find me worthy of such honour Good your Grace let not any light fancie or bad councel of my Enemies withdraw your Princely favour from me neither let that stain that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your good Grace ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife and the
late Majestie and of his which now is who have been pleased not to question my actions c. Hereunto I have laboured exactly to obey but find that a plain and clear answer cannot possibly be made untill there be a cleer understanding of the thing propounded so that I may crave pardon if my answer be not so cleer as I could wish it for I must freely acknowledge that I no way understand what is meant by the security I am now in whether it be by the present estate I am now in or not If it be so I conceive a man cannot be under a harder Condition for your Lordship knoweth that by order my person is restrained and you were pleased lately to send me word that you would not advise me to make use of the liberty which his late Majestie had given me of coming to London although that were onely to follow my private affairs and for the recovery of my decayed health I stand likewise prohibited to come to the Court or to the Kings presence I passe by my being removed from all my places and offices and wholly depending upon his Majesties royal pleasure But being a Peer of this Realm I have not onely by Commandment been formerly stayed from the Parliament but of late my writ hath been detained as though my honour were forfeited And this is truly the Condition I am now in but I cannot imagine that this is the security intended I should rest in but am in hope that the security intended is that I may for the future enjoy the liberty of a free Subject and the priviledges of a Peer of the Kingdom Which being so I shall with all humility acknowledge his Majesties grace and favour and be ready to serve him with all fidelity even to the laying down of my life not thinking it to stand with the duty of a Subject to presse his being questioned since such being the pleasure of his Soveraign it were not in the power of any subject to avoid it But in case his Majestie shall be pleased to bring me to any legal tryal I shall most willingly and dutifully submit my self thereunto and doubt not but my innocency in the end will be my best Mediatour for his Majesties future favour And in that Case I am a suitor that my Writ of Parliament as a Peer of this Realm may be sent unto me and that my present repair to London may not displease his Majestie As for the pardon of the 21. Reg. Jacobi which you mention I should renounce but that I know that the justest and most cautious man living may through ignorance or omission offend the Lawes so that as a Subject I shall not disclaim any benefit which cometh in the general as it doth usually to all other Subjects in the Kingdom But as for any Crime in particular that may trench upon my imployments in point of Loyalty fidelity or want of affection to the King or State I know my innocency to be such that I am confident I shall not need that pardon I shall conclude with a most humble suit unto your Lordship that out of your noblenesse and that friendship that hath been betwixt us you will use your best endeavours both with his Majestie and the Duke that this unfortunate businesse may be past over by the renewing whereof I can see little use that can be made but the adding to a mans misfortunes already sufficiently humbled For I am ready to do all that a man of honour and honestie may do but rather then to do any thing that may be prejudicial to me in that kind to suffer whatsoever it shall please God to send And so with the remembrance of my humble service unto your Lordship I recommend you unto Gods holy protection And rest Sherborn Lodge c. Your Lordships humble servant Bristol Here next follow the Letters of my Lord of Bristol concerning the businesse of the Match The E. of Bristol to the Lord Bishop of Lincoln Aug. 20 1623. My very worthy Lord I Give you many thanks for your Letter of the 23d. of July by which I understand your great care of me by seconding a former motion it pleased your Lordship to make of having me reconciled to my Lord Dukes favour A thing which I have infinitely desired and have esteemed the good offices you have been pleased to do therein as a very high obligation your Lordship puts upon me But I conâ—eive your Lordship will find that any motion you have made in that kind unto his Grace hath been despised rather then received with any thankfulnesse or that he hath returned you any answer of his inclination thereunto For the truth is my Lord doth look down upon my poor Condition with that scorn and contempt that I conjecture the very moving of any such thing especially under the term of reconciliation hath not been pleasing unto his Lordship But thereof your Lordship can make the best judgment by the answer you received from him I do but guesse thereat by what I have heard he hath been pleased to say and the manner wherewith he hath used me Which hath been such that the Spaniards themselves which most afflicted me have out of compassion pitied me Yet I may with much truth assure your Lordship that I have not omitted towards him either any respect or service that was fit for me to perform either towards his person or the high place he holdeth in my Masters favour or unto his present imployment well knowing how undecent and scandalous a thing it is for the Ministers of a Prince to run different wayes in a strange Court but have attended him in all his publique audience and used in all kinds that respect and observance towards him that I think malice her self cannot charge me with an omission And my Lord this is the truth whatsoever may be said or written to the contrary It is true that some four moneths since in a businesse that no lesse concerned his Majestie and the Prince's service then abruptly to have broken off all our Treaty I was far differing from my Lords opinion And thereupon happened betwixt us some dispute in debate of the businesse but without any thing that was personal and there was no creature living at it but the Prince to whose Censure I shall willingly refer my self In me I protest it unto your Lordship it made no alteration but within half an hour I came to him with the same reverence and respect that I was wont to do the which I have continued ever since so that I have much wondered how it cometh to be so much spoken of in England that my Lord Duke and my self should live here at too much distance And I cannot find any other reason for it but that every body hath taken so much notice of my ill and contemptible usage that they think it unpossible for any Gentleman but to be sensible of it But if any one disrespect or omission from me towards
their particular for any thing whatsoever done till now either by the league in general or by whomsoever of the united in particular because that the league was made two years and more before his Majestie of great Brittain broke with Spain or that the King of Denmark had declared himself Since the time that these two Kings are come to the Dance your Highnesse hath not levied one man and the Forces which you do yet keep as they were not levied so are they not maintained in Contemplation of the two Kings but onely for the first reasons of the League The onely thing here sought for is to go with a common pace that those that are now too heavily laden may be supported by their friends either by way of diversion or by way of assistance And therefore your Highnesse and other Princes are now requested to help seeing there is small appearance of diversion And set the case that the Peace between Spain and France should be firm would it not turn against the Common Cause Italiae incendium ruina Germaniae extinguere To quench a little fire in Italy by the ruine of whole Germany In Chronical diseases Physitians do not so much respect the symptomes and accidents as they do the causes of the evil The Valtoline Palatinate Hussia Marchisat of Baden Dukedome of Brunswick and so many other Countries attempted and oppressed by the Spanish and Austrian usurpation are grievous and dangerous symptomes and accidents but the Cause and fewel of the evil remains yet in the ambitious bowels of the Spaniard who now with spread sailes goeth on towards the universal Monarchie unlesse there be applied betimes some fit remedies all topick remedies will do but little good The King of Denmark doth offer himself ready to apply such an issue whereby he may be brought back to terms of modestie and with the assistance he doth expect from your Highnesse and other interessed Princes he hopeth to bring his good intent to passe And being prodigal of his great Soul there is no doubt he will ever go back unlesse he be forsaken Thus there remains the Common liberty almost in your hands and if this most excellent Senate resolves to give ayd unto that King that libertie will be preserved If you do forsake him that will also be indangered yea lost I therefore beseech your Highnesse to ponder well this matter and to grant such an assistance as is requested by the King of Denmarks Embassadour Sir Henry Wootton to the Duk. My most Noble Lord I Will be bold by this opportunity to give his Majestie through your Lordships hands an accompt of a Command which I had from him at Theobalds about sounding how the Venetian Embassadour stood satisfied with the late determination touching his predecessour Donato I did visit the said Embassadour immediatly at my return from the King and saluted him as by expresse Commandment interjecting some words of mine own gladnesse that he had received contentment in this tender point which would signalize his beginnings This I said because in truth I had found him alwaies before the more passionate in it by some reflection upon himself His answer after due thanks for his Majesties gracious remembrance of him from abroad was That for his own part he was Contentissimo and had represented things home in the best manner He hoped likewise it would be well tasted there also though with some doubt because the State out of their own devotion towards his Majestie might form a confidence of expecting more I replyed that the King upon the matter if we consider disgrace had done more then themselves for he was but once banished at Venice and twice here viz. once from the Verge of the Court and secondly from London which was as much as could be done with preservation of National immunities and more then would have been done at the suit of any other Embassadour here resident or perhaps of any of their own hereafter if the like case shall occur For as I told him it was the Kings expresse will that his particular respect to the republique and to him in this businesse should not be drawn into examples With this point he was not a little pleased for his own glory and said that indeed Mr. Secretarie Nanton had told him so This was the summe of what passed between us omitting impertinencies Let me end my dear Lord as I am bound in all the use either of my pen or of my voice with an humble and hearty acknowledgment of my great obligations towards your Lordship which will make me resolve and in good faith unhappy till I can some way shew my self Your Lordships most thankful and faithful servant Henry Wootton 25th of January 1619. Sir Henry Wotton to the Duke My most honoured Lord and Patron THese poor lines will be presented unto your Lordship by my Nephew one of your obliged servants and withal some description as I have prayed him of my long infirmities which have cast me behind in many private and often interrupted even my publique Duties with which yet I do rather seek to excuse some other defects of service then my silence towards your Lordship For to importune your Lordship seldom with my pen is a choice in me and not a disease having resolved to live at what distance soever from your sight like one who had well studied before I came hither how secure they are whom you once vouchsafe any part of your love And indeed I am well confirmed therein by your own gracious lines for thereby I see that your Lordship had me in your meditation when I scant remembred my self In answer of which Letter after some respite from mine own evils I have deputed my said Nephew to redeliver my fortune into your Noble hands and to assure your Lordship that as it should be cheerfully spent at your Command if it were present and actual from whose mediation I have derived it so much more am I bound to yeeld up unto your Lordship an absolute disposition of my hopes But if it should please you therein to grant me any part of mine own humour then I would rather wish some other satisfaction then exchange of Office yet even in this point likewise shall depend on your will which your Lordship may indeed challenge from me not onely by an humble gratitude and reverence due to your most worthy person but even by that natural charity and discretion which I owe my self For what do I more therein then onely remit to your own arbitrement the valuation of your own goodnesse I have likewise committed to my foresaid Nephew some Memorials touching your Lordships familiar service as I may term it in matter of art and delight But though I have laid these Offices upon another yet I joy with mine own pen to give your Lordship an account of a Gentleman worthier of your love then I was of the honour to receive him from you We are now after his well spent travailes in the
the head directing and your people as the hands and feet obeying and co-operating for the honour safety and welfare of the bodie of the State This will revive and reunite your friends abroad and dismay and disappoint the hopes of your enemies secure your Majesties person assure your estate and make your memorie glorious to posterity Pardon I most humbly beseech your Majestie this licentious freedome which the zeal of your safetie and service hath extorted from a tongue-tyed man who putteth his heart into his Majesties hand and humbly prostrateth himself at your Royal feet as being Your Majesties Most humble most obedient obliged Creature Subject and Servant Carlile The Earl of Carlile to the Duke the 20. of November 1625. My most Noble dear Lord SInce my Last to your Lordship by Mr. Endimion Porter there hath not happened any matter of great moment or alteration here saving the resolution which his Majestie hath taken by the advice of his Councel for the disarming of all the Popish Lords In the execution whereof there fell out a brabble at the Lord Vaux his house in North-hamptonshire wherein there were some blowes exchanged between the said Lord and Mr. Knightly a Justice of the Peace who assisted the Deputie Lievtenant in that action Whereof complaint being made his Majestie was pleased himself in Councel to have the hearing of the businesse and upon examination to refer the judgement thereof to the Star-Chamber the next Term. But at the issuing out of the Councel Chamber the Lord Vaux taking occasion to speak to Sir William Spencer who with the rest had given information in favour of Mr. Knightly told him that though he neglected his reputation before the Lords yet he doubted not but he would have more care of his oath when the businesse should come to Examination in the Star-Chamber Herewith Sir VVilliam Spencer finding his reputation challenged presently complained and thereupon the words being acknowledged the Lord Vaux was committed prisoner to the Fleet. In the disarming of the Lords-Recusants there was as much respect had of some who have relation to your Lordship as you your self would desire The Papists in general here do give some cause of jealousie by their Combinations and Murmurings wherein it is suspected that they are as fondly as busily encouraged by the pragmatical Mounsieurs But his Majesties temper and wisdom will be sufficient to prevent all inconveniencie which their follie or passion may contrive There is one Sir Thomas Gerrard a Recusant brought up hither out of Lancashire being accused of some treacherous design against his Majesties Person Rochel is so straightly blocked by Sea and Land as no Intelligence can be sent into the Town We have not as yet any clear Categorical answers touching the restitution of our ships As soon as any thing more worthy of your Lordships knowledge shall occur you shall not fail to be advertised from him that is eternally vowed Your Graces Most faithful friend and most humble servant Carlile The Earl of Carlile to the Duke My most Noble dear Lord I Must ever acknowledge my self infinitely obliged to your Lordship for many Noble favours but for none more then the freedome and true cordial friendship expressed in your last Letter touching my son And I shall humbly beseech your Lordship in all occasions to continue that free and friendly manner of proceeding which I shall ever justly esteem as the most real testimonie of your favour towards me Your Lordship will now be pleased to give me leave with the same freedom and sinceritie to give your Lordship an account that it is now 4. moneths since the Count of Mansfelt made the proposition to me to nominate my son to be one of his Colonels as he did likewise to my Lord of Holland for his Brother Sir Charles Rich which at the first I must deal plainly with your Lordship I took for a piece of art as if he knowing that next to the benefit and assistance he received from your Lordships favour and protection we were the most active instruments imployed in his businesse and therefore he sought to ingage us so much the farther by this interest But afterwards I found that under the shadow of this Complement put upon me he had a desire to gratifie Sir James Ramsey whom he designed to be my sons Lievtenant having regard to his former deserts and the courage and sufficiencie he hath found in him I professe unto your Lordship sincerely that he received no other encouragement or acceptance from me then a bare negative Insomuch as he afterwards sent a Gentleman to tell me That he perceived whatsoever he should expect from me in the furtherance of his businesse must be onely for the respect I bare to my Masters service and nothing for love of his person since I accepted not the proffer of his service My Lord of Holland can justifie the truth of this assertion who alone was acquainted with that which passed for I protest upon my salvation that I neither spake of it to any creature living not so much as to my son neither have I written one word thereof to the Count Mansfelt neither knew I any thing of his proceedings till by the last Currier Mr. Secretarie was pleased to acquaint me with the nomination of my son If I had seriously intended any such thing I want not so much judgment and discretion as not first to discover my desire to my gracious Master humbly craving his leave and allowance And I should not have failed to have recourse to your Lordships favourable assistance therein And thus my Noble Lord have I given you an account what entertainment I gave to the Count Mansfelts Complement And I will be bold also to give your Lordship this further assurance that no particular interest or consideration of mine own shall have power to alter my constant course of serving my gracious Master faithfully and industriously And so humbly submitting all to his Majesties good pleasure and your Lordships wisdom I remain eternally Your Graces most faithful friend and humble servant Carlile Postscript I Most humbly beseech your Lordship that this unfortunate Complement put upon my son may be no prejudice to the deserts of Sir James Ramsey The Lord Kensington to the Duke My Noblest Lord I Find the Queen Mother hath the onely power of governing in this State and I am glad to find it so since she promises and professes to use it to do careful and good offices in the way of increasing the friendship that is between us and this State and likewise to relieve and assist the united provinces the which they are preparing to do fullie and bravely for she hath now a clear sight of the pretentions of the King of Spain unto the Monarchie of Christendom during the absence of the King who went out of this town earlie the next day after I arrived here before I was prepared to attend him I have been often at the Louure where I had the
wherefore doth the Scripture call Christ primogenitum whereupon and the Adverb donec was maintained the error contra perpetuam virginitatem Mariae Why have we in the Church S. Pauls Epistle which S. Peter writeth to have been the occasion of errors Why did Christ speak of many words which the Jews drew ad calumniam and yet reformed them not as when he said Solvam Templum hoc c. meaning of his body where Templum with them had another signification And such other like There is none other cause but this Omnia quae scripta sunt ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt And by that Learning we ought to apply and draw words to the truth and so to understand them as they may signifie truth and not so to wrest them as they should maintain a lye For otherwise as Heretiques have done with the holy Scripture so shall all men do with familiar speech and if all things shall be brought into familiar disputation he that shall call us Supremum unicum Dominum by that means and as goeth your argument might be reproved For Christ is indeed unicus Dominus Supremus as we confess him in the Church daily and now it is in opinion that Sancti be not Mediators The contrary whereof ye affirm in your Letters because of the Text of S. Paul Vnus est Mediator Deum hominum And after that manner of reason which ye use in the entry if any man should say This Land is mine own and none hath right in it but I he might be reproved by the Psalm Domini est terra For why should a man call terram aliquam onely his whereof God is the chief Lord and Owner Why is it admitted in familiar speech to call a man dead of whom the soul which is the chief and best part yet liveth How is it that we say this man or that man to be founder of this Church seeing that in one respect God is only founder We say likewise that he is a good man to the Church a special benefactor of the Church and that the Church is fallen down when the stones be fallen down the people preserved and living And in all this manner of speech when we hear them it is not accustomed â—e used to do as ye do that is to say to draw the word Church to that sentence wherein the speech may be a lye but to take it in that wherein it signifieth truth Which accustomed manner if ye had followed you should not have needed to have laboured so much in the declaration of the word Ecclesia in that signification wherein it is most rarely taken and cannot without maintenance of too manifest a lye be applied to any man For taking Ecclesia in that sense ye take it S. Paul wrote amiss writing to the Corinthians saying Ecclesia Dei quae est Corinthi for by your definition non circumscribitur loco Ecclesia In the Gospel where Christ said Dic Ecclesiae must needs have another interpretation and definition then ye make de Ecclesia in your said Letters or else it were hard to make complaint to all Christendom as the case in the Gospel requireth Sed est candidi pectoris verba veritati accommodare ut ipsam referre quod torum officium est non corrumpere videantur Furthermore the Lawiers that write how Ecclesia fallit fallitur what blasphemy do they affirm if that definition should be given to Ecclesia which you write in your Letters wherein albeit ye write the truth for so far yet for as much as ye draw that to the words spoken of us to the reprobation of them yet ye shew your selves contrary to the teaching of Scripture rather inclined by applying a divers definition to make that a lye which is truly spoken then genuino sensu addita candida interpretatione to verifie the same It were nimis absurdum Us to be called Caput Ecclesiae representans corpus Christi mysticum Ecclesiae quae sine ruga est macula quam Christus sibi Sponsam elegit illius partem vel oblatam accipere vel arrogare And therefore albeit Ecclesia is spoken of in these words touched in the Proeme yet there is added Et Cleri Anglicani which words conjoined restraineth by way of interpretation the word Ecclesiam and is as much to say as the Church that is to say the Clergy of England Which manner of speaking in the Law ye have professed ye many times finde and likewise in many other places But proceeding in your said Letter ye have shewed Christ to be Caput Ecclesiae ye go about to shew how he divided his power in earth after the distinction temporalium spiritualium whereof the one ye say he committed to Princes the other Sacerdotibus for Princes ye alleadg Texts which sheweth and proveth obedience due to Princes of all men without distinction be he Priest Clerk Bishop or Lay-man who make together the Church and albeit your own words make mention of temporal things wherein ye say they should be obeyed yet the Texts of Scripture which ye alleadg having the general words obedite subditi estote contain no such words whereby spiritual things should be excluded but whatsoever appertaineth to the tranquility of mans life is of necessity included as the words plainly import as ye also confess wherefore Gladium portat Prince ps not only against them that break his Commandment and Laws but against him also that in any wife breaketh Gods Law For we may not more regard our Law then God ne punish the breach of our Laws and leave the transgressor of Gods Laws unreformed so as all spiritual things by reason whereof may arise bodily trouble and inquietation be necessarily included in Princes Power and so proveth the Text of Scripture by you alleadged and also the Doctors by you brought in confirm the same After that ye intend to prove which no man will deny the ministration of spiritual things to have been by Christ committed to Priests to Preach and minister the Sacraments them to be as Phisicians to mens souls but in these Scriptures neither by spiritual things so far extended as under colour of that vocabule be now adaies ne it proveth not that their office being never so excellent yet their persons acts and deeds should not be under the power of their Prince by God assigned whom they should knowledg as their Head the excellency of the matter of the Office doth not alwaies in all points extoll the dignity of the Minister Christ who did most perfectly use the Office of a Priest nihil aliud quam vere curavit animas gainsaid not the authority of Pilate upon that ground and St. Paul executing the Office of a Priest said ad tribunal Caesaris sto ubi me judicari oportet And commanded likewise indistinctly all others to obey Princes and yet unto those Priests being as members executing that Office Princes do honour for so is Gods pleasure and
be humbled by knowing her self and her own ignorance Not only knowledge but also every other gift which we call the gifts of fortune have power to pull up earthly Afflictions only level these Mole-hils of pride plough the heart and make it fit for Wisdom to sow her seed and for Grace to bring forth her increase Happy is that man therefore both in regard of heavenly and earthly wisdom that is thus wounded to be cured thus broken to be made straight thus made acquainted with his own imperfections that he may be perfected Supposing this to be the time of your affliction that which I have propounded to my self is by taking this seasonable advantage like a true friend though far unworthy to be counted so to shew you your true shape in a glass and that not in a false one to flatter you nor yet in one that should make you seem worse then you are and so offend you but in one made by the reflexion of your own words and actions from whose light proceeds the voice of the people which is often not unfitly called the voice of God but therein since I purposed a truth I must intreat liberty to be plain a liberty that at this time I know not whether or no I may use safely I am sure at other times I could not yet of this resolve your self it proceedeth from love and a true desire to do you good that you knowing the generall opinion may not altogether neglect or contemn it but mend what you find amiss in yourself and tain what your judgment shall approve for to this end shall truth be delivered as naked as if your self were to be anatomized by the hand of opinion All men can see their own profit that part of the wallet hangs before A true friend whose worthy office I would perform since I fear both your self and all great men want such being themselves true friends to few or none is first to shew the other and which is from your eyes First therefore behold your errors In discourse you delight to speak too much not to hear other men this some say becomes a pleader not a Judge for by this sometimes your affections are intangled with a love of your own arguments though they be the weaker and rejecting of those which when your affections were setled your own judgment would allow for strongest Thus while you speak in your own Element the Law no man ordinarily equals you but when you wander as you often delight to do you then wander indeed and give never such satisfaction as the curious time requires This is not caused by any naturall defect but first for want of election when you having a large and fruitfull mind should not so much labour what to speak as to find what to leave unspoken rich soils are often to be weeded Secondly you cloy your auditory when you would be observed speech must either be sweet or short Thirdly you converse with Books not men and Books specially humane and have no excellent choyce with men who are the best Books for a man of action and imployment you seldome converse with and then but with your underlings not freely but as a Schoolmaster with his Scholars ever to teach never to learn But if somtimes you would in your familiar discourse hear others and make election of such as know what they speak you should know many of these tales you tell to be but ordinary and many other things which you delight to repeat and serve in for novelties to be but stale As in your pleadings you were wont to insult over misery and to inveigh bitterly at the persons which bred you many enemies whose poyson yet swelleth and the effects now appear so are you still wont to be a little careless in this point to praise or disgrace upon slight grounds and that sometimes untruly so that your reproofs or commendations are for the most part neglected and contemned when the censure of a Judge coming slow but sure should be a brand to the guilty and a crown to the vertuous You will jest at any man in publique without respect of the persons dignity or your own This disgraceth your gravity more then it can advance the opinion of your wit and so do all actions which we see you do directly with a touch of vain-glory having no respect to the true end You make the Law to lean too much to your opinion whereby you shew your self to be a legall Tyrant striking with that weapon where you please since you are able to turn the edge any way For thus the wise Master of the Law gives warning to young Students that they should be wary lest while they hope to be instructed by your integrity and knowledge they should be deceived with your skill armed with authority Your too much love of the world is too much seen when having the living of 10000 l. you relieve few or none The hand that hath taken so much can it give so little Herein you shew no bowels of compassion as if you thought all too little for your self or that God had given you all that you have if you think wealth to be his gift I mean that you get well for I know sure the rest is not only to that end you should still gather more and never be satisfied but try how much you could gather to accompt for all at the great and generall Audit-day We desire you to amend this and let your poor Tenants in Norfolk find some comfort where nothing of your estate is spent towards their relief but all brought up hither to the impoverishing of your Country In your last which might have been your best peece of service to the State affectioned to follow that old rule which giveth Justice leaden heels and iron hands you used too many delayes till the Delinquents hands were loosed and yours bound In that work you seemed another Fabius here the humour of Marcellus would have done better What needed you have sought more evidences then enough While you pretended the finding out of more missing your aim you discredited what you had found This best Judgments think though you never used such speeches as are fathered upon you yet you might well have done it and but rightly For this crime was second to none but the Powder-plot That would have blown up all at one blow a mercifull cruelty this would have done the same by degrees a lingring but a sure way one might by one be called out till all opposers had been removed Besides that other Plot was scandalous to Rome making Popery odious in the sight of the whole world This hath been scandalous to the truth of the whole Gospel and since the first nullity to this instant when Justice hath her hands bound the Devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to our State and Church then this hath been is and is like to be God avert the evil But herein you committed another
England will do nothing 136 138 141 143 151. Dismembred 147 Parliaments tumultuous 229 230 Pastrana Duke 142 Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland 90 Perez Don Antonio Secretary to Philip the Second of Spain 100 Perrot Sir John Deputy of Ireland 13. His care of that Kingdome 17 Philip the Second of Spain transplants whole Families of the Portugese 51 Philip the Third of Spain upon his death-bed 125 c. Philips Sir Robert 155. Francis his brother ibid. Physick modern 75 Pius Quintus his Excommunication of the Queen because of the Rebellion in the North 39 Polander defeats the Turks 198 Pope not more holy then S. Peter 8 Tyranny of Popes 39 Powder plot 67 Pretence of conscience 38 Preachers Licences to preach 183 Directions for preaching 184 Presbytery as mischievous to private men as to Princes 41. See Puritans Priesthood how to be honoured 45 Princes to be obeyed and by whom ibid. by Christs Law 7. Supreme Heads 5. Driven out must not give their Vsurpers too long time to establish themselves 147 Privy Seal for transporting of Horse 217 Puritans in the time of Queen Elizabeth 40. Would bring Democracie into the Church promise impossible wonders of the Discipline 41. Fiery Rebellious contemn the Magistrate ibid. Feared not without cause by King James 193 Q Quadrivials 75 R Ranelagh in Ireland 237 Rawleigh Sir Walter 85 86 Ree Iland 203 Rich Baronness sister to Essex writes to the dishonour of the Queen and advantage of the Earl 32 Richardson Chief Justice of the Bench 228 Richer forced by Richlieu recants his opinions against the Papal Supremacy over Kings 196 Richlieu Cardinal greatly solicitous for the English Romane Catholicks 197 Rochel 200. in what condition at the surrender 202 â—03 Fifteen thousand dye of the famine ibid. Rohan Dutchess in Rochel during the siege 202. Dukâ— 204 206 208 210 Romish Priests seduce the subjects from their obidience their practices against the Queens sacred person 39 40 Roman Catholicks sue to King James at his entrance for toleration 82 83. great lovers of him the only g od subjects witness the Mine then plotted 82 their Religion upon their own words 83 84 Russel Sir William 237 Ruthuen after Lord Ruthuen unhandsomely used by the Earl of Northumberland 106 107 S St. John Oliver against Taxes contrary to Magna Charta c. would not have Oathes violated in which the divine Majesty is invocated fearful of the Arch-Bishops Excommunication 160 Saxonie Elector 114 Scandal what 97 Scriptures how to be expounded 23 Seminaries blossom 39 in Ireland seditious appear in their habits 240 241 Serita Don John 125 Sin immortal to respect any of the English Church 101 Southampton Earl 58 Spaniards designe upon Ireland 17 spoil base Bologne 37. lose their Apostles 47. wrong and oppress the English Merchants 97 98 99 102 103. suits in Spain immortal ibid. give pensions to the Irish renegadoes 100 101. unreasonable in the businesse of the Match 127 137 146. swear and damn themselves yet never intended it 132 c. their unworthy sleights to make K James jealous of the Prince and others 152 153 oppose the rights and successiâ—n of the Duke of Nevers to Maâ—tua and Mâ—ntferrat 234 lose their silver Fleet poor 240 Spencer Edmund see Fairy Queen his worth and Learning 245 252 Spinola Marquess 198 199 Spiritualia how to be taken 56 Stanley Sir William 18 Superstition worse the Atheisme 160 Supreme Head the Kings Title 1â—2 c. 39 T Tilly Count 131 Toirax Governor of the Fort in the I le of Ree 201 Toledo Cardinal 123 Toleration of Religion in Ireland necessary 52 Treason of the Papists in the clouds 40 cannot beget fâ—ir passions 86 Treaty with Tyrone 43 44. of Bruxels 127 128 Trimouille Duke 37 Turks against the Pander 198 Tyrone 43 44 101 V Valette Cardinal 197 Venetians side with the Mantouan 239 240 Villeroye Secretary of France 195 Urban the Eight encourages Louis the Thirteenth to fall upon the Hugonots 211 212. against the Spaniards 240 Usurpers exhalations 37 W Wallop Sir Henry has ill Offices done him to the Queen 19 Walsingham Sir Francis his reasons why the Queene sometimes restrains and punishes the Puritans 38 Warham Archbishop of Canterbury 98 Warrants of the Queen to the Lords of Ireland at the going over of Sir John Petot 14 15 Weston Sir Ridhard Chancellour of the Exchequer after L. Treasurer and Earl of Portland 128 Wilks Sir Thomas 36 37 Willoughby Lord 90 Winchester Bishop 189 Words are to be construed to make truth 8 Y. Yelverton Sir Henry censured in the Starchamber 107 108 109 Ynoiosa Marquesse 152. his base carriage to King James 153 Z. Zunige Don Balthazar 109 112 c. 130 FINIS